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diff --git a/old/62259-0.txt b/old/62259-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f91f11e..0000000 --- a/old/62259-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6237 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Basis of Social Relations, by Daniel G. Brinton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll -have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using -this ebook. - - - -Title: The Basis of Social Relations - A Study in Ethnic Psychology - -Author: Daniel G. Brinton - -Editor: Livingston Farrand - -Release Date: May 28, 2020 [EBook #62259] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BASIS OF SOCIAL RELATIONS *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing, Julia Miller, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - - - THE SCIENCE SERIES - - - 1. =The Study of Man.= By A. C. HADDON. Illustrated. 8º - - 2. =The Groundwork of Science.= By ST. GEORGE MIVART. - - 3. =Rivers of North America.= By ISRAEL C. RUSSELL. Illustrated. - - 4. =Earth Sculpture; or, The Origin of Land Forms.= By JAMES GEIKIE. - Illustrated. - - 5. =Volcanoes; Their Structure and Significance.= By T. G. BONNEY. - Illustrated. - - 6. =Bacteria.= By GEORGE NEWMAN. Illustrated. - - 7. =A Book of Whales.= By F. E. BEDDARD. Illustrated. - - 8. =Comparative Physiology of the Brain=, etc. By JACQUES LOEB. - Illustrated. - - 9. =The Stars.= By SIMON NEWCOMB. Illustrated. - - 10. =The Basis of Social Relations.= By DANIEL G. BRINTON. - - * * * * * - - _For list of works in preparation see end of this volume._ - - The Science Series - - EDITED BY - - Professor J. McKeen Cattell, M.A., Ph.D. - - AND - - F. E. Beddard, M.A., F.R.S. - - - - - THE BASIS OF SOCIAL RELATIONS - - -[Illustration] - - - - - The Basis of Social Relations - A Study in Ethnic Psychology - - - By - - Daniel G. Brinton, A.M., M.D., LL.D., Sc.D. - - Late Professor of American Archæology and Linguistics in the University - of Pennsylvania; author of “History of Primitive Religions,” “Races and - Peoples,” “The American Race,” etc. - - - Edited by - Livingston Farrand - Columbia University - - - G. P. Putnam’s Sons - New York and London - The Knickerbocker Press - 1902 - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1902 - BY - G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS - - - The Knickerbocker Press, New York - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - EDITOR’S PREFACE - - -The manuscript of the following work was left by Dr. Brinton at his -death in 1899 in a state of approximate completion, lacking only final -revision at his hands. The editor has contented himself, therefore, with -making such verbal corrections as were necessary and, by slight -rearrangement of certain sections to conform to the obvious scheme of -the work, bringing the text into readiness for publication. The -verification and noting of references have not been attempted. The -author’s encyclopedic acquaintance with the literature of his subject as -well as his general method of quotation has made this impracticable. - -Dr. Brinton’s contributions to anthropology are too well known to call -for especial comment, his writings, particularly in the fields of -American archæology and linguistics, being so numerous and valuable as -to give him a world-wide reputation. His interest, however, was general -as well as special, and the development of anthropology owes much to his -insight and ready pen. Among the doctrines for which he stood at all -times an active champion was the psychological unity of man, a principle -which is now widely accepted and forms the working basis for most of our -modern ethnology. Tacitly assumed, as it is and has been, for the most -part since the writings of Waitz, the need of a succinct statement of -the doctrine has long been felt, and this is now given, possibly in -somewhat extreme form, in the present work. - -Apart from its intrinsic interest the book will be welcomed as the last -word of the distinguished author whose lamented death has deprived the -science of anthropology of one of its ablest representatives. - - L. F. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PAGE - INTRODUCTION vii - - - PART I - - THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE ETHNIC MIND - - - CHAPTER I - - THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN MIND 3 - - - CHAPTER II - - THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE GROUP. THE ETHNIC MIND 23 - - - CHAPTER III - - PHYSIOLOGICAL VARIATION IN THE ETHNIC MIND. PROGRESSIVE AND - REGRESSIVE VARIATION. MODES AND RATES OF ETHNIC VARIATION 46 - - - CHAPTER IV - - PATHOLOGICAL VARIATION IN THE ETHNIC MIND 82 - - - PART II - - THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE ETHNIC MIND - - INTRODUCTION 123 - - - CHAPTER I - - THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOMATIC ENVIRONMENT 126 - - - CHAPTER II - - ETHNIC MENTAL DIVERSITY FROM COGNATIC CAUSES. HEREDITY; HYBRIDITY; - RACIAL PATHOLOGY 147 - - - CHAPTER III - - THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 163 - - - CHAPTER IV - - THE INFLUENCE OF THE GEOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENT 180 - - - INDEX 201 - - - - - INTRODUCTION - - -It is strange that not in any language has there been published a -systematic treatise on Ethnic Psychology; strange, because the theme is -in nowise a new one but has been the subject of many papers and -discussions for a generation; indeed, had a journal dedicated to its -service for a score of years; strange, also, because its students claim -that it is the key to ethnology, the sure interpreter of history, and -the only solid basis for constructive sociology. - -Why this apparent failure to establish for itself a position in the -temple of the Science of Man? This inquiry must be answered on the -threshold of a treatise which undertakes to vindicate for this study an -independent position and a permanent value. - -It has been cultivated chiefly by German writers. The periodical to -which I have referred was begun in 1860, under the editorship of Dr. M. -Lazarus and Dr. H. Steinthal, the former a psychologist, the latter a -logician and linguist. The contributors to it often occupied high places -in the learned world. Their articles, usually on special points in -ethnography or linguistics, were replete with thought and facts. But -they failed to convince their contemporaries that there was any room in -the hierarchy of the sciences for this newcomer. The failure was so -palpable that after twenty years’ struggle the editors abandoned their -task. But the seed they sowed had not perished in the soil. Under other -names it struck root and flourished, and is now asserting for itself a -right to live by virtue of its real worth to the right understanding of -human progress. - -Why, then, this failure of its earlier cultivation? - -To some extent, but not in full, the answer to this may be found in a -critique of the spirit and method of the writers mentioned, offered by -one of the most eminent psychologists of our generation, Professor W. -Wundt. - -With partial justice, he pointed out that these teachers proceeded on a -false route in their effort to establish the principles of an ethnic -psychology. They approached it imbued with metaphysical ingenuities, -they indulged too much in talk of “soul,” and they searched for “laws”; -whereas, modern psychology recognises only “psychic processes,” and is -not willing to consider that any “soul-constitution” enters to modify of -its own force the progress of the race. Wundt also asserted that the -field of ethnic psychology is already mainly occupied by general -ethnology, or else by the philosophy of history. Yet he did not deny -that in a sphere strictly limited to the subjects of language, custom, -and myth such a “discipline” might do useful work. - -In his later writings, however, Wundt seems to have modified these -strictures, and in the last edition of his excellent text-book -acknowledges that there is no antagonism between experimental and ethnic -psychology, as has been sometimes supposed; that they do not occupy -different, but parts of the same fields, and are distinguished mainly by -difference of method, the one resting on experiment, the other on -observation. - -The recognition of ethnic psychology by professed psychologists is, -therefore, an accomplished fact; and this was long since anticipated by -the general literature of history and ethnography. - -Who, for instance, has denied that there is such a thing as “racial” or -“national” character? Did anyone take it into his head to denounce as -meaningless Emerson’s title, _English Traits_? Does not every treatise -on ethnography assume that there are certain psychical characteristics -of races, tribes, and peoples, quite sharply dividing them from their -neighbours? - -Take, for instance, Letourneau’s popular work, and we find him expressly -claiming that the races and subraces of mankind can be classified by the -relative development of their psychical powers; and such a -“psychological” classification is not a novelty in anthropology. - -These mental traits, characteristics, differences, between human groups -are precisely the material which ethnic psychology takes as its material -for investigations. Its aim is to define them clearly, to explain their -origin and growth, and to set forth what influence they assert on a -people and on its neighbours. - -Ethnic psychology does not hesitate to claim that the separation of -mankind into groups by psychical differences was and is the one -necessary condition of human progress everywhere and at all times; and, -therefore, that the study of the causes of these differences, and the -influence they exerted in the direction of evolution or regression, is -the most essential of all studies to the present and future welfare of -humanity. - -In this sense, it is not only the guiding thread in historical research, -but it is immediately and intensely practical, full of application to -the social life and political measures of the day. - -Some have jealously feared that it offers itself as a substitute for the -philosophy of history. True that it draws some of its material from -history; but as much from ethnography and geography. Moreover, it is -not, as history, a chronologic, but essentially a natural science, -depending for its results on objective, verifiable facts, not on records -and documents. - -To allege that this field is already occupied is wide of the mark. It is -no more embraced in general ethnology or in history than experimental -psychology is included in general physiology. The advancement of science -depends on the specialisation of its fields of research, and it is high -time that ethnic psychology should take an independent position of its -own. - -To assist towards this I shall aim in the present work to set forth its -method and its aims as I understand them. In both these directions I -offer schemes notably different from those of the authors I have -mentioned, believing that this science requires for its independent -development much more comprehensive outlines than will be found in their -writings. - -The method, it need hardly be said, must be that of the so-called -“natural sciences”; but it must be based, as Wundt remarks, not on -experiment—that were impossible—but on observation. This is to extend, -not, as he argued, to a few products of culture, but to everything which -makes up national or ethnic life, be it an historic event, an object of -art, a law, custom, rite, myth, or mode of expression. The origins of -these, in the sense of their proximate or exciting causes, are to be -sought, and the conditions of their growth and decay deduced from their -histories. - -We are dealing with facts of Life, with collective mental function in -action, and we can appeal, therefore, to the principles of general -biology to guide us. We can, for example, since every organism bears in -its structure not only the record of its own life-history but the -vestiges of its ancestry, confidently expect to find in the traits of -nations the survivals of their earlier and unrecorded conditions. - -Understood in this sense, ethnic psychology does not deal with -mathematics and physics, but with collections of facts, feelings, -thoughts, and historic events, and seeks by comparison and analysis to -discover their causal relations. It is wholly objective, and for that -reason eminently a “natural” science. The objective truths with which it -deals are not primary but secondary mental products, as they are not -attached to the individual but to the group. For this reason it has an -advantage over other natural sciences in that it can with propriety -search not only into growth but into origins, for, in its purview, these -fall within the domain of known facts. - -We must recognise that the psychical expressions of life are absolutely -and always correlated to the physical functions and structure; and that, -therefore, no purely psychical causes can explain ethnic development or -degeneration. As the past of an organism decides its future, so the -future of a people is already written in its past history. - -As in ethnic psychology the material is different from that in -experimental psychology, so in the former we must abandon the methods -suitable in the latter. The ethnic _psyche_ is made up of a number of -experiences common to the mass, but not occurring in any one of its -individual members. These experiences of the aggregate develop their own -variations and modes of progress, and must be studied for themselves, -without reference to the individual, holding the processes of the single -mind as analogies only. - -While fully acknowledging the inseparable correlation between all -psychical activities and the physical structures which condition them, -let us not fall into the common and gross error of supposing that -physical is in any way a measure of psychical function. All measurements -in experimental psychology, be they by chemistry or physics, are -quantitative only, and can be nothing else (Wundt); whereas psychical -comparisons are purely qualitative. - -A single example will illustrate this infinitely important -fact:—precisely the same quantity of physico-chemical change may be -needed for the evolution into consciousness of two ideas; but if the one -is false and the other true, their psychic values are indefinitely -apart. - -We perceive, therefore, that in psychology generally, and especially in -ethnic psychology, where we deal with aggregates, we must draw a -fundamental distinction between those agents which act quantitatively on -the psychical life, that is, modify it by measurable forces, and those -which act qualitatively, that is, by altering the contents and direction -of the _psyche_ itself. - -The former belong properly to “natural history,” and can be measured and -estimated just to the extent that we have instruments of precision for -the purpose; the latter wholly elude any such attempts, and must be -appraised by the results they have historically achieved, that is, by -arts, events, or institutions. - -The recognition of these two factors of human development, radically -distinct yet inseparably associated, has led me to adopt the division -into two parts of the present work. The first is the “natural,” the -second, the “cultural,” history of the ethnic mind.[1] - -Footnote 1: - - The author had apparently decided to reverse this order of treatment - after writing the above. The “natural history of the ethnic mind” - forms the second part of the work.—EDITOR. - -Note that I say _ethnic_ mind. For let it be said here, as well as -repeated later, that there is no such thing as progress or culture in -the isolated individual, but only in the group, in society, in the -_ethnos_. Only by taking and giving, borrowing and lending, can life -either improve or continue. - -The “natural” history will embrace the consideration of those general -doctrines of continuity and variation which hold true alike in matter -and in mind, in the soul as in the body, and a review of the known -forces which, acting through the physical structure and function upon -the organs which are the vehicles of mental phenomena, weaken or -strengthen the psychical activities. - -The “cultural” history will present something of a new departure in -anthropology—a classification of all ethnologic data as the products of -a few general concepts, universal to the human mind, but conditioned in -their expressions by the natural history of each group. The -justification of this procedure, which is _not_ a return to the ideology -of an older generation, will be presented in the introduction to the -second part. - -The illustrative examples I shall frequently draw from savage conditions -of life. This is in accordance with the custom of ethnologists, and is -based on the fact that in such conditions the motives of action are -simpler and less concealed, and we are nearer the origins of arts and -institutions. - -Only by such direct examples can a true psychology be established. The -time has passed when one can seek the laws of mental development from -the “inner consciousness”; and we smile at even so recent a philosopher -as Cousin, when he tells us that, to discover such laws, “_il nous -suffit de rentrer dans nous-mêmes_.” - - - - - PART I - THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE ETHNIC MIND - - - - - CHAPTER I - _THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN MIND_ - - -In a treatise on psychology we have to do with the Mind; and what is -Mind? So far as we can define it, it is the sum of those activities -which distinguish living from dead matter, the organism from the -inorganic mass. - -So broad a definition would include both the vegetable and the animal -worlds; and this is not an error; but for the present purpose, which is -the consideration of the mind of man, it is enough if we recognise that -this mind of his is a development of that of the brute; the same in most -of its traits, contrasted to it in a few. It is profitable, in truth -indispensable, to scrutinise both closely. - -_Identities and Differences of the Human and the Brute Mind._—There is a -branch of science called “comparative psychology.” Its province is to -trace the evolution of human mental powers to their earlier phases in -the inferior animals. So successfully has it been pursued that not a few -of its teachers claim that there is nothing left as the private property -of man in this connection; that he has no powers or faculties which are -peculiarly his own; that all his endowments differ in degree only from -those evinced by some one or other of the lower species. - -The brute has his fine senses, as acute as, often acuter than, ours; no -one can deny him emotions of love and fear, hate and affection, sorrow -and joy, as poignant as ours, and often expressed in strangely similar -modes; his memory is retentive, his will strong, his self-control -remarkable; he has a lively curiosity, a love of imitation, a sense of -the beautiful, and it is acknowledged that we cannot deny him either -imagination or reason. Mental progress is not unknown in the brute, and -it is well to remember that it is not universal among men. - -What, then, is man’s proud prerogative? What the gift which has given -him the world and all that therein is? The answer is in one -word,—_ideation_. The last efforts of modern science can but paraphrase -the words which the philosopher Locke penned nigh two centuries ago: -“The having of general ideas is that which puts a perfect distinction -between man and brute.” The latest American writer on the subject merely -repeats this when he phrases it “the ability to think in general terms -by using symbols (words) which summarise systems of association.” - -Let us avoid the metaphysical snares which have been spread around this -simple statement. No matter about such words as “concepts,” “notions,” -“apperceptions,” “abstractions,” and the like. Let us fix in mind the -formula of Romanes: “Distinctively human faculty belongs with -distinctively human ideation.” This, the power to form general -ideas,—which are necessarily abstract,—is the one prerogative which -lifts man above brute. By it he can compare what he learns and thus -develop an intellectual life for comparison; to borrow the metaphor of a -famous student of his kind, it is the magic wand, the diamond-hilted -sword, by which man will conquer his salvation through learning the -truth. We exclaim, with Pascal, “It is Thought which makes Man.” - -Outside of this and its developments, all that man has of soul-life is -in common with the brute. Why should he be ashamed of it? What folly to -pretend, as the common phrase goes, to “get rid of the brute in man”! -Parental love, social instincts, fidelity, friendship, courage,—these -are parts of his heritage from his four-footed ancestor. What would he -become, dispossessed of them? - -Already, in that long alienation from his brethren which made man the -one species of his genus and the one genus of his class, has he lost -certain strange powers of mind which excite our special wonder when we -see their manifestations in his remote relations. The chief of these is -Instinct. We are all familiar with its extraordinary exhibitions in -bees, ants, and higher animals, and its seeming total absence in -ourselves. What can we make of it? - -_Instinct and Intelligence._—Throughout all nature there is an unceasing -eternal conflict between the old and the new, between motion and rest, -between the fixed and the variable, between the individual and the -universe. This cosmic contest is reflected within the realm of animal -life in the contrast between Instinct and Intelligence. - -Instinct is hereditary; it belongs to the species; its performance is -unconscious, resulting from internal impulse; its tendency is endless -repetition, not improvement; it is petrified, inherited habit. -Intelligence belongs to the individual; it is neither inherited nor -transmissible by blood; its tendency is toward advancement, progress. It -is the source of all knowledge not purely empirical, and of all -development not of chance. - -Habits which are forced upon organisms by the environment under penalty -of extinction become hereditary modes of procedure. They are persisted -in because vitally beneficial. Comparative anatomy shows us that those -organs and structures which are most persistent have their functions -most instinctive; and conversely, as individual freedom of action -increases, instinct retires and intelligence takes its place, -accompanied by higher plasticity in the structures involved in the -action. - -Intelligent action is personal initiative from compared experiences. It -is not merely repetition, as in the tricks of animals, but deduction; -therefore it introduces new tendencies into life, which instinct never -does; and these tendencies are not the direct sequences of external -stimuli, as are instincts, but are psychic in origin, proceeding from -the mental conclusion reached. - -No more interesting comparison between instinct and intelligence can be -found than that offered by the social communities of the lower -animals,—the bees, ants, beavers, and the like. Their well-regulated -activities excite our surprise and admiration. Each member of the little -state has his duty and performs it, with the result that all are thereby -benefited and the species successfully perpetuated. - -But much of the admiration expended on these societies in the lower life -has been misplaced. Their perfect organisation is due to narrower -development of mental powers. The one object at which they aim is -species-continuation, and to this all else is subordinated. They are in -no sense comparable to the reflective purpose which is at the base of -human society, whose real, though oft unacknowledged, and ever -unsuccessful, aim is to insure to each individual the full development -of his various powers. Hence it is that human society is and must be -ever changing with individual aspirations, and can never be iron-bound -in one form. - -_Imagination._—There is another faculty of mind, which, if not -exclusively human, is so in all its higher manifestations, and indeed -is, in its development, perhaps the best mental criterion we could -select to measure the evolution of races, nations, and individuals. I -refer to Imagination, Fancy, the source of our noblest enthusiasms, of -our loftiest sentiments, of poetic rapture, and artistic inspiration. -These spiritual sentiments are wholly absent in the brute, and are rare -in inferior personalities. They arise from the vivid presentation to the -mind of real or fancied experiences directed to some end in view. But -this is just the definition of active imagination. It is a rehearsal of -our perceptions, real, or those analogous to reality. Though not a -collation of ideas, its processes are closely akin to those of logical -thought; and, as an eminent analyst says, “The principle of an organic -division according to an end in view governs all processes of active -imagination.” - -In this phrase we see why imagination ranks as a criterion of mental -development. Ruled chiefly by unconscious instinct the brute has no -other aims than to feed and sleep and reproduce his kind; men of low -degree add to these, perhaps, the lust of power or of gold or of -amusement, or other such vain and paltry ambitions; but the soul that -seeks the highest has aims beyond all fulfilment, but which by their -glory stimulate its activities to the utmost and lift it into a life -above all mundane satisfactions. - -_The Ideal._—By the plastic power of the active imagination is formed -the Ideal, the most potent of all the stimulants of the higher culture. -Based on reality and experience, it transcends the possibilities of -both, and lifts the soul into realms whose light is not on sea or land, -and whose activities aim at results beyond any present power of human -nature to achieve. But it is only by striving for that which is beyond -reach that the utmost effort possible can be called forth. - -The ideal, some ideal, is present in every human heart. It is the goal -toward which each strives in seeking pleasure and in avoiding pain. -Through the unity of the human mind, the same ideals, few in number, -have directed the energies of men in all times and climes. Around them -have concentrated the labours of nations, and as one or the other became -more prominent, national character partook of its inspiration, and -national history fell under its sway. Constantly in the history of -culture do we see such general devotion to an ideal lead groups toward -or away from the avenue to progress and vitality. - -_Consciousness and Self-Consciousness._—Through ideation arises man’s -consciousness of himself as an independent personality. In its broadest -sense, that of reaction to an external stimulus, consciousness is a -property of all animals, perhaps of all organic tissues. Contractility -and motility depend upon it. What it is, “in itself,” we have no means -of knowing; therefore it is safe to agree with Professor Cope in his -negative opinion that it “is qualitatively comparable to nothing else.” - -In simpler forms of organic life it must be merely rudimentary; but in -most animals it reaches what has been called the “projective” stage; -that is, the animal is conscious of the existence of others, like or -unlike himself, though he is not yet conscious of himself as a separate -entity. This has been held to explain, psychologically, the “gregarious -instincts” of many lower species. - -As a result of the absence of general concepts, the brute does not -contemplate himself as a single individual in contrast to the others of -his species. He is unable to class these under a general term or -thought. Hence _self_-consciousness belongs to man alone. - -Attempting to define this trait, we may say that it is the perception of -the unity and continuity of the individual’s psychological activities. -Just in proportion as this perception becomes clear, positive, sharply -defined, does the individual become aware of his own life, his real -existence, its laws, and its purposes. - -Hence the study of this mental characteristic becomes of the highest -importance in ethnology; for it has been well said (Post) that the -growth or decay of individual self-consciousness is an unfailing measure -of the growth or decay of States. - -Physiologically, the sense of self, the Ego, is produced by outgoing -discharges from the central nervous system which are felt. They may -arise from external forces or from the internal source which we call -Volition, or Will. In both cases the repetition of _feeling_ them yields -the notion of Personality. - -It is instructive to note how differently races and nations have -understood and still do understand this notion; instructive, because it -has much to do with their characters and actions. - -Naturally enough many have identified the _I_ with the body, or with -that portion of the body least destructible, the bones. For this reason, -in Egypt, Peru, Teneriffe, and many other localities there was the -practice of preserving the entire body by exsiccation or mummification, -the belief being that, were it destroyed, the personal existence of the -decedent would also perish. In other lands the bones were carefully -guarded in ossuaries or shrines, for in them the soul was held to abide. - -Not less widely received was another opinion, that the self dwells in -the name. The personal name was therefore conferred with ceremony, and -frequently was not disclosed beyond the family. The individual could be -injured through his name, his personality impaired by its misuse. - -In higher conditions the Person is usually defined by attributes and -environment, as sex, age, calling, property, and the like. Ask a man who -he is, he will define himself “by name and standing.” - -Few reach the conception of abstract Individuality, apart from the above -incidents of time and place; so that it is easy to see that -self-consciousness is still in little more than an embryonic stage of -development in humanity. It differs notably in races and stages of -culture. Dr. Van Brero comments on the slight sense of personality among -the Malayan islanders, and attributes to that their exemption from -certain nervous diseases. Its morbid development in self-attention and -Ego-mania is frequently noticed in the asylums of highly civilised -centres. - -I shall have frequent occasion to insist that the utmost healthful, that -is, symmetrical, development of the individuality is the true aim of -human society. This is directly due to the fact that self-consciousness, -the “I” in its final analysis, depends on the unity and independence of -the individual Will, which in a given moment of action can be One only. -The cultivation of individuality is therefore the cultivation of the -will, to direct and strengthen which must be the purpose of all -education. - -_The Intellectual Process._—The chasm between the human and the brute -mind widens when we come to look more closely at the various steps of -the intellectual process, that is, at the method of reasoning. To be -either clear or conscious, this must be carried on by general ideas, in -themselves abstractions. For example, the so-called “syllogisms” of -logic depend upon the relation of a general to a particular idea; and -thinking can no more be conducted without this relation than talking -without grammatical rules; though neither the formula of the syllogism -nor the rules of grammar are consciously present to the mind. - -The logical process is everywhere and at all times the same, in the sage -or the savage, the sane or the insane. To reach any conclusion, the mind -must work in accordance with its method. This is purely mechanical. An -English philosopher (Jevons) invented a “logical machine,” which worked -as well as the human brain. The logical process has been formulated by a -mathematician (Boole) in a simple equation of the second degree. It must -consist of subject and predicate, of general and particular. But the -process has nothing to do with the proceeds. A mill grinds equally well -wheat, tares, and poisonberries. Not upon the fact that the pepsin -digests, but that it digests proper aliments, depends the health of the -body. So the content of the intellectual operation, not its form, is of -good or harm, and merits the attention of ethnographer or historian. - -_The Mechanical Action of Mind._—The Germans have a saying, framed first -by their writer, Lichtenstein, known as “the Magician of the North,” -that “_we_ do not think. Thinking merely goes on within us”; just as our -stomachs digest and our glands excrete. Another one of their authors -originated the once-celebrated apothegm, “Without phosphorus there is no -thought.” - -The aim of both expressions is to put pointedly the principle that the -intellectual process is of a mechanico-chemical character, a mere bodily -function, to be classed with digestion or circulation. This opinion has -of late years been warmly espoused in the United States. - -That intellectual actions are governed by fixed laws was long ago said -and demonstrated by Quetelet in his remarkable studies of vital -statistics. That the development of thought proceeds “under the rule of -an iron necessity” is the ripened conviction of that profound student of -man, Bastian. We must accept it as the verdict of science. - -What, then, becomes of individuality, personality, free-will? Must we, -as the great dramatist said, “confess ourselves the slaves of chance, -the flies of every wind that blows?” - -Not yet. That we are subject to our surroundings and our history; that -our forefathers, though dead, have not relaxed their parental grasp; -that time, clime, and spot master thought and deed, is all true. But -above all is Volition, Will, a final, insoluble, personal power, the one -irrefragable proof of separate existence, not itself translatable into -Force, but the director, initiator, of all vital forces. - -_The “Psychic Cells.”