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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3d53465 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #62493 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/62493) diff --git a/old/62493-0.txt b/old/62493-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f75c755..0000000 --- a/old/62493-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,22042 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Close of the Middle Ages, 1272-1494, -3rd Ed., by R. Lodge - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Close of the Middle Ages, 1272-1494, 3rd Ed. - -Author: R. Lodge - -Release Date: June 26, 2020 [EBook #62493] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1272-1494 *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - - - - - The Close of the Middle Ages - - - - - _In Eight Volumes. Crown 8vo. With Maps, etc._ - - _Six Shillings net each Volume._ - - _The Complete Set £2, 8s. net._ - - - - -PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY - -General Editor—ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A., - -Student of Christ Church, Oxford. - - -The object of this series is to present in separate Volumes a -comprehensive and trustworthy account of the general development of -European History, and to deal fully and carefully with the more -prominent events in each century. - -The Volumes embody the results of the latest investigations, and contain -references to and notes upon original and other sources of information. - -No such attempt to place the History of Europe in a comprehensive, -detailed, and readable form before the English Public has previously -been made, and the Series forms a valuable continuous History of -Mediæval and Modern Europe. - -=Period I.—The Dark Ages.= 476-918. - - By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History in the - University of Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period II.—The Empire and the Papacy.= 918-1273. - - By T. F. TOUT, M.A., Professor of Mediæval and Modern History at the - Owens College, Victoria University, Manchester. _6s. net._ - -=Period III.—The Close of the Middle Ages.= 1272-1494. - - By R. LODGE, M.A., Professor of History at the University of - Edinburgh. _6s. net._ - -=Period IV.—Europe in the 16th Century.= 1494-1598. - - By A. H. JOHNSON, M.A., Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity, and - University Colleges, Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period V.—The Ascendancy of France.= 1598-1715. - - By H. O. WAKEMAN, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. - _6s. net._ - -=Period VI.—The Balance of Power.= 1715-1789. - - By A. HASSALL, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. _6s. net._ - -=Period VII.—Revolutionary Europe.= 1789-1815. - - By H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A., Professor of History at Cornell - University, Ithaca, U.S.A. _6s. net._ - -=Period VIII—Modern Europe.= 1815-1899. - - By W. ALISON PHILLIPS, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of St. John’s - College, Oxford. _6s. net._ - - - - -THE DARK AGES, 476-918 - -By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History in the -University of Oxford. - -Forming Volume I. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘A thorough master of his subject, and possessed of a gift for clear -expositions, he has supplied the student with a most valuable and -helpful book.’—_Spectator._ - -‘No better exponent of this era, so full of difficulties and -complications, could have been chosen.’—_Journal of Education._ - -‘Mr. Oman has done his work well. His narrative is clear and -interesting, and takes full account of recent research.’—_English -Historical Review._ - -‘This volume will be valued by all historical students as supplying a -real want in our historical literature, and supplying it well.... His -touch is sure and his insight keen. For the accuracy of his facts his -historical reputation is a sufficient guarantee.’—_Times._ - - - - -THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY, 918-1273 - -By T. F. TOUT, M.A., Professor of Mediæval and Modern History at the -Owens College, Victoria University, Manchester. - -Forming Volume II. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘This admirable and impartial work.... A more trustworthy historical -treatise on the period and subject has not hitherto appeared.’—_Morning -Post._ - -‘One of the best of the many good historical textbooks which have come -out of our universities in recent years.’—_Times._ - -‘Altogether Professor Tout has given us a most trustworthy adjunct to -the study of mediæval times, which all who may be called upon to -interpret those times to others may safely recommend and themselves -profit by.’—_English Historical Review._ - - - - -THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1273-1494 - -By R. LODGE, M.A., Professor of History at the University of Edinburgh. - -Forming Volume III. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘The book is admirably written, it contains maps and genealogical -tables, an exhaustive index, and a bibliography which students will -value as an aid to the interpretation of the whole period as well as a -clue to any part of it.’—_Standard._ - -‘We are exceedingly thankful for the Series, and as we have already -said, to Prof. Lodge. There is no longer any excuse for English-speaking -teachers to be wholly ignorant of the history of Europe. The obligation -lies on them to purchase these volumes, and then read, mark, learn, and -inwardly digest them, so that they can supplement their teaching with -intelligible comment.’—_School World._ - -‘The book must be regarded as quite indispensable to all English -students of the late Middle Ages.’—_University Correspondent._ - -‘Professor Lodge’s book has the supreme merit of clearness, not less -than that of conciseness.’—_Pall Mall Gazette._ - -‘A work of great value on one of the most difficult and at the same time -one of the most important periods of European history. The book is a -monument of skill and labour.’—_Aberdeen Journal._ - - - - -EUROPE IN THE 16th CENTURY, 1494-1598 - -By A. H. JOHNSON, M.A., Historical Lecturer at Merton, Trinity, and -University Colleges, Oxford. - -Forming Volume IV. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘A singularly clear, thorough, and consistent account of the great -movements and great events of the time, and the volume may be accepted -as one of the best extant handbooks to a period as complex as it is -important.’—_Times._ - -‘In the present volume Mr. A. H. Johnson has made a useful and -unpretentious contribution to a Series of which it can be said more -truly than of most series that it supplies a real want. Mr. Johnson is -well known as one of the most experienced and successful teachers of -history at Oxford, and the book has all the merits which the fact of -being written by a good teacher can give it. It is clear, sensible, and -accurate, and commendably free from fads or bias.’—_Manchester -Guardian._ - -‘There is certainly no other single book in English which covers the -ground so adequately.’—_University Correspondent._ - -‘Mr. Johnson’s narrative is clear and accurate, and his grasp of the -history of his period wonderfully strong and comprehensive.’—_Journal of -Education._ - - - - -THE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE, 1598-1715 - -By H. O. WAKEMAN, M.A., Late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. - -Forming Volume V. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘His story is no dry compendium, but a drama, each act and scene of -which has its individual interest.’—_Guardian._ - -‘Mr. Wakeman has produced an excellent sketch, both clear and -concise.’—_Oxford Magazine._ - -‘Mr. Wakeman’s book is a sound, able, and useful one, which will alike -give help to the student, and attract the cultivated general -reader.’—_Manchester Guardian._ - -‘A thoroughly scholarly and satisfactory monograph.’—_Leeds Mercury._ - - - - -THE BALANCE OF POWER, 1715-1789 - -By A. HASSALL, M. A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. - -Forming Volume VI. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘Although it contains more than 400 pages, we felt as we read its last -page that it was too short. It is not, however, too short to prevent its -author dealing adequately with his subject according to the scheme of -the whole Series. There is little detail in it, and but little -theorising, and what it contains are clear statements of masterly -summaries.... We may cordially recommend this interesting and -well-written volume.’—_Birmingham Daily Gazette._ - -‘Treated with much accuracy, patience, and vigour.’—_Educational Times._ - -‘The author has struggled manfully with the difficulties of his -subject, and not without a distinct measure of success. He has availed -himself of the latest researches on the period, and his narrative is -well ordered and illustrated by excellent maps and some useful -appendices.’—_Manchester Guardian._ - - - - -REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE, 1789-1815 - -By H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A., Professor of History at Cornell University, -Ithaca, U.S.A. - -Forming Volume VII. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘As a piece of literary workmanship can hardly be surpassed.... The -result is a boon to students, and a serviceable book of reference for -the general reader.’—_Daily News._ - -‘Mr. Stephens has written a very valuable and meritorious book, which -ought to be widely used.’—_Manchester Guardian._ - -‘An admirable, nay, a masterly work.’