_—Mind brings man into kinship with all organic -life. Long ago Aristotle said if one would explain the human soul, he -must accomplish it through learning the souls of all other beings. - -The physiologist explains mental phenomena as the function of -specialised cell-life. He points out the cells, strange triangular -masses in the cortex of the brain, with long processes and spiny -branches, touching but never uniting. In the lower animals the network -is simple, the branches short; as mental capacity advances, they become -more complex and longer. - -These are the “psychic cells” in whose microscopic laboratory is worked -the magic of mind, transforming waves of impact, some into sweet music, -others into colour and light and all the glory of the landscape; -changing sights and sounds into emotions of joy or dread; transmitting -them into passions or lusts; assorting the gathered stores of -comparison, and from them building ideas base or noble, and awakening -the Will to direct the use of all. - -_The Question of Soul._—But, it will be exclaimed, in this discussion of -Mind, is nothing to be said of a _Soul_? Has man not an immortal element -which removes him infinitely from the brute which perishes, and which -guarantees his personal existence after death? - -The answer of modern science is that between “mind” and “soul” no -distinction can be drawn; and that this very quality of “ideation” is -not a sudden acquisition, some free gift of the gods, bestowed -full-blown and perfected, but the development of a very slow process, -traceable in its beginnings in some beasts, faint in the lowest men, -strictly conditioned on the growth of articulate expression, far from -complete in the ripest intellects. It neither excludes nor assumes -persistence after corporeal death. We may use the word “soul,” -therefore, because it is rich in associations; but use it as a synonym -of “mind.” - -The soul is not some transcendental substance outside of the individual, -but exists by virtue of the connection of his psychic processes with -each other. This does not lessen the reality of his personal existence, -but explains it. - -As for the relation which mind or soul in general bears to the material -external world, most thinkers are of opinion now that the contrast -formerly supposed to exist is one merely of view-point; that natural -science considers all our experiences as external, while mental science -studies them as wholly internal. - -_Are the Mental Faculties the Same in Man Everywhere?_—The lines thus -clearly drawn between the human and the brute mind, we ask, do they hold -good for the whole human species, of all races and degrees of culture? -And has man in the past always possessed these faculties which have been -thus attributed to him alone of all organised beings? - -To these inquiries I shall address myself. - -It is true, as I shall have many occasions to show hereafter, that in -mental endowment tribes and races widely differ; but so do individuals -of the same race, even of the same family; and in regard to many of -these differences we can so accurately put our finger on what brings it -about that we have but to alter conditions in order to alter endowments. - -The Fuegian savage is one of the worst specimens of the genus; but put -him when young in an English school, and he will grow up an intelligent -member of civilised society. However low man is, he can be instructed, -improved, redeemed; and it is this most cheering fact which should -encourage us in incessant labour for the degraded and the despised of -humanity. - -There is another proof, strong, convincing, of the substantial sameness -of the human mind throughout the species. This is Language, articulate -speech. No tribe has ever been known in history or ethnography but had a -language ample for its needs. The speechless man, _Homo alalus_, is a -fiction of a philosopher. He never lived. - -Language, however, is the guarantor of thought in general terms. The -words are the “associative symbols” of abstract ideas. Wherever men -talk, they think in a solely human fashion. - -Philologists talk of “higher” or “lower” languages. The assertion has -been made that some more than others favor abstract expressions. Such -statements may be granted; but the fact remains that every word itself -is the symbol of an abstraction, and only as such can it be rationally -uttered. - -We can trace language back to its pristine rudiments, to the form that -it must have had among the hordes of the “old stone age,” cave-dwellers, -naked savages. I have made such an attempt. But the essentials of speech -as a vehicle of thought still remain; and though doubtless there was a -period when articulate separated from inarticulate speech, that was -during the morning twilight of man’s day on earth, when he as yet -scarcely merited the name of man. - -From all analogy we may be confident that the early palæolithic men who -shaped the symmetrical axes of Acheul, scrapers, punches, and hammers; -who carefully selected and tested the flint-flakes; who had enough of an -eye for beauty to preserve fine quartz pebbles; and who lived in social -groups, in stationary homes along watercourses,—these men unquestionably -had a spoken language, and minds competent to deal in simple -abstractions. Yet these are the most ancient men of whom we know -anything, dwellers in central Europe before the Great Ice Age. - -When we have such evidence as this for the psychical unity of the human -species, is it worth while going into that antiquated discussion of the -“monogenists” and “polygenists” as to whether man owns one or several -birthplaces? Surely not. We declare all nations of the earth to be of -one blood by the judgment of a higher court than anatomy can furnish; -though it also hands down no dissenting opinion. - -_The Elementary Ideas and their Development._—These two principles, or -rather demonstrated truths,—the unity of the mind of man, and the -substantial uniformity of its action under like conditions,—form the -broad and secure foundation for Ethnic Psychology. They confirm the -validity of its results and guarantee its methods. - -As there are conditions which are universal, such as the structure and -functions of the body, its general relations to its surroundings, its -needs and powers, these developed everywhere at first the like psychical -activities, or mental expressions. They constitute what Bastian has -happily called the “elementary ideas” of our species. In all races, over -all continents, they present themselves with a wonderful sameness, which -led the older students of man to the fallacious supposition that they -must have been borrowed from some common centre. - -Nor are they easily obliterated under the stress of new experiences and -changed conditions. With that tenacity of life which characterises -simple and primitive forms, they persist through periods of divergent -and higher culture, hiding under venerable beliefs, emerging with fresh -disguises, but easily detected as but repetitions of the dear primordial -faiths of the race. - -_The Ethnic Ideas and their Origin._—From the monotonous unity of the -elementary ideas, the common property of mankind in its earliest stages -of development, branched off the mental life of each group and tribe, -not discarding the old, but adding the new under the external compulsion -of environment and experience. - -Where such externals were alike or nearly so, the progress was parallel; -where unlike, it was divergent; analogous in this to well-known -doctrines of the biologist. - -Such branches were constantly blending in peace or colliding in war, -leading to a perpetual interaction of the one growth with the other, -engendering a complexity of relation to each other and to the primitive -substratum. But the ethnic character, once crystallised, remained as -ingrained as the national life or the bodily stigmata. It compelled the -members as a mass to look at life and its aims through certain lights, -to comprehend the world under certain forms, to move to a measure, and -dance to a tune. - -Such is the power of the Ethnic Mind, fraught with weal or woe for the -nation over whom it rules, tyrannical, portentous, a blind natural -force, which may lift its helpless followers to skyey heights or drag -them into the abyss. - -How it is formed and what decides its fateful beneficent or maleficent -decrees, I shall consider in detail in the next chapters. - - - - - CHAPTER II - _THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE GROUP. THE ETHNIC MIND_ - - -The ethnic character becomes more fixed with advancing culture, and its -component parts—that is, the individuals who compose it—more uniform. -This has not been understood by one of the latest writers on the -subject, Professor Vierkandt, who maintains that in savage groups there -is a much greater sameness between the individuals who compose them. -Superficially, this is true on account of the limited range of their -activity; but in proportion to that range the individuals differ more -widely, because they are so much more subjected to external influences -and emotional attacks. Dr. Krejči is more correct in his opinion that -the sum of the differences between cultured individuals and peoples is -less than that between the uncultured. This obviously flows from the -fact that cultivated minds are governed by reason and knowledge, whose -prescriptions are everywhere the same; while illiterate minds are -victims of ignorance and passion. All who learn that twice two are four -act on the knowledge of it; but the Brazilian Indian, who has no word in -his language for numerals above two, may disregard it. - -Some have maintained that the promptings of the group-mind as felt by -the individual belong in the unconscious or involuntary part of his -nature, and partake of the character of mechanical necessity. - -There is indeed this tendency, but it is not by any means a necessary -character of the collective mind, as an example easily shows. I may -adopt a prevailing custom or belief merely through imitation, which is a -mechanical procedure; or I may adopt it, being led to examine it from -its prevalence and to approve it from my examination,—and this is a -voluntary action. - -In this we see the contrast of cultured and uncultured group-minds. The -latter demand assent merely from their unanimity, the former wish it -only from enlightenment; the latter ask faith, the former knowledge; the -latter command obedience, the former urge investigation. - -Plato has a dialogue on the problem of “The One and the Many”; and the -abstract subtleties he brings forward are almost paralleled by the -concrete facts which we encounter in an endeavour to state the mutual -relations of the Individual and the Group. - -This science of ours, ethnic psychology, has, in one sense, nothing to -do with the individual. It does not start from his mind or thoughts but -from the mind of the group; its laws are those of the group only, and in -nowise true of the individual; it omits wide tracts of activities which -belong to the individual and embraces others in which he has no share; -to the extent that it does study him, it is solely in his relation to -others, and not in the least for himself. - -On the other hand, as the group is a generic concept only, it has no -objective existence. It lives only in the individuals which compose it; -and only by studying them singly can we reach any fact or principle -which is true of them in the aggregate. - -Yet it is almost as correct to maintain that the group is that which -alone of the two is real. The closer we study the individual, the more -do his alleged individualities cease, as such, and disappear in the -general laws by virtue of which society exists; the less baggage does he -prove to have which is really his own; the more do all his thoughts, -traits, and features turn out to be those of others; so that, at last, -he melts into the mass, and there is nothing left which he has a right -to claim as his personal property. His pretended personal mind is the -reflex of the group-minds around him, as his body is in every fibre and -cell the repetition of his species and race. As an American writer -strongly puts it: “Morally I am as much a part of society as physically -I am a part of the world’s fauna.” - -But let no one deduce from this that the group is merely the sum total -of the individuals which compose it, the net balance of their thoughts -and lives. Nothing would be more erroneous. I have already said that -laws and processes belong to the group which are foreign to the -individual. We may go further, and prove that these processes, the -spirit of the group, are quite different from those of any single member -of it. To use the expression of Wundt: “The resultant arising from -united psychological processes includes contents which are not present -in the components.” - -In numerous respects, indeed, the individual and the group stand in -opposition to each other. The qualities of the former are incoherent, -disorderly, irregular; while those of the latter are fixed, stable, -computable. - -Let us contemplate further this relation of the individual to the group, -for upon its correct apprehension must the whole fabric of ethnic -psychology, as a science, rest. - -In every healthy individual there is a feeling that his thoughts and -actions are vain unless they are somehow directed towards his fellow -human beings; yet there is a further feeling that these fellow creatures -are but a means for the developing and perfecting of himself. He desires -to be intimately associated with the group, but not to be absorbed and -lost in it. His unconscious goal is individuality, but not isolation; -and he feels that the most complete and sane individuality can be -obtained only by association with others of his kind. For that reason, -he submits his will to the collective will, his consciousness to the -collective consciousness. He accepts from the group the ideas, -conclusions, and opinions common to it, and the motives of volition, -such as customs and rules of conduct, which it collectively sanctions. - -These ideas and motives are strictly the property of the group, not of -its separate members. Such a prevailing unity of thought and sentiment -does not rest on unanimity of opinion; it does not necessarily exclude -any amount of individuality, and is consistent with the utmost freedom -of the personal mind. Its basis is a similarity of form and direction of -the psychical activities, guiding and modifying them in such a way that -a general colour and tendency can be recognised. - -If it is asked, on what ultimate psychical concept the differences of -collective or group-minds are based in a last analysis, I am inclined to -answer with Wilhelm von Humboldt, that it is on the currently accepted -relation of the material to the immaterial world. The solution adopted -for this insoluble problem is the hidden spring of motive in the minds -of all. - -The actual existence of the group-mind can no more be denied than the -constant inter-relation between it and the individual mind. It takes -nothing from its reality that it exists only in individual wills. To -deny it on that account, as Wundt admirably says, is as illogical as to -deny the existence of a building because the single stones of which it -is composed may be removed. Indeed, it might claim higher reality than -the individual mind in that its will is more potent and can attain -greater results by collective action. - -Of course, there is no metaphysical “substance” or mythological “being” -behind the collective mind. That were a nonsensical notion. Nor is it in -any sense a voluntary invention, created by contract for utilitarian -ends. That were a gross misconception. It is the actual agreement and -interaction of individuals resulting in mental modes, tendencies, and -powers not belonging to any one member, and moving under laws developed -by the requirements of this independent existence. It is like an -orchestra which can produce harmonies by the blending of the strains of -numerous instruments impossible to any one of them. - -The sense or self-recognition of individual life as apart from group -life varies widely. In the totemic bonds of savage life, in the guilds -of higher grades, in the “society centres” of modern life, the -individual consciously and willingly renounces nearly the whole of -himself in favour of the circle which he enters. - -When he attempts the opposite extreme, and prides himself on his -insulation, his egotism, and antagonism to others, he usually deceives -himself. No matter how selfishly he pursues his aims, it is ever in -obedience to the influence of the group. From it he takes his thoughts -and the language in which to express them, his economic values are those -recognised by it, its ideals are his, he will strive in vain to escape -the iron bands of the social order about him. Unknown to himself, he -abides the slave of others. - -The group has another advantage over him which he can in no wise -diminish or avoid. He will die, but it will live. He, with his petty -strivings and personal ambitions, will soon sink into the dateless -night, but the social order of which he was a part will survive in other -and younger generations, moving forward to its destiny under compulsive -forces of which he has not even an inkling, crushing his blind -opposition under resistless wheels. - -Not by antagonism to the group does the individual gain his highest -personal aims, his fullest reality as an individual, but by devoting -himself to the best interests of the group, learning what they really -are, and furthering them by a study of the means adapted to their growth -and fruition. This is “altruism,” the living for others, in its highest -sense, the aim not primarily the individual, but the group and its -welfare. - -This is the more needful because the group, as a psychical unit, is -_never creative_. It is receptive, active, executive, but for its -creative inspirations it depends upon the individual. What is called -“originality,” the stimuli and momenta of development, arise primarily -from the single mind. - -But it is equally true that the work of the group must precede the work -of the individual, and prepare for it, if it is to be successful. -Otherwise, the seed will be sown on barren ground. - -In every historic event the group is the only active agent; through it -the individual can bring to bear his limited powers over an indefinitely -vast area, and with indefinitely multiplied force. History is a record -of the sentiments and actions of groups; yet so little has this been -understood, so obscured has this been by the potency of personality, -that until recently it has been little more than an account of -individuals. Without the aid of the group, what would have become of the -most famous heroes of the past? - -I would sum up these reflections on the relations of the individual and -the group by the practical deduction that to understand the individual -we must study him in relation to the group, and to understand the group -we must study it, primarily in the individuals of which it is composed, -in both their physical and mental life; and secondly, in those -principles and processes which it, as an entirely psychical product, -presents peculiar to itself. - -The group is _not_ a “natural” product in the objective sense in which -that word is employed in the term “natural sciences.” It is a purely -mental creation, though none the less real. It must be examined and -investigated by other methods, therefore, than those customary in the -biologic sciences. - -Instead of studying external phenomena for their own sake, we must -regard all such as valuable only as they indicate psychic changes, and -as they can be translated into mental correlates. The study is, -therefore, from within, and qualitative rather than quantitative, in -this respect contrasting with experimental psychology and also with -history. - -When we examine in detail the interaction of the individual and the -group we may classify the processes which take place somewhat as -follows: - -The individual receives from the group the symbols for complex and -general ideas—that is, the words of language; he is also taught many -complex purposeful motions, such as are needed in social and cultured -life; he is supplied with artificial objects for his use, as tools, -clothing, shelter, etc.; and he is constantly subjected to a certain -amount of physical force from those around him—in other words, is “made -to do” a variety of acts. The group may consciously strive to modify -him, as in public education, religious instruction, and the like; or it -may act merely negatively in opposing any developments antagonistic to -its own character. The individual may work for or against the group, or -for himself only; but in either case has to reckon with the group for -what he obtains from it. - -While the _unity_ of the ethnic mind is fostered by a conscious effort -to promote common interests, modes of expression, ambitions, and aims, -its energy is in direct proportion to the cultivation of the sense of -individuality among its members, for from the latter alone are born the -impulses to progress. The fatal error of many communities has been to -bend every effort to secure the former, while they neglected or actually -endeavoured to suppress the latter. - -I have been using the word “group” in a loose way. The time has now come -to distinguish it from various other terms familiar to ethnology, such -as tribe, folk, nation, people, stock, and race. - -“Group” is the best English equivalent for the Greek _ethnos_, which -word, by its derivation, means a number of people united together by -habits and usages in common. - -This at once places the group above the mere temporary aggregations, -such as the crowd or the mob. The ethnic group is formed by the thoughts -and aims of the lives of its members, not by their ephemeral emotions -and actions. - -Compared with nation, stock, or race, it is a generic term; for by -“nation” we understand all united in the acceptance of one form of -government; by “stock,” those speaking dialects or tongues derived from -one primitive language (linguistic stocks); and by “race,” those -connected by identity of physical traits. The “tribe” is merely the -primitive form of the nation, while in English “folk” has a current -application to certain classes in society and not to the whole of it. - -The correlative of the ethnic group, or, in these pages, “the group,” in -German is _Volk_ and in French, _le peuple_. - -How these ethnic groups are formed, under what complex conditions their -differences arise, what influences are the most potent in their creation -and preservation, will be considered in detail hereafter. At present it -is sufficient to mention certain general principles, applicable to the -formation of all ethnic groups. - -First, it must be borne in mind that mere similarity and geographical -contiguity are not enough to constitute an _ethnos_. The Fuegian hordes -live under the same sky, speak closely related dialects and are -physically alike; but no one would pretend that there is any unity among -them. Their roving bands never meet but to fight and their only social -occupation is mutual destruction. Nor would there be any true unity in a -society however peaceful where each family isolates itself to the utmost -from its neighbours and seeks to limit all its efforts and sympathies to -its own members. Such a society might become high in numbers and -extended in area; but it would have no true unity. It might even develop -considerable results in thoughts, study, and invention; but they would -remain sterile to the general weal, and contribute little or nothing to -the progress of the race. Such was the condition of parts of Europe in -the feudal ages. - -The ethnic life is a mental life, and this consists not in the sameness -brought about by the environment, nor even in ideas and acquirements, -but in movement, comparison, and association of ideas. - -The unity not merely of present traits but of future aims, not merely of -ideas but of ideals, is the true unity which constitutes the ethnic -mind. This is the foundation fact which must be constantly present to -the student, if his researches in ethnic psychology are to be -profitable. - -In this it differs from racial psychology, for while doubtless each race -has mental advantages and deficiencies which are its own and which -largely decide the destiny of its members, these are not united in -pursuit of one end. There is no unity of will and purpose. - -Each individual partakes of this racial psychology as he does of many -other mental unions, such as his church and his political party; but -that which has pre-eminence in history and psychology is not these, but -that closer and paramount union to which he is bound by a common speech, -ideas, motives, and hopes. - -We must not forget, however, that under whatever connotation we -understand the group, it is still composed of individuals; and the -relations which these bear to it require careful consideration. - -The unity of a group can never be complete. The infinite variations of -its individual members prevent this. And here comes in an interesting -law which has lately been defined by an American scientist. He has shown -that precisely that trait or those traits which are the most -distinguishing characteristics of a group vary the widest in the -individuals of that group. - -Let us take, for instance, a given community remarkable for the average -height of its members. We shall find wider variations in this dimension -among them than among a community less conspicuous in this measurement. - -This appears to hold equally good for the statistics of longevity, of -health and disease, and other physical traits. There is little doubt it -is also of general application to mental qualities. The contradictory -estimates of national character largely depend upon it. Not the bias of -the observers but their ignorance of the operation of this law will -often explain such discrepancies. - -What method should we follow to avoid such an error? In other words, -what formula can we devise to correct individual variation and arrive at -a true average for the group? - -This work has already been done for us. Diligent students of vital -statistics have as good as demonstrated that when a given characteristic -of a group can be expressed in numbers and these projected by the -graphic method, the resultant curve obtained will be one of those called -by mathematicians binomial. Subtracting from the whole number one-tenth -for aberrant forms or abnormal cases (the distribution of error), of the -remainder, one-half will represent the mean, and one-fourth each will -represent the plus and minus extremes. For example, suppose in a given -community numbering one thousand adults the average height is 5 feet 6 -inches; in it, one hundred persons (one-tenth) will be either abnormally -tall or short; of the remainder, 450 will attain just about the total -average height; while 225 will be above and 225 below it. - -We can fearlessly adopt this method of reasoning in ethnic psychology. -When we speak of mental traits or ideas common to the group, we mean -that they may be held as expressed by scarcely half of that group; that -in the remainder of the group they may be much more positively adopted -or more or less rejected; but inasmuch as such numerous exceptions -largely annul each other’s force, the general tendency and action of the -group will be guided by the average rather than by either extreme. - -The justice of this method is further supported by another general -psychical law of groups. This is, that they attract in the direct ratio -of their mass; the more numerous a party is, the more adherents will it -obtain. Hence, although in the above example the mean, 450, is less than -half of the whole number, yet it is much greater than either of the -other three sub-groups, 100, 225, 225, and exerts therefore double the -attractive power of the latter. That is, in a question of opinion, it -will receive twice as many adherents as either of the latter. Hence the -value of majorities as expressing the will of a community. - -The principle of psychical action on which the above is based is one -very familiar to students of psychology. It is that termed “collective -suggestion.” This is the overmastering tendency to imitate the examples -of others, to act in accordance with the ideas and feelings which we -witness in those around us. When such ideas and sentiments are constant, -and conspicuously displayed, they overcome resistance and the individual -mind is attracted to that of the group with like irresistible magnetism -as in fairy lore drew the ship of the mariners to the loadstone rocks of -Avalon. - -From these considerations it will be understood that the group may be -regarded mathematically as a “constant,” the resultant of a number of -“variables,” the individuals of whom it is constituted. - -Many writers of late years have spoken of the social unit, the group or -the nation, as an “organism.” Some have further defined it as a -“super-organism” or a “physio-psychic organism.” - -Such expressions are well enough as figures of speech. They serve to -accentuate the interdependence of parts and the potentiality of change -and development in the ethnic mind. But the simile becomes illusory and -deceptive when it is set up as a principle from which to deduce -conclusions. The group is no more an organism than is any other -psychical concept, that of the “genus Homo” for example. - -A vital characteristic of the ethnic group is the degree of its -_centralisation_. This is, in truth, a coefficient of its powers. -Numbers may be said to increase thus by addition, but centralisation by -multiplication. The centralisation, however, must be real; not simply a -single point of action, but also a convergence of forces to that point. -The French nation is popularly supposed to be centralised in Paris; but -in fact the provinces are usually ignorant of national action there -until after it has occurred. It is through modern methods of rapid -transmission of intelligence that national groups can act with so much -greater force than in earlier days. - -The _permanence_ of the ethnic group has been a matter much discussed by -philosophers. Led on by a supposed analogy to the individual, governed -by the notion that the social unit is an “organism” and subject to the -same laws as physical organisms, supported, as they imagined, by the -teachings of history, writers of merit have claimed that the _ethnos_ -has a birth, an adolescence, a period of maturity, and old age and -death, as has the individual. - -Even such an acute thinker as Quetelet was so enamoured of this theory -that he worked out the “natural longevity” of a nation, discovering it -to be about ten times the greatest longevity of its individual members! - -The doctrines of ethnic psychology, as I understand them, do not -sanction such an opinion. The analogy of the group to an organism is -purely fictitious; the historic causes of the decay of nations are not -the same and are not allied to those which bring about mortality in the -individual. - -There is no such thing as a natural death of a Society. It may be -crushed by external force, but if it perishes from within, it has -deliberately poisoned itself, has fallen a victim to preventable -disease. - -There is one catholicon, one elixir of life, which will preserve any -society from decay, and confer upon it the blessing of eternal youth, if -it is constantly remembered and administered. - -That catholicon is to cherish and cultivate assiduously the one -distinction which, I have pointed out, lifts the human group above the -communities of the ants, the bees, and the beavers; that is, that the -chief aim of the community shall ever be to give each individual in it -the best opportunity for the full development of his faculties. - -If the history of the gradual decline and fall of any nation be -investigated, it will be seen that the end has come through the -violation of this, the one peculiar principle of _human_ association. -Hemmed in by castes, classes, or institutions, the human souls have -atrophied, degenerated, grown decrepit and impotent, incapable of -resisting the natural forces around them. - -Though the ethnic mind does not run the same life-course as the -individual body, yet it resembles this in its ceaseless change. It is -forever altering both its contents, its purposes, and the intensity with -which it pursues them. - -Psychologists have classified these activities under three general -expressions which we may call laws. They are, first, the law of -Continuity; second, the law of Diversity of Purpose; and third, the law -of Contrast. - -The law of Continuity means that in the ethnic mental life there is a -regulated course of growth or development; that each phase or condition -is the logical result of previous phases or conditions. - -The second law emphasises that the rate of growth depends chiefly on the -diversity of aims which exists in the community. As they are multiplied, -growth is the more rapid. This is analogous to that law of organic forms -by which evolution is in proportion to variation. - -The third law, that of Contrast, applies to the ethnic mind the curious -fact in mental life that a prolonged devotion to one idea leads to a -reaction in which the opposite of that idea becomes dominant. This is -even more conspicuous in the history of progressive nations than in that -of individuals. Upon this depends that periodicity in the lives of -peoples which has so often been remarked by historians. - -The above mentioned facts and laws demonstrate that there is a true -unity of existence in the ethnic mind; that it has its own traits, -forms, and processes of growth and decay, quite apart from those of the -individual mind; that it is not to be studied by the methods of -experimental psychology, but by methods drawn from the observation of -its own modes of being; and that it is this abstraction, if you please, -which is the prime factor in the fate of the group over which it rules. - -But I must return again to the definition of the Group. It must not be -said that I leave any obscurity in the connotation of that prominent -word. - -There may be—there always are—many forms of groups in the same -community, and these by no means cover each other coterminously. Take -many an American village, for example. There are the religious groups, -Protestant and Catholic; the political parties, Republicans and -Democrats, not at all of the same individuals as the former; and there -may be the linguistic groups, German and American, different again from -both the former; and the racial groups, whites and negroes. - -Something similar to this is found on a large scale in every people, -every nation; and the serious problem presents itself,—how are we, from -these heterogeneous elements, to reach anything which we can properly -call the common sentiment, the general mind of the mass? - -The example I have chosen of the American village is an extreme one. In -a primitive, isolated tribe of Indians, in a remote mountain village, or -a rarely visited island, the task would be vastly easier. But the -principle in all cases is the same. - -By eliminating particular after particular, as the logicians say, we -finally reach a general, a consensus of opinion and aspiration on a -variety of topics, with which the full number required by the -mathematical method already stated will agree. These common sentiments -will represent the active influence of that community, and very -accurately measure its value in development. - -Being an American village, we can without doubt predict that it will be -of one mind that making money should be the chief aim of active -exertion; that respect for the law of the land should be cultivated; and -that performing recognised duties to one’s family should be taught as -indispensable. - -One must not take it for granted, however, that such like salient -features are necessarily the ones which govern and measure the powers -and actions of the group. Such an error is very common. The chief trait -of the Scot is popularly supposed to be his stinginess; but the solid -and lasting character of that people prove that they have souls above -lucre. The English are pre-eminently mercantile, and Napoleon called -them a nation of shopkeepers, but he discovered his mistake at Waterloo; -the apostle called the Cretans “liars and slow bellies,” but Crete was -the source of Greek law, and when the apostle elsewhere quoted a Gentile -poet’s concept of God as his own, that poet was a Cretan. - -How, then, it will be asked, are we to distinguish the most vital from -the most prominent traits of the ethnic mind, since they are not always, -even not often, the same? - -The answer to that question is the main object of the second part of the -present volume. Suffice it, therefore, here to say that all ethnic -traits must be weighed and measured by the contributions they make to -the cultural history of mankind, to the realisation in daily life of -those ideas which are the formative elements in civilisation. - -Reverting once more to the definition of the group as portrayed in the -ethnic mind, its traits are further brought into relief by the -comparison of group with group. - -The individuals are here dropped from sight, and the elements and -processes of two or more ethnic minds are placed in contrast. They are -compared in the manner in which they have conceived and carried out -notions common to the species—let us say religion, or law, or social -relations, or practical inventions. When the comparison is extended to -all the cultural elements and the results tabulated, we reach fixed and -accurate data for appraising ethnic mental ability, whether racial, -tribal, or national. - -There is nothing delusive or fanciful in such comparisons. The results -are obtained by recognised scientific methods, and are controlled by -well-known mathematical laws. They establish the claims of ethnic -psychology to a place among the exact sciences, and show that it has a -field of its own not yet included in the domain of any of its -neighbours. - - - - - CHAPTER III - _PHYSIOLOGICAL VARIATION IN THE ETHNIC MIND_ - - -Thus furnished, as we have seen in the last chapter, with a common stock -of faculties and desires, the primitive men set out from their unknown -birthplace, to conquer the world. They journeyed east, north, south, and -west, into foreign fields and under alien skies. Seized in the iron -grasp of novel environment, each band must adapt itself to the new -conditions or perish; for in their ignorance they knew not to wrest the -power from Nature and make her their slave. They must bow and yield to -her commands under penalty of death. - -Compelled by external forces, they changed the hue of their skin and the -shade of their hair; they grew tall of stature or sunk to pygmies; their -skulls altered in shape, and their long bones rounded, or else flattened -like those of apes. - -Not less surprising were the alterations in their minds. Some felt no -desire for fixed abodes, and ever wandered, while others sowed fields -and built cities; some remained in small, ungoverned bands, while others -founded great empires and enacted iron codes; some were satisfied to -compel the Unknown by magical rites, while others sought the wisdom of -God and the secrets of Nature. - -These variations, however, meant Progress; for repetition is not -progress, and it is only by ceaseless change and endless experiment that -one can find out the best. The separation of man into families and -tribes and peoples was, in fact, a necessary condition to his -improvement as a species. From the seeming chaos of changing forms the -highest type emerged, as, in Greek myth, from the surging seas rose the -perfect form of Aphrodite Anadyomene. - -The chaos is indeed but seeming. The differences among men are the -results of physiological processes, proceeding in definite directions -under fixed laws, and adjusted so that they bring about calculable -results. Let us turn to the examination of these processes, in their -universal expressions operative everywhere, as well in the psychical as -the physical world. - -Psychical as well as physical; for the new conditions which transformed -the bodies of the primitive horde left their impress also on the minds -of its members, not erasing any trait which made them Man, but bringing -them into closer likeness between themselves, and by that act into -sharper contrast to their neighbours. The varied practical needs of life -fostered their peculiarities, and created a similarity of feelings and -purposes, and a community of knowledge in each band. This acted as a -sort of intellectual mother-water in which each individual mind of the -band crystallised into the same shape, readily accepted the beliefs, -imbibed the same prejudices, looked at the world through the same -spectacles. - -We may well believe that it was not long before contests arose between -the primitive hordes. We are told, indeed, by a venerable authority that -they began between the first two brothers. Then these diversities of -body and mind decided the conflict. The stronger slew the weaker or -drove them from the field; unless, indeed, by craft or superior skill -the weaker foiled the stronger, as, so endowed, in the long run they -surely would. Thus the great law of Natural Selection, of the -destruction of the less fit, exercised its sway to preserve that horde -which, on the whole, was better adapted for preservation and gave it -power over the land. - -In the species Man the exemplification of this great law is, as I have -intimated, essentially psychical, and its application is upon masses, -upon ethnic groups. History, the story of man’s progress, deals only -with these, not with individuals. - -Progressive ethnic mental variation is therefore the theme for our -immediate consideration, and especially as it is displayed in the -processes of natural selection and adaptation. This is the physiology of -ethnic psychology, the history of its normal progress to more -specialised powers and higher types. - -I cannot go amiss if I present it with a rather close adherence to the -recognised method of natural science; for the impression is constantly -gaining ground that the psychical life of Man follows the same laws as -does his physical; or, to express the thought more accurately, that the -one is the reflex of the other, for we can read both with equal -correctness in terms of thought or terms of extension. - -Such changes may take place in several directions: as in abolishing -organs no longer useful; in reducing others which are diminishing in -value; in strengthening those which are of immediate utility; and, by -correlation, maintaining those relations of parts on which the “type” -depends. - -These changes are not “purposive”; they do not aim toward a future type, -though they may result in one. Such a type may be more decadent than its -antecedent, and be the prelude to extinction, under this adamantine law -of destruction; but if its variations have been physiological and -adaptive, they will confer upon it the blessing of life, the gift of -length of days. - -Those changes which strengthen an organ or structure, or tend to develop -and preserve new and useful variations are called “progressive”; those -which tend to draw individual variation back to the current type or to -reduce certain structures or functions are called “regressive” -variations. - -It would seem at first sight that such processes must tend in opposite -directions—the one beneficial, the other injurious. In fact, both are -preservative; but by contrasted physiological processes. - -Progressive changes begin in the individual and pass by inheritance into -the stock, when they have proved beneficial to it. They continue in -action so long as they are useful. When their utility ceases, the energy -of the economy is expended elsewhere, on other structures or faculties. -The degeneration thus produced is “compensatory.” It does not detract -from but adds to the general viability of the organism. - -What is most marvellous in this process is that the part or power rarely -wholly disappears, no matter how long it has been useless. The pineal -gland in the human brain is the remains of a third eye with which our -ancestors looked out from the top of their heads when they were Silurian -fishes; and the appendix vermiformis was an annex to their stomachs when -they were herbaceous ruminants! - -So it is in psychical anthropology. A department of it, Folklore, is -taken up with such survivals, and strange are its revelations! Our -Christmas dinner is a reminiscence of a cannibal feast at the winter -solstice. The dyed Easter egg is a relic of a myth of the dawn older -than the Pyramids. - -In strictly scientific language evolution is not always synonymous with -progress. It means simply change or transformation within the limits of -physiological laws—that is, that such changes tend, on the whole, to the -preservation of the individual or do not conflict with it. - -Life is the criterion of evolution. But the application of this standard -is not always easy. The most salient variation is not necessarily the -most important. Again, a variation admirably suited to a given mode of -existence may be unfriendly to development by unfitting the stock for -later and inevitable changes of environment. - -In the psychical ethnic life there are, however, a limited number of -characteristics, the symmetrical development of which cannot fail to -bring out all the latent powers of the group in the struggle for its -independent existence; and, conversely, their neglect or faulty -cultivation will surely pave the way to debility and disappearance. They -are the primary factors of progressive variation in ethnic psychology. - -The list of them is as follows: - - 1—Remembrance. - 2—Industry. - 3—Inventiveness. - 4—Adaptability. - 5—Receptiveness. - 6—Forethought. - -They are all essential to ethnic progress; though the special -cultivation of one or the other must be dictated by the circumstances. -The development must be in relation to the inner (mental) and outer -(physical) demands upon the group, if it is to make the best of its -life. They are the physiological elements of collective mental growth, -standing in relation to it as do proper food, exercise, cleanliness, and -the other hygienic methods to bodily health and strength. - -1. _Remembrance._—Knowledge is of no avail unless it is remembered. -Experience may become prophetic, but if its words are forgotten, of what -use is its wisdom? Hence the rudest savages seek means to strengthen -their recollection of events and ideas. The Australian has his message -stick, the Peruvian his knotted string (_quipu_), the Chippeway his -_meday_ club,—all to help preserve tradition, ritual, knowledge, in some -form. - -Whatever technical process was devised to shape a war club, or to -minister to the sense of beauty by adornment, whatever laws were framed -to regulate the clan, whatever secrets were learned from nature, became -of value to the group only in so far as the faculty of memory and the -means of remembrance were cultivated. - -I need not refer to the supreme treasure of written records, the -national literatures of the world; but it is worth noting that just to -the extent that a nation cherishes its own history, lives in its past -deeds, drinks from its own fonts of thought, does it develop its -vitality and independence. - -Tradition and instruction in what the group has already gained is the -first condition of further advance. If the future is to rest on a secure -foundation, it must be built on the experience of the past. Plato -estimated the alphabet none too highly when he called it a gift of the -gods. The dream of immortality in name is a mighty stimulus to effort. -What were that fame worth that perished with our flesh? - -Under this head also comes what we broadly call Education, that which -distributes to the new generation the garnered grain and treasured -pearls of hundreds of older generations; which places in the hands of -the young the tools of thought, the training in vocations, the pride in -the noble achievements of the past, the acquaintance with their own -powers and the means of increasing them, the precepts of justice, of -love, and of truth, and the inspiration of grand ideals of life and -work. - -No past is too remote to be destitute of practical value to the present. -No truth is too trivial to be regarded. Knowledge has long and wisely -been esteemed the synonym of power. Art, science, the whole fabric of -culture, are accumulations, memories, of millenniums of labour, of whose -results all has been lost except that which has been recollected. - -2. _Industry._—The secret of all improvement in human life is the -conscious effort to improve. Idleness is the chief obstacle to -advancement. Disuse of brain-function degenerates the tissues faster -than misuse. Labour, work, activity, exercise,—these are the only means -to strengthen the powers we have and insure their survival. - -Not all effort is equally beneficial. It may be honestly intended, but -misdirected, and lead to perdition; it may be the tread-mill labour -which reduces the man to a machine, and blunts and dulls his soul; it -may be, as with those who “work hard at play,” consumed in frivolous -pastimes and trivial objects. - -The true aim of all effort, that aim which most contributes to progress, -is the conquest of the environment, the subjection of it to the -enlightened reason and the individual will. “The one process of human -evolution,” says a thoughtful writer, “is the passage from a merely -mechanical to a rational life.” - -“Adaptation to environment” belongs to plant life and brute life. Man at -his best aims at the nobler task of moulding the environment to his own -will and wishes. He is not its slave, but its master. Does arctic cold -threaten to freeze the blood in his veins? He builds a hut and lights a -lamp; and the summer zephyr is not milder than the air he breathes. Does -the equatorial sun dart its fatal rays from the zenith? He spreads an -umbrella and dons a helmet, and is as cool as if under orchard shades of -temperate zones. - -Reason-directed, unflagging activity,—this is the one indispensable and -all-sufficient security for the indefinite progress of individual or -group. The definition of “genius,” said Goethe, “is the willingness to -labour unremittingly.” The willingness presupposes the will, and he of -the indomitable will soon becomes master of his purpose. - -This trait has long been familiar as a criterion in ethnic psychology. -Professor Klemm in his history of human culture, written half a century -ago, divided the tribes and nations of humanity into those who have been -“passive” and those who have been “active.” He maintained that the love -of labour is the simple and sufficient measure for the capacities of any -race. - -Many later writers have followed him in this discrimination, although -they phrase it in various forms. The latest, Professor Vierkandt, -repeats it in a more psychological guise when he states that the real -source and centre of all differences between the cultures of human -groups is the one difference between their voluntary and involuntary -activities. The latter are instinctive, the former reflective; the -latter are mechanical, the former are rational; the latter are of -bondage, the former of freedom. - -The sum of average brain-industry in an ethnic mind is the measure of -its comparative value. Not single brilliant examples of genius, cases -here and there of exceptional ability, but a prevailing love of labour -is what guarantees success. A true genius, a Camoens or a Cervantes, -belongs more to the world than to the nation. Both these illustrious -names have stimulated thought more in foreign lands than in their own -homes. - -3. _Inventiveness._—When the neolithic man invented a sword of bronze to -replace his dagger of stone, he invested his tribe with the kingship of -the known world. The less-inventive hordes became their slaves. - -The victory of man over nature has been won by his inventions; and the -tribe, group, or nation which leads in the control of natural forces -will also lead in the struggle for existence, and supremacy. Others may -sing sweeter songs or dream diviner visions, but the potency of life -will not be won thereby. - -Inventiveness is another word for that knowledge which is really power, -force, strength—brutal, if you will, but present, actual. - -Man is distinctively a tool-using animal, and those with the most -efficient tools will bring the others to terms; for when it is a tool of -war, a weapon, victory is to him who has the best. - -Inventiveness is the foe of habit, and habit is the foe to advancement. -As the sickle gave way to the scythe, and the scythe to the -mowing-machine, the food-supply was insured against failure, famines -disappeared, and aggregations of millions in cities became possible. - -An invention is something concrete, objective. It substitutes reality -for a dream, and in the end surpasses, in the elements of the -marvellous, all dreams. The Arabian Nights tell of no magic spell so -potent as to enable persons to speak to each other a thousand miles -apart. But invention has made that the most commonplace of incidents. - -As there is no calculable limit to the natural forces, so there is none -to our possible control of them. Reason has this in itself, that -qualitatively it is of higher order than force and can control it to any -extent. The nation which constantly encourages this application of -reason must be the most forcible, the most powerful. Would you forecast -the fate of the present “great powers” in the twentieth century? The -books of prophecy are open. They are the records of the patent offices. - -4. _Adaptability._—The fundamental law of life in organic forms is their -relative ability to adapt themselves to environments. - -This is just as true of ethnic units, physically and mentally. When I -come to speak of acclimatisation, I shall dwell on the former phase; -now, I emphasise the necessity of mental adaptation, as shown in laws, -religions, customs, and thoughts. - -There must be nothing “hide-bound” in the tribe or nation which migrates -or which expands into new conditions of life. Home-sickness must be -unknown to it. It must cherish no ancient local prejudices, carry with -it no baggage which it is not ready to exchange for something more -suitable. More than that, it must be on the alert to discover what -alterations in home habits should be made, and hasten to make them. - -Adaptability is not the loss of national character. We may change our -sky with profit, but keep our minds. To lose ourselves in travelling -would be a loss irreparable. The human group which succumbs to new -environment does not adapt itself to it, but is drowned in it. The -changes required by adaptability are chiefly external and of will. They -are such as the recognition of new experiences suggests as advisable for -survival. - -Adaptability is an active trait. To be most effective it must be -conscious and purposive. The knowledge gained from others must be -utilised intentionally to the special advantage of the group. In this -form it is a product of the higher culture. Primitive peoples, when they -migrated, submitted themselves without reflection to the new influences -around them; enlightened groups are on their guard and sedulously retain -what they bring with them if they see it is better than what they find, -or accept the latter if it is superior. True adaptability, therefore, is -the result of conscious reasoning. - -5. _Receptiveness._—Not only should the ethnic mind be ready to adapt -itself to changed conditions, but it should be ever ready to give -admittance to new knowledge; not only passively, but should actively -seek it from others. Only thus can it progress surely and rapidly. -Anything in the nature of “Chauvinism” is destructive to breadth of -conception. The national egotism which scorns to learn of neighbours -prepares the pathway to national ruin. - -Primitive tribes borrowed extensively one from the other. The -traditions, games, arts, and inventions were appropriated by the most -mentally energetic, and by them such secured dominion and prosperity. - -Civilisation alters not this process. That nation to-day which is most -eager to learn from others, which is furthest from the fatal delusion -that all wisdom flows from its own springs, will surely be in the van of -progress. - -Receptiveness in national life is gauged by the knowledge the nation has -of others. This can be gained by intelligent travel or by study. Where -the citizens of a country travel little or for amusement only, and are -but slightly conversant with other languages than their own, we may be -sure that the national mind is lacking in this quality. The number of -foreign students in a great university is a test of this element of -progress in the character of their respective nationalities. - -Hence the practical deduction of the importance of a knowledge of modern -languages. Without them, the minds of other nations are closed books to -us. They may be surpassing us in wisdom and we be ignorant of it. In -that case, some day we or our children will weep for our negligence. - -6. _Forethought._—In one of his works Professor Letourneau remarks that -forethought is _par excellence_ the ripe fruit of intellectual -development. The ancient Greeks embodied this truth in the pregnant myth -of Prometheus (Forethought), who stole fire from the gods and gave it -unto men and his brother Epimetheus (Afterthought). - -He who is willing to sacrifice the present for the future must possess -self-control, fixity of purpose, faith in what governs the future, -decision of character. His actions must be conscious, purposive, -directed by intelligence. His will must be trained in the choice of -motive, and his passions curbed into obedience to his reason. -Self-restraint, self-sacrifice, even self-immolation, are the virtues he -must be ready to practise. - -The distant aim for which he is thus denying himself may be within the -confines of his own expectation of life, and thus be after all centred -in personal ambitions; or it may be directed toward some hoped-for life -hereafter, in the next world, the spirit-land; or, noblest of all, it -may be in the interest of unborn generations and humanity at large. -Perhaps in his zeal he misses present joys for the illusions of a -fancied future; but better this than to sacrifice the future to the -present. - -In such deliberate and conscious planning for remote aims he is not like -the squirrel who lays up a store of nuts for the winter; for the man -exercises his will and decides between motives, and his actions are not -controlled by external events but by inner, psychical reflections. There -is even something not despicable in that avarice which heaps up riches -and knows not who shall enjoy them. In it is revealed that anxiety to -labour for a remote future, at present sacrifice, which, in nobler -expressions, is a fine, essentially human, trait. - -This characteristic differs widely in mankind, and in individuals. -So significant is it of the progress of the group that in various -forms it has been chosen by several writers as the main distinction -between savagery and civilisation. The efforts of the barbarian aim -at the satisfaction of his immediate wants only. His means of -livelihood—hunting, fishing, and the collection of natural -products—do not admit of saving for a far-off future. As the soul -rises in culture, its horizon expands. Not merely against winter’s -want, but against the inevitable periods of sickness and decrepitude -which lie in wait for all, must we be prepared. Then there are the -feeble and the helpless, and farther still the unborn, our -descendants, for whom we feel responsible. Finally, the horizon -falls co-equal with the limits of the world, and the future of all -humanity appeals to the loftiest souls as demanding their strenuous -labours. - -The best-directed efforts of humanitarians to-day are aimed at the -cultivation of forethought in the minds and habits of the lower, so -called, improvident classes of society. Wise governments are engaged in -providing secure depositories for small savings, in devising methods of -insurance against want in old age and poverty, and in urging upon all -the wisdom of guarding property against attacks, thus aiding in the -survival of the nations. - - -These are the primary factors of progress in the ethnic mind. Everywhere -and at all times their assiduous cultivation makes for national strength -and life. Where they are all active, success is assured. Where even one -is neglected danger is incurred. - -But, it will be objected, are there not other mental traits just as -necessary,—for instance, courage, enthusiasm, loyalty, patriotism? Yes, -they are sometimes advantageous, sometimes necessary; but these and -similar emotions are secondary; in themselves, they do not insure -progress; in frequent instances, they oppose it, and lead their -possessors to ruin. Blind courage, for example, like misdirected energy, -is mischievous and destructive. - -Emotions and sentiments are necessary stimulants to action. They are -indefinitely valuable in national character, but only to the extent that -they are governed and directed by intelligence. In themselves they are -blind and unreasoning impulses, and dangerous guides. In culture -history, they belong to primitive or half-civilised people, incapable of -holding rational conduct. By means of them, astute and unscrupulous -rulers sway the masses, exciting them to actions detrimental to -themselves. - -The real factors in ethnic evolution must ever be those which are -rational, conscious, voluntary. As voluntary, they require freedom, -liberty of choice and of action. Freedom is an external condition, and -unless it is enjoyed without other restraint than the limitation of the -same privilege in others, the group can never reach its complete -development. In the theory of progress, therefore, it should be always -given as the primary condition of growth. - -The physiological processes by which regressive variation affects the -ethnic mind are chiefly three: - -1. Absorption through concentration elsewhere. - -2. Disuse or neglect of faculties. - -3. Reaction from natural limitations. - -Such changes as these are not merely consistent with ethnic advancement -but essential to it. They indicate simply a re-distribution of the vital -forces in accordance with the demands of new conditions. This is a -phenomenon constantly seen in the individual life of organic beings of -every grade, and that it extends to the species and to the mental powers -proves that it is an universal law. - -Many have maintained that regressive variation proceeds in an inverse -direction from progressive evolution, eliminating the most recently -acquired characteristics first. Not a few have sought to apply this -supposed law to ethnic conditions and sociological factors. But recent -authorities of weight, who have examined this question with care, regard -the instances supposed to confirm such a theory as coincidences only, or -explicable on other grounds. - -The term “regressive,” therefore, is to be understood as applying to a -physiological and healthy process, by which the sum of nutrition in an -organism is expended more upon one or several elements of that organism -at the expense of other elements. The latter, therefore, reduced in -sustenance, undergo “regressive” changes, atrophy, or diminish. - -In mental life this is paralleled by the cultivation of some faculties -to the neglect of others. Those to which we “pay attention,” as the -phrase is, improve, while those which we neglect are weakened. - -What is here noted of the individual is true of the group. Indeed, it is -a leading fact in the psychical history of the species. Man has paid -heavily for all his winnings in the intellectual field by losses of many -a power which would serve him well had he retained it. He has forfeited -the instincts which once were his guides, the acuteness of his senses -has gone, the happy carelessness of his youth has deserted him. We may -all join in the lament of Mrs. Browning: - - “I have lost, ah, many a pleasure, - Many a hope and many a power.” - -In applying these general facts to the variations of the ethnic mind, -the principal distinction to observe is between _relative_ regressive -and _actual_ regressive changes. - -The former are not only consistent with general progress, but in some -sense a condition of it. In following the steep ascent of advancement, -we must cast aside some of our baggage. We must husband our resources -and spend them where the return will be most bountiful. Where we strike -the balance of our mental losses and gains and find it in favour of -general improvement, we may rest content. - -_1. Absorption through Concentration Elsewhere._—The concentration of -the ethnic mind on the cultivation of one group-trait infallibly leads -to a diminution of other faculties. The group has a fixed amount of -time, activity, and mental force, and if this is concentrated chiefly on -one purpose, others must suffer. - -History offers numberless examples of this. A few will suffice. The -Vikings of Norseland had but one vocation—war; and though they -repeatedly founded kingdoms in the south, not one survived. The -capacities for peaceful life were lost in them, but for generations they -were the terror of the more numerous and highly cultured nations of the -south. - -Exclusive devotion to the religious sentiment has reduced many peoples -to practical imbecility, especially where the State has used its powers -to force a particular church upon the community. Nothing, indeed, has -brought about more complete intellectual atrophy. - -These are examples where the process under consideration has been -misdirected or carried too far. When it is properly guided, the -compensation for the loss or diminution of one faculty is vastly greater -than the value of that faculty. Thus, it was through the cultivation of -his intelligence that early man lost his instincts. Through an earnest -desire for peace which sprang up in the cities of the Middle Ages, the -constant strife between the feudal nobles was measurably checked, to the -signal advantage of the nation. - -Where the stress of mental attention is directed to the cultivation of -secondary traits or of those which make against the general welfare, the -process is still physiological; it may, indeed, for the time be -advantageous, concentrating the group-feeling and fitting the nation for -its immediate conditions. Thus, in the present age, industrialism -attracts to its sphere most of the ability of several leading nations. -It offers not in itself a high ideal of life, but appears to be one -peculiarly suited to the prevailing conditions of humanity. It stores -reserve national force which will, doubtless, in time be expended on -nobler aims. - -2. _Disuse or Neglect of Faculties._—The impairment of mental powers -through disuse is one of the most common phenomena of psychology. Men -are much more colour-blind than women, because they exert less the -faculty of distinguishing hues. Persons who do not practise memorising -soon lose the power. - -In the history of nations this has been most conspicuous in the neglect -of the military spirit; Carthage yielded to Rome, and Rome to the -barbarian, chiefly because a distaste for personal exposure in combat -led each nation in time to depend on mercenaries for defence. For -centuries in China the vocation of the soldier has been looked upon as -inferior to that of the scholar or the statesman; and, however just this -might be in the abstract, it so weakened the national integrity that the -vast Sinitic empire is now tottering to ruin. - -Disuse may arise from two conditions: the one, from neglect and -overattention to other faculties; the other, from absence of -opportunity. - -Both are abundantly represented in ethnic psychology. Of the former, I -have just given instances; while of the latter the deliberate avoidance -by large groups of certain areas of mental life are examples in point. -Thus, the Society of Friends (Quakers) have for two hundred and fifty -years expelled the cultivation of the fine arts from their education. -The result is a loss of the æsthetic faculties, but a remarkable gain in -other directions—such as sobriety, longevity, business success. Whether -the compensation is sufficient seems, however, to be decided in the -negative by the Friends themselves. - -Other examples present themselves. The aristocracy of Siam regard all -forms of work as so degrading that they allow their finger-nails to grow -five or six inches in length to prove that their hands have never been -soiled with labour. Needless to say that this disuse of their muscles is -followed by atrophy of their brain-cells, so that they are an emasculate -and enfeebled group. The theory of concentration and disuse of faculties -in the group led to the system of castes, the most striking example of -which is in India, where they are divided upon race lines. The white -Brahmans are the priests, legislators, scholars, and diplomats; the red -Rajpoots are the warriors and chieftains; the yellow Mongols are the -commercial and agricultural class; while the black Dravidians are the -mechanics and herdsmen. Each caste adopts its special branch of activity -and avoids that traditionally belonging to another caste. - -Although a similar theory has been widely popular in many states, such a -division of labour and responsibility has in it elements of debility -which in the long run must bring about social disintegration. It -conflicts with the unity of the ethnic mind. - -3. _Reaction from Natural Limitations._—As there is a difference in the -mental aptitudes of individuals which no training can equalise, so there -is in those of human groups. Its causes do not concern us here. The fact -remains and must be faced. - -There are natural limitations to each mind and to each group of minds. -Compared with the most highly gifted, the less so stand in the -physiological relation of “rudimentary organs.” When brought into -contact, the latter will either succumb or accept a subordinate -position. - -The American Indians, as a race, were comparatively highly gifted. They -created an order of architecture and even devised a system of phonetic -writing; but none of their states was of long duration, and none of -their so-called “empires” rose above the level of a temporary -confederacy. - -The limitations of the racial mind were such that a complex social -organisation was impossible for them. In the forms of their highest -governments, those of the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians, we see repeated -on a large scale the simple and insufficient models of the rude hunting -tribes of the plains. - -This is also true of the black race of Africa. The powerful monarchies -which at times have been erected in that continent over the dead bodies -of myriads of victims have lasted but a generation or two. The natural -limitations of the racial mind prevented it. - -Many other examples could be cited. Indeed, the law of “thus far shalt -thou go and no farther” tells the story of most of the failures of races -and peoples. They fell through mental inability to succeed. They had -reached the natural limit of their activities. - -But there is in this no occasion to deduce a conclusion of fatalism. -These limitations have been operative in great measure because they have -been unrecognised, and no effort has been made to escape them. Though -they may not be remedied, their evil effects may be avoided by -enlightened prevision. They act like other natural laws, and all such -laws can be turned to man’s advantage, if he sets about it wisely. - -MODES AND RATES OF ETHNIC VARIATION.