—_Academy._ - -‘To say that Mr. Morse Stephens has compiled the best English textbook -on the subject would be faint praise.’—_Journal of Education._ - -‘We are happy to extend a hearty welcome to this much-needed Series, -which, if it throughout keeps on the same high level of this volume, -will fill up a painful gap in our accessible historical -literature.’—_Educational Times._ - -‘The volume contains one of the clearest accounts of the French -Revolution and the rise of the First Napoleon ever written. In fact, it -is the work of a real historian. The style of the book is strong and -picturesque.’—_Western Morning News._ - - - - -MODERN EUROPE, 1815-1899 - -By W. ALISON PHILLIPS, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of St. John’s -College, Oxford. - -Forming Volume VIII. of PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. - -‘An exceedingly difficult task has been accomplished, we may say without -hesitation, to admiration. We have read the book with the keenest and -quite unflagging enjoyment, and we welcome it as one of the very best -histories that have been written within the last few years.’—_Guardian._ - -‘It has achieved, with a remarkable success, the difficult task of -compressing into a compact space the long history of a time of -extraordinary complications and entanglements; but—much more -important—it has never lost vigour and interest throughout the whole -survey.... The completeness of the book is really extraordinary.... -The book is by far the best and handiest account of the -international politics of the nineteenth century that we possess.... -Should give Mr. Alison Phillips distinct rank among historians of -the day.’—_Literature._ - -‘Altogether, the book offers a most luminous and quite adequate -treatment of its subject, and makes a worthy conclusion of a Series that -well deserves to be popular.’—_Glasgow Herald._ - -‘He presents his materials with model clearness and arrangement, and -with a sound literary style, which will make the book attractive to the -general reader as well as useful to the student.’—_Scotsman._ - -‘Mr. Phillips shows decided literary power in the handling of a not too -manageable period, and few readers with any appreciation of the march of -history, having once commenced the book, will be content to lay it aside -until the last page is reached.’—_Manchester Guardian._ - -‘This thoughtful volume will give the intelligent reader both profit and -pleasure.’—_Spectator._ - - - - - THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES - - 1272-1494 - - - BY - - R. LODGE, M.A. - - PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH - - - _PERIOD III_ - - - RIVINGTONS - _34 KING STREET, COVENT GARDEN_ - LONDON - 1906 - - _Third Edition. Fourth Impression_ - - - - - PREFACE - - -The period treated in this volume is one of unique interest and -significance in the history of Europe. Within these two centuries the -political and social conditions of the so-called Middle Ages came to an -end, and the states system of Modern Europe took its rise. But the -importance of the period is more than equalled by the almost superhuman -difficulty of narrating its events in anything like orderly and -intelligible sequence. Such unity as had been given to Western Europe by -the mediæval Empire and Papacy disappeared with the Great Interregnum in -the middle of the thirteenth century; and such unity as was afterwards -supplied by the growth of formal international relations cannot be said -to begin before the invasion of Naples by Charles VIII. of France at the -end of the fifteenth century. In the interval between these two dates -there is apparent chaos, and only the closest attention can detect the -germs of future order in the midst of the struggle of dying and nascent -forces. It is easy to find evidence of astounding intellectual activity -and instances of brilliant political and military achievement, but the -dominant characteristic of the age is its diversity, and it is hard to -find any principle of co-ordination. A cursory glance over some of the -most striking episodes of the period will serve to illustrate the -multiplicity of its interests. The hundred years’ war between England -and France; the rise and fall of the House of Burgundy; the struggle of -old and new conceptions of ecclesiastical polity in the Papal schism, in -the Councils of Constance and Basel, and in the Hussite movement; the -marvellous achievements of the republic of Venice, and of Florence under -both republican and Medicean rule; the revival of art and letters, not -only in one or two great centres, but in numerous petty states which -would otherwise be wholly obscure; the growth and decline of unique -corporations, such as the Hanseatic League and the Teutonic Order; the -extension and gradual union of the Christian states of Spain at the -expense of Mohammedanism, and at the same time the gloomy story of the -conquest of the Eastern Empire by the Turks;—all these episodes might -well be treated in a volume apiece, but it is difficult to arrange them -within the compass of a book which should deal with the general -development of Europe. No doubt it may be held that some of these events -are of more permanent importance than others, and that the essential -fact to grasp in the period is the rise of great and coherent states -like France, Spain, and England. But it is equally true that the -important events are unintelligible without some knowledge of the less -important events with which they are connected; that in this period -Germany and Italy are more prominent than Spain and England, or even -than France; and that Germany and Italy are not coherent states at all. -The former is a bundle of states, and the latter can hardly be said to -be as much. And it may be urged with some force that German history in -the fourteenth century cannot be studied without some attention being -paid to Poland, Hungary, and Denmark; that the history of Venice and -Florence cannot be isolated from that of Genoa and Pisa; and that even -in tracing the growth of states which achieved some measure of unity it -is necessary to note the absorption of the formerly distinct and -independent provinces. - -I have stated the difficulty, which is indeed sufficiently obvious, but -I cannot claim to have found a thoroughly satisfactory solution. My -endeavour has been to make the narrative as clear and intelligible as -the conflicting needs of conciseness and of frequent transitions will -admit. I may perhaps point out to my readers that in an age in which -dynastic interests and claims become of greater and greater importance, -in which royal marriages are a prominent factor in international -politics and vitally affect the growth of the greatest states, a careful -study of genealogy is imperatively necessary. This will explain and -justify the insertion of a number of genealogical tables in the -Appendix, which the student of the period may find not the least useful -part of the volume. - -R. LODGE. - -EDINBURGH, _April 1901_. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE x - - CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE xii - - I. GERMANY AND THE EMPIRE AFTER THE 1 - INTERREGNUM, 1273-1313 - - II. ITALY AND THE PAPACY, 1273-1313 20 - - III. FRANCE UNDER THE LATER CAPETS, 43 - 1270-1328 - - IV. FRANCE UNDER THE EARLY VALOIS, 66 - 1328-1380 - - V. LEWIS THE BAVARIAN AND THE AVIGNON 98 - POPES, 1314-1347 - - VI. CHARLES IV. AND THE GOLDEN BULL 109 - - VII. RISE OF THE SWISS CONFEDERATION 124 - - VIII. ITALY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY, 139 - 1313-1402 - - IX. THE SCHISMS IN THE PAPACY AND 182 - EMPIRE, 1378-1414 - - X. THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT AND THE COUNCIL 206 - OF CONSTANCE, 1409-1418 - - XI. THE HUSSITE WARS AND THE COUNCIL OF 222 - BASEL, 1419-1449 - - XII. MILAN AND VENICE IN THE FIFTEENTH 243 - CENTURY, 1402-1494 - - XIII. NAPLES AND THE PAPAL STATES IN THE 265 - FIFTEENTH CENTURY - - XIV. FLORENCE UNDER THE MEDICI 288 - - XV. BURGUNDIANS AND ARMAGNACS IN FRANCE, 315 - 1380-1435 - - XVI. REVIVAL OF THE FRENCH MONARCHY, 349 - 1435-1494 - - XVII. GERMANY AND THE HAPSBURG EMPERORS, 394 - 1437-1493 - - XVIII. THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE AND THE 419 - SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOM - - XIX. THE TEUTONIC ORDER AND POLAND 451 - - XX. THE CHRISTIAN STATES OF SPAIN 468 - - XXI. THE GREEK EMPIRE AND THE OTTOMAN 494 - TURKS - - XXII. THE RENAISSANCE IN ITALY 515 - - APPENDIX—GENEALOGICAL TABLES— - - A—The Succession in Bohemia 535 - - B—The Succession in Tyrol 535 - - C—The House of Hapsburg 536 - - D—The House of Wittelsbach 537 - - E—The House of Luxemburg 538 - - F—The Later Capets in France 539 - - G—The House of Valois 540 - - H—The Duchy and County of Burgundy 541 - - I—The First House of Anjou in Naples and 542 - Hungary - - K—The Second House of Anjou in Naples 543 - - L—The House of Aragon in Sicily and 544 - Naples - - M—The Houses of Visconti and Sforza in 545 - Milan - - N—The Medici in Florence 546 - - O—The Union of Kalmar 546 - - P—The Palæologi 547 - - Q—Castile 548 - - R—Aragon 549 - - S—Navarre 550 - - T—Some European Connections of the House 551 - of Portugal - - INDEX 553 - - - LIST OF MAPS - -_At end of Book_ - -1. FRANCE, TO SHOW THE ADDITIONST TO THE MONARCHY BETWEEN 1273 AND 1494. - -2. POSSESSIONS AND CLAIMS OF CHARLES THE BOLD, DUKE OF BURGUNDY, -1467-1477. - -3. ITALY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. - -4. THE SWISS CONFEDERATION. - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE - - -[The following list has no pretensions to be an exhaustive bibliography -of the period, nor does it profess to include all the authorities -consulted by the author. It is merely compiled with the object of -offering suggestions to any student who wishes to read more widely, -either on the whole period, or on any part of it. Those books which -cannot be classed under any of the great European states are placed -under the head of ‘General.’] - - -GENERAL— - - Lavisse et Rambaud, _Histoire Générale du IV^e. Siècle à nos jours_, - Tome III. - - Creighton, _History of the Papacy during the Reformation, Vols. - I.-III._ - - Froissart, _Chroniques_. [A popular and useful selection from the - translation of Lord Berners has been published by Messrs. Macmillan - and Co. in the ‘Globe’ Series. The most complete edition is that by - Kervyn de Lettenhove.] - - Leroux, _Recherches Critiques sur les relations politiques de la - France avec l’Allemagne_. - - Fournier, _Le Royaume d`Arles_. - - Oman, _History of War in the Middle Ages_. - - H. C. Lea, _History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages_. - - R. L. Poole, _Illustrations of Medieval Thought_. - - -GERMANY— - - Nitzsch, _Geschichte des Deutschen Volkes_. - - Lorenz, _Deutsche Geschichte im 13-14 Jahrhunderte_. - - Zeller, _Histoire de l’Allemagne_. - - Droysen, _Geschichte der preussischen Politik, Vols. I. and II._ - - Dierauer, _Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft_. - - Palacky, _Geschichte von Böhmen_. - - Loserth, _Hus und Wiclif_ (translated). - - Sartorius, _Geschichte des Ursprunges der Deutschen Hanse_. - - Schäfer, _die Hansestädte und König Waldemar von Dänemark_. - - Treitschke, _Das Deutsche Ordensland Preussen, Historische und - politische Aufsätze, Vol. II._ - - -ITALY— - - Villani, _Croniche_. - - Sismondi, _Histoire des Républiques italiennes du moyen âge_. - - Cipolla, _Storia delle Signorie Italiane, dal 1313 al 1530_. - - Gregorovius, _Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter_ (translated). - - Romanin, _Storia documentata di Venezia_. - - H. F. Brown, _Venice, an Historical Sketch_. - - Machiavelli, _Storia Fiorentina_. - - Perrens, _Histoire de Florence_. - - Guido Capponi, _Storia della republica di Firenze_. - - Napier, _Florentine History_. - - Villari, _Machiavelli_ (translated), _Vol. I._ - - Von Reumont, _Lorenzo de’ Medici_ (translated). - - Armstrong, _Lorenzo de’ Medici_. - - J. A. Symonds, _Renaissance in Italy_. - - -FRANCE AND THE NETHERLANDS— - - Martin, _Histoire de France_. - - Michelet, _Histoire de France_. - - Langlois, _Le règne de Philippe le Hardi_. - - Boutaric, _La France sous Philippe le Bel_. - - Perrens, _Étienne Marcel_. - - S. Luce, _Histoire de la Jacquerie_. - - Vanderkindere, _Le siècle des Arteveldes_. - - Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII._ - - Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII._ - - Cosneau, _Le Connétable de Richemont_. - - P. Clément, _Jacques Cœur et Charles VII._ - - Philippe de Commines, _Mémoires_. - - Barante, _Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne_. - - Kirk, _History of Charles the Bold_. - - Clamageran, _Histoire de l’Impôt en France_. - - Gasquet, _Précis des Institutions Politiques et Sociales de - l’ancienne France_. - - -SPAIN— - - Lafuente, _Historia general de España_. - - Burke, _History of Spain, 2 vols._ - - Schäfer und Schirrmacher, _Geschichte von Spanien_. - - Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_. - - -FALL OF THE GREEK EMPIRE— - - Gibbon, _Decline and Fall_. - - Finlay, _Byzantine and Greek Empires_ - - La Jonquière, _Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman_. - - - - - CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE - - -[This table has been drawn up in order to bring together in their -chronological sequence those events in different parts of Europe which -are necessarily treated in the text under the head of different states. -The chief events in English History are inserted to serve as -guide-posts, even though in some cases no direct reference may be made -to them in the following pages.] - - - 1273. Election of Rudolf of Hapsburg as King of 8 - the Romans. Crowned at Aachen, October 24 - - 1274. Death of Henry, King of Navarre and Count of 48 - Champagne and Brie. Philip III. of France annexes - Champagne and Brie, and assumes the government of - Navarre - - 1276. First war between Rudolf I. and Ottokar of 9 - Bohemia - - “ Death of Pope Gregory X. 27 - - “ Death of James I. (the Conqueror) of Aragon. 479 - Accession of Peter III. - - 1277. Election of Pope Nicolas III. 27 - - “ Archbishop Otto Visconti obtains the lordship 36 - of Milan - - 1278. Ottokar of Bohemia killed in the battle of 10 - Marchfeld (August 26). Accession of Wenzel II. - - 1280. The Teutonic Knights complete the conquest 456 - of Prussia - - “ Death of Pope Nicolas III. 27 - - 1281. Election of Pope Martin IV. 28 - - 1282. The Sicilian Vespers (March 30) lead to the 25 - transfer of Sicily from the house of Anjou to - Peter III. of Aragon - - “ Constitutional changes in Florence 32 - - “ Austria, Styria, and Carniola acquired by 10 - house of Hapsburg, and Carinthia given to Meinhard - of Tyrol - - “ Death of the Greek Emperor Michael VIII., and 497 - accession of Andronicus II. - - “ Edward I. of England conquers Wales 155 - - 1283. Peter III. of Aragon issues the ‘General 481 - Privilege’ - - 1284. Battle of Meloria. The Pisans, defeated by 31 - the Genoese, lose their maritime importance - - “ Death of Alfonso X. (the Wise) of Castile. 48, - Accession of Sancho IV. 470 - - “ Charles of Valois accepts the crown of Aragon 49 - from the Pope. War between France and Aragon - - 1285. Death of Charles I., King of Naples (January 25 - 7). Accession of Charles II. - - “ Death of Pope Martin IV. (March 12). Election 28 - of Honorius IV. - - “ Death of Philip III. of France (October 5). 49 - Accession of Philip IV. - - “ Death of Peter III. of Aragon (November 11). 25, - Accession of Alfonso III. in Aragon and of James 480 - in Sicily - - 1286. Accession of Eric Menved in Denmark 430 - - “ Death of Alexander III. of Scotland 157 - - 1287. Alfonso III. of Aragon issues the ‘Privilege 481 - of Union’ - - 1288. Death of Pope Honorius IV. Election of 28 - Nicolas IV. - - 1291. Death of Rudolf I. (July 15) 11 - - “ Formation of League between Uri, Schwyz, and 127 - Unterwalden (origin of Swiss Confederation) - - “ Fall of Acre puts an end to Christian dominion 456 - in the East - - “ Death of Alfonso III. of Aragon. Succeeded by 26, - his brother, James II. 480 - - 1292. Election of Adolf of Nassau as King of the 11 - Romans (May 5) - - “ Death of Nicolas IV., followed by two years’ 28 - interregnum in the Papacy - - “ Edward I. awards the Scottish crown to John 157 - Balliol - - 1293. ‘Ordinances of Justice’ in Florence 32 - - 1294. Election of Pope Celestine IV. 28 - - “ Abdication of Celestine. Election of Boniface 28 - VIII. - - “ Outbreak of war between England and France 51 - - 1295. John Balliol joins France against Edward I. 52 - - “ Death of Archbishop Otto Visconti. Succeeded 36 - by his nephew Matteo - - “ Death of Sancho IV. of Castile. Accession of 470 - Ferdinand IV. - - 1296. Edward I. deposes John Balliol and conquers 52 - Scotland - - “ Boniface VIII. issues the bull _Clericis 29, - laicos_ 52 - - 1297. Rising in Scotland under Wallace 160 - - “ Closing of the Great Council in Venice 38 - - 1298. Peace between England and France negotiated 52 - by Boniface VIII. - - 1298. Death of Adolf of Nassau. Election of Albert 13 - I. - - 1302. Settlement of the long Sicilian wars. 26 - Frederick, brother of James II. of Aragon, - recognised as King of Sicily - - “ Defeat of French army by the Flemings at 53 - Courtrai (July 11) - - “ First meeting of the States-General in France 60 - - “ Matteo Visconti driven from Milan 36 - - 1303. Outrage at Anagni, and death of Boniface 29 - VIII. - - “ Andronicus II. invites the ‘Grand Company of 497 - the Catalans’ into Greece - - 1304. Election (February 25) and death (July 27) 29 - of Benedict XI. - - 1305. Election of Clement VII., who remains in 30 - France - - “ Death of Wenzel II. of Bohemia. Election of 15 - Wenzel III. - - 1306. Death of Wenzel III. of Bohemia. Albert I. 15 - procures the crown for his son Rudolf - - 1307. Death of Rudolf of Bohemia. Accession of 16 - Henry of Carinthia - - “ Break-up of Seljuk Empire on death of Aladdin 299 - III. - - 1308. Murder of Albert I. Election of Henry VII. 17 - (of Luxemburg) - - 1309. Charles Robert, grandson of Charles II. of 15 - Naples, recognised as King of Hungary - - “ Headquarters of the Teutonic Order transferred 457 - from Venice to Marienburg - - “ Clement V. fixes his residence in Avignon 30 - - “ Death of Charles II. of Naples. Accession of 26 - Robert - - 1310. Origin of the Council of Ten in Venice 39 - - “ Henry VII. sets out on an expedition to Italy 17, - 39 - - “ Henry of Carinthia driven from Bohemia, and 18 - the crown given to Henry VII.’s son John - - 1311. Henry VII. restores Matteo Visconti in 40 - Milan, and appoints him imperial vicar - - “ The Teutonic Knights acquire Pomerellen 458 - - 1312. Suppression of the Templars 55 - - “ Annexation of Lyons by Philip IV. of France 56 - - “ Henry VII. crowned Emperor in St. John Lateran 41 - - “ Death of Ferdinand IV. of Castile. Accession 470 - of Alfonso XI. - - 1313. Death of Henry VII. near Siena 18, - 42 - - 1314. Battle of Bannockburn (June 24) 168 - - “ Double election in Germany of Lewis the 98 - Bavarian and Frederick of Hapsburg - - “ Death of Philip IV. of France (November 29). 