—Both progressive and regressive -mental variations are formed of constructive, synthetic evolution; both -are necessary to general advancement; both have their place in the -scheme of national health and growth. They belong among what the -physiologist calls “anabolic” processes—those whose tendency is to -preserve and develop the species. - -There has, however, been frequent misunderstanding of the modes of -action of these processes and the rate of their movement. This -misconception exists widely to-day. Many writers have mistaken actual -advance for degeneration, or claimed that some nation or stage of -culture was superior to another from some single real or imagined -feature. Thus Rousseau and his school, enamoured of the supposed -personal freedom of the savage, lauded the existence of man “in a state -of nature”; and their followers still assail modern civilisation as a -failure. - -It becomes important, therefore, to examine the modes of healthy -progress so that we may understand its sometimes strange aspects. - -These modes are three in number: - -1. In lines, either parallel (homoplastic) or divergent (heteroplastic). - -2. In circles, or curved forms (spirals). - -3. In waves, rhythmic undulatory forms. - - -1. _Parallel and Divergent Variation._—Evolutionists are familiar with -these two forms of progressive variation in the organic world. They are -equally evident in human progress. - -No fact in ethnology is more striking than the parallelisms of primitive -culture. Go where we will among the savage tribes of the globe, we find -them developing the same arts along the same lines, framing their tribal -organisations on the same models, calling in similar words on the same -gods. Not only in this but in what seem matters of caprice, fancy, and -local colour, the same similarity, almost identity, prevails. They tell -stories of like plots, decorate their weapons in like patterns, dance -and sing in like forms. - -Yet, though so much alike, so “tarred with the same stick,” each tribe -and group is different. Each has its own imprint and character. Each has -its points of individuality. - -This is “divergent” variation, just as universal, just as inevitable as -the parallelism we have been considering. This extends into minute and -seemingly unimportant details. We may, for example, compare the stone -axes of neighbouring American tribes. In a casual survey, they look -alike; a close inspection reveals slight but constant differences. The -trained eye can distinguish their place of origin without difficulty. - -This inherent divergence is so profound that two well-marked groups -become incapable of mental unity. They may be separated by an imaginary -line, and have been for generations under like climatic and cultural -conditions, but the imprint of the divergence is ineradicable. If they -have the same religion, they will understand it differently; the same -events will impress them differently; their feeling and their hopes will -be asunder. - -While this is true, it is also true that a new stimulus to progress is -created by the union of divergent lines of thought. The resultant is a -fresh element in mental life, a new birth independent of either parent. - -Such unions are brought about either by similarity or contrast. There is -a species of elective affinity between certain lines of psychical -development which at once unites them as they approach each other. - -There is also a similar union induced by contrasted psychical states. We -say familiarly that “opposites attract each other,” and it is a maxim -drawn from frequent experience. The rapid changes from social freedom to -military tyranny in the mercurial population of some states seem more -gratifying to the ethnic spirit than a continued stable government. - -Parallel variations lead to similarity in products. They are -“homoplastic,” to use the term of the evolutionist. Primitive tribes, -developing under the same general conditions of environment, are -strikingly alike in culture. - -Divergent variations are “heteroplastic,” that is, they lead to new -products, and hence are the higher activities in all that makes for -advancement. Whatever multiplies them stimulates the growth of culture. - -2. _Variation in Circles or Curves._—Both parallel and divergent -evolution are expressions of continuity of progress in lines, extending -from point to point, intersecting to produce other lines of new -directions. - -Such a rectilinear scheme is the simplest that we can sketch of human -advancement; and for many purposes it is sufficiently correct. It does -not, however, fully express the geometrical representation of such -agencies as we are considering. Professor Baldwin has justly remarked -that there is a “circular activity” in all progress. Its influence is -not aimed solely at a point ahead, but extends itself in all directions. -The reception of a new and true idea in the human mind may be likened to -the introduction of a ray of sunlight into a darkened room. Its chief -force is seen in the linear shaft of light, but the illumination extends -in some degree to the whole space. - -Johannes Schmidt has shown that the distribution of the early Aryan -dialects and religions was not from the point of common origin by right -lines of migration in different directions, but should be represented -diagrammatically by a series of irregular circles and ellipses, -overlapping each other. The tendency to variation arises in some centre -and spreads from it in a series of curves. These meeting others lead to -an “interlinking” of cultural areas. - -This is true of the other elements of ethnic culture. The localities -where many such overlappings occurred became secondary centres from -which in turn the circular activity of culture was propagated. - -A mart where many visitors from different nations congregated would -receive some new learning from all and through its concentration would -impart this higher potency in some measure to all. For example, the city -of Nippur, on the Babylonian plain, attracted twenty-five hundred years -ago to its markets not only Assyrians and Edomites, but Medes and -Persians from the East, Syrians and Hittites from the West, and probably -Greeks and Egyptians and Arabians from remoter lands. - -Human progress has been likened by some to a spiral figure where each -advance is a repetition of a former stage but with improvements to it. -This is a combination of the right line and the curve; but the notion -that repetition or recapitulation exists in evolution in any other form -than that of renewed effort finds little support in natural science. - -3. _Variation in Waves, or Rhythmic Undulations._—Some of the most -recent speculations on the ultimate forces of the universe lead to the -belief that they are maintained in activity by an eternal rhythmic -pulsation or undulation, generating its energy from its periods of -repose. - -This doctrine has been applied by Professor Gerland to the progress of -the human race. His teaching is that after a period of rapid advance -there follows one of depression, which in turn is succeeded by another -of advance, reaching a higher development than any which preceded it. - -Other writers have expressed this notion in the form that after a period -of activity and invention follows one of repose and reflection, giving -way in turn to another of activity. - -THE RATE OF PROGRESS.—Professor de Mortillet calculates from a wide -range of data, geologic and archæologic, that man has lived on the earth -about 240,000 years. The most conservative student of prehistoric -records would not estimate the life of our species at less than fifty -thousand years, and it is much more likely to be double that duration. - -The date of anything like civilisation is much more recent. Even in its -oldest centres, as Egypt or Babylonia, to place its beginning ten -thousand years ago is to exceed the demands of the boldest antiquary; -while over most of the now civilised areas of the globe a condition of -barbarism prevailed until less than two thousand years ago. - -These facts prove wide variations in the rate of progress, very slow -movements in earlier times and lower conditions, singularly rapid -advances in later high conditions. - -We are led to the conclusion, therefore, that the rate is not by one -mode of progression but by several. - -1. By arithmetical progression (addition). - -2. By geometrical progression (multiplication). - -3. By saltatory progression (permutation). - -These are not to be applied too strictly, but it is safe to make the -general statement about them that they correspond to the three stages of -culture,—savagery, half-culture, and full-culture. - -The simplest rate is by adding one invention or art to another, as does -the savage in his lowest stage to-day and as did primitive man for -myriads of years. Each such addition is so much gained, but reflects -little improvement on the general life. Thus the Australian began with a -stone fastened to a wooden handle, and with which he could strike a -blow, scratch the earth, or tear flesh. To this he added in time a spear -or javelin, a club, and finally that curious weapon, the boomerang. Each -of these inventions helped him just to the extent he used it and not -more. His general condition was not bettered beyond that amount. It was -as if he had added a hundred dollars to his capital and enjoyed the -interest of the investment. His was arithmetical progression. - -This merely arithmetical progression by simple addition, 2 + 2 + 2 + -2=8, explains why the introduction or invention of very important -technical procedures have frequently been of no influence on the general -culture of a people. Thus, the smelting and forging of iron has been -known from time immemorial among the African blacks, and many of them -are skilful blacksmiths; but beyond its immediate convenience for -weapons, the art did them no benefit. The Chinese knew the compass and -gunpowder many centuries before the Europeans, but their methods of war -and navigation received no impulse from these potent allies. - -French physiologists have defined the human brain as “an organ of -repetition and multiplication.” So long as its activities are confined -to mere imitation, following a set example, it employs the former -function only, and the progress of the group must be very slow. - -This was not Mr. Lewis H. Morgan’s opinion. That thoughtful ethnologist -maintained that “from first to last human progress has been in a ratio -not rigorously but essentially geometrical.” But the arguments on which -he chiefly based this maxim, so far as it applies to primitive -conditions were the development of articulate speech and the social, -“gentile” organisation; and neither of these resulted from a conscious -effort of mind. - -Progress does proceed in a geometrical ratio—that is, by multiplication, -when an invention reacts on the sum of the ethnic possessions to -increase their general value—when, as we say, it has an indefinite -number of “applications.” This is seen in the recognition of the -mechanical powers,—the lever, the pulley, the screw, the weighing-beam, -and so on. In ship-building, the oar, the rudder, and the sail improved -the whole system of water transportation. - -Geometrical ratio increases rapidly. It is represented by a series 2 × 2 -× 2 × 2=16. But the augment by permutation is still greater. This is -shown in the series 2 × 3 × 4 × 5=120. Mr. George Iles claims that this -is the true rate of modern progress as represented by the effect on the -world of printing, steam, electricity, and photography. This is progress -“saltatory,” or by leaps. It explains, he believes, the sudden and rapid -advance of some periods, and also the losses of continuity sometimes -observed. His maxim is: “The newest of the factors of culture multiplies -all the factors which went before it.” - - - - - CHAPTER IV - _PATHOLOGICAL VARIATION IN THE ETHNIC MIND_ - - -We have seen in the preceding chapter that atrophy and regression are an -essential process of progressive evolution, necessary in order that the -preponderance of nutrition may be cast in favour of the most useful -organs and structures. - -This is “physiological” degeneration, “degeneration with compensation,” -the result of which is finally favourable to the general economy. - -But there is another form of degeneration, the tendency of which is -distinctly injurious to the organism as a whole, and which, if -unchecked, would compass its destruction. This is “pathological -degeneration,” “degeneration without compensation.” - -Although such processes are also biologic,—that is, carried on by life -products (cellular neoplasms),—they are incapable of independent -existence and are always warring against that of the organism in which -they are engendered. It is an axiom that the laws of progressive -evolution do not apply to pathological processes (Virchow). - -In the history of the mental life of individuals and nations we find a -striking parallelism to these physical processes, certain degenerations -bringing with them compensations in the growth of higher faculties, -others tending inevitably to the destruction of the individual or the -group. The latter belongs to the domain of “ethnic psycho-pathology.” - -Psychologists have shunned this field. “Psychology,” says a recent -American writer, “must concern itself with the _normal_ mind”; and a -German author of merit has insisted that mental pathology has no place -in ethnology, because this science occupies itself only with the -progress of mankind. - -Much more correct is the opinion of Dr. Ireland that “it is quite -erroneous to treat the history of the human race as that of the sane -alone”; and, indeed, we may almost go so far as Professor Capitan, of -the School of Anthropology of Paris, and say: “Everybody is diseased. -Nobody is healthy. We are obliged to study mankind in a constantly -morbid condition of body and mind.” Or we may go as far as Pascal, when -he says, “Men are naturally so insane that he is deemed insane who is -not insane with the rest.” - -Ethnic psychology is obliged to take into account the constant presence -and powerful action of pathological mental elements. Tribes and nations -have been destroyed by war or by catastrophes; but much more frequently -some disease of the ethnic mind itself has prepared its own extinction. - -Here an important distinction is necessary. Ethnic mental disease has no -relation to the frequency of individual cases of insanity. These do not -affect the ethnic mind because that is the outcome of the intelligence -of the community, not of its irresponsible members. - -For this reason ethnic psycho-pathology cannot be discussed wholly from -the standpoint of insanity, although the analogies are such that we can -profitably compare them in outline, and this I shall attempt. - -A definition is sometimes useful, so I present the following: - -A pathological condition of the ethnic mind is present when it is -chronically incapable of directing the activities of the group correctly -toward self-preservation and development. - -Like all definitions in natural science, this one is not to be applied -literally in all cases. The incapacity may be present and yet not to -such a degree as to be positively destructive. All nations have some -insane tendencies, as have all individuals; and it is true, as a -specialist has said: “The more one knows of insanity, the less does it -seem to differ from the normal condition.” - -These pathological traits of the ethnic mind can be analysed and -classified. They will be found to arise - -1. From some intellectual deficiency or perversion; or - -2. From some persistent disturbance of the emotional life. - -No one will demand that every member of a group should suffer from such -conditions in order that its collective mind should betray morbid -consequences. It is enough if a majority, or even a decided minority, -providing it exerts the requisite influence on the mass, is in such a -pathological state. A degenerate nobility or a dissolute priesthood has -often worked the ruin of a state through the contagion of example and -its control of lower classes. - -Before considering in detail the varied forms under which these diseased -mental traits present themselves, it will be well to examine the general -causes to which they are due. - -ETIOLOGY.—Each of such pathological conditions of the ethnic mind has a -basis in some prevailing physical neurosis, the origin of which can be -traced in the ethnic history, and which becomes hereditary in the stock. -For of these two principles no student of the subject can doubt, (1) -that every pathological mental manifestation corresponds to a -neuropathic change, and (2) that whatever may be said about the -transmission of acquired characters in physiology, no physician can for -a moment doubt that morbid infection may be passed down from generation -to generation. - -For these reasons the study of causes in ethnic pathology becomes of -enormous practical moment. Only by an acquaintance with them can -preventive and curative remedies be applied. - -These causes are, at first, always _external_ and _individual_. They -proceed from some form of “environment,” mental or physical. But the -morbid impression, once fully received, is often indelible, becomes -fixed in the type, and is but little influenced by external agencies. - -These primary causes of true ethnic degeneration I shall consider under -four headings. - -1. Imperfect Nutrition. - -2. Sexual Subversions. - -3. Toxic Agents. - -4. Mental Shocks. - -No one of these can act in the long run in other than a deleterious -manner on the ethnic mind. There is nothing “compensatory” in any one of -them or so little that it need not be reckoned. - -1. _Imperfect Nutrition._—It has been said broadly that all psychopathic -and regressive conditions arise from malnutrition (Féré). This is true, -in a sense, but does not carry us far in the direction of treatment. We -ask a closer definition of origins. - -There is no doubt of the intimate relationship of ample nutrition and -intellectual progress; but while it is well to avoid the ancient notion -of the independence of soul and body and that the former is superior to -the latter, we must guard against the modern extreme of Buckle and his -followers, that the history of nations can be traced to the food they -eat. Man is omnivorous, and his well-being is nourished by food of any -kind, providing it is nutritious and easily assimilable. The effort -which has often been made to trace the character of tribes and nations -to some prevalent diet—be it of fish or flesh, or vegetable products—is -fanciful, and yields no positive facts. What does harm is not some -particular kind but a general insufficiency of aliment. - -Imperfect nutrition may be traced to three principal sources. 1. -Insufficient or unsuitable food. 2. Lack of variety. 3. Improper -preparation of food. - -The careful researches of Collignon, Ranke, Ammon, and others have -traced the stunted forms, defective bodies, and low intellectual -development of the Lapps, the mountaineers of central Europe and the -Bushmen of the Kalihari desert to one cause, _la misére_, lack of -sufficient and appropriate food. This is certain to bring about -degeneration of organs, incomplete development, and loss of brain power. -Continued through generations, a hereditary taint is engendered which -saps the vigour of the stock, and cannot be eradicated by improved -conditions. - -Unsuitable food is usually consumed on account of the scarcity of better -material, but at times from a morbid craving. Examples are the unctuous -clay which was swallowed by various tribes in America and Australia, and -also by some of the “poor white trash” of Georgia. The ergoted rye and -maize to which some of the peasantry of France and Italy are forced to -have recourse exerts a disastrous influence on both body and mind. - -But food may be ever so excellent in itself, yet unsuitable to the -geographic and other conditions. The Eskimo thrives on blubber and raw -fish; but such a diet in Ceylon would be as inappropriate as the -Hindoo’s boiled rice for an exclusive diet in Greenland. - -Lack of variety interferes with nutrition even when the food material -itself is ample. By structure and habit man is omnivorous, and suffers -when confined to a single article of diet. The blood becomes depraved -and scorbutic symptoms often appear. Nations who mainly live on some one -substance—rice, cassava, potatoes, etc.—suffer, lose their power of -adaptation to their surroundings, as was remarked by Alexander von -Humboldt, and are more liable to disease. Owing also to the partial -sustenance thus furnished, the brain-cells are less progressive and -energetic. There are nearly a score of chemical elements in the body, -all of which must be supplied by the aliment if maximum physical health -is to be attained and the highest energy and moral vigour are desired; -for, although it is not correct to assert, as some have claimed, that -the physical insures psychical perfection, it is undoubtedly true that -the mind is never at its best in a feeble and sickly body. Dr. Johnson -was more than half right when he argued that a sick man is a scoundrel! - -A volume might be written on the influence of the preparation of food on -national character. Cookery is one of the fine arts, and its development -has been parallel with general culture. No tribe takes its food -habitually raw. The Eskimo will freeze it first, the Tartar readies his -steak by placing it beneath his saddle, and the African cannibal will -soak his human morsel in water. Before pots or kettles were invented, -the flesh was roasted over the fire or in trenches covered with hot -coals. - -Cookery renders food more assimilable, more digestible, and thus allows -the brain a better chance to do its work. Frying hardens and soddens -food, and the frying-pan is, therefore, an enemy to civilisation. -Chewing coarse, hard, and uncooked food develops the muscles of the jaws -and makes the face “prognathic,” an almost sure sign of intellectual -inferiority, and directly connected with an unfavourable shape of the -skull. The man who invented the mill was one of the greatest benefactors -to his race. Condiments add to the digestibility of food and hold an -important place in its preparation. Salt and pepper thus sharpen the -intellect. - -2. _Subversion of Sex-relations._—There is nothing more vital to the -growth, even to the very existence, of a nation than the sex-relations -which it favours by its laws, customs, and preferences. Upon these -depend the processes of natural selection by which the number and the -power of future generations are decided through inflexible rules. If -these relations, as established by the fixed natural laws of -species-perpetuation, are traversed by ignorance or wilful disobedience, -nothing can prevent the injury to the physical strength and mental -ability of the offspring. - -Such subversions of the sex-relations may be presented under five -headings: - - (_a_) Premature and delayed marriage. - - (_b_) Abnormal forms of marriage. - - (_c_) Abstention from marriage through various causes. - - (_d_) Licentiousness. Divorce. - - (_e_) Diminution of natality. Infertility. - -_(a) Premature and Delayed Marriage._—Mr. Galton, in one of his -thoughtful works, remarks: “An enormous effect upon the average natural -ability of a race may be produced by influences which retard the average -age of marriage or hasten it.” He has illustrated this by abundant -examples now through his many writings familiar to the public, his -general thesis being that the wisest policy for a nation is to retard -the age of marriage among the weak and to hasten it among the vigorous -classes. - -This is, of course, to be construed within physiological lines; -premature relations of the sexes, too early marriages, are disastrous in -every respect. Statistics of European armies show that there is a far -higher mortality and much more sickness among the soldiers who have -married young than among single men of the same age. Certain Australian -and South American tribes force their female children of immature age -into marital relations, and to this is due the rapid decrease of their -numbers. - -_(b) Abnormal Forms of Marriage._—Among early Semitic tribes, and to-day -in parts of Tibet and India, the custom prevails of “polyandry,” in -which one woman is the wife of several husbands. This sometimes arose -from female infanticide, sometimes, as in Tibet, where all the brothers -of a family have one wife in common, in order to preserve undivided the -family property.[2] - -Footnote 2: - - [An obvious gap in the manuscript occurs at this point, but one which - in no way affects the general argument of the author.