62 - Accession of Louis X. - - “ Death of Clement V., and papal interregnum for 98 - two years - - 1315. Swiss victory at the battle of Morgarten 129 - - 1316. Election of Pope John XXII. 99 - - “ Death of Louis X. of France. Exclusion of his 64 - daughter Jeanne in favour of her uncle, Philip V. - (so-called Salic Law) - - 1319. Death of Eric Menved, and accession of 431 - Christopher II. in Denmark - - 1322. Defeat and capture of Frederick of Hapsburg 99 - at Mühldorf - - “ Death of Philip V. of France. Accession of 65 - Charles IV. - - “ Galeazzo Visconti succeeds his father Matteo 174 - in Milan - - 1323. Lewis the Bavarian protests against the 99 - intervention of John XXII. Beginning of quarrel - between Empire and Papacy - - “ Death of Waldemar, the last Ascanian Margrave 107 - of Brandenburg. Lewis the Bavarian gives - Brandenburg to his eldest son Lewis - - 1326. Orchan succeeds Othman as leader of the 499 - Ottoman Turks - - 1327. Lewis the Bavarian enters Italy and is 105 - crowned in Milan - - 1328. Lewis crowned Emperor in Rome 105 - - “ Deposition of John XXII., and election of 105 - anti-pope - - “ Scottish independence recognised by treaty of 68 - Northampton - - “ Death of Charles IV. of France. Accession of 65 - Philip VI. (of Valois) - - “ Separation of France and Navarre: the latter 66 - goes to Jeanne, daughter of Louis X. - - “ Philip VI. defeats the Flemings at Cassel 70 - - “ Andronicus II. deposed in favour of his 498 - grandson, Andronicus III. - - “ Death of Castruccio Castracani, Lord of Lucca 105, - 143 - - “ Death of Galeazzo Visconti 174 - - 1329. Orchan defeats the forces of Andronicus III. 499 - at Pelekanon - - “ Mastino della Scala succeeds Cangrande in 143 - Verona - - “ Azzo Visconti becomes imperial vicar in Milan 143, - 174 - - 1330. Death of Frederick of Hapsburg 105 - - “ Lewis the Bavarian returns to Germany 105 - - “ Luzern joins the league of the Swiss cantons 130 - - “ John of Bohemia enters Italy and occupies 144 - Brescia - - 1332. League of Italian states against John of 145 - Bohemia - - “ Edward Balliol obtains the Scottish crown, and 68 - does homage to Edward III. - - “ Death of Christopher II. followed by eight 432 - years’ interregnum in Denmark - - 1333. John of Bohemia abandons Italy 146 - - “ Edward III. wins battle of Halidon Hill, takes 68 - Berwick, and restores Edward Balliol - - “ David Bruce escapes to France, and French 68 - intervention in Scotland - - 1334. Death of John XXII., and election of 102 - Benedict XII. - - 1335. Death of Henry, Duke of Carinthia and Count 106 - of Tyrol - - “ Carinthia acquired by Hapsburgs, while Tyrol 107 - goes to Margaret Maultasch, wife of John Henry of - Moravia - - 1336. Rudolf Brun effects a revolution in Zürich 131 - - “ Rising in Ghent under Jacob van Artevelde 71 - - “ Death of James III. of Aragon, and accession 481 - of Peter IV. - - 1337. Edward III. claims the French crown and 71 - seeks allies in Flanders and Germany - - 1338. Electoral meeting at Rense, and diet at 102 - Frankfurt to protest against papal pretensions in - Germany - - “ Meeting of Lewis the Bavarian and Edward III. 72 - at Coblentz - - “ League against Mastino della Scala. Verona 147 - loses its ascendency in northern Italy - - 1339. Edward III. invades France from Flanders. 72 - Beginning of Hundred Years’ War. Unsuccessful - campaign in Picardy - - “ Death of Azzo Visconti. Succeeded by his uncle 175 - Lucchino - - 1340. Naval victory of the English at Sluys 72 - - “ Edward repulsed from Tournay, concludes truce 72 - with Philip VI. - - “ Succession dispute in Brittany on death of 73 - John III. - - “ Alfonso XI. of Castile defeats the Moors in 471 - battle of the Salado - - “ Waldemar III. restores monarchical power in 433 - Denmark - - 1341. Lewis the Bavarian divorces Margaret of 107 - Maultasch from John Henry of Moravia, and marries - her to his son, Lewis of Brandenburg - - “ Death of Andronicus III., and accession of 500 - John V. - - 1342. Edward III. supports John de Montfort in 73 - Brittany - - “ Death of Carobert of Hungary, and accession of 152 - Lewis the Great - - “ Death of Benedict XII., and election of 106 - Clement VI. - - 1343. Death of Robert of Naples, and accession of 152 - Joanna I. - - “ Expulsion of Walter de Brienne, and 148 - constitutional changes in Florence - - “ Treaty of Kalisch between Poland and the 458 - Teutonic Order - - 1345. Murder of Andrew of Hungary, husband of 152 - Joanna of Naples - - 1345. Assassination of Jacob van Artevelde 74 - - “ Death of William IV. of Holland, Hainault, and 75, - Zealand. His territories pass to a son of Lewis 108 - the Bavarian - - 1346. Opposition in Germany to Lewis the Bavarian. 108 - Election of Charles IV. as King of the Romans - - “ Battle of Crécy 76 - - “ Death of John of Bohemia 108 - - “ Defeat of the Scots at Nevill’s Cross 77 - - “ Esthonia handed over by Denmark to the 458 - Teutonic Order - - 1347. Lewis the Great of Hungary attacks Naples. 153 - Joanna flies to Provence - - “ Triumph of Rienzi in Rome 157 - - “ Edward III. takes Calais (August 4) 77 - - “ Death of Lewis the Bavarian (October 11) 108 - - “ Abdication of Rienzi (December 15) 159 - - “ John Cantacuzenos recognised as joint emperor 501 - in Constantinople - - 1348. Outbreak of the Black Death in Europe 78 - - “ Battle of Epila. Peter IV. of Aragon revokes 482 - the ‘Privilege of Union’ - - “ Lewis de Mâle recovers his authority as Count 78 - of Flanders - - “ Foundation of the University of Prague by 113 - Charles IV. - - “ Joanna of Naples sells Avignon to Pope Clement 153 - VI. - - 1349. Death of Lucchino Visconti. Succeeded by 175 - Giovanni, Archbishop of Milan - - “ Annexation of Dauphiné to France 78 - - “ Death of Jeanne of Navarre, and accession of 79 - Charles the Bad - - “ Charles IV. succeeds in overcoming opposition 111 - in Germany - - 1350. Death of Philip VI. of France (August 22), 79 - and accession of John - - “ Death of Eudes IV., Duke and Count of 79 - Burgundy. Succeeded by Philip de Rouvre - - “ Death of Alfonso XI. of Castile, and accession 471 - of Peter the Cruel - - “ Giovanni Visconti obtains Bologna 160, - 175 - - “ Outbreak of war between Venice and Genoa 170 - - 1351. Zürich joins the Swiss League 132 - - “ Peace between Lewis of Hungary and Joanna of 153 - Naples - - 1352. Albert II. of Austria attacks Zürich. Glarus 134 - and Zug join the Confederation - - “ Death of Pope Clement VI., and election of 160 - Innocent VI. - - 1353. The accession of Bern completes the eight 135 - old cantons of the Swiss Confederation - - “ Innocent VI. sends Cardinal Albornoz to 160 - recover the Papal States, almost lost during the - residence in Avignon - - “ Genoa, defeated in naval war with Venice, 170 - submits to Milan - - 1354. Rienzi’s return to Rome and his death 161 - - “ Genoese victory in the battle of Sapienza 171 - - “ Death of Giovanni Visconti. Milanese dominions 175 - divided between his three nephews - - “ John Cantacuzenos compelled to abdicate 502 - - “ Turks seize Gallipoli, their first possession 502 - on European soil - - 1355. Renewal of English invasion of France 80 - - “ Charles IV. crowned Emperor in Rome 114 - - “ Important meeting of States-General in France 81 - - “ Conspiracy and death of Marin Falier in Venice 169 - - “ Peace between Venice and Genoa 171 - - “ Assassination of Matteo Visconti. Partition of 176 - Milanese territories between Bernabo and Galeazzo - - “ Death of Stephen Dushan, King of Servia 501 - - 1356. Battle of Poitiers, and capture of John of 81 - France - - “ States-General under the guidance of Etienne 83 - Marcel - - “ Charles IV. issues the Golden Bull 115 - - “ Genoa repudiates Milanese suzerainty 171, - 176 - - 1358. Rising of the Jacquerie in France 87 - - “ Assassination of Marcel, and restoration of 88 - order and royal authority by Charles, Duke of - Normandy, acting as regent during his father’s - captivity - - “ Death of Albert II. of Austria, leaving his 136 - territories to the joint rule of four sons - - 1359. Death of Orchan. Succeeded by Amurath or 502 - Murad I. - - 1360. Treaty of Bretigni (May 8) ends first period 89 - of the Hundred Years’ War - - “ Cardinal Albornoz recovers Bologna from the 161, - Visconti 177 - - 1361. Death of Philip de Rouvre. Duchy of Burgundy 90 - granted by John of France to his fourth son, - Philip - - “ Sack of Wisby by Waldemar III. Beginning of 433 - war between Denmark and the Hanseatic League - - “ Amurath I. seizes Adrianople, which becomes 502 - the European capital of the Turks till 1453 - - 1362. Death of Pope Innocent VI., and election of 161 - Urban V. - - “ Defeat of the Hanseatic League by Danish fleet 434 - - 1363. Death of Meinhard, Duke of Upper Bavaria and 120 - Count of Tyrol. Upper Bavaria united with Lower - Bavaria: Tyrol acquired by the Hapsburgs - - “ Marriage of Margaret of Denmark to Hakon of 435 - Norway - - 1364. John of France returns to England and dies 188 - there. Accession of Charles V. - - “ Treaty of mutual inheritance between the 120 - houses of Luxemburg and Hapsburg - - “ Charles of Blois killed at battle of Aurai 92 - - “ Deposition of Magnus of Sweden in favour of 436 - Albert of Mecklenburg - - 1365. Death of Rudolf of Hapsburg 137 - - “ Settlement of Breton war by the recognition of 92 - John de Montfort - - “ Treaty of Wordingborg between Waldemar III. 436 - and Hanse towns - - 1366. Peter the Cruel, driven from Castile by 93, - Henry of Trastamara, flies to the Black Prince at 473 - Bordeaux - - 1367. The Black Prince wins the battle of Najara, 93, - and restores Peter the Cruel in Castile 473 - - “ Urban V. returns from Avignon to Rome 162 - - “ Meeting of Hanseatic League at Cologne 437 - declares war against Denmark - - 1368. Charles IV. visits Urban V. in Rome 162 - - “ Death of Cardinal Albornoz 162, - 177 - - “ Triumph of the Hanseatic fleet: capture of 438 - Copenhagen - - 1369. Battle of Montiel. Death of Peter the Cruel. 