—EDITOR.] - -_(c) Abstention from Marriage._—Mr. Galton has pointed out with great -force the injury worked by sacerdotal celibacy in the history of -European civilisation. The commendation of the single life in man or -woman as “the better part” has been by no means confined to certain -sects of Christianity. Long before that religion started, this sacrifice -was enjoined on the priests of Cybele, the virgins of Vesta, the -Egyptian ministrants, and many other officials in Old World rites; while -in the New World not only were there houses of “nuns” among the Quechuas -of Peru and the Mayas of Yucatan, but the priests in those cults and -even the “medicine men” of rude Northern tribes were frequently vowed to -perpetual and absolute chastity. - -In the struggle of modern life, and also in the greater facility for the -pursuit of pleasure, of self-culture or devotion to some cherished -pursuit, the unmarried person has an advantage, and hence it is noted -that marriage is either long delayed or wholly avoided. The division of -a community along narrow social, financial, or religious lines greatly -aids this isolation by narrowing the selection of partners for life. -War, emigration, and the love of adventure prompt the males to desert -remote and quiet localities, leaving the females in the majority and -imbuing the males with a distaste for domestic pursuits. During the -Crusades there were considerable areas in Europe where there was only -one man left to seven women. - -Students of psychopathic conditions have pointed out another and -apparently growing cause of indifference to marriage,—that sentiment -called “homosexuality,” an inversion of the sexual instinct toward one’s -own sex. This may be innocent in action and emotion, when it means -merely the preference for friendship in the same gender and a congenital -indifference to sexual feelings; or it may progress to any degree of -monosexual devotion, such as classic tradition attributed to the -characters of Sappho and Heliogabalus. - -Whatever the cause which leads to the presence of many old bachelors and -spinsters in a community, it must be condemned by the anthropologist, -because it is certain to bring about mental deterioration of the stock; -and the higher the motive, the more exalted the reason offered for such -abstention, the surer is the deterioration, because it means that the -class capable of such superior motives will be extinguished in the -community. - -_(d) Licentiousness; Divorce._—No one will need to be persuaded that -open licentiousness, the disregard of those sentiments and principles -which attach in lasting unions persons of opposite sex, can have other -than a detrimental effect on individual and national character. Wherever -this has prevailed, the community has been weakened and its powers -misdirected. Any stimulus to the sex feeling beyond that for its -physiological purpose detracts from the general energy, physical and -mental; and any indulgence of it in other than physiological methods -develops degenerative tendencies. - -Sexual psychopathy has been abundantly investigated of late years by -Krafft-Ebing, Ellis, and other students, and its prevalence is too -extended for it not to have profound effect on the ethnic mind. What is -one of the worst features is the attraction that such psychopathic -subjects have for each other, whether of the same or opposite sexes. It -thus becomes an inherited trait, and in a majority of the cases this is -easily recognised. - -The question here arises, to what extent in a community the marriage tie -may be relaxed without injury to or to the advantage of the general -psychical welfare. This practical inquiry should be decided not by -religious or social prejudice, but by a study of the peculiar conditions -of the community and of the application of general principles to them. - -It is impossible for me here to enter into this vast and vital question; -but some of these general principles may be briefly stated. - -Students of primitive conditions have reached the conclusion that -neither sex in the human species is inclined to permanent sexual unions. -They point out that among savage tribes, and indeed in various advanced -religions, ceremonies and customs are in vogue to expiate such -attachments as contrary to the divine ordinances. They further show that -the forms of marriage were instituted either for selfish sensual -purposes on the part of the male or for property reasons; and that in a -condition of freedom and advanced culture neither sex is inclined to -regard them as durably binding. - -With progressive enlightenment, bringing with it, as it must, the -freedom of woman from civil disabilities, divorces increase, and only -those marriages are stable in which both parties are satisfied. The -result of this is constantly beneficial. Facility of separation is a -potent stimulus to connubial harmony; for the one most satisfied with -the relation will always strive to render it agreeable to the other, in -order to avoid a dissolution of the tie. - -Licentiousness, therefore, is not synonymous with loose marriage -relations, but the reverse. - -_(e) Diminution of Natality._—There is no more certain sign of the -degeneration of a race, nation, or class than a decreasing birth-rate. -When it reaches the point that the deaths in its ranks exceed the -births, extinction has already begun. Providing that fecundity continues -normal, the onslaughts of war, famine, and pestilence may be remedied; -but when, through agencies of any description, the birth-rate sensibly -falls off, there is no escape from destruction. This disaster may arise -from physical, but is generally due to psychical causes, and therefore -points distinctly to mental pathology in the group where it occurs. - -Striking examples of this have been presented by studies of the noble -families of Europe. Placed in positions where their chief aims were -amusement, self-indulgence, and ostentation, their best faculties were -allowed to rust and finally to decay, bringing with this the extinction -of their lines. - -Researches in European history show that the ennobled families of -France, Germany, and England have rarely survived the fifth generation, -and not more than six per cent. are in existence after three hundred -years. Of 427 English noble families, but 41 were represented at the -beginning of the 17th century. The patrician families who controlled the -free cities of the Middle Ages are now known in history only. Scarcely a -score have outlived the degenerative agencies of wealth, idleness, and -indulgence. - -The other extreme of the social scale is equally unfriendly to -productiveness. It is popularly thought that the poor man has children -if he has nothing else. But he must not be too poor. Surgeons of the -Indian civil service have proved by ample statistics that the famines -which periodically ravage the East bring in their train widespread and -lasting infertility. Arrest of puberty and organic deterioration of the -reproductive system are common results of the prolonged starvation, and -prevent child-bearing. - -The psychic contrast between this result and that of malignant epidemics -is marked and singular. During and after famines the feelings dependent -on sex are almost extinguished; while in epidemics of acute diseases, -such as plague, cholera, and yellow fever, they are notably exalted, as -they are also in leprosy. - -There is also a class of maladies known in medicine as “dystrophic” on -account of their tendency to diminish virility, and thus both lessen the -birth rate and lead to morbid psychic states. Prominent among these are -malarial fevers, tuberculosis, and the later stages of alcoholism and -the opium habit. By many writers the inordinate use of tobacco is -believed to exert a similar effect. - -In modern life, notably in France and the eastern United States, there -is a very observable infecundity in certain classes, and they the -wealthiest and best educated, due unquestionably to intention on the -part of the married—to purely psychic causes, therefore. In the “best -society” of those localities two or three children to a marriage are as -many as are wanted and as many as arrive. - -That this limitation is deliberate, and not the result of reproductive -debility, has been shown by an application of the law of sex at birth as -formulated by Dumont. This is, that when the proportion of the sexes at -birth are as 105 males to 100 females, the diminished natality is -voluntary; and when it is involuntary, due to disease or malformations, -this ratio is always disturbed. - -As statistics prove that in modern life two-thirds of the children born -alive never perpetuate their kind, through death, the single life, -sterility, or other reason, it is plain that intentional limitation of -offspring to a number less than four means certain extinction of the -family. - -3. _Toxic Agents._—The toxic agents of ethnic degeneration belong to two -classes, stimulant-narcotics and disease-germs. The former are -voluntarily consumed by the individual, the latter he absorbs through -exposure to insalubrious conditions. Both belong to preventable causes -of deterioration. - -Of the stimulant-narcotics, alcohol, opium, and tobacco are the most -familiar. But they by no means exhaust the list. Everywhere and at all -times man has had an intense craving for these nervines. Where the Koran -forbids alcoholic drinks, the Arabs take refuge in kief and other -species of hemp. The native Mexicans cull the _peyotl_, the Siberians a -toadstool, the Peruvians coca. - -The precise degree to which these agents have altered the intellectual -and moral powers of communities has long been the theme of -controversies. - -This is especially true of alcohol. Professor Lapouge, certainly an -unbiassed observer, citizen of a land where temperance societies are -unknown, does not hesitate to call it “the most formidable agent of -degeneration in modern society.” Its worst effects are not the violence -to which it occasionally leads or the frightful nervous diseases which -its excessive use entails, but the slow hardening of the “axis -cylinders” in the nerve sheaths, the immediate consequence of which is -permanent deterioration of mental activity. Extended throughout a -community, this means a lessening of its energy and of its finest mental -qualities. Chronic alcoholism of this kind does not materially shorten -life, but it is eminently transmissible, and this soddens the stock. The -white race is most exposed to these mental and nervous effects of -alcohol, while the red and black races escape them in large measure. - -The second class of toxic agents affecting the community at large -includes the various forms of disease-germs. No one can doubt the -debilitating influence of malaria on the mental faculties of the -population exposed to its poisonous action. Vast tracts of the earth’s -surface are by it rendered incapable of sustaining the highest types of -humanity. Their energy is sapped, their vitality lowered, by the -insidious miasm. No race or nationality is immune. Though the white race -is most liable to its attacks, the African blacks are so far from being -exempt that in the more intense malarial districts of their continent -nearly one-third of the natives suffer from the disease. - -Marsh poison is usually confined to the lowlands. But the mountain -valleys also generate a noxious agent, most unfriendly to mental growth. -It displays itself in a threefold form, embracing goitre, cretinism, and -deaf-mutism, the three closely related and bringing with them a positive -debility of psychical powers. The mountains have not only been the -refuge of the feeble, escaping from the plains, but they have worked to -render these outcasts feebler still by reducing them in stature and -viability. Goitre is not confined to Alpine regions, though more -prevalent there. It is distinctly hereditary, and the offspring of -goitrous parents are predisposed to cretinism and allied forms of -imbecility. The southern and western slopes of the Alps, the Pyrenees, -the Himalayas, and the Cordilleras are especially the homes of this -class of diseases. - -Another series of toxic agents which calls for consideration in this -connection are the so-called “constitutional diseases.” These are -contagious and transmissible, the poison of the blood being handed down -from generation to generation. - -The most noteworthy of these is syphilis. Its extreme prevalence among -lower classes of the community and in some of the darker races is a -present and potent cause of their mental inferiority. It is well known -to specialists that children born of syphilitic parents are deficient in -mental energy and physical stamina. They are liable to scrofulous -symptoms and tubercular degenerations, and are deficient in ambition and -love of labour. - -Less widely distributed, but yet affecting whole communities, are -ergotism and pellagra, due to the consumption of diseased grain, and -leprosy which is undoubtedly hereditary and vitiates the blood of whole -families. Certain stocks are especially liable to it, notably the -African blacks and next to them the Semites, both Jews and Arabs. - -4. _Mental Shock._—History presents many instructive examples of the -destructive power of mental shock on the ethnic mind. It is brought -about by some great, sudden, unexpected catastrophe, which breaks -asunder the associations or institutions in which the community has -lived its mental life. - -Such a disruption may arise from an intensely malignant epidemic, from -war, or from a natural catastrophe. - -An example of the first was the frightful “black death” which swept over -Europe in 1348–50, destroying nearly a fourth of the whole population. -All accounts agree that the despair and desperation which accompanied -such an unexampled affliction showed themselves in an abandonment of all -restraint, a reckless indulgence in the wildest debaucheries, an entire -disregard of social restrictions. The same is true of the “plague and -famine” years, 1491–95, when, in the words of a medical historian, “the -corruption of morals reached a height without parallel in ancient -times.” - -The depressing power of sudden defeat and subjugation has been -repeatedly exemplified. The “spirit is broken” of the conquered people. -Only by such a profound mental depravation can we explain why such a -warlike and numerous nation as the Aztecs sank instantly to be the serfs -of a handful of white conquerors. - -A writer on the history of the Christian church has remarked that “every -nation has its peculiar heresy.” A student of mental pathology might -justly add that every nation has its peculiar form of insanity. An -irrational tendency is present and active in every community, ever -striving to gain the ascendancy, and when it succeeds, as has often been -the case in history, it makes steadily for the destruction and -extinction of the national existence. - -The forms of mental alienation are as various in the collective as in -the individual mind, and as they are extensions of the symptoms seen in -the latter, they may be classified on similar lines. I shall examine -them, therefore, first as they are connected with intellectual and next -with emotional disturbances, in accordance with the following scheme: - - ETHNIC PSYCHOPATHIC CONDITIONS. - - I.—_In the Intellectual Life._ - - 1. Conditions of Deficiency │(_a_) Imbecility. - │(_b_) Criminality. - - 2. Conditions of Perversion │(_a_) Delusions. - │(_b_) Dominant Ideas. - - II.—_In the Emotional Life._ - - 1. Conditions of Hypersthenia (active motor │(_a_) Hysteria. - states) │ - │(_b_) Exaltation. - │(_c_) Destructive - │ Impulses. - - 2. Conditions of Asthenia (passive sensory │(_a_) Melancholia - states) │ (Depression). - │(_b_) Neurasthenia - │ (Exhaustion). - -I. PSYCHOPATHIC CONDITIONS IN THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE—1. CONDITIONS OF -DEFICIENCY.—The intellect of a group, like that of the individual, has -its limits, beyond which it is not possible to educate it. This is -conspicuously seen in intellects below the normal, such as in -feeble-minded persons. No amount of training can cure their radical -defects and make them the equals of their average associates. These are -instances of intellectual deficiency. It may express itself either in -some degree of imbecility or in the active form of criminal habits. - -Another class do not seem below the average in general powers, may, -perhaps, appear in various directions above it; but they have some twist -or obliquity in their mental make-up which separates them from their -fellows, usually to their detriment. In common life such persons are -known as “cranks” or “eccentrics,” men of one idea and paranoiacs. They -are examples of intellectual perversion. Ethnic psychology can also -supply abundant instances of this character. - -_(a) Imbecility._—To say that there are tribes or whole peoples actually -imbecile would perhaps be going too far. Yet this has been asserted of -some by competent observers. Mr. Horatio Hale, who was among the native -blacks of Australia, related that the impression they produced on his -mind was one of “great natural obtuseness, downright childishness, and -imbecility.” The only arguments which availed with them were “such as we -should use towards a child or a partial idiot.” Mr. Hale attributed this -to generations of semi-starvation and malnutrition, and was so convinced -of this that he believed the most favoured race would, by similar -conditions, be reduced to the same low intellectual stage. - -A prevailing inability to judge of evidence is common among many peoples -and classes, and this is a marked sign of mental deficiency. They -mistake associations of time and place for relations of cause and -effect, and their reasoning is vitiated in consequence. Superstition is -fostered by this mental obliquity. The casual objective relation is -mistakenly assumed as the subjective necessity. This is especially -common among savages, and the illiterate classes of higher culture. It -is a mark of mental inferiority tending to irrational action and -confusion of thought. - -In civilised communities those of the population who are thus -constituted form the “dependent” class, incapable of making their own -living, and supported either by their families or the state. They may -thus survive and reproduce their kind, but ethnic groups afflicted with -such intellectual retardation either perish or become subject to those -with higher gifts. - -_(b) Criminality._—Criminality in its common forms must be classed as a -condition of intellectual deficiency brought about by one or several of -the causes I have already rehearsed. It is not necessary, here, to enter -into the discussion as to whether a criminal is born or made, nor do I -speak now of those violators of the law in favour of a higher law, the -reformers, apostles, martyrs to a faith and a truth in advance of their -time and place, nor of those who have yielded for a moment to some -mastering temptation. I speak of the ordinary criminal who for selfish -ends habitually violates the usages of the group in which he lives, and -to this extent aims at its destruction. - -This class cannot be disciplined into the rules necessary to the peace -and welfare of the society in which they live. Researches on their -psychology show them, as a rule, defective in physical sensibility, more -frequently colour-blind, mental instability is always present, vanity is -exaggerated, the emotions are violent, and the general intelligence is -below the average. We must regard them as pathological, rapidly -approaching a self-destructive degree of degeneration. When they are -numerous in a group it is a sure sign of its general inferiority. - -The most advanced criminologists of to-day have returned to the opinion -advocated a generation ago by Quetelet in these words: “Society creates -the germs of all crimes which are committed. She instigates them, and -the criminal is merely the instrument of their execution.” - -Translated into other words, this means that the psychic traits of any -group are the direct parent of its anti-social, self-destructive, -criminal instincts. To the extent that such traits are remediable the -body politic is directly responsible for the violations of its own laws. -If left unremedied, the ruin of the group must follow. - -2. CONDITIONS OF PERVERSION.—Alienists have frequent occasion to observe -cases of mental disease where all the faculties of the mind seem intact -and equal to the average, except that there is a persistent irrational -delusion on some single point or a few points; or else the mind is -controlled by the insistent recurrence of a single idea, which -obstinately aims to govern the whole man. The latter is known as an -_idée fixe_, a fixed or dominant idea. - -In ethnic psycho-pathology the same conditions may be constantly -observed, and they react on the character and fate of peoples with -visible power. That which passes under the name of “popular prejudice” -is an example. A community will adopt an opinion, without reason, and -will not permit a discussion of its merits. Any one not accepting it -will be regarded as a public enemy. - -_(a) Delusions._—In primitive conditions the most common delusion is -that of the identity of waking and dream-life. There is no distinction -allowed in the equal reality of both, or, if any, it is in favour of the -superiority of the dream-life, for in dreams the person seems possessed -of powers which he loses on awakening. So highly are dreams esteemed, -that many savage tribes and many nations of respectable culture have -risked their gravest undertakings on the interpretation of these visions -of the night. - -Such a delusion is, of course, most contrary to reason and good order. -On account of an inauspicious dream a Brazilian tribe will desert its -village and its plantations; while if a Kamchatkan dreams that he has -been given another man’s wife, it is held necessary for public welfare -that his dream be realised. - -Another delusion, deeply rooted in the philosophy of India and which has -worked untold misfortunes on its peoples, is that of the unreality of -the distinction between subject and object—that is, between thought and -the external world. Hence arose the doctrine that real life is _mâyâ_, -an illusion or deception of the senses, and its aims and duties unworthy -the contemplation of the true philosopher. The consequent neglect of the -practical duties of life could not fail to weaken the peoples who -juggled with sound reason in this manner. - -A wonderful example of long-persistent delusion was the Crusades. For -nearly two centuries (1095–1289) the Christian nations of Europe -neglected state and domestic affairs in order to rescue the Holy -Sepulchre from the hands of the infidels. All classes, from kings to -peasants, fell a prey to the same obsession. It was accompanied by -repeated and unmistakable signs of epidemic manias and neuropathias -unequalled in history. Lykanthropy, in which the possessed howled and -destroyed like wolves, was extremely common; the dancing mania spread -through wide areas, forcing old and young into wild gestures and crazy -motions; and, stranger than all, young children were attacked with a mad -desire to leave their homes and to wander forth they knew not whither. -Were they prevented, they pined and died. These “children’s crusades” -began in Germany in 1212, extended through France, Switzerland, and -Italy, and continued as late as 1418. - -_(b) Dominant Ideas._—The weightiest topic in universal history may -possibly be the study of dominant or fixed ideas in ethnic psychology. A -philosophic observer may regard each nation as the destined -representative of some one idea, which, when its usefulness has ended, -yields to others more germane to existing conditions; and by the -successive action of all, the progress of the species is secured through -the gradual elimination of those which are regressive. - -Certain it is that in any group the constituent minds are controlled at -a given time by some one idea common to all. This is, in one sense, a -perversion of the intellect. The dominant idea assumes a magnitude out -of proportion to its actual value; and by this disproportion—that is, by -the undue attention it receives, others, often of equal or greater value -to the group, are neglected. - -These dominant ideas form the national ideals, after which the -individual lines are consciously patterned, and by the practical -application thus given, add to the cohesion of the group through the -unification of its members. Acting under natural laws, common to organic -forms as well as to societies, these ideas are the chief agents in -social selection, and thus control almost absolutely the traits and -destinies of nations, as has been traced in a masterly manner by Vacher -de Lapouge. - -Such ideas are easily recognised in a community. A slight acquaintance -with history and literature teaches us that the early Romans were -exclusively possessed by the military ideal, the lust of conquest; that -the ideal of the Israelites has always been the thirst for commercial -gain; and that art was the ruling aim in the palmy days of Greece. - -But the finest example that occurs to me of many different peoples being -dominated by a fixed idea is seen in the votaries of the Mohammedan -religion. They are bound together by one sacred language, in which one -book, the Koran, lays down all law, civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical, -and the expressed dicta of which set them in sharpest opposition to all -who do not accept it. The religious idea, thus stimulated out of all -proportion to others, has developed in them a fanatical force which at -one time almost enabled them to conquer the known world, and which has -since resulted in the inevitable decay of their greatest states, their -literature and arts. - -II. PSYCHOPATHIC CONDITIONS IN THE EMOTIONAL LIFE.—Apart from the -perversions of intelligence which cloud the reasoning faculties of -nations, they are subject to widespread and persistent disturbances of -their emotional lives, which frequently react disastrously on the common -weal. - -Following the division adopted by some competent alienists in individual -cases, I may with propriety classify these into two divisions, as they -represent, on the one hand, excessive, misdirected, and morbid activity, -or, on the other, unhealthy depression and apathy. - -1. CONDITIONS OF HYPERSTHENIA.—It is a popular error in scientific -circles that diseases of the nervous system increase with civilisation. -The opposite is true. The lowest stages of culture are far more -pathological than the higher, in this, as well as in most respects. True -that certain neuroses belong to cultured peoples; but morbid emotional -states are especially prevalent in lower conditions. - -_(a) Hysteria._—This is well illustrated in the history of epidemic -hysteria. It may occasionally be seen among ourselves in a hospital ward -or at a camp-meeting; but such outbreaks are sporadic. They belong in -the ethnic temperament of many tribes of the Malayan and native American -races. - -The Jesuit fathers described in vivid colours such outbreaks among the -Hurons of Canada, attacking whole villages and frequently leading to -their destruction. Father de Quen was quite right when he wrote: “The -old saying alleges that every man has a grain of madness in his -composition; but this is a tribe where each has half an ounce.” He -correctly regarded them as in a permanently pathological state. - -Quite similar recitals are preserved of such outbreaks among the -Guaranis of Paraguay, and other primitive stocks, notably the Malay -peoples. - -From the accounts of travellers it would seem, contrary to what we might -suppose, that such excessive nervous sensibility is peculiarly present -in extreme northern latitudes, while tropical tribes are much more -liable to conditions of depression. Castren, who lived long among the -northern Sibiric tribes, dwells with astonishment on their nervous -sensitiveness. A sudden blow on the outside of the skin yurt will throw -its occupants into spasms. - -Among these “neuroses of excitement” which at times seize upon the souls -of communities, none is more inexplicable, and none more fraught with -consequences to world-history than the goading restlessness which has -driven single tribes or groups of tribes into aimless roving. This -_Wanderlust_ arises as an emotional epidemic, not by a process of -reasoning. It drives communities from fixed seats and comfortable homes, -transforming them into migratory and warring hordes. - -_(b) Exaltation._—Under the heading of exaltation of nervous impulse the -alienist includes a morbid devotion to sexual thoughts and acts -(erotomania); to vanity, ambition, and self-magnification; and those -states of megalomania where the patient is subject to delusions of -greatness, _idées de grandeur_. - -To all of these we may easily find parallels in ethnic life. They have -all their analogies in tribal or national history, with consequences as -disastrous as they disclose in the individual. - -No more positive examples of erotic mania could be found in an asylum -than those presented by the whole of some Polynesian tribes. The life of -both sexes was devoted chiefly to the pleasures of the genital nerves. -Societies were formed where such practices were developed into arts; -children before maturity were initiated into them; and no mode of -excitement, unnatural though it might be, was omitted or shunned. - -The destructive results of such licentiousness in the history of these -tribes, already extinct or nearly so, need not be insisted upon. But why -seek to demonstrate it from remote times or savage lands? Within a year -a philosophic student, from a wide range of investigation, has -attributed chiefly to the same pathological cause the deterioration of -the leading so-called Latin nations of Europe in the last two centuries. -In them, says Signor G. Ferrero, the sex impulse develops earlier, and -absorbs and wastes the life energies more than in the Teutonic nations, -yielding to the latter the superior place in the struggle for existence. - -Another and familiar exemplification of this neuropathic frame of the -ethnic mind is that exaggerated national boastfulness known (from a -soldier under Bonaparte) as _Chauvinism_. It is patriotism passed into -mild dementia; so well known that it has a special name in English also, -_Jingoism_. The profound conviction that our own country—whichever that -may be—is the greatest in the world, leader of all in intelligence, -power, culture, and vigour, is invariably and everywhere a mental -delusion, a type of megalomania. Such a notion prepares the way for -increase of ignorance and self-esteem so blind that it is sure ere long -to fall in the pit ever open for fools. - -_(c) Destructive Impulse._ The passion for wanton destruction may seize -equally upon a person or group. It may be directed toward inanimate -objects or against human life. John Addington Symonds gives a thrilling -sketch of the monster, Ezzelino da Romano, Vicar of the Emperor -Frederick II., in northern Italy (about 1250). His own passion was the -mutilation, torture, and murder of men, women, and children. His -inordinate cruelty and repeated massacres led to his becoming the hero -of a fiendish cycle in Italian literature. - -We may call him, if we wish to palliate his monstrous deeds, a -monomaniac; but, as Symonds says, if we thus excuse him “we shall have -to place how many Visconti, Sforzeschi, Malatesti, Borgias, Farnesi, -etc., in the list of maniacs?” No, it was an ethnic tendency of Italy at -that period, and for long afterwards, and could be illustrated by scores -of traits from popular as well as princely life. - -The mania for murder which seized the Parisian populace in 1793 was a -true pathological outburst. No sense of patriotism thrilled the crowds -who ran by the tumbrils and surrounded the guillotines. It was -hæmatomania, the blood-madness, that was upon them. - -The suicidal impulse occasionally assumes an epidemic form which arises -from conditions of the ethnic life. The aborigines of Cuba when enslaved -by the Spanish conquerors practised self-destruction on a scale which -contributed much to their prompt extinction. In the city of -Frankfort-on-the-Main in the last century suicide became so frequent -among women that the dead bodies were suspended by the feet in order to -check the impulse in the survivors. - -In a less degree the destructive passion directed against objects, or -figuratively against institutions, known as _iconoclasm_, is often a -mere outburst of unreasoning emotion. Its energy is misdirected and -fruitless. What was the result of that which during the eighth and ninth -centuries raged in Constantinople and Asia Minor? It altered -image-worship into picture-worship, nothing more. - -2. CONDITIONS OF ASTHENIA.—In contrast to the repeated explosions of -nerve force which give rise to the active motor states of ethnic -dementia I have been considering, are those characterised by a loss of -reaction to stimuli, by passive, merely sensory, conditions. - -These are of two varieties, well marked in their differences, each -highly significant in its ethnological and historic relations. The one -is allied to melancholia, being marked by depression or inaction of the -psychic forces, the other by their exhaustion, by incapacity for -reaction to ordinary stimuli. - -_(a) Melancholia._—The consequence of mental shock, I have already -pointed out, is to bring about a sort of mental paralysis, a listless, -apathetic state; and this I have illustrated by some examples. - -A touching one is recorded of the Greek colony which erected the city of -Pæstum on the Tyrrhenian Sea, whose stately ruins still attract -thousands of visitors annually. - -A clearly ethnic type of melancholia is _nostalgia_ or homesickness. Of -course it is found in some degree in all lands, but with some peoples, -notably dwellers in high northern latitudes, the Lapps and Eskimo, it is -severe and general. If removed from their surroundings they mope and -die. - -_(b) Neurasthenia._—Diseases of nervous and mental exhaustion belong -exclusively among nations of advanced culture. There are those which -have not merely increased, most of them have originated in stages of -high civilisation; not, as some have falsely argued, from conditions -essential to culture, but to errors and misdirections in that culture. -As, in all rapid motions, slight deviations entail more serious -consequences than when motion is slow, so, in the rapid progress of -modern times, slight neglects of hygiene bring about more serious -results than in ruder countries. - -This explains the relative increase of some forms of insanity, of -suicide and criminality, and the appearance of new maladies, such as -progressive paralysis, in civilised centres. They are due to exhaustion -of the nerve centres in those who are not adapted to bear the strain of -contemporary competitive life, or who, if able, fail to direct their -activities in successful channels. - -Another evidence of exhaustion, one which properly exercises the -attention of the student of modern life, is the progressive distaste for -the sex relation, especially among women. The consequences of this -mental attitude are the prevalence of spinsterhood and the limitation of -families in marriage, to which I have already referred. The attraction -of the “higher culture” and of their new facilities for seeing and -enjoying liberty have led to atrophy of the maternal instinct and of the -desire of marriage. This can have but one result,—the diminution and -final extinction of the group in which it prevails. - -There is also such an ethnic malady as moral exhaustion. After a period -of intense but ill-regulated ethical enthusiasm there often follows a -reaction, when all ethical principles are thrown to the winds. This has -been plausibly explained by Dr. Laycock as an overstimulation of the -brain-cells most closely connected with this class of sentiments, with -consequent exhaustion in transmission to the next generation. “The -fathers have eaten sour grapes and the children’s teeth are set on -edge.” - -The bigotry of Puritan England in the 17th century was followed by the -laxity of the Restoration. - - - - - PART II - THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE ETHNIC MIND - - - - - _INTRODUCTION_ - - -Although, as we have seen, there is no common measure of Mind and -Matter, the connections between the two are so intimate that, in -organised beings, any change in the one entails a corresponding change -in the other. - -This is a principle which has long been accepted in the Science of Man. -A quarter of a century ago Professor Schaffhausen expressed it in these -words: “One of the weightiest doctrines in Anthropology is the constant -correlation between intellectual capacity and physical organisation.” -That branch of Anthropology called Somatology is devoted to the -investigation of the human body, its measurements, structure, and -functions, as they differ in individuals, groups, and races, for the -purpose of defining and explaining this correlation. - -The expressions of the individual mind are largely the reflex of its -environment, of the external impulses, stimuli, and conditions which -surround it. These are physical, measurable, quantitative, and therefore -within the province of the “natural” sciences. - -In their relation to the individual, they mostly belong to the domain of -“experimental” psychology; but as they influence the group and decide -its constitution they form an important branch of ethnic psychology -also. - -The natural history of the Mind is chiefly the study of its -environments, its _milieu_. But that term is to be taken in its widest -sense. - -The nearest environment of my mind is my body. Indeed, it is the only -environment of which I have positive knowledge. As John Stuart Mill well -said, “I know my own feelings with a higher certainty than I know aught -else.” - -Hence the physical constitution of the individual is that which has -primary importance. - -That may be considered first as an individual question, without going -beyond the circumstances of the personal life and health, a purely -_somatic_ investigation. We may next inquire how many of his -peculiarities the individual owes to his ancestors, which will bring up -the questions of heredity, hybridity, and others, including mental as -well as physical traits. His debt is large to these, but still larger, -say some writers, to his contemporaries, the associates with whom he has -been thrown from birth. These are his “people,” the “group” of which he -is a member. He is modified in a thousand ways by this “demographic” -environment. - -All these—his ancestors, fellows, and his own body—are “human” -influences. Beyond them lies the great world of other beings and of -unconscious forces, the animals and plants, the land and water, the -clime and spot, which make up his “geographic” environment. How -dependent is he upon these! How utterly they often control his thoughts -and actions! - -Each of these I shall endeavour to estimate in their influence on the -individual, not as an individual, but as a member of a group; and on the -group itself, as an independent, psychic entity, nowise identical in -character with any individual. - - - - - CHAPTER I - _THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOMATIC ENVIRONMENT_ - - -The human body is an “organism” each part of which is in vital relation -to the whole, and is influenced by the condition of every other part. -This is true of function as well as structure, for function, after all, -is merely the term we give to structure in action. Mentality, psychical -activity, is a function, and, like all others, is organically -conditioned by the whole organism and its several parts. To understand -the influence of the body on the mind, therefore, we should consider in -such relation each of the physiological “systems” which make up the -organic life. For my present purpose, however, it will be sufficient to -select those most closely related to mental activity. - -_The Brain._—The learned of all times have sought to find “the seat of -the soul.” Primitive men generally placed it in the liver or in the -heart; but anatomists have been long agreed that it must be somewhere in -the head. The latest word from them is that it resides in the nerve -cells of the grey matter of the brain, in the number and activity of the -“pyramid-neurons” there situate, and probably in their capacity to send -out shoots or branches. - -This intimate, ultimate, structure and potency establishes the -difference between the intellectual faculties of species and -individuals. In the lower animals these cells are few and scattered, and -their proliferations short and simple. In man the cells increase in -number and their extensions become long and complex. They are more -abundant when the grey matter is ample, as is the case where the -convolutions are intricate. - -Up to a recent period it was supposed that the weight or size of the -brain was the chief physical element in mental superiority. It is now -known, that has little to do with it. Not a few men of distinguished -parts, such as Liebig, Gambetta, Tiedemann, etc., have had brains -decidedly below the average in weight, while, on the other hand, many -with large brains have led unimportant lives. This is also the case with -races, for although the African negro is below the European in his -cranial capacity, the Fuegian, decidedly below the African in mental -development, has a brain larger than either of the other races. -Obviously, both the cubical content and weight of the brain depend much -on the general size, stature, and weight of the body; and no one has -been found who pretends that the biggest man is also the ablest. - -We are almost compelled, therefore, to accept as correct the conclusion -reached by Lapouge and others, that not the size but the molecular -constitution of the brain is finally decisive of intellectual power; and -this is a trait which up to the present time has eluded analysis. - -This is not inconsistent with holding that where other proportions are -the same, a larger, more complex brain is generally significant of -higher mental powers; and that a well-balanced skull, with orthognathic -features and moderate facial development, are indications favourable for -the psychical possessions of the individual or the group. - -The _shape_ would seem to be more significant than the weight of the -brain. Of all the elements of gross cerebral anatomy it appears to be -that most indicative of mental power. - -This is a recent discovery of craniologists, the entire meaning of which -has not yet been worked out. It is due to the researches of Ammon and -Lapouge within the last decade, and to the anthropologist promises -solutions of various obscure problems in the cultural growth of the -species. - -These observers have ascertained, by many thousand measurements on the -living and the dead, that those persons who, as a class, are best -adapted to the high and continued strain of modern city and competitive -life, have skulls in that shape termed “subdolichocephalic,” which means -that their brains have a prevailing and fixed spatial relation of their -parts, a relation, no doubt, which is the most favourable to the general -and prolonged activity of those nerve cells which we know are the seat -of psychical function. - -Such persons in youth stand at the head in the school, they take the -prizes in examinations, they carry off the honours in intellectual -contests, they are leaders in the learned professions, they are the -self-created “upper class,” and, what is equally noteworthy, in the -unhealthy atmosphere of great cities they outlive their associates with -other shapes of brain. - -But these observers also note that while these somewhat long-skulled -persons have such intellectual and even physical advantages in the -struggle for existence, they are deficient in others, which, under some -circumstances, are even more necessary to success. - -The same extended series of measurements and comparisons show that those -whose brains are rounder in form—more brachycephalic—prove generally -superior in technical skill, in industry, and in perseverance. They are -less adventurous, they lack imagination and the stimulus of the ideal, -they are narrow and formalists; but they shine in the bourgeois virtues -of capacity for steady work, of devotion to hearth and home, in respect -for settled government, stable laws, and ancestral institutions. - -This favourable brain shape is, in Europe, often correlated with the -blonde type, light hair, and grey or blue eyes; but whether this is -anything more than a local peculiarity remains in doubt. - -Ammon has pointed out, however, that these traits, where they have been -united in history, have marked a daring, energetic, progressive stock, -one fertile in bold explorers, conquerors, and thinkers. Such was the -type of the ancient Aryans, who became the ruling race wherever they -carried their victorious standard, “not through numbers, longevity, or -fertility, but through the consequences of ‘natural selection.’” -Professor Lapouge has further shown that in southern France, where the -local aristocracy rose from the same stock as the peasantry by superior -personal ability, a notable difference is observable between the -skull-shapes of the two classes, the crania of the “gentlemen” being -considerably longer in proportion to width than those of the peasantry. - -They are well suited for village life and agricultural occupations; but, -subjected to the stress and strain of great cities, they die out in the -third generation.[3] - -Footnote 3: - - These deductions were based on many thousand observations in France, - Switzerland, and Germany, and are undoubtedly true for the places and - periods in which they were conducted; but it has not been shown that - they are generally applicable in other areas. Some observers (Livi, - Lombroso) have not accepted them for Italy. The opposition they have - met in France from Fouillée and others is merely sentimental. - -When it is remembered that whole nations, stocks, races, are -characterised by the prevalence of one or other of these skull-forms, it -is at once seen that a physical basis is here presented for ethnic -psychology worthy of attentive study. These authors have, in fact, -applied their conclusions in this direction; but, concerning themselves -chiefly with the mixed populations of European states, have been -principally occupied with the “social selections” which may be attained -in such communities from this cause. - -While the skull-form thus becomes distinctive of brains possessing or -lacking certain faculties, it must not be supposed that this relation is -an essential one. The brain will perform its work without reference to -the shape of the skull. This is proved by the many tribes who have -artificially deformed the head in obedience to fashion or superstition. -In America it is noteworthy that the crania thus malformed to the utmost -degree are precisely those of the nations of the highest -civilisation—the Mayas of Central America and the Quechuas of Peru. - -_The Nervous System._—Professor Haeckel, in his lectures on -“anthropogeny,” lays down the maxim, “All soul-functions or psychical -activities depend directly on the structure and composition of the -nervous system.” This is illustrated by the biological development of -the nerves of special sense,—of sight, hearing, taste, and smell. -Originally they were all indifferent touch-nerves, and by slow degrees -in indefinite time developed their specific reactions. - -They are yet by no means the same in all persons, as everyone knows. -They also differ widely in groups, nations, and races. The study of the -“reaction-times” of the principal races has occupied Cattell, Bache, and -other psychologists. The sense of taste is notably different. An Eskimo -finds pleasure in castor oil and a Kamchatkan in eating rotten fish. The -Annamite is almost insensible to pain from wounds, but suffers intensely -from moderate cold and is acutely affected by odours. The Fuegian can -sleep naked on the snow with comfort, but is easily disturbed by noises. - -The intellectual differences between both individuals and races arise -not so much from relative mental capacity as from varying reaction to -mental stimuli. They all have pretty much the same power to pursue -knowledge, if they choose to exert it. The difference is one involving -the general nerve-tracts. Perception and attention were the forces which -in the history of organisms developed all the special senses from nerves -of touch; and the growth of the intellect is consequently closely -conditioned by the qualities of nerve-sensations. - -_The Osseous System._—To be asked to define the ethnic life of a group -from the bones exhumed in its cemeteries would seem a hopeless task. Yet -it is possible, for on the osseous system the whole bodily structure is -built up, and the activity of the brain is conditioned. - -Races differ in their skeletons. That of the African black is heavy, the -flat bones thick, the pelvis narrow, and presents many peculiarities -which are termed “pithecoid” or ape-like. Contrasting with these are -small-boned, delicately formed skeletons of the Indonesians and -Japanese, resembling those of the female in other stocks. It would not -be difficult to bring the ethnic into relation to these skeletal traits. - -Professor Hervé, of the School of Anthropology of Paris, has argued that -the presence of the “Wormian bones” and the complexity of the cranial -sutures are a measure of the rapidity of brain-development, and -consequently a criterion of mental activity in a stock. This can -scarcely be accepted, for we are not sure that the rapidity of -bone-formation bears any ratio to the growth of the brain-cells; but it -is not rash to argue that a people whose bones are largely diseased must -have lived in unhygienic conditions, and had become degenerate in mind -as well as body. - -Such is the case with the skeletons of that wholly unknown tribe who -once densely peopled the Salt River valley in Arizona, and of those who -dwelt near the great cemetery of Ancon in Peru. About one-third of the -skeletons present pathological features indicating long-continued -defective nutrition or widespread disease. No wonder that both stocks -perished off the earth. Though at one time singularly advanced, they had -sunk into complete degeneracy. - -_Muscular System; Height and Weight._—There is a relation between -height, weight, and mental power, true for the individual and the group. -This is not mysterious, as all three depend upon nutrition. -Physiologists lay down ratios of height, weight, and age which are -requisite to the highest health, mental and physical. - -We may go further, and say that any marked aberration from the average -of the species in these respects is accompanied by some equally -noticeable psychical peculiarity. Dwarfs have often acute minds, but -rarely deep affections. - -Inferior stature is often an ethnic trait. The central African pygmies, -the Lapps, and the Bushmen are familiar examples. Mr. Haliburton has -recorded others in the Atlas and Pyrenean mountains; and Dr. Collignon -reports the diminution in height in some districts of central France. - -The explanation of all is the same—lack of proper, regular, and -sufficient alimentation. They are, as the Germans say, _Kümmerformen_, -products of wretchedness. The shortest of the Bushmen are also the most -miserable—those living amid the barren sands of the Kalihari desert. - -The reaction of such prolonged semi-starvation on the functions of the -brain-cells leads to psychical dwarfishness. None of these undersized -stocks have gained a position in history or contributed to the culture -of humanity. They have been unequal in physical strife, and have been -forced to the wall. - -_Reproduction._—The reproductive function in its various manifestations -exerts an enormous influence on the individual mind, and exhibits broad -racial and ethnic distinctions. Its power is scarcely less operative in -the fate of nations than of persons, and its reflection in the mind of -groups deserves closest attention. - -The period of puberty changes widely the direction of the thoughts, and -the character frequently undergoes a complete transformation. Children -previously studious lose interest in their lessons, while others pursue -them with greatly increased devotion. The sexual emotions, which mark -the epoch, may absorb the whole being or merely stimulate it to higher -efforts. - -The age at which puberty begins varies, following the general law that -the higher the annual temperature the earlier in life does the change -set in. This becomes of psychical interest when it is added that the -earlier the change the more intense and permeating are the erotic -passions; the more do they compel to their sway the other emotions and -the intellect. - -Only two motives, observes Professor Friedrich Müller, can induce the -Australian or the typical African to prolonged labour,—hunger and the -sex passion. Civilised communities are measurably lifted above the -immediate struggle for food, but not in the least above the other -impulse. If you could learn the prime motive, says Dr. Van Buren, of the -presence of the crowds of men on Broadway, you would find ninety per -cent. of them are there through sex feeling. - -The sentiments of love, of marital and parental affection, of family -life, control mankind more completely than any other motives. These are -physical, personal feelings, and to that extent narrow and in conflict -with many which are broader and more altruistic. Few persons can advance -beyond them, and the collective mind is obliged by the laws of its own -existence to register them as of the very first importance. - -The power of a group is, other things being equal, in proportion to the -size of the group, and its increase in numbers is in geometrical -proportion to its fecundity, provided the food-supply remains -sufficient. - -These are two closely related and essential factors to advance, and have -been so felt from man’s earliest infancy. The complicated systems of -marriage and relationship in vogue among the Australian and other rude -tribes arose from the effort to adjust the birth-rate to the available -amount of food. Many of the forms of marriage arose from the same -consideration. In polygamous countries most men are monogamous because -they cannot keep large families. Legal infanticide, exposure of the -new-born, as in China, is another effort in the same direction. Where -such measures are not legalised they reappear in other guises. -Artificial abortion and intentional limitation of families are frequent -in France and the United States. They are outcrops of a sentiment of -self-protection which has been familiar to the species from its -beginning. - -Sex feeling belongs distinctly to the animal and emotional side of human -nature. Where it is the dominating motive, neither individual nor group -can attain the highest development. This is noticeably the case in the -African. Coloured children in our public schools are equal to their -white associates up to the age of puberty. But that change is more -profound in the African than in the European constitution. After it has -occurred, the difference in favour of the white children becomes very -apparent. Their mental world is not so invaded by thoughts of sex, and -they are more inclined to study. - -In a less degree, as I have before remarked, the same contrast exists -between the Teutonic and Latin peoples of Europe, and has been -acknowledged to have resulted in decided advantages for the former. - -Virility—that is, the reproductive potency in the male—bears no relation -to the strength of the erotic passion. - -In some the passion of sexual love is little more than an appetite. -Satisfied, it is indefinitely quiescent, not entering into the general -life; or, if it at times fires the emotions, they are easily restrained -or banished by the exercise of other mental powers. This has been the -case with many eminent men of notoriously ardent temperaments but never -subdued by them (Byron, Goethe). - -It is also an ethnic trait, a characteristic of the Teutonic blood, in -sharp contrast to the so-called Latin peoples. With the latter, as is -obvious from the literature, the erotic feeling is an enduring and -overmastering passion, colouring the intelligence and often absorbing -into itself the activities of the life. - -As virility in man, so fecundity in woman has no relation to sex -feeling; or, if any, in a reverse degree. - -The famous calculations of Malthus, which cannot be disproved, and which -have been confirmed by the latest statistics, show that this fear of -population transcending the food-supply is real and ever present. Where -it is not immediate, as in modern life, it is nevertheless near and -visible in the division of the parental property among a large family of -children; in the increased difficulties of properly educating such a -family and giving each a proper position and start in life; and in -providing for such as are feeble or incompetent. This effort, extended -throughout a community, means more intense competition, a more bitter -struggle for property, a more constant occupation with sordid details, -to the neglect of reflection, study, and abstract thought. - -Reproduction, therefore, to its utmost limits, would be of no advantage -to a community, but decidedly deleterious. Its effect on the collective -mind would be lowering, as it would centre the general attention on -material aims and personal interests. - -Nor is the individual who would direct his activities by the highest -motives at all compelled to increase his kind. The accessory demands -upon his time and powers which such an action usually entails, would -probably hinder him in his efforts. Darwin forcibly stated this in his -_Descent of Man_. He imagines a man who, not compelled by any deep -feeling, yet sacrifices his life for the good of others through the love -of glory. “His example would excite the same wish for glory in other men -and would strengthen by exercise the noble feeling of admiration. He -might thus do far more good to his tribe than by begetting offspring -with a tendency to inherit his own high character.” - -If this is true of one governed by a motive confessedly not the highest, -how much more true of him or her whose soul is fired with a devotion to -the truth of science or to the welfare of the race! - -_Feminism._—The physical contrast of the sexes belongs to all mammals, -to birds, and to most of the animal kingdom. The female is generally -smaller, lighter, with lines more graceful and delicate. This is true, -as a rule, in all races of men and held good for the earliest tribes -whose skeletons have been preserved. Yet the contrast in man is so far -from positive that the anatomist knows no criteria to establish the sex -from the bones except the more obtuse angle of the rami of the pubes in -the female; and even this is obliterated in some branches of the human -race, the Indo-Chinese, for example, where the rami meet in both sexes -at about the same angle (Hervé). - -The tendency to “feminism” is not unusual in the white race as an -individual peculiarity; and is especially prominent as a racial trait in -the Asiatic or Mongolian branch of our species. They have sparse beards, -little hair on the body but much and strong on the head, and the -features of the sexes are similar. In many respects they display -feminine traits of character, being industrious, sedentary, and -peace-loving, receptive but not originative, ruled by emotion, and -easily brought under the influence of nervous impressions. - -Women have much less variability than men; they are precocious, and -their growth more rapid, but the arrest of development arrives with them -sooner. They remain near the child type throughout their lives. - -Mr. Havelock Ellis has argued that for this reason they are nearer the -future type of the species, and that the results of modern civilisation -are to render men more feminine in occupations, character, appearance, -and anatomy. - -It would be more correct to say that as civilisation advances the -distinctions between the sexes erected by conditions of lower culture -tend to disappear, each sex gaining much from the other without -forfeiting that which is peculiarly its own. - -The masculine woman and the feminine man are erratic, often degenerate -types. The tendency to “homosexuality” (or to “non-sexuality”) has -appeared from time to time as an ethnic trait. It was notorious in -ancient Greece and mediæval Italy, and in both cases presaged -deterioration. - -_The Vital Powers._—Health is one trait; tenacity of life another. -Feeble and sickly people sometimes reveal a surprising vitality; others, -who are hale and athletic, succumb to slight attacks. The American -Indian, when he falls ill, gives up and dies; while Europeans, though -increasingly requiring medical attention, are growing in longevity. - -This physical fact has a noticeable bearing on ethnic psychology. Where -the old survive, the property and the management of society usually rest -in their hands. The traits of age are reflected on the collective mind. -It is cautious, perhaps to timidity, slow in action, avoiding strife. -These are the traits of Chinese diplomacy, in which country not only is -longevity considerable, but the respect for the old passes into -veneration. - -As a rule, the lower forms of culture are associated with the shortest -lives. The Australian is a Nestor who reaches fifty years. Early -maturity and early decay mark inferior and degenerate stages of society. -Hence they are guided by inexperienced minds and by the emotional -characters of youth. - -_Temperament._—The ancient physicians had much to say about -“temperaments,” classifying them usually as four, the sanguine, bilious, -nervous, and phlegmatic. Both modern medicine and psychology have -rejected these as a basis of classification, but acknowledge that there -lies an important truth in the ancient doctrine. - -Professor Wundt, for example, defines temperament from the psychological -standpoint as “an individual tendency to the rise of a certain mental -state,” and Manouvrier, recognising the intimate relationship of mind -and body, explains it as “an ensemble of physical and mental traits -arising from fundamental constitutional differences” in individuals. - -Confining myself to the psychological aspect of temperament, I should -call it the personal mode of reaction to different classes of stimuli. -It is the general disposition of the mind, the individual way of looking -at things, _l’humeur habituelle_, and is independent of sentiments, -ideas, or knowledge. It is the psychic resultant of the whole organic -life of the individuals. In this sense, the distinctions of temperaments -are justified, as they depend on the dominance of one or the other of -the physiological systems—circulatory, alimentary, nervous, genital, -etc.—in the economy. - -Various writers (Manouvrier, Ribot, Kant) have adopted as the measure of -temperaments and the principle of their classification, the one standard -of _energy_; in other words, molecular change. They speak of sthenic and -hypersthenic temperaments, active and passive, etc. - -I doubt if this is correct in physiology, and it is certainly not so in -psychology. Men of all temperaments may be equally energetic, equally -active in life-work. That is an old observation. The measure or standard -should be, not energy, but that general mental condition called -_happiness_. That is the popular distinction, and it is the true one. -When we speak of a sanguine, bilious, cheerful, gloomy, temperament, we -refer to a general and characteristic mental attitude, with reference to -individual happiness. - -Rabelais could joke on his death-bed, but Byron, young, rich, and -courted, could find no theme for song but sorrow. - -The phlegmatic temperament is supposed not to enjoy keenly, but also not -to suffer keenly. The sanguine temperament is not easily cast down by -adversity, while the bilious or melancholic person is little capable of -appreciating the joyous side of life. - -These ancient terms may not be acceptable to modern science; but the -truths on which they are based are acknowledged by all authorities. - -They interest us here, because a group has its temperament as much as an -individual, drawn, no doubt, from that prevailing among its members, but -noticeably strengthened by the inherent forces of ethnic psychics. - -The recognition of this is seen in common parlance when we speak of the -phlegmatic Dutchman, the gay Frenchman, etc. - -Such popular characterisations may not be accurate, but they serve to -show that the fact of a national temperament has unconsciously made -itself felt. - -It does not seem dependent either on nutrition, geographic position, or -history; and it is hereditary and constant. Thus the Eskimos, living -amid eternal snows, with a limited diet and a desperately hard struggle -for existence, have a singularly cheerful disposition, loving to talk, -laugh, and indulge in pleasant social intercourse. On the other hand, -the Cakchiquels of Guatemala, living amid the most beautiful and fertile -tracts in the world, are chronically morose and gloomy. Their -temperament is reflected in their language, which, as the late Dr. -Berendt remarked, is as singularly rich in terms for sad emotions as it -is poor for those of a joyous character. - -There is no doubt that a cheerful mental disposition is in itself a -defence against the attacks of disease. Seeland, in his anthropologic -studies of the question, found that persons of a cheerful temperament -are, in an extended series, physically stronger than those who are -melancholic, in the proportion of 148:135; though whether this should be -regarded as cause or consequence is open to construction; and, while -fully recognising the actuality of national temperaments, he adds that -an analysis of them, with a view to defining their causes, is still far -from practicable. The important conclusion which he reaches, however, is -that the happier temperament corresponds to the higher degree of health, -and that, in comparison, that which tends to the melancholic is morbid, -a pathologic product, an indication of degeneration. - -Regarded as a national question, we derive from this that the calm and -the cheerful temperaments are those which promise most success and -permanence. - - - - - CHAPTER II - _ETHNIC MENTAL DIVERSITY FROM COGNATIC CAUSES_ - - -In the last chapter I have considered the individual in his relation to -the group simply as an isolated unit, with his own powers and -weaknesses. - -Both of these, however, he derives largely from his ancestors, through -the fact that he is born a member of a particular species, race, and -family. Such traits react powerfully on his mental life, and, indeed, in -themselves force him into relation with a human group, his cognatic or -kindred associates. - -The ethnic psychologist must therefore devote to them insistent -attention. For convenience of study the facts may be grouped under three -headings, Heredity, Hybridity, and Racial Pathology. - -_Heredity._—In body and mind, the child resembles his parents, the -individual his ancestors. This is the principle of fixity of type, the -permanence of species. - -Neither in body or mind is the child ever exactly like his parents or -either one of them. Differences are always visible. This is the -principle of constant variation, at the basis of the unending -transformations of organic forms. - -On these two principles rests the law of Evolution, which may be -progressive or regressive, that is, toward greater complexity and -specialisation or toward simplicity and homogeneity. Of these two -principles, one is real, the other merely apparent,—the negative or -minus quantity of the other, as cold is to heat or darkness to light. -Which is the real? - -The question is not idle, for upon its correct decision depends the -accuracy of our views of organic life. - -So long as the doctrine of the immutability of species was accepted, -everyone believed in the fixity of type as the prime law. When Lamarck -and Darwin had undermined that position, and up to a very recent date, -the two principles were considered somehow equal, dual conflicting -forces, the fixity of type being a passive result of the action of the -“environment.” - -The unphilosophical character of such a conception of facts has now -become apparent, at least to a few. The true positive of the two forces -is change, variation. This is the one, fundamental, essential -characteristic of living matter. Every element of an organism that is -not ceaselessly changing ceases to be living, vital. - -“Hereditary,” therefore, is a merely negative expression. It means a -diminution, not a cessation of change. Inherited traits are those in -which the rate of variability has been so reduced that they reappear by -repetition in several or many generations. Every one of them began in -some single individual, was due to a definite exciting cause, and was -transmitted by the route of reproduction. Hence inherited traits have -been properly termed “secondary variations.” - -The long discussion whether acquired characters can be inherited has -virtually been decided in favour of the opinion that every character, -whether racial or specific, was originally acquired by a single person -or persons and transmitted by them. The data of pathology admit of no -doubt on this point, and pathology is but one of the aspects of general -organic development. - -That not every acquired character can be transmitted goes without -saying; and it is equally true that hereditary traits vary widely in -their capacity for survival. So evident is this that they have been -classified by observers into “strong” and “weak” traits, the latter -betraying a feebleness of self-perpetuation compared to the former. - -I have been discoursing of physical heredity and some of its observed -laws. This has not been beside the mark; for I repeat that the -correlation between body and mind is absolute. Psychical traits are -passed down from generation to generation hand in hand with physical -peculiarities. Men are what they are in good measure because they are -born so. About this the students of heredity are unanimous and positive. -Hence the necessity in ethnic psychology of learning the laws of -physical heredity and applying them to the history of the mind. - -An example will illustrate this. - -There is a curious manifestation of transmission called “homochronous” -heredity. The adjective signifies that a trait which appears first at a -certain age in the parent will also appear first at about the same age -in the offspring. A familiar physiological example is the date of the -beginning and the end of the reproductive period in women. Inherited -tendencies to disease will recur in the offspring at the age they -revealed themselves in the parent. This is strikingly true of mental -traits, especially those which are degenerative. - -Even in the mixed populations of modern states, the connection of mental -with physical heredity is manifest. Commenting on the population of -France, Dr. Collignon observes: “To the difference of races, a purely -anatomical fact attested by the form of the skull, the colour of the -eyes and hair, and similar bodily traits, there corresponds a cerebral -difference, which shows itself in the prevailing direction of the -thoughts, and in special aptitudes.” These contrasts are shown by the -statistics of Jacoby, who examined the birth and lineage of the most -eminent men of France in all departments of activity. He found that the -Normans were decidedly ahead in the exact sciences and practical -affairs, while in poetry, romance, and works of imagination in general -the people of the Midi were far superior to them. - -Heredity is believed to present itself in another aspect, which has -excited much attention. I refer to that form of it called “atavism” or -“ancestral reversion,” or “retrogression,” in which a child “takes -after,” not his immediate parents, but some remote ancestor; even, as -has been often claimed, so remote as beyond the limits of our own -species. Such traits have been called “pithecoid” (ape-like) reversions, -as they are alleged to be derived from some four-footed precursor of -man, an ape, or even a lemur. - -Evolutionists whose enthusiasm transcended their