94, - Accession of Henry of Trastamara (Henry II.) in 474 - Castile - - “ Renewal of war between France and England 94 - - “ The eastern Emperor John V. visits Rome, and 503 - agrees to a union between the Greek and Latin - Churches - - 1370. Partition of Hapsburg territories between 137, - Albert III. and Leopold 398 - - “ Massacre at Limoges by order of the Black 95 - Prince - - “ Urban V. returns from Rome to Avignon 162 - - “ Treaty of Stralsund. Hanseatic League at the 438 - zenith of its power - - “ Death of Casimir the Great of Poland. 459 - Succeeded by Lewis of Hungary - - 1372. Defeat of the English fleet by Spaniards and 95 - French off La Rochelle - - 1373. Disastrous expedition of John of Gaunt to 95 - France - - “ The Emperor Charles IV. acquires Brandenburg 441 - - 1375. Truce between England and France, leaving 96 - England in occupation of Calais, Bordeaux, and - Bayonne - - “ Death of Waldemar III. of Denmark. Accession 442 - of Olaf - - 1376. Death of the Black Prince (June 8) 96 - - “ Election of Wenzel as King of the Romans 121 - - 1377. Death of Edward III. of England. Accession 96 - of Richard II. - - “ Gregory XI. leaves Avignon for Rome 162, - 185 - - 1378. Death of Gregory XI. in Rome. Election of 162, - Urban VI. 185 - - “ Rising of the ‘Ciompi’ in Florence 164 - - “ Outbreak of war between Venice and Genoa 172 - - “ Galeazzo Visconti dies and is succeeded by 177 - Gian Galeazzo - - “ Election of anti-pope Clement VII. (Sept. 20). 122, - Beginning of the great schism 162, - 186 - - “ Death of the Emperor Charles IV. (Nov. 29). 123 - Partition of his dominions - - 1379. The Genoese seize Chioggia and blockade 172 - Venice - - “ Death of Henry II. of Castile, and accession 474 - of John I. - - 1380. Death of Charles V. of France, and accession 97, - of Charles VI. 315 - - “ Death of Hakon of Norway. Union of Norway and 442 - Denmark under Olaf - - “ The Genoese are forced to capitulate at 173 - Chioggia. Triumph of Venice - - “ Death of Lewis the Great, King of Hungary and 190, - Poland 459 - - 1381. Rising of the lower classes in England 316 - - 1382. Counter-revolution in Florence establishes 166 - oligarchy - - “ Rising of the _Maillotins_ in Paris 317 - - “ Rising of the Flemings under Philip van 317 - Artevelde - - “ French defeat of the Flemings at Roosebek 318 - - “ Suppression of the _Maillotins_ in Paris 318 - - “ Death of Joanna I. of Naples. Accession of 154 - Charles III. - - 1383. Death of Lewis de Mâle. His son-in-law, 320 - Philip of Burgundy, acquires Flanders, Artois, - Nevers, Rethel, and Franche-Comté - - 1385. Gian Galeazzo Visconti imprisons his uncle, 177 - Bernabo, and reunites the Milanese dominions - - “ Charles III. of Naples claims crown of Hungary 191 - - “ Portuguese victory at Aljubarrota over 474 - Castilians - - “ Death of Louis of Anjou, who had obtained 154 - Provence but had been defeated by Charles III. as - a claimant to Naples - - 1386. Jagello of Lithuania marries Hedwig, younger 191, - daughter of Lewis the Great, becomes a Christian, 459 - and is crowned King of Poland - - 1386. Valentina Visconti married to Louis of 178, - Orleans 321 - - “ Charles III. of Naples assassinated in Hungary 155, - 191 - - “ Swiss victory at Sempach. Defeat and death of 138 - Leopold of Hapsburg - - “ John of Gaunt advances the claim of his wife, 474 - Constance, in Castile - - “ Schleswig ceded by Denmark to Count of 442 - Holstein - - 1387. Sigismund of Luxemburg crowned King of 192 - Hungary - - “ Outbreak of town-war in Germany 189 - - “ Death of Peter IV. of Aragon. Accession of 482 - John I. - - “ John of Gaunt withdraws his wife’s claim and 475 - makes peace with John I. of Castile - - “ Gian Galeazzo seizes Verona and Vicenza, and 179 - ruins the house of Scala - - “ Death of Olaf of Denmark and Norway. Succeeded 443 - by his mother, Margaret - - 1388. Padua subjected by Gian Galeazzo Visconti 179 - - “ Albert of Sweden deposed; crown offered to 443 - Margaret of Denmark and Norway - - 1389. Peace of Eger closes the town-war in Germany 190 - - “ Hapsburgs recognise by treaty the independence 138 - of the Swiss Confederation - - “ Turkish victory at Kossova 503 - - “ Amurath I. succeeded by Bajazet I. 503 - - “ Death of Urban VI. Election of Boniface IX. 187 - - 1390. Death of John I. of Castile, and accession 475 - of Henry III. - - 1391. Mary of Sicily marries Martin the Younger, 482 - son of Martin I. of Aragon - - “ Death of Greek emperor, John V., and accession 504 - of Manuel II. - - 1392. Charles VI. becomes insane. The Dukes of 319 - Burgundy and Orleans dispute for the government of - France - - 1394. Death of Avignon Pope, Clement VII. Election 187 - of Benedict XIII. - - 1395. Wenzel creates Gian Galeazzo Duke of Milan 178 - - 1396. Genoa submits to France through fear of 180 - Milan - - “ Battle of Nicopolis 193, - 322, - 504 - - 1397. The three Scandinavian kingdoms accept the 443 - Union of Kalmar - - 1398. Meeting of Wenzel and Charles VI. of France 194 - at Rheims - - 1399. Gian Galeazzo obtains rule in Pisa and Siena 181 - - “ Ladislas, son of Charles III., finally secures 155, - crown of Naples against Louis II. of Anjou 266 - - 1399. Revolution in England. Accession of Henry 325 - IV. (of Lancaster) - - 1400. A party of German princes depose Wenzel and 181, - elect a rival King of the Romans, Rupert III. 195 - - 1401. Battle of Brescia (Oct. 24): Milanese troops 181, - rout the forces of Rupert III. 196 - - 1402. Death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (Sept. 3) 181, - 241 - - “ Battle of Angora: Timour defeats the Turks and 505 - captures Bajazet I. Constantinople saved for the - time - - 1404. Death of Philip the Bold of Burgundy. 322 - Succeeded by John the Fearless - - “ Death of Boniface IX. Election of Innocent 187 - VII. - - “ Venice allied with Milan against Francesco 245 - Carrara - - 1405. Death of Innocent VII. Election of Gregory 187 - XII. - - “ Venice acquires Verona and Padua 245 - - “ Death of Timour or Tamerlane, the Tartar 505 - leader - - 1406. Pisa subjected to Florence (Oct. 9) 244 - - “ Death of Henry III. of Castile, and accession 475 - of John II. - - 1407. Assassination of Louis of Orleans in Paris 322 - - 1408. Ladislas of Naples occupies Rome 266 - - 1409. Council of Pisa. Election of a third Pope, 199 - Alexander V. - - “ Exodus of Germans from Prague 210 - - “ Death of Martin the Younger. Sicily passes to 482 - his father, Martin I. of Aragon - - 1410. Outbreak of civil war between Burgundians 326 - and Armagnacs in France - - “ Death of Pope Alexander V. Election of John 201 - XXIII. - - “ Death of Rupert III., King of the Romans 201 - - “ Double election of Sigismund (Sept.) and Jobst 203 - (Oct.) - - “ Recovery of Rome from Ladislas of Naples 267 - - “ Battle of Tannenberg: defeat of the Teutonic 460 - knights by the Poles - - “ Death of Martin I., King of Aragon and Sicily. 483 - Disputed succession - - 1411. Death of Jobst of Moravia (Jan. 12) 203 - - “ Sigismund again elected King of the Romans 204 - - “ The _Cabochiens_ supreme in Paris 327 - - “ Ladislas defeated by papal and Angevin forces 267 - at Rocca-Secca - - “ Peace of Thorn between Poland and the Teutonic 461 - Order - - 1412. Assassination of Gian Maria Visconti. 246 - Filippo Maria rules in Milan - - 1412. Death of Margaret, ‘the Union Queen.’ 444 - Accession of Eric of Pomerania, in the - Scandinavian kingdoms - - “ Crowns of Aragon and Sicily given to Ferdinand 483 - I. (of Castilian house of Trastamara) - - 1413. The Armagnacs seize Paris and put down the 327 - _Cabochiens_ - - “ Ladislas of Naples drives John XXIII. from 267 - Rome - - “ Mohammed I. reunites the Ottoman dominions 505 - - 1414. Defeat of the Burgundians. Treaty of Arras 327 - - “ Death of Ladislas of Naples. Accession of 205, - Joanna II. 267 - - “ Meeting of the Council of Constance 205, - 211 - - 1415. Henry V. invades France. Capture of Harfleur 328 - (Sept. 22). Battle of Agincourt - - “ Deposition of John XXIII. at Constance (May 216 - 29) - - “ Sigismund gives Brandenburg to Frederick of 216 - Hohenzollern - - “ John Hus put to death at Constance (July 6) 217 - - “ Sigismund leaves Constance to travel through 217 - Europe - - “ Spanish kings abandon Benedict XIII. and 218 - adhere to the Council of Constance - - 1416. Death of Ferdinand I. of Aragon and Sicily. 484 - Succeeded by Alfonso V. - - 1417. Sigismund returns to Constance 219 - - “ Election of Pope Martin V. ends the schism 220 - - “ Death of Louis II. of Anjou, unsuccessful 269 - claimant to Naples - - “ Death of Maso degli Albizzi, leader of the 289 - Florentine oligarchs - - “ Henry V. renews the invasion of Normandy 331 - - 1418. Dissolution of the Council of Constance 220 - - “ Burgundians seize Paris from the Armagnacs 331 - - 1419. Death of Wenzel. Vacancy of Bohemian throne 224 - - “ Fall of Rouen completes the English conquest 331 - of Normandy - - “ Assassination of John the Fearless at 332 - Montereau (Sept. 10) - - “ Philip the Good, who succeeds to the 332 - Burgundian dominions, allies himself closely with - England - - 1420. Martin V. publishes a crusade against the 225 - Hussites - - “ Treaty of Troyes (May 21) gives the regency 332 - and the succession in France to Henry V. - - “ The Hussites in Bohemia formulate the ‘four 223 - articles of Prag’ - - 1421. Martin V. re-enters Rome with the help of 221 - the Colonnas - - “ Battle of Baugé: defeat and death of Thomas of 333 - Clarence - - “ Death of Mohammed I. Succeeded by Amurath II. 506 - - 1422. Death of Albert III., the last Ascanian 226 - Elector of Saxony - - “ Establishment of the house of Wettin in Saxony 226 - - “ Death of Henry V. of England (Aug. 31), and 333 - accession of Henry VI. - - “ Death of Charles VI. of France. Succeeded in 333 - the north by Henry VI., in the south by Charles - VII. - - “ Attempted reform of military and financial 227 - system in Germany - - 1423. English and Burgundian victory at Crevant 337 - - “ Francesco Foscari becomes Doge of Venice 249 - - 1424. John, Duke of Bedford, defeats French and 337 - Scots at Verneuil - - “ Gloucester marries Jacqueline of Hainault and 337 - quarrels with Philip of Burgundy - - “ Death of the Hussite leader, John Ziska 225 - - 1425. Death of Manuel II., and accession of John 506 - VI. in Constantinople - - “ Bedford recalled to England by quarrel of 338 - Gloucester and Beaufort - - “ League of Florence and Venice against Filippo 249 - Maria Visconti - - 1426. Venice acquires Brescia from Milan 249 - - 1427. Defeat of fourth crusade against the 227 - Hussites. Proposed constitutional reforms in - Germany - - 1428. Siege of Orleans by English and Burgundians 340 - - “ Venice acquires Bergamo from Milan 249 - - 1429. Jeanne Darc raises siege of Orleans (April 341 - 19) - - “ Charles VI. crowned at Rheims 341 - - 1430. Jeanne Darc captured at Compiègne 344 - - 1431. Trial and execution (May 28) of Jeanne Darc 345 - - “ Death of Martin V., and election of Eugenius 229 - IV. - - “ Meeting of the Council of Basel 229 - - “ Utter failure of the fifth crusade against the 228 - Hussites - - “ Venetian reverses in the war with Milan 250 - - 1432. Death of Bedford’s wife, Anne of Burgundy 346 - - “ Trial and execution of Carmagnola 250 - - “ Bedford marries Jacquetta of Luxemburg 346 - - “ Quarrel between Eugenius IV. and Council of 230 - Basel - - “ Sigismund crowned Emperor in Rome 230 - - 1433. Eugenius IV., driven from Rome to Florence, 231 - is compelled to recognise the Council of Basel - - “ The _Compactata_ arranged between the Hussites 231 - and the Council - - 1433. Exile of Cosimo de’ Medici from Florence 293 - - 1434. Defeat of the Taborites at the battle of 233 - Lipan - - “ Fall of the Albizzi in Florence. Recall of 294 - Cosimo de’ Medici, and establishment of Medicean - ascendency - - 1435. Treaty of Arras between Philip the Good and 347 - Charles VII. - - “ Death of Bedford 348 - - “ Death of Joanna II. of Naples. Disputed 271 - succession between Alfonso V. of Aragon and Réné - of Provence - - 1436. Loss of Paris by the English 350 - - “ Sigismund at last obtains the Bohemian crown 233 - - 1437. Renewed quarrel between Eugenius IV. and the 235 - Council of Basel - - “ Death of Sigismund. Albert V. of Austria 398 - succeeds in Hungary and Bohemia - - 1438. Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges 237 - - “ Election of Albert II. (Albert V. of Austria) 399 - as King of the Romans - - “ Council at Ferrara, transferred to Florence 236 - - 1439. States-General of Orleans issue the 352 - _Ordonnance sur la Gendarmerie_ - - “ Pragmatic Sanction of Mainz 237 - - “ Death of Albert II. (Oct. 27) 401 - - “ Union of Greek and Latin Churches agreed to at 236 - Florence - - “ Deposition of Eugenius IV. by the Council of 238 - Basel - - “ Election of anti-pope Felix V. 238 - - 1440. The _Praguerie_ in France 354 - - “ Election of Frederick III. as King of the 402 - Romans - - “ Ladislas Postumus becomes Duke of Austria and 409 - King of Bohemia - - “ The Hungarians elect Ladislas III. of Poland 409 - - “ ‘Prussian League’ formed in opposition to the 463 - Teutonic Order - - 1441. Peace between Milan and Venice. Venice keeps 251 - Brescia and Bergamo - - “ Venice acquires possession of Ravenna 251 - - 1442. Alfonso V. of Aragon finally secures the 271 - crown of Naples - - “ Death of Blanche of Navarre. Her husband, John 485 - of Aragon, keeps the crown, excluding his son, - Charles of Viana - - 1443. Eugenius IV. returns to Rome 239 - - 1444. Battle of Varna. Death of Ladislas of Poland 410, - and Hungary 508 - - 1445. Organisation of standing army in France 354 - - “ Ladislas Postumus accepted as King of Hungary 410 - - “ Æneas Sylvius arranges terms between Frederick 240 - III. and Eugenius IV. - - “ Marriage of Henry VI. of England with Margaret 356 - of Anjou - - 1446. Banishment of the dauphin Louis to Dauphiné 358 - - 1447. Death of Eugenius IV. (Feb. 23), and 241, - election of Nicolas V. 272 - - “ Death of Filippo Maria Visconti. Republic in 252 - Milan - - 1448. Nicolas V. approves concordat with Germany 241, - 273 - - “ Death of John VI. Succeeded by Constantine 509 - Palæologus - - “ Death of Christopher vacates the three 446 - Scandinavian crowns - - “ Swedes elect Karl Knudson 446 - - “ Christian I. (of Oldenburg) becomes King of 446 - Denmark - - 1449. Dissolution of the Council of Basel 241 - - “ Renewal of war in France. Invasion of Normandy 357 - by the French - - 1450. Grand jubilee in Rome 242, - 273 - - “ Francesco Sforza makes himself master of Milan 253 - - “ Disorder in England. Rising of Jack Cade 357 - - “ Loss of Normandy by the English 357 - - “ Christian I. of Denmark obtains crown of 446 - Norway - - 1451. French conquest of Guienne 357 - - “ Death of Amurath II. Succeeded by Mohammed II. 508 - - 1452. Frederick III. crowned Emperor in Rome 411 - - “ Ladislas Postumus released from tutelage by 411 - Frederick III. - - 1453. Capture of Constantinople by Mohammed II. 509 - (May 29) - - “ Battle of Castillon (July 17). The English 358 - retain only Calais - - “ Civil war in Prussia leads to Polish invasion 464 - - 1454. Peace of Lodi between Venice and Milan 253 - - “ Venice concludes a treaty with the Turks 254 - - “ Death of John II. of Castile. Succeeded by 476 - Henry IV. (‘The Impotent’) - - 1455. Death of Nicolas V. Election of Calixtus 274 - III. - - “ Beginning of the Wars of the Roses in England 238 - - 1456. Mohammed II. repulsed from Belgrade 411 - - “ Death of Hungarian leader, John Hunyadi 411 - - “ The dauphin Louis, driven from Dauphiné by his 359 - father, takes refuge in the Burgundian dominions - - 1457. Compulsory abdication of Francesco Foscari 254 - in Venice - - “ Death of Ladislas Postumus. Austria passes to 414 - the Styrian branch of the Hapsburgs - - 1457. Karl Knudson driven from Sweden. Coronation 447 - of Christian I. reunites the three Scandinavian - kingdoms - - 1458. Death of Alfonso V. Aragon, Sicily, and 275, - Sardinia pass to his brother, John II.; Naples to 484 - his natural son, Ferrante - - “ Election of Mathias Corvinus in Hungary 414 - - “ Election of George Podiebrad in Bohemia 414 - - “ Death of Calixtus III. Election of Pius II. 276 - - “ Servia conquered by the Turks 511 - - 1459. Futile congress at Mantua to arrange a 276 - crusade against the Turks - - “ Death of Adolf, Count of Holstein and Duke of 447 - Schleswig - - 1460. John of Calabria revives the Angevin claim 277 - to Naples - - “ Pius II. issues the bull _Execrabilis_ 277, - 407 - - “ Turkish conquest of the Morea 511 - - “ Death of Prince Henry the Navigator 491 - - “ Christian I., King of Denmark, etc., obtains 447 - Schleswig and Holstein - - 1461. Death of Charles VII. of France, and 361 - accession of Louis XI. - - “ Death of Charles of Viana. Rising in Catalonia 486 - against John II. of Aragon - - “ Mohammed II. subdues the empire of Trebizond 513 - - “ Yorkist victory at Towton, and accession of 244 - Edward IV. in England - - 1462. John II. of Aragon, hard pressed by 389, - Catalans, cedes Roussillon and Cerdagne to Louis 486 - XI. - - “ Conquest of Wallachia by the Turks 511 - - “ Turkish conquests in the Ægean 512 - - 1463. Venice decides to go to war with the Turks 255, - 512 - - 1464. Genoa subjected to Milan 260 - - “ John of Calabria leaves Naples 278 - - “ Death of Pius II. at Ancona. Election of Paul 280 - II. - - “ Death of Cosimo de’ Medici 299 - - “ Conquest of Bosnia by the Turks 511 - - 1465. War of the Public Weal in France 365 - - “ Louis XI. enters Paris after the battle of 366 - Montlhéri - - “ Conclusion of the Treaty of Conflans 367 - - 1466. Death of Francesco Sforza. Succeeded by 261 - Galeazzo Maria - - “ Conspiracy in Florence against Piero de’ 300 - Medici - - “ Treaty of Thorn: West Prussia ceded to Poland, 465 - and East Prussia retained by Teutonic Order as a - Polish fief - - 1467. Death of Scanderbeg, the defender of Albania 256 - against the Turks - - 1467. Death of Philip the Good, and accession of 369 - Charles the Bold - - 1468. Interview at Péronne between Louis XI. and 370 - Charles the Bold - - “ Rebellion in Liége forces Louis to make treaty 371 - of Péronne - - “ War between Hungary and Bohemia 415 - - 1469. Death of Piero de’ Medici. Lorenzo becomes 302 - practically lord of Florence - - “ Charles the Bold acquires Alsace and the 377 - Breisgau from Sigismund of Tyrol - - “ Death of John of Calabria 486 - - “ Marriage of Isabella of Castile to Ferdinand 477 - of Aragon - - “ Margaret, daughter of Christian I., marries 448 - James III. of Scotland - - 1470. Warwick and Clarence driven from England to 372 - France. Reconciliation of Warwick with Margaret of - Anjou - - “ Renewed war between Louis XI. and Charles the 374 - Bold - - 1471. Edward IV. of England defeats his opponents 373 - at Barnet (April 14) and Tewkesbury (May) - - “ Death of George Podiebrad. Bohemians elect 416, - Ladislas, son of Casimir IV. of Poland 465 - - “ Death of Paul II. Election of Sixtus IV. 281 - - “ Constitutional changes in Florence strengthen 303 - the Medici - - 1472. Death of Charles of Guienne (May 24) 376 - - “ Truce between Louis XI. and Charles the Bold 376 - - “ Altered policy of Charles the Bold 376 - - “ John II. takes Barcelona and puts down the 486 - Catalan rebellion - - 1473. Death of Nicolas of Calabria. Charles the 378 - Bold’s aggressions in Lorraine - - “ Interview at Trier between Charles the Bold 378, - and Frederick III. 404 - - 1474. Charles the Bold lays siege to Neuss 378 - - “ The Swiss stirred into hostility to Charles 379 - the Bold - - “ Death of Henry IV. of Castile. Accession of 477 - Isabella - - 1475. Edward IV. invades France. Treaty of 381 - Pecquigni - - “ Charles the Bold overruns Lorraine 381 - - “ Execution of the Constable St. Pol 383 - - 1476. Charles the Bold undertakes to chastise the 384 - Swiss. Battles of Granson (March 2) and Morat - (June 22) - - “ Murder of Gian Galeazzo Sforza in Milan 261 - - 1477. Death of Charles the Bold before Nanci (Jan. 386 - 5) - - “ Louis XI. occupies Burgundy, Franche-Comté and 387 - Artois - - 1477. Mary of Burgundy married to Maximilian 388 - - 1478. Conspiracy of the Pazzi in Florence 282, - 305 - - “ Florence at war with Naples and the Papacy 282, - 307 - - 1479. Death of John II. of Aragon. Succeeded by 487 - Ferdinand the Catholic, but Navarre passes to his - daughter Eleanor - - “ Florentine reverses. Lorenzo de’ Medici goes 308 - to Naples - - “ Regency of Bona of Savoy in Milan overthrown 262 - by Ludovico Sforza - - “ Treaty of Constantinople ends the long war 256, - between Venice and the Turks 513 - - 1480. Occupation of Otranto by the Turks 283, - 310, - 513 - - “ Florence makes peace with Naples and Sixtus 309 - IV. - - “ Important constitutional changes in Florence 310 - - “ Death of Réné le Bon, succeeded by Charles of 389 - Maine - - 1481. Death of Mohammed II.. Evacuation of 513 - Otranto. Temporary decline of Turkish power - - “ Death of Charles of Maine enables Louis XI. to 389 - acquire Anjou, Maine, and Provence - - 1482. Death of Mary of Burgundy 388 - - “ Treaty of Arras settles the Burgundian 388 - succession - - “ Venetian attack upon Ferrara 257, - 283 - - “ Coalition of Milan, Naples, and Florence 257, - against Venice and the Papacy 283 - - 1483. Death of Edward IV. of England 388 - - “ Death of Louis XI. Accession of Charles VIII. 390 - Regency of Anne of Beaujeu - - “ Sixtus IV. deserts Venice and joins the 284 - hostile league - - 1484. Meeting of States-General at Tours 391 - - “ Treaty of Bagnolo ends the Ferrarese war 257, - 284 - - “ Death of Sixtus IV., and election of Innocent 284 - VIII. - - “ War between Mathias Corvinus and Frederick 416 - III. - - 1485. Henry VII. establishes the Tudor dynasty in 391 - England - - “ Rising of Neapolitan barons against Ferrante. 286 - Offer of the crown to Réné of Lorraine - - “ Mathias Corvinus seizes Vienna 417 - - 1486. Bartholomew Diaz rounds the Cape of Good 492 - Hope - - “ Maximilian elected King of the Romans in his 417 - father’s lifetime - - 1488. Death of Francis II. of Brittany. Succeeded 391 - by daughter Anne - - 1490. Death of Mathias Corvinus. Succeeded by 417 - Ladislas of Bohemia - - 1491. Anne of Brittany compelled to marry Charles 392 - VIII. - - “ Treaty of Pressburg, by which Maximilian 417 - recovered the Austrian territories which had been - conquered by Mathias Corvinus - - “ End of the regency of Anne of Beaujeu 392 - - 1492. Columbus discovers the new world of America 492 - - “ Annexation of Moorish kingdom of Granada to 490 - Spain - - “ Death of Innocent VIII., and election of 287 - Alexander VI. - - “ Death of Lorenzo de’ Medici. Succeeded by 312 - Piero II. - - “ Henry VII. invades France, but is bought off 392 - by treaty of Étaples - - 1493. Bull of Alexander VI. dividing the new world 493 - between Spain and Portugal - - “ Treaty of Barcelona restores Roussillon and 392 - Cerdagne to Aragon - - “ Treaty of Senlis cedes Artois and 393 - Franche-Comté - - “ Neapolitan exiles, advised by Venice, and 263, - supported by Ludovico Sforza, urge Charles VIII. 286, - to claim Naples as representing the house of Anjou 392 - - “ Death of Frederick III. Maximilian unites all 417 - Hapsburg dominions - - 1494. Death of Ferrante of Naples. Succeeded by 287 - Alfonso II. - - “ Treaty of Tordesillas between Spain and 493 - Portugal - - “ Charles VIII. sets out to assert his claim to 393 - Naples - - “ Expulsion of Piero de’ Medici, and restoration 314 - of republican government in Florence - - - - - CHAPTER I - GERMANY AND THE EMPIRE AFTER THE INTERREGNUM, 1273-1313 - - - The Empire—German divisions—The Interregnum—Rudolf of Hapsburg—His - War with Ottokar—Adolf of Nassau—His relations with France—His - fall—Albert I.—The Succession in Hungary and Bohemia—The Election of - Henry VII.—His Italian Expedition—His Concessions to the Princes—His - son John and the Bohemian Crown—The French seizure of Lyons—The - importance of the Period 1273-1313 in German History - - -Ever since A.D. 962 the German monarchy had been combined [Sidenote: The -Empire and the German monarchy.] with the Roman Empire, and the union -proved harmful to both offices. The universal authority of the Emperor -could hardly fail to become shadowy and unreal, but it was rendered more -distasteful to non-German princes and peoples by the immediate -association of the Empire with a distinct kingdom, with which they might -have causes of quarrel. And as the Empire became more and more -localised, so the German kingship became steadily weaker. The shadowy -character of the higher dignity tended to produce the same impression as -to the more real and practical office. The princes who held their lands -of the German king aimed more and more at the independence of the -external kings and rulers, who, in feudal theory, held of the Emperor. -The imperial claims brought the Empire into collision with the Papacy, -and the German monarchy suffered from the blows which the Emperor’s -power received in the great Contest of Investitures. Moreover, the -Empire carried with it the crown of Italy; and the constant waste of -money and men in the vain attempt to establish a real dominion in the -southern peninsula, not only weakened individual German rulers, but also -led to constant absences from Germany which gave occasion to their -northern vassals to acquire independence. Above all the Empire was, by -tradition and by the very conception of the office, elective. Thus the -German kings were deprived of all the advantages which normal hereditary -succession gave to the rulers of England and France. Not only did -disputed elections give rise to civil war with all its evils, but the -constant change from one family to another rendered impossible any -consistent policy of strengthening the central power. When at last the -Hapsburgs obtained quasi-hereditary possession of the imperial dignity, -disunion had made such progress that it was too late to apply a remedy. - -The decline of the central power and the consequent rise [Sidenote: -German divisions.] of a large number of semi-independent political -units, each with a separate existence of its own, though held together -by certain common duties and interests, make German history in this -period peculiarly difficult and complicated. And the number of these -units was far greater in the thirteenth century than would have seemed -likely at an earlier date. The great duchies formed by the Karolings -had, by the policy of subsequent rulers, been broken up or allowed to -become extinct. The great duchy of Swabia, for instance, came to an end -with the Hohenstaufen, and was never revived. But the extinction of each -duchy brought with it an immense increase of the number of -tenants-in-chief. Every noble, town, and even village which had -previously held of the duke, now claimed to hold directly of the -Emperor; and though many of the weaker units fell victims to the greed -of powerful neighbours, yet some, like the original members of the Swiss -Confederation, succeeded in retaining the coveted position. In Germany, -too, primogeniture was in those days a rare exception, and the practice -of equal partition among brothers necessarily led to a great increase in -the number of princely tenants of the Emperor. - -It is, of course, impossible in this volume to attempt to [Sidenote: The -lay princes.] trace the separate history of the various principalities -and states which fill the rather ill-defined territory known as Germany. -But it is necessary at starting to have a clear conception of some of -the chief families which play so important a part in subsequent history. -The four most prominent princely houses in the middle of the thirteenth -century were those of Ascania, Welf, Wittelsbach, and Wettin. The first -was sub-divided into two lines, descended from the two sons of Albert -the Bear. The elder son had held the marks of Brandenburg in the north, -which, since 1267, were split up among several brothers. The younger -son, Bernard, had in 1180 received from Frederick Barbarossa the -diminished duchy of Saxony, which was now held by his grandson, Albert -II. (1261-1298). The great family of Welf, so powerful in the previous -century, was now confined to the duchy of Brunswick, afterwards -sub-divided into Lüneburg (Hanover) and Wolfenbüttel (Brunswick). The -House of Wittelsbach was represented by two brothers, Lewis II., who -combined the duchy of Upper Bavaria with the Palatine county -(_Pfalzgrafschaft_) of the Rhine, and Henry, who held the duchy of Lower -Bavaria. Henry of Wettin, whose descendants acquired Saxony in the -fifteenth century and retain it to the present day, was at this time -Margrave of Meissen and Landgrave of Thuringia. But the most powerful -individual prince at this time was Ottokar, ruler of the Slav kingdom of -Bohemia, which was brought by geography and history into close -connection with Germany. To Bohemia, which he inherited in 1253 from his -father, Wenzel I., Ottokar had added by marriage and diplomacy Austria, -Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, and thus held a secure predominance in -south-eastern Germany. There were also three lesser families, as yet -insignificant, and not regarded as belonging to the princely class, -which were destined within this