discretion have pointed -out many such features in the human skeleton. A few years ago (1894) I -gathered these together, and in a paper read before the American -Association for the Advancement of Science, I undertook to prove that -these features can be satisfactorily explained by mechanical and -functional processes acting in the individual life or in that of his -immediate ancestors, and that we have no occasion to appeal to -hypotheses of descent, which have, at least, never been proved. Other -American anatomists (Bowditch, Baker) endorsed and supported by further -evidence this position, so that physical anthropologists, in our country -at least, have said less about atavism than formerly; and the final blow -to it has been dealt quite lately by a Dutch writer, Dr. Kohlbrügge. He -has established the thesis that “all so-called atavistic anomalies are -meaningless for the race-type. They are brought about by arrests of -development or general variability. They depend on disturbances of -nutrition, leading to excess or deficiency of productive energy, -presenting a deceptive appearance of progressive or retrogressive -evolution.” - -The consideration of these questions in physical heredity is necessary -in psychology, whether individual or ethnic, not merely because the laws -of physical run parallel to those of psychical life, but as well for the -valuation of those expressions about “men recurring to their brute -ancestors” in habits or feelings, so frequent in popular literature. - -_Hybridity._—The intermixture of human races or stocks, human hybridity -as it is sometimes called, has been recognised by all anthropologists to -be a prime factor in ethnic psychology, in the psychical history of Man. - -But, strange to say, the opinions about its results could not have been -more divergent. On the one hand we have a corps of authors, Gobineau, -Nott, Broca, Hovelacque, Hervé, etc., who condemn the admixture of human -races as leading inevitably to mental and physical degeneration, -infertility, and extinction. - -In direct contradiction to them we find the not less distinguished names -of Quatrefages and Bastian, who maintain not only that such -“miscegenation” is harmless, but that it has been the main factor of -human intellectual progress! That owing chiefly to it certain tribes and -nations have by unconscious selection drawn to themselves the strong -qualities of many lines of blood, and thus won the foremost place in the -struggle for existence. This was notably the opinion of Quatrefages, who -defended the thesis, “In race-mingling the crossing is unilateral and is -directed under unconscious selection toward the superior race.” - -This is supported by many well-known examples. In our own country, the -superiority of the mulatto to the full-blood negro is proved by history -and is familiar to all observers; and Dr. Boas has shown by statistical -researches that the half-blood Indian is mentally superior to his -companion of pure lineage, while the half-blood Indian women, instead of -revealing diminished fertility, average two more children to a marriage -than their red sisters of unmixed lineage. - -But it will not do to ignore the array of facts of contrary tenor which -has been marshalled to show that in divers instances the result of -race-mixture has been disastrous. - -Many of these may easily be explained by the unfortunate social -condition of children in such unions, mostly illegitimate, or at odds -with extreme poverty and its ill surroundings. If they do inherit an -increased ability, it is, under modern conditions, more apt to be -directed against than in favour of the social order. - -After all such allowances, there remains a residue unexplained by them, -and inconsistent with the general theory of advantage in -race-intermixture. - -The solution of this problem is to be found in the operation of an -obscure but certain law of heredity which has been demonstrated by the -best modern observers. - -This reads that in the struggle for transmission between contrary -characteristics in the parents, any trait, mental or physical, may be -passed down separately, _independently of others_. - -Thus, on the physical side, the father may have red, the mother black, -hair. The children will inherit, not a blended colour, but some the red, -some the black hair. Or, let us say, one parent has marked musical -ability, the other none. Some of the children will have as much as the -gifted parent, the others be devoid of the faculty. - -It is essential, also, to remember that it is the inferior race only -which reaps the psychical advantage. Compared to the parent of the -higher race, the children are a deteriorated product. Only when -contrasted with the average of the lower race can they be expected to -take some precedence. The mixture, if general and continued through -generations, will infallibly entail a lower grade of power in the -descendant. The net balance of the two accounts will show a loss when -compared with the result of unions among the higher race alone. - -This consideration has led a recent writer, Dr. Reibmayr, to a theory of -ethnic mental development which merits close attention. - -A family, tribe, caste, or race, to preserve and increase its faculties -must sedulously avoid intermarriage with one of inferior gifts. The -value of “breeding in-and-in” is familiar to all interested in the -improvement of the lower animals. This was attained in primitive life by -the tribal law of endogamous marriages, by which a man must take his -wife within the tribe, but not of his immediate blood. - -The superiority which this developed led to the subjection of other -tribes, and this, through capture and enslavement of the women, to -intermixture of blood, with its above mentioned first consequences: -deterioration of power in the captors, and, next, elevation of the -lower, conquered tribe. - -The former was sometimes counteracted by the maintenance of purity of -blood in a portion of the community, which thus became the ruling class; -and if this did not take place, the tribe itself soon fell beneath the -sway of some neighbour which had maintained its lineage more purely. - -Thus, says Dr. Reibmayr, the history of human mental development is, in -fact, the history of human hybridity and its necessary consequences. - -Thus it appears that the reciprocal action of these two genetic -processes, the one of close and closer interbreeding, the other of wide -and wider intermixture of blood, is the prime element in modifying the -psychical faculties,—in other words, in creating and moulding the ethnic -mind. - -How weighty this consideration becomes when we reflect that throughout -historic times, that is, from the earliest dawn of civilisation, the -subspecies of man have ever been as clearly contrasted in every feature -as they are to-day! The oldest monuments of Egypt and Assyria show their -portraits as typical as if carved or painted yesterday. No boreal -fountain can wash the Ethiopian white; no kisses of tropical Phœbus -could turn Cleopatra black. - -We are constrained to adopt, therefore, the principle formulated by -Orgeas, that, so far as history knows, “the races of men have never -altered their traits except through intermarriage.” - -The physical criteria of race, such as the colour of the skin, the hair, -the shape of the skull, the odour of the glands, are well marked in the -gross. I have examined their relative values for purposes of -classification in another work, and need not repeat the details here. -But the question is pertinent: Are there psychological distinctions -separating the subspecies of man as clearly as those of his physical -economy? - -Conflicting answers have been and still are offered to this inquiry. By -some the mental powers of the races are asserted to be as sharply -contrasted as their personal appearance, and the gulf between them to be -practically impassable. - -I have already said that nothing in the minute or gross anatomy of the -brain can be offered to support this view. The contributions to the -general culture of the species have been markedly unequal; but may not -this be explained by other reasons than inherent physical inequalities? - -I have already expressed the opinion that human groups have differed -less in inherent psychical capacity than in stimuli and opportunities. -Such, also, is the belief of that profound student of human development, -Professor Bastian. He claims that convincing evidence in favour of such -a view can be drawn from the uniformity in the development of thoughts, -inventions, customs, religions, and the other elements of culture the -world over, up to a certain point at which other intercurrent influences -entered, not dependent on race distinctions. - -After a prolonged study of primitive peoples the anthropologist Waitz -reached the conclusion that there is not and never was any positive -difference in the intellectual power of races; and the historian Buckle, -reviewing the record of the species in time, announced his conviction -that “the natural faculties of man have made no progress.” - -In abundant instances the children of savage parents have been brought -up in civilised surroundings and have shown themselves equal and -occasionally superior to their comrades of the so-called higher race in -all the tastes of cultured society. It were useless, therefore, to talk -of an average natural inferiority. - -The attainment of a possible average, therefore, must be conceded. But -this must not be construed as closing the question historically or -psychically. - -It is constantly observed in education that children of equal ability -are by no means equally good scholars. They respond differently to the -stimulus of the desire of knowledge. - -Such contrasts are witnessed in races also, and, apart from whatever -other influences we may name, are hereditary characteristics, recurring -indefinitely and controlling the racial mind, its activities and its -ambitions. - -So visible are the mental differences of races that some writers have -advocated a psychological classification in anthropology. Professor -Letourneau has attempted it in one of his many treatises. - -_Pathology._—But it is not sufficient in this study of racial psychology -to recount what a race has done and left undone in the work of the -world. We must also turn a gloomier page and take into account the -pathological mental symptoms it betrays; for these may be indicative of -a disease so deep seated and so fatal that the doom of the race is -inevitable. When we see whole peoples dying out, not through external -violence, but through some internal lack of vital force or adaptability, -as in the instances of the Tasmanians, Australians, Polynesians, and -American Indians, we may be sure that either in mind or body they are -the victims of some deep-seated, fatal disease. - -Most writers, treating the subject superficially, have sought for the -cause of the decline and destruction of peoples in the decay of their -institutions, in the immorality of their lives, in their apathy to -danger, or in the loss of their ambitions. These are but symptoms of the -mental or physical malady which, “mining all within, infects unseen.” -They are the results of the incurable ailment which is hurrying them to -destruction. Dr. Orgeas is right in his contention that “the -pathological characteristics of peoples have played leading parts in the -grand dramas of history, though they have too often escaped the -observation of historians.” - -It finds its expressions in such phenomena as Ratzel enumerates as the -cause of the deaths of peoples—restlessness, indifference to life, -debauchery, infanticide, murder, cannibalism, constant war, slavery, -laziness. When these are carried to the extent of reducing the personal -and numerical vigour of a tribe or race, it indicates that its intellect -is awry, its mind is diseased. - -Thus the ineradicable restlessness of the red race, which more than any -other one trait has stood in the way of their self-culture, belongs in -the pathology of their nervous system. As Dr. Buschan points out, and as -I have elsewhere emphasised, they are especially subject to “diseases of -excitement,” contagious nervous disorders, leading to scenes of the -wildest riot and tribal loss. - -They share this pathological condition with the Malayo-Polynesian -peoples of the Pacific island-world. Among them both we find numerous -examples of that outbreak of homicidal mania called “running amuck” -(properly _amok_), where the maniac rushes into a crowd, killing whom he -can; a crowd, not of enemies, as in the “Berserkerwuth” of the Northmen, -but of friends and relatives. The abandonment of both races to -alcoholism and narcotics is an evidence of the same morbid nervous -excitability. This is an inherited racial pathological tendency and is -not to be measured by the mere prevalence of nervous diseases. These may -arise from the increased strain on the neurons when the struggle for -existence is intensified. The enfranchised blacks since they have been -obliged to support themselves present a much larger percentage of brain -and nerve disease; such maladies among the Jews of Europe are six times -more frequent than among the Aryans; and certain forms, such as -progressive paralysis, are unknown in any but the most civilised -communities. - -The immunity of races to disease, or its reverse, reacts powerfully on -their mental life, leading in the latter case to discouragement and -apathy, in the former to confidence and conquest. - -Two of the most striking examples are measles and smallpox. In the white -race, the former has become merely one of the “diseases of children,” -exciting little alarm, and, against the latter, vaccination provides an -efficient protection. Among native Polynesians and Americans the ravages -of both have been so dreadful as not merely to decimate a population but -to leave the survivors mentally prostrate and indifferent to life. To -such an extent has this mental depression sometimes progressed that some -tribes, as the Lenguas of La Plata, have decided on the self-destruction -of their race, and destroyed all their children at birth. - -The immunity of the white race to malignant measles is not due to any -special power of resistance, but to well-known laws of natural selection -in disease, and does not extend to many diseases. The Japanese are -practically immune to scarlet fever, the black race to yellow fever, -etc., and that all such exemptions react favourably on the ethnic mind -cannot be doubted. Such immunity is strictly _cognatic_, a legacy of -blood in the true physiological sense, the human cells having undergone -changes by the repeated attacks of the disease-germs resulting in -practical indifference to their assaults. - -Indirectly, the march of epidemics has often not only decided the fate -of nations but worked remarkable changes in national character. A -familiar and striking example is the result of the Black Death (bubonic -typhus) in England in the reign of Edward III. - - - - - CHAPTER III - _THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT_ - - -At the risk of needless repetition I again emphasise the fact that -Ethnic Psychology, the group-mind, is a product of social relations, a -result of aggregation, and cannot be fully explained by the processes of -the individual mind. The resemblances between them are analogies, not -homologies. They act and react, one on the other, with the force of -independent psychic entities. - -The general proposition to this effect I have laid down in the second -chapter of Part I. Now I shall go more into detail and examine just what -influences the ethnic mind brings to bear upon that of the individual to -bring it into _rapport_ with itself, to make it conform to the mass, to -expunge, in fact, all that is individual within it. - -I have also briefly but sufficiently referred to the psychologic -measures by which this is accomplished, such as imitation, opposition, -and continuity, by which the anti-social instincts are curbed, but at -the same time originality and independence are also often crushed. - -It remains to point out the exact instruments which the group-mind -employs in this process and to estimate their relative force. - -These may be classified under five headings: Language, Law, Religion, -Occupation, and Social Relations. This is in the order of the influence -which they generally exert on the individual mind, which influence is to -be understood as reciprocal, the individual working most potently on the -ethnic mind in the same order of instruments. It is true, however, that -the relative potency of each of them varies considerably with the -condition of culture. Let us briefly examine their several -characteristics. - -_Language._—Of all bonds which unite men, none other is so strong as -language. This, indeed, it is which first developed the human in man. I -have shown that the one distinguishing trait which divides man from -brute is his power of general conceptions under symbols. The word -“language” provides the symbol. To form words is the necessary first -step in reasoning; to attach to words precise meanings, perfect -connotations, is the main effort of all subsequent reasonings. Words are -the storehouse of all knowledge; they are the tools of the mind, by -which all its constructions are framed. - -Language is the involuntary product of the human intellect. The man -speaks with like spontaneity as the dog barks or the bird sings; but the -brute’s inarticulate cry expresses mere emotion, while the man’s -articulate sounds convey thought. - -Language is a proof of man’s original social nature. It is impossible to -explain it as other than the action of a group. It is due directly to -the need of others felt by each. The individual alone could never form a -speech, and hence he could never clearly think; for thought, for -clearness, needs not only creation but expression. We never fully -understand or fully believe, until another understands us and believes -with us. - -Hence, language is the most perfect example of ethnic psychical action. -It is the product of the group, to which each individual of the group -contributes his share, and which is the common property of all, -reflecting at once the traits of the group and the relations of the -individual to it. - -Nor is language a merely temporary criterion of group-character. -Conspicuously not. Nothing clings so tenaciously to us as our mother -tongue. Religions may fade and institutions decay, we may change our -clime and culture, but the tongue persists. It is passed from generation -to generation, exceeding count. No heirloom is so cherished, no -tradition so hoary. - -By the Aryan tongues of modern Europe antiquaries have restored the mode -of life of that primitive horde who spoke the ancestral speech of all -the Indo-European peoples, now stretching in an unbroken line from -Farther India to San Francisco. Unnoticed but indelible, the ethnic life -of that horde left its impressions on its speech like the footsteps on -geologic strata from which the palæontologists reconstruct the strange -forms of extinct species. - -As the individual can convey his thoughts, his personality to the group, -in the language of the group, he is confined and limited by that -language. Hence the sovereign necessity in this investigation to study -not merely the contents of a tongue, its verbal richness and resources, -but that subtler side of it, its form or morphology. Indeed, the highest -aim of linguistic science, of the _philosophy_ of language, is to -estimate the influences of the various forms of speech not merely on the -expression, but on the formation of ideas. We think in words and in -grammatical relations, and both should be logical and accurate if our -expressed results shall be so also. - -Few but specialists are aware how widely the varieties of human speech -differ in the power they exert of this formative character. Suppose that -in English we could not speak of that “divine tool,” the hand, except as -a bodily member belonging to some particular person, “my hand” or -“John’s hand”; how it would crush all means of generalisation, shut in -our minds to present and local cases! Yet this is the case in hundreds -of American and some Asiatic dialects, not only with this but many -classes of concepts. How are we to convey the simplest arithmetical -relations to tribes who have no words for integers beyond 5? What is -more hopeless, how can a member of such a tribe ever become an -arithmetician of his own effort? - -Thus an individual is a mental slave to the tongue he speaks. Virtually, -it fixes the limits of his intellectual life. His most violent efforts -cannot transcend them. Here the group, the ethnic mind exercises -tyrannical sway over him. - -So also do the contents of his tongue. I mean by this that incalculable -potency broadly called literature, spoken or written,—the oratory, -romance, poetry, philosophy, history, and science,—which is his daily -mental food all the years of his conscious life. In this maelstrom of -the opinions of others, his own individuality is generally submerged; he -loses it in the struggle, and his own talk becomes but the echo of that -of others of the group. - -_Law._—Writers who imagine that Law is a product of Culture are -singularly off the track. Nowhere are its prescriptions more definite, -its violation more abhorred, or its penalties more inflexibly enforced -than in the lowest depths of savagery. There the punishment is known and -leniency unknown. When the Australian black has broken the unwritten law -of his tribe, he has but two alternatives,—disappearance forever or -death. After accepting the latter, or when seized in his flight, he -quietly digs his own grave and, sitting in it, awaits the spears of his -tribesmen. - -So the “totemic” bond, the earliest form of permanent grouping in many -families of mankind, whether based on religious or consanguine ties, -invariably presents a compact and minute system of restrictions on -individual liberty. They are, indeed, often carried to such an extent as -to destroy all sense of personal responsibility or conscience, and to -limit independence of action to the most trivial details of life. In -them, through the recognised power of law, the group is everything, the -individual nothing. Hence, they preserve but do not progress; for I -cannot too often repeat the fundamental distinction between the -group-mind and the individual mind: that the former is active and -preservative, while the latter alone is creative and progressive. - -By the general term “Law” I mean that restraint exercised by the group -on the individual which in its last recourse is backed by physical -force. It makes no difference whether the sentiment of the group is laid -down by the High Chancellor in his ermine or by “Judge Lynch” in his -shirt-sleeves; nor whether the group is the House of Lords or a gang of -thieves, the underlying principle—that of the forcible constraint of the -individual by the community—remains the same. To borrow Blackstone’s -definition, it is the “rule of conduct” which the group chooses to -establish for its own ends. Law, therefore, is essentially a part of the -ethnic mind, not conceivable except as a group-product, and if at times, -apparently, the expression of one mouth (autocracy), yet voluntarily -accepted by the group. - -The body of concrete laws developed in a community, whether under -conditions of freedom or restraint, constitute its government. Under -either condition, the government is rightly regarded as the most -significant product of the ethnic mind as revealing, educating, and -moulding ethnic or national character. For any permanently accepted -government, though it may have been instituted by force, must be mainly -in unison with the ethnic traits. - -The law stretches its hand over all the activities of the individual, -mental or physical, fostering some and repressing others, marking the -limit to all. Personal actions, the acquisition of property, the -expression of opinions, all are by common consent of every community -absolutely subjected to the ethnic mind, the will of the group, and the -physical power of the group stands ready to compel obedience to this -will. - -Distinctly the ethnic and not the individual will; for in laws we have -frequent examples of the contrast between the two, when no individual -approves a law which all approve. There is not an American writer who -would be willing to have the expression of his thoughts gagged by -government; and not one but approves of the law of libel. - -In no relation of human life has the influence of law as a moulder of -ethnic mental unity been more observable from earliest times than in -that of Marriage. - -It is my own opinion, based on a long study of the subject, that -physical fidelity, _la fidélité du corps_, as Manon Lescaut expressed -it, of either sex to the other never was, and is not now, what is termed -a “natural” trait of human character. The native desire for sexual -variety is equally strong in both sexes and has been so from the -beginning. - -Marriage laws, it should be borne in mind, have been everywhere and in -all time framed by the males alone, and they all reveal the intention of -the framers to preserve a right of property in the female, to limit her -sexual freedom, while their own remains unrestricted. - -Collateral interests, such as the extent of the food-supply, the rules -of transmission of property, the purity of castes or classes, and the -like, have frequently entered into the bearing of marriage laws; but the -first and continued aim remains the prevention of feminine infidelity -and the retention of masculine independence. - -For this reason, the woman, even in the most advanced states to-day, is -deprived of civic rights and kept in economic dependence; she is allowed -no part in either the making or the execution of the laws, and her -position is ranked with that of minors or adults of undeveloped minds. - -Government, therefore, with few exceptions, differs from language in -this, that it is the exclusive production of the male ethnic mind, and -must be considered to express the masculine traits only. - -The form of marriage intimately affects two questions of prime -importance in ethnic psychology: that of purity or intermixture of -blood, and that of the permanence of the group. - -In an earlier chapter I have emphasised the results of close and of -mixed breeding in man as one of the controlling factors of his -advancement. It is obvious that the forms of marriage called endogamous, -where the only recognised marriages are within the clan; monogamous, -where there is but one wife; and “preferential” polygamous, where there -are several wives, but the children of one only are recognised as -legitimate, greatly favour close breeding. - -General polygamous marriages, on the other hand, lead infallibly to -intermixture of stocks and the enfeeblement of the higher in its mental -capacity. - -Not less do these laws affect the permanence of the group. This depends -directly on the amount of property it has, and its ability to keep it. - -In any form of communal marriage the property descends in common and -belongs to the clan or consanguine group. There is no stimulus to the -individual to augment it, as he gains nothing for himself. Hence, such -marriages early fell into disuse. - -General polygamous marriages are scarcely less fatal. Equal rights of -inheritance between the offspring of several mothers lead to dissipation -of the inheritance and to family feuds in the division. This is -conspicuously true of inherited dignities and power. In history no -polygamous nation has long survived the internecine feuds between the -many heirs to the throne. The Sultan is safe only when all his brothers -are murdered. - -The marriage laws powerfully influence the ethnic mind in another -direction, heavily fraught with weal or woe for its destiny; that is, in -the respect for woman as a sex, in the honour shown her, in the -sentiment of chivalry. - -This is a true ethnic sentiment, quite apart from personal affection or -romantic love. It reflects the position of woman in the group, not in -the family, and reflects the feelings of the individual mind toward -woman as a sex, as a part of the general group. - -If we regard culture as the full development of the sentiment and -emotions, as well as the intellectual faculties of a community, then I -know no one criterion which will measure its degrees more accurately -than the prevailing opinion about woman, her place and her dues. - -Where the laws make her distinctly dependent and inferior, where, in -marriage, she becomes more or less the property of her husband or the -mere instrument of his passion, it is impossible that the general sense -of the community can regard her with high esteem. This is the case in -all polygamous nations. - -The chivalry of the Middle Ages was the direct consequence of the -inflexible monogamy commanded by the Church. - -Closely related to these influences are those of celibacy and divorce as -sanctioned by law. - -By “Occupation” in ethnology is meant that aim to which the individual -devotes most of his time, thoughts, and energies. - -It does not necessarily mean to “work” or to gain a livelihood. In many -cases it is mere amusement or a routine of social customs, or, like the -beggar, sitting still and asking alms. - -Whatever aim it acknowledges, the occupation is one of the most direct -and potent agencies in the formation of character, individual and -national; in Shakespeare’s phrase, “almost the nature is subdued to what -it works in, like the dyer’s hand.” - -Some ethnographers have selected the prevailing occupations as the best -of all tests to distinguish the grades of man’s cultural advance. They -have divided his progress into a hunting, a pastoral, an agricultural, -and a commercial stage. Much may be said in favour of such a division. -At any rate, it indicates the close connection between human life in the -aggregate and individual avocation. - -It is certain that the man or the group who have to devote their whole -energies to obtain the necessities of existence must advance very slowly -or not at all in the intellectual life. This partly explains the -stationary culture of the Australian black and the native of our arid -western plains. - -But it does not follow, as some theorists would have us believe, that -leisure, the non-necessity of work, in itself favours progress. The -reverse is the case. The Polynesians, for whom nature’s harvests were -ample, were as low as, often lower than, the Australian. Nothing favours -progress but ordered industry directed toward a distant purpose. - -The manner in which occupations, therefore, modify the ethnic mind -varies with the character and aims of the occupations. The first -distinction may be drawn in the degree in which they favour social -intercourse, and thus promote the unity of the group. In this respect -agriculture holds a low place. The unprogressive character of farming -communities is notorious. The contrast of the adjectives rustic and -urbane shows it to be an observation of ancient date. The cause lies -chiefly in the isolation of the farmer, and the suspicion and jealousy -with which he usually regards his nearest neighbours. - -Another cause lies deeper and is of general value. Where there is but -one prevailing occupation, where all men’s thoughts and energies are -directed along the same lines to the same ends, there can be little -social advance. For the best results to the group the movements of -individual activities should be in intersecting, not in parallel lines. -This is the main secret of the superiority of city life, in spite of its -many drawbacks. - -The respect, or lack of it, with which a community regards occupations -is a marked trait of ethnic psychology, and reacts powerfully on the -position and destiny of the nation. - -In England, commerce, “trade,” is widely regarded as somewhat degrading. -Yet were she to lose her trade she would promptly sink to a fourth-class -power—an illustration of what I have before remarked, that a sentiment -of the group-mind may not be that of the individuals of the group. - -The vocation of arms is regarded in modern Europe with admiration, but -in China with disrespect; the results of which have proved that the -Chinese, if correct, are far ahead of their time. - -The veneration of the priestly office has coloured the thoughts and -written the fate of many a nation; and there is no lack of examples -to-day where their oracles close the ethnic mind to the admission of -verifiable knowledge and the results of science. - -The disrespect for occupations beneficial to the group is an invariable -proof of low intelligence in the ethnic mind. The result of such a -sentiment is anti-social and weakens the power of the group as a unit, -by promoting divisions and opposition among its members. - -The extreme of this is seen in the system of castes, rigidly carried -out, as in India, and resulting everywhere in national impotence and -ethnic dissociation. The former system of feudal aristocracy in Europe -was little better, and led to civil wars, the fruits of national -disunity. - -National unity, to be of the highest type, must be based on equal -respect for every man’s employment, if that employment is of advantage -to the community. - -By confining the exercise of certain highly honoured occupations to -so-called “privileged” classes, a heavy blow is dealt at the unity of -the ethnic mind. Class jealousy and party antagonism are developed, -followed by a corresponding weakening of the national force. Modern -democracy fully recognises this danger, but has been unable to remove it -under the guise of nepotism and succession in office. - -It need hardly be added that where there exists a recognised distinction -between owners and slaves, or between a “ruling” and a “subject” class, -unity of group sentiment or thought is out of the question. - -Yet, in modern life strenuous exertions are frequent to insist on a -distinction of the occupations of men and women, based, not on capacity -or opportunity, but on the fact of sex alone, the general effort being -to confine women to “menial” or mechanical occupations only. - -The philosophical ethnologist can see in this nothing but the -near-sighted effort of the strong to oppress the weak, unaware of its -sure recoil on themselves. In reducing the influence of woman, exerted -through beneficial activities, the _ethnos_ directly diminishes the -elements of its own advancement. Goethe never wrote a deeper truth than -in his famous lines: - - Das ewig weibliche, - Zieht uns hinan. - -And the ethnic psychologist has no sounder maxim than that uttered by -Steinthal: “The position of woman is the cardinal point of all social -relations.” - -The ethnic psychologist has a wide field in the study of the influence -of particular occupations on the minds of those engaged in them, and -thereafter on the mind of the group. He will have to examine the -assertion that some, though necessary, are in themselves deteriorating -to the better elements of humanity. Can the slaughter of men in war be -carried on without brutalising the sentiments? Can commerce be -successfully conducted without deception? Can the advocate do his best -for the guilty client without impairing his sentiment of truthfulness? - -Further subjects of study must be the influence of occupations on home -and family life. Many involve travel, enforced absences, or a migratory -career, weakening such ties. - -A marked tendency of modern occupations is toward increased -specialisation. A man will spend his life, it has been said, in making -the ninth part of a pin; and it has been asked, with accents of despair, -what hope for the mental growth of such a case? Yet, in fact, the lawyer -confined to his local code, or the medical specialist to the diseases of -one organ, has the horizon of his daily labour as narrowly -circumscribed. - -The truth is that the individual is in the position of the primitive -tribe. If he is forced to give all his waking hours to “getting a -living,” it matters little what his employment is. One is as bad as -another. And if by his work he wins leisure, all depends on the use of -that leisure. Spinoza gained his bread by grinding optical -glasses,—surely an uninspiring mechanical drudgery! But in odd times he -wrote his _Ethics_, than which no nobler contribution to the highest -realms of thought has ever been composed. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - _THE INFLUENCE OF THE GEOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENT_ - - -The extent to which the geographic environment decides the character and -history of a people has been and still is a question on which competent -writers differ widely. - -On the one side we have such writers as Draper, Menschikoff, von -Ihering, Ratzel, and generally the Russian and English schools, who seek -in climate, soil, and waterways the explanation of the whole of history. -Their views may be summed up in the maxim of von Ihering, “The soil is -the Nation.” - -In contrast to them stand the pure psychologists, notably the French -school, who refuse to admit any great or lasting power of the material -surroundings on the psychical traits. These, they claim, are to be -looked for in race and in permanent anatomical differences, persisting -in all climes and spots. They would say with the philosopher Hegel: -“Tell me not of the inspiration of Ionian skies! Have they not for a -thousand years spread their beauties in vain before degenerate eyes?” - -The latter party, however, by no means insist that the environment is -indifferent. They would entirely agree with Professor Wundt, that purely -psychological laws are inadequate to explain the events of history, and -that we must constantly take into account the associated physical -conditions in order correctly to tell the story of human development. -They would not deny that in some remote and invisible past the racial -mind, like the racial anatomy, must have absorbed its permanent -characteristics from local impressions; but this once accomplished, they -would argue, both orders of characteristics became ineffaceable. - -Even the most determined of the “anthropo-geographers” will not deny -that the power over the mind which they attribute to geographical -features diminishes in proportion as culture increases, to the extent -that it is no longer coercive in civilised life. Nor can anyone who -reflects be blind to the fact that the sameness brought about by -subjection to given geographical conditions is something very different -from the unity produced by mental association. - -The decision of this debated question presents itself to me in a light -which I have not seen stated by previous writers. - -Both parties are right. We must agree with Hegel that the most lovely -and advantageous spots on earth fail to develop their inhabitants; and -yet, where such development takes place, we can always point to the -geographic conditions which have alone rendered it possible. - -In reality, the question is one only indirectly of geography. It -belongs, directly, in quite another department of research, that of -Economics, the science of the production and distribution of material -wealth. - -No matter how fertile the soil, how inviting the waterways, how smiling -the skies, man will remain amid it all the savage of the prime unless he -have within him the psychical stimulus to make use of these for the -increase of his wealth; and that stimulus comes not from without. - -Material wealth is as much a condition of mental growth as is bodily -nutrition, but is just as far as is the latter from being either a -synonym or a measure of such growth. It is a prerequisite, not a -correlate. - -The application of this principle explains the discrepant facts which -have led to the conflict of opinions in anthropo-geography. Without -geographic facilities, a nation cannot become wealthy; and without -wealth it is even more at a disadvantage than the individual. - -Poverty and riches are what most influence the fate of men and nations. - - Armuth ist die grösste Plage, - Reichthum ist das höchste Gut. - - GOETHE. - -Life itself is a question not merely of means, but of ample means. In -central England the rich have an average longevity of forty-nine years, -the poor but twenty-five years; in Berlin the rich live fifty years, and -the poor thirty-two years (Farr, Kolb). - -The higher culture, anything above the mere fight for life, can find a -place only when it is possible, through accumulated wealth, to call a -truce in that fight. The leisure so obtained may not be, generally is -not, employed to that higher end; but without it the effort remains -impossible. - -Anthropo-geography, therefore, is primarily a branch of economics, not -of ethnology. It affects the ethnic mind only indirectly, and not at all -through the action of any laws of its own. It is a vital factor in the -production of tribal or national wealth, but in no way influences the -use which the tribe or nation may make of that wealth; while this is the -only question with which the ethnologist or the historian of human -culture is primarily concerned. - -With this perfectly clear understanding on the real bearings of the -much-talked-of “geographic environment,” I shall proceed to review its -leading divisions. - -Such a conclusion will not be favoured by those writers who teach that -the surroundings exert in some manner an inspiring or a depressing -effect on the mind, and that this reflects itself in the ethnic -character. What! they will exclaim; are we to count for nothing the -sweet meads, the sparkling waters, the glory of the landscape, and the -hues of the flowers? The grandeur of the forest, the sublimity of -beetling crags, the solemn expanse of the ocean,—are these of no avail -in impressing the souls that see them with exalted aspirations and -fervently stimulating the imagination?— - -Alas! “The hand of little use has the daintier touch,” and lifelong -familiarity with the most beautiful scenes of nature reduces to zero the -stimulus which they are capable of yielding to others. - -Wordsworth held the other view and could sing: - - The thought of death sits easy on the man - Who has been born and dies among the mountains. - -But it is obvious, on reading the note in which he explains the source -of his observation, that it was their social culture, not their local -habitation, which imparted this seeming indifference to the peasantry. -Precisely the same indifference to death among their congeners in France -was noted long before by Montaigne. - -There are three chief economic factors, derived from geographic -surroundings, which decide the material welfare of a human group on any -part of the earth’s surface. They are: - -1.—The distribution of the surface land and water. - -2.—The character of the soil with reference to productiveness, in the -mineral, floral, and faunal realms. - -3.—Its salubrity for man. - -These favour or oppose the three essential desiderata for human -progress, to wit: - -1.—Intercommunication. - -2.—Abundant nutrition and materials for the arts. - -3.—Bodily health. - -_The Distribution of Land and Water._—The Iroquois Indians call the -peace-belt of wampum which is exchanged between friendly tribes a -“river,” because it unites, as does some smooth watercourse, those -living apart. This is a sweet native tribute to the influence of -navigable streams in bringing man into relation to man. Bays, fiords, -and harbours permitted man with frail early craft to keep along the -seashore for thousands of miles. Thus the Tupis migrated from the river -La Plata to beyond the mouth of the Amazon and far up that stream; -while, antedating history, the Mediterranean peoples dared the stormy -Iberian coast to visit the remote Cassiterides and the boreal isles of -Thule. - -The Delaware Indians expressed their relationship among themselves by -saying, “We drink the same water,” meaning that they all dwelt on the -Delaware River and its tributaries. Thus watersheds, through the -facility of intercourse they offered, became natural national areas, and -developed unity of thought and feeling. - -Lake-districts exerted a like influence and became not only strongholds -by their pile dwellings, but centres of tribal unity. When Cortes -reached the valley of Mexico he found the shores of the lake occupied by -three nations, independent but closely federated for offence and -defence. - -These are examples of the unifying powers of the watery elements; but in -its might as a torrential stream or as “the unplumbed, salt, estranging -sea,” it severs the families of men with a no less stringent potency. No -more striking example can be offered than that of the American race, the -so-called “Indians” of our continent. They extended over the whole area -from the austral to the boreal oceans, a race-unit, identical in -anatomical traits, but absolutely isolated from the rest of mankind, not -a trace of European, Asiatic, or Polynesian influence in their languages -or cultures. - -The land areas offer obstacles more frequently than facilities to tribal -intercommunication. Mountain chains, deserts, steppes, vast swamps, -dense forests, and tangled jungles isolated by formidable barriers the -early hordes, leaving them to battle singly with the difficulties of -existence. The Roman writers say that interpreters for seventy different -languages were needed in the Caucasus, and de Leon pretends that in the -mountains of Ecuador there were as many tongues as there were villages. -That Egyptian and Babylonian civilisation flourished contemporaneously -for five thousand years without either colouring the other is explained -by the trackless and arid desert which lay between them. - -Differences in mere _area_, a matter of square miles, materially modify -the ethnic mind. Great men are not born in small islands. The less the -area of a state, the less the variety of its life, the fewer the stimuli -to thought and emotion, the narrower the range of observation. The -ethnographer Gerland attributes the mental degeneracy of the -Polynesians, compared to their cognates, the Malays, directly to the -much smaller islands which they were obliged to inhabit. - -Mere _number_ acts in a similar manner on the _psyche_. A nation of many -millions has greater self-confidence; each citizen feels its power -strengthening his own courage, his faith is firmer in what so many -believe, and he is the readier to labour for aims which so many admire. - -The relation of the area to the number yields the _density_ of the -population, which, with its collateral condition of _distribution_, is a -ruling factor in ethnic life. - -I have placed the geographic features which favour or impede -intercommunication first on the list of those which modify the ethnic -mind; and designedly so. - -In the philosophic study of human development the social and anti-social -factors demand our first attention. A man becomes man only as one of -many. Nothing so lames progress as isolation; nothing so hastens it as -good company; and I am fain to endorse the proverb that bad company is -better than none. Rapid transportation is the key to the phenomenal -growth of the nineteenth century: transportation of weight by steam, of -thought by electricity. The Romans knew the value of good roads and made -the best which have ever been constructed; the Phœnicians and Greeks won -their pre-eminence, not by the resources of their home provinces, but by -their skill as sailors. - -_The Soil._—Next and second in deciding the history and character of a -people comes the nature of the soil, the earth, on which they live. - -Its value is to them in what it yields, either spontaneously or by -labour. The primitive man contented himself with the former; but culture -came along when toil entered. For culture ever demands an effort greater -than that immediately necessary for existence, because its aim, from -first to last, is directed to the future; and the higher the culture, -the more distant is that future. - -Even the earliest men levied tribute on all the realms of nature. The -cave-dwellers of the Gironde caught fishes and trapped beasts; they -gathered nuts and edible roots; and they sought diligently for the -stones best adapted to lance-points and scrapers. All this we know from -the remains left in their rock-shelters. They utilised the soil to the -full extent of their knowledge and wants. - -The wealth they thus amassed was scanty and transitory; but when their -successors, the neolithic peoples, appeared with domesticated animals, -an agriculture, a beginning of sedentary life and city building, and, -ere long, devised the excavation of ores wherewith to fashion weapons of -bronze, the land areas suitable for these occupations soon became the -centres of ethnic life and property. - -I need not pursue the story of the growth of these prime industries: the -cultivation of the soil, the domestication of animals, the exploitation -of mines, the transformation from a wandering to a sedentary life, from -vagabondage to the hallowed associations of a home, and the effects -which these changes wrought on the sentiments and intellects of tribes. - -What I wish particularly to point out is that what man asks from the -soil is primarily nutrition,—only nutrition, a living. It is the -“food-quest” which has been so vividly portrayed in American primitive -life by Mindeleff and so fully set forth by Mason: the tribe enslaved by -the soil; its laws, religion, customs, hopes, and fears wrapped up and -submerged in the desperate strife for food. Only where there is a -surplus, where wealth rises above want, is it possible for the group to -free itself from this bondage to the clod,—to become more than an -“adscript of the glebe.” - -The relations between man and the fauna and flora of the region he -inhabits are constant and intimate. The progress of civilisation has -been traced by Pickering and others in the distribution of plants -cultivated by man for his food, use, or pleasure. They have been rightly -named by Gerland “the levers of his elevation.” Especially the cereals -supplied him a regular, appropriate, and sufficient nutrition. Their -product was not perishable, like fruit, but could be stored against the -season of cold and want. Their cultivation led to a sedentary life, to -the clearing and tillage of the soil, to its irrigation, and to the -study of the seasons and their changes. - -The grain, once harvested, still required preparation to become an -acceptable article of food. It must be soaked or crushed and in some way -cooked. These processes stimulated inventive ingenuity, encouraged -regular labour, and required specialisation of employment. - -In the hunting and fishing stage of culture the fauna supplies the chief -articles of food. To obtain it was man’s earliest school of thought. He -had to surpass the deer in swiftness and the lion in strength, or devise -means to circumvent them. We find the early cave-men had accomplished as -much. They prepared pitfalls for the mammoth, traps for the -sabre-toothed tiger, foils for the fleet reindeer, and did not hesitate -to encounter even the formidable rhinoceros. Nets, hooks, and -fishing-gear were thought out with which to lure and ensnare the -denizens of the streams. - -But a far more rapid advance in his culture condition came about when -man bent his energies to the preservation, not to the destruction, of -the lower animals. By the process of domestication he secured not only -an abundant supply of food in their milk and flesh, but beasts of burden -and draught, facilitating rapid intercourse and enabling him to conquer -more rapidly the nature around him. - -The mental growth of many peoples has been inseparably linked to a -single animal. Thus the Tartars of the steppes have their horses, the -Todas their cows, the Tuaregs their camels, without which their social -organisations would be wholly lost. - -The absence in America of any indigenous animal suited for burden or -draught which could be domesticated was one of the fatal flaws in the -ancient culture of the continent, drawing a line beyond which progress -in many directions became impossible. - -_Salubrity._—By salubrity I mean the general tendency of a locality to -maintain the normal functions of the body. - -This depends chiefly on what is included in the term “climate,” for -soils become unhealthy only through the action of climatic conditions. -These may be classed under three headings: - -1. Temperature, which considers both the actual amount of heat and also -the rapidity or extent of its variations (the “range”). - -2. Moisture, including rain- and snow-fall and the average humidity. - -3. Variety, not merely in the two conditions above mentioned, but of -seasons, winds, clouds, electricity, etc. - -The last-mentioned has been too frequently overlooked or underrated by -medical and ethnographic geographers. In reality, it is the most potent -of the three in its results on the human body and mind. It is easy to -show that it is not the extreme of heat or cold which acts injuriously -on the system, but the continuance of the temperature. A climate with a -marked seasonal contrast between summer and winter is confessedly more -invigorating than one, no matter how delightful, which is practically -the same from year-end to year-end. - -To keep in health, to maintain the functions in their highest relative -activity, is the condition of the most effective work. Neither the -individual nor the ethnic mind can reach its best results unless the -body is in a healthful condition. Hence, those localities which are -prone to endemic diseases or to frequent epidemics can never maintain a -population intellectually equal to spots more favoured in this respect. - -The most marked and widespread of the endemic poisons is _malaria_, the -result of a paludal germ which has not yet been isolated. Heat and -moisture are requisite to its development, and immunity from it is -unknown in any race. - -Malaria is the curse of plains and lowlands, while mountainous regions -have almost the monopoly of goitre and cretinism. These endemic maladies -directly diminish the mental powers through disturbing the circulation -of the brain. They contribute largely to the inferior intellectual -status of mountaineers, already prepared by the isolation of their -lives. - -The most important ethnic question in connection with climate is that of -the possibility of a race adapting itself to climatic conditions widely -different from those to which it has been accustomed. This is the -question of Acclimatisation. - -Its bearings on ethnic psychology can be made at once evident by posing -a few practical inquiries: Can the English people flourish in India? -Will the French colonise successfully the Sudan? Have the Europeans lost -or gained in power by their migration to the United States? Can the -white or any other race ultimately become the sole residents of the -globe? - -It will be seen that on the answers to such questions depends the -destiny of races and the consequences to the species of the facilities -of transportation offered by modern inventions. The subject has -therefore received the careful study of medical geographers and -statisticians. - -I can give but a brief statement of their conclusions. They are to the -effect, first, that when the migration takes place along approximately -the same isothermal lines, the changes in the system are slight; but as -the mean annual temperature rises, the body becomes increasingly unable -to resist its deleterious action until a difference of 18° F. is -reached, at which continued existence of the more northern race becomes -impossible. - -They suffer from a chemical change in the condition of the blood-cells, -leading to anæmia in the individual and to extinction of the lineage in -the third generation. - -This is the general law of the relation to race and climate. Like most -laws, it has its exceptions, depending on special conditions. A stock -which has long been accustomed to change of climate adapts itself to any -with greater facility. This explains the singular readiness of the Jews -to settle and flourish in all zones. For a similar reason a people who -at home are accustomed to a climate of wide and sudden changes, like -that of the eastern United States, supports others with less loss of -power than the average. - -A locality may be extremely hot, but unusually free from other malefic -influences, being dry, with regular and moderate winds, and well -drained, such as certain areas between the Red Sea and the Nile, which -are also quite salubrious. - -Finally, certain individuals and certain families, owing to some -fortunate power of resistance which we cannot explain, acclimate -successfully where their companions perish. Most of the instances of -alleged successful acclimatisation of Europeans in the tropics are due -to such exceptions, the far greater number of the victims being left out -of the count. - -If these alleged successful cases, or that of the Jews or Arabs, be -closely examined, it will almost surely be discovered that another -physiological element has been active in bringing about acclimatisation, -and that is the mingling of blood with the native race. In the American -tropics the Spaniards have survived for four centuries; but how many of -the _Ladinos_ can truthfully claim an unmixed descent? In Guatemala, for -example, says a close observer, _not any_. The Jews of the Malabar coast -have actually become black, and so has also in Africa many an Arab -claiming direct descent from the Prophet himself. - -But along with this process of adaptation by amalgamation comes -unquestionably a lowering of the mental vitality of the higher race. -That is the price it has to pay for the privilege of survival under the -new conditions. But, in conformity to the principles already laid down -as accepted by all anthropologists, such a lowering must correspond to a -degeneration in the highest grades of structure, the brain-cells. - -We are forced, therefore, to reach the decision that the human species -attains its highest development only under moderate conditions of heat, -such as prevail in the temperate zones (an annual mean of 8°–12° C.); -and the more startling conclusion that the races now native to the polar -and tropical areas are distinctly _pathological_, are types of -degeneracy, having forfeited their highest physiological elements in -order to purchase immunity from the unfavourable climatic conditions to -which they are subject. We must agree with a French writer, that “man is -not cosmopolitan,” and if he insists on becoming a “citizen of the -world” he is taxed heavily in his best estate for his presumption. - -The inferences in racial psychology which follow this opinion are too -evident to require detailed mention. Natural selection has fitted the -Eskimo and the Sudanese for their respective abodes, but it has been by -the process of regressive evolution; progressive evolution in man has -confined itself to less extreme climatic areas. - -The facts of acclimatisation stand in close connection with another -doctrine in anthropology which is interesting for my theme, that of -“ethno-geographic provinces.” Alexander von Humboldt seems to have been -the first to give expression to this system of human grouping, and it -has been diligently cultivated by his disciple, Professor Bastian. - -It rests upon the application to the human species of two general -principles recognised as true in zoölogy and botany. The one is, that -every organism is directly dependent on its environment (the _milieu_), -action and reaction going on constantly between them; the other is, that -no two faunal or floral regions are of equal rank in their capacity for -the development of a given type of organism. - -The features which distinguish one ethno-geographic province from -another are chiefly, according to Bastian, meteorological, and they -permit, he claims, a much closer division of human groups than the -general continental areas which give us an African, a European, and an -American subspecies. - -It is possible that more extended researches may enable ethnographers to -map out, in this sense, the distribution of our species; but the secular -alterations in meteorologic conditions, combined with the migratory -habits of most early communities, must greatly interfere with a rigid -application of these principles in ethnography. - -The historic theory of “centres of civilisation” is allied to that of -ethno-geographic provinces. The stock examples of such are familiar. The -Babylonian plain, the valley of the Nile, in America the plateaux of -Mexico and of Tiahuanuco are constantly quoted as such. The geographic -advantages these situations offered,—a fertile soil, protection from -enemies, domesticable plants, and a moderate climate,—are offered as -reasons why an advanced culture rapidly developed in them, and from them -extended over adjacent regions. - -Without denying the advantages of such surroundings, the most recent -researches in both hemispheres tend to reduce materially their -influence. The cultures in question did not begin at one point and -radiate from it, but arose simultaneously over wide areas, in different -linguistic stocks, with slight connections; and only later, and -secondarily, was it successfully concentrated by some one tribe,—by the -agency, it is now believed, of cognatic rather than geographic aids. - -Assyriologists no longer believe that Sumerian culture originated in the -delta of the Euphrates, and Egyptologists look for the sources of the -civilisation of the Nile valley among the Libyans; while in the New -World not one, but seven stocks partook of the Aztec learning, and half -a dozen contributed to that of the Incas. The prehistoric culture of -Europe was not one of Carthaginians or Phœnicians, but was -self-developed. - - - - - INDEX - - - Acclimatisation, 194 - - Adaptability, 58 - - African, 27, 79, 89, 133, 134, 136, 138 - - Alcoholism, 99 - - American Indian, 70, 142, 153, 159, 162 - - Ammon, 87, 128 - - Annamite, 132 - - Arab, 99, 102, 196 - - Aristotle, 15 - - Arizona, 134 - - Aryan, 130, 161, 166 - - Asia Minor, 117 - - Assyria, 156 - - Asthenia, 117 - - Atavism, 151 - - Australian, 52, 105, 136, 137, 142, 159, 168, 174 - - Aztec, 71, 199 - - - Bache, 132 - - Baker, 152 - - Baldwin, 75 - - Bastian, 15, 153, 158, 197, 198 - - Berendt, 145 - - Black Death, 102, 162 - - Blackstone, 169 - - Boas, 153 - - Boole, 14 - - Bowditch, 152 - - Brachycephaly, 129 - - Brain, 126 - - Brazilian, 24, 108 - - Broca, 153 - - Browning, Mrs., 66 - - Buckle, 87, 158 - - Buschan, 160 - - Bushmen, 88, 134, 135 - - Byron, 138, 144 - - - Cakchiquel, 145 - - Capitan, 83 - - Castren, 113 - - Cattell, 132 - - Caucasus, 187 - - Centralisation, 39 - - Chauvinism, 115 - - China, 68, 79, 137, 176 - - Chippeway, 52 - - Climate, 192 - - Collignon, 87, 135, 150 - - Comparative psychology, 3 _ff._ - - Cope, 10 - - Cortes, 186 - - Cousin, xvi - - Criminality, 106 - - Crusades, 93, 109 - - Cuba, 116 - - - Darwin, 140, 148 - - Delusions, 108 - - Destructive impulse, 115 - - Divorce, 94 - - Dolichocephaly, 129 - - Dominant ideas, 110 - - Draper, 180 - - Dreams, 108 - - Dumont, 98 - - - Economics, 182 - - Education, 53 - - Ellis, 94, 141 - - Emerson, ix - - Erotomania, 114 - - Eskimo, 89, 118, 132, 145 - - Ethnic ideas, 21 - —psychology, defined, vii _ff._ - - —— a natural science, xii - - Exaltation, 113 - - Ezzelino da Romano, 115 - - - Faculties, disuse of, 68 - - Farr, 183 - - Feminism, 140 - - Féré, 87 - - Ferrero, 114 - - Folk, 33 - - Folklore, 51 - - Forethought, 61 - - Fouillée, 131 - - Fuegian, 18, 34, 127, 132 - - - Galton, 91, 92 - - Gambetta, 127 - - Gerland, 77, 187, 190 - - Gobineau, 153 - - Goethe, 55, 138, 178 - - Goitre, 101 - - Group, defined, 33, 42 - - Guaranis, 113 - - - Haeckel, 132 - - Hale, 105 - - Haliburton, 134 - - Hegel, 180, 182 - - Height, 134 - - Heredity, 147 - - Hervé, 133, 140, 153 - - Home-sickness, 117 - - Hovelacque, 153 - - Humboldt, von, A., 89, 197 - - —— W., 28 - - Hurons, 112 - - Hybridity, 152 - - Hypersthenia, 112 - - Hysteria, 112 - - - Iconoclasm, 116 - - Ideal, The, 9 - - Ideas, elementary, 20 - —ethnic, 21 - - Ideation, 4 - - Ihering, von, 180 - - Iles, 80 - - Imagination, 8 - - Imbecility, 105 - - Incas, 199 - - India, 70, 109, 176 - - Individual and Group, contrasted, 23 _ff._ - - Indo-Chinese, 140 - - Indo-European, 166 - - Indonesian, 133 - - Industry, 54 - - Infanticide, 137 - - Instinct, 6 _ff._ - - Intellectual Deficiency, 104 - —Process, 13 - - Intelligence 6 - - Inventiveness, 56 - - Ireland, 83 - - Iroquois, 185 - - - Jacoby, 151 - - Japanese, 133 - - Jesuits, 112 - - Jevons, 13 - - Jews, 102, 161, 195, 196 - - Jingoism, 115 - - Johnson, 89 - - - Kamchatkan, 108, 132 - - Kant, 143 - - Klemm, 55 - - Kohlbrügge, 152 - - Kolb, 183 - - Krafft-Ebing, 94 - - Krejči, 23 - - - Lamarck, 148 - - Land and Water, distribution of, 185 - - Language, 18, 164 - - Lapouge, 99, 111, 128, 130 - - Lapps, 118, 134 - - Law, 167 - - Laycock, 119 - - Lazarus, vii - - Lenguas, 162 - - Leon, de, 187 - - Letourneau, ix, 61, 159 - - Libyans, 199 - - Licentiousness, 94 - - Lichtenstein, 14 - - Liebig, 127 - - Livi, 131 - - Locke, 4 - - Lombroso, 131 - - Lykanthropy, 109 - - - Malaria, 100, 193 - - Malay, 12, 112, 113, 187 - - Malthus, 139 - - Mania, epidemic, 109 - - Manouvrier, 143 - - Marriage, 170 _ff._ - — abstention from, 92 - — premature and delayed, 91 - - Mason, 190 - - Mayas, 71, 92, 131 - - Melancholia, 117 - - Menschikoff, 180 - - Mental Shock, 102 - - Mexicans, 99, 186 - - Mill, 124 - - Mind, human and brute, compared, 3 _ff._ - —mechanical action of, 14 - —unity of, 3 _ff._ - —of the Group, 23 _ff._ - - —— not creative, 30 - - Mindeleff, 190 - - Modes of Progress, 72 - - Mohammedan, 111 - - Moisture, 192 - - Montaigne, 184 - - Morgan, 80 - - Mortillet, de, 77 - - Müller, 136 - - Muscular System, 134 - - - Napoleon, 44 - - Natality, diminution of, 96 - - Nation, 33 - - Nervous System, 132 - - Neurasthenia, 118 - - Nippur, 76 - - Normans, 151 - - Northmen, 161 - - Nostalgia, 117 - - Nott, 153 - - Nutrition, 190 - —imperfect, 87 - - - Occupation, 173 - - Orgeas, 157, 160 - - Osseous System, 133 - - - Pascal, 5, 83 - - Pathology, 159 - - Permanence, 39 - - Personality, 11 - - Peruvian, 52, 71, 99, 134 - - Perversion, conditions of, 107 - - Pickering, 190 - - Plato, 24, 53 - - Polynesian, 114, 159, 162, 174, 187 - - Post, 11 - - Progression, arithmetical, 78 - —geometrical, 80 - —saltatory, 80 - - Progress, rate of, 77 - - Psychic Cells, 16 - - - Quakers, 69 - - Quatrefages, de, 153 - - Quechuas, 92, 131 - - Quen, de, 112 - - Quetelet, 14, 40, 107 - - - Rabelais, 144 - - Race, 33 - - Ranke, 87 - - Ratzel, 160, 180 - - Receptiveness, 59 - - Reibmayr, 155, 156 - - Remembrance, 52 - - Reproduction, 135 - - Ribot, 143 - - Romanes, 5 - - Rousseau, 72 - - - Salubrity, 192 - - Schaffhausen, 123 - - Schmidt, 76 - - Seeland, 145 - - Self-consciousness, 10 - - Semites, 102 - - Sexual subversions, 90 - - Siam, 69 - - Siberians, 99, 113 - - Skull measurements, 128 _ff._ - - Soil, 188 - - Soul, 16 _ff._ - - Spinoza, 179 - - Steinthal, vii, 178 - - Stock, 33 - - Symonds, 115 - - Syphilis, 101 - - - Tartar, 89, 191 - - Tasmanian, 159 - - Temperament, 143 - - Temperature, 192 - - Tibet, 92 - - Tiedemann, 127 - - Todas, 192 - - Toxic agents, 98 - - Tribe, 33 - - Tuaregs, 192 - - Tupis, 185 - - - Van Brero, 12 - - Van Buren, 136 - - Variation, physiological, 46 - —progressive, 49 - —regressive, 64 - —modes and rates of, 72 - —parallel and divergent, 73 - —in circles and curves, 75 - —in waves, 77 - —pathological, 82 - - —— etiology of, 85 - - Vierkandt, 23, 56 - - Vikings, 67 - - Virchow, 83 - - Vital Powers, 142 - - - Waitz, 158 - - Weight, 134 - - Wordsworth, 184 - 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