period to rise to importance in Germany, -while two of them have taken a position among the greatest dynasties -Europe has ever seen. The House of Luxemburg, in the thirteenth century -the lords of a petty county near the western frontier, produced in the -next century four Emperors, and founded a territorial power which -survived the family which had created it. The Hapsburgs, hitherto known -only as active and successful nobles in Swabia, within this period built -up a considerable state in south-eastern Germany, and succeeded to the -position which the Luxemburgs had founded. Finally, the Hohenzollerns, -who in the thirteenth century combined scattered territories in -Franconia with the office of Burggraf of Nürnberg, acquired the -electorate of Brandenburg in the fifteenth century, and though their -power grew more slowly than that of the Luxemburgs and Hapsburgs, yet it -rested on a surer foundation, owed more to ability and policy than to -fortune, and may prove in the end both more brilliant and more durable. - -Among the great territorial princes of Germany must be [Sidenote: The -Bishops.] reckoned the very numerous ecclesiastical tenants-in-chief of -the Empire. A large area of German soil, especially along the valleys of -the Rhine and the Main, was held by bishops and monasteries. Of these -clerical princes the most powerful and prominent were the Rhenish -archbishops of Mainz, Köln, and Trier. In former times the bishops had -been severed from the secular princes by class interests and traditions, -and the separation had been encouraged by many of the Emperors, whose -policy was to exalt themselves by playing one off against the other. But -after the middle of the thirteenth century this distinction tends to -become obscured. The rivalry between Emperors and Popes, though it does -not disappear, ceases to be the dominant factor in German relations; and -during the papal residence in Avignon (1305-1376) the German bishops -become to some extent alienated from the Papacy. The result is that the -German princes, both clerical and secular, come to form a fairly united -class; and the most obvious interest which binds them together is the -desire to strengthen their own independence, their ‘liberty,’ as they -call it, by weakening the central power. On the other hand, the lesser -tenants-in-chief below the princely rank, known in later history as the -_Ritterschaft_, or knights, are impelled to cling to the monarchy for -support against the constant danger of princely encroachments. - -Besides the princes and knights, there is a very important [Sidenote: -The imperial cities.] body of tenants-in-chief—the _Reichstädte_, or -imperial cities. These had risen to importance, partly through the -economic conditions which gave them wealth, and partly through the -policy of several of the Emperors, who had encouraged the growth of -municipal life as a source of revenue and as a check upon the power of -the princes. German cities may be divided roughly into two great groups: -those in the south, like Augsburg, Nürnberg, Ratisbon, etc., which -obtained importance from their position on the great commercial routes -leading from Venice and Genoa to different parts of Europe; and those in -the north, on the Baltic and the German Ocean, whose function was to -carry on the trade between the east and the west of Northern Europe, and -to exchange at Bruges the products of the north for the commodities -brought by the southern merchants (see p. 422). The strength of the -towns lay in their wealth and their walls; their weakness in their -isolation and mutual jealousy. This weakness the southern cities never -overcame; their leagues for common objects were never durable, and -therefore never effectual. But the northern towns were left more to -themselves: they came into contact with less developed states, and they -were subject to the pressure of more constant and more immediate -political interests. The necessity of securing trade privileges in the -countries lying to the east and west of the Baltic, and the duty of -defending their commercial routes against the aggressive Scandinavian -state of Denmark, which commanded the outlets from the Baltic, forced -the northern towns into a semi-federal union, and the Hanseatic League -became for a time a great political power in the north. In the end the -northern cities also succumbed, owing mainly to a great change in trade -routes, and partly to the growing predominance of the princes. But at -the beginning of this period the future destiny of the German towns was -unknown, and to contemporaries it seemed quite possible that cities like -Nürnberg and Augsburg, or Lübeck and Hamburg, might obtain an -independence and a power not markedly inferior to that which was -actually acquired at this time by Venice and Florence, which were in -theory equally tenants-in-chief of the Empire, though further removed -from the exercise of imperial authority. - -The decline of the German kingship had begun in the [Sidenote: The -Interregnum and its results.] eleventh century, but a partial revival -had been effected by the great Hohenstaufen Emperors, Frederick -Barbarossa, Henry VI., and Frederick II. With the fall of the -Hohenstaufen both Empire and monarchy sank lower than they had ever done -before. During the Great Interregnum (1256-1273), two rival kings, the -Englishman Richard of Cornwall, and the Castilian king, Alfonso X., had -secured the nominal adherence of conflicting parties in Germany, but -neither had attempted to rule the country. In these years not only did -the tenants-in-chief enjoy complete independence of any external -authority, but the imperial domains were either annexed by the princes, -or squandered by the two royal claimants in the attempt to purchase -adherents. This rendered it impossible to revive the old monarchy, and -produced changes which seemed to render German unity for ever hopeless. -Hitherto the elected Emperor had resigned his hereditary dominions, and -had supported himself on the domain-lands, travelling about from one -estate to another. This was no longer possible. The only way in which a -future king could hope to secure any respect or obedience was to acquire -such a territorial power as would make him formidable. Such a policy, -consistently pursued by a line of hereditary kings, might have resulted -in the gradual formation of a territorial monarchy like that of France. -But the princes made use of their right of election, at first to prevent -the kingship passing to successive members of the same family, and -always to impose conditions which should secure their own independence. -The evil results became abundantly plain in the century which followed -the Interregnum. Each successive Emperor set himself, not so much to -strengthen the monarchy, as to aggrandise his own family; and the more -successful he was, the more dangerous and objectionable did that family -become to his successor. The same conditions which produced nepotism in -the Papacy, led to the adoption of a consistent policy of dynastic -aggrandisement by all the Emperors from Rudolf of Hapsburg onwards. - -In 1272 the death of Richard of Cornwall forced his [Sidenote: Election -of Rudolf I.] adherents to consider the question of a new election, and -at the same time Pope Gregory X., alarmed by the excessive power of the -House of Anjou in Italy, and afraid lest German disunion might give -occasion for French aggression north of the Alps, used all his influence -to urge on the unanimous choice of a new king in Germany. For a long -time the right of election had tended to fall into fewer hands. The -early German kings were selected by the chief men and approved by the -acclamations of a mass meeting of all freemen. Gradually the form of -popular approval disappeared, and the princely tenants-in-chief assumed -an absolute power of nomination. Since then the practice had grown up of -a preliminary choice by some of the chief princes, to be ratified by the -rest. But in the thirteenth century the idea arose that certain princes -could elect without any further ceremony. Superstition and custom seem -to have combined to suggest the number seven for these electors, as they -came to be called. But there were several contending claimants for the -right to be included in the favoured seven, and it was not till the next -century that these disputes were finally settled. On the present -occasion the lead was taken by the great Rhenish princes, the Count -Palatine with the three Archbishops. The only chance of securing a -general adhesion of the princes was to choose a king who was not so -strong as to excite either fear or jealousy. Mainly through the -exertions of Frederick III. of Hohenzollern, Burggraf of Nürnberg, the -choice of the electors fell upon his cousin Rudolf, Count of Hapsburg, -who was crowned at Aachen on October 24, 1273. It is not a little -curious that the election of the first Hapsburg was brought about by the -influence of a Hohenzollern. - -Rudolf’s position was no easy one when, at the age of [Sidenote: -Rudolf’s policy.] fifty-five, he was called from his successful career -in the petty politics of Swabia[1] to assume the German kingship. He had -a large family of daughters, whose marriages served to gain him -adherents. At the coronation ceremony one had been married to Lewis of -Wittelsbach, and another to Albert of Saxony. But such a tie was -insufficient to secure the docile obedience of his sons-in-law if he -endeavoured to exercise any real authority over them. Alfonso of Castile -retained the title of king of the Romans, and though for the time he was -powerless, his pretensions might easily serve as a pretext for -malcontents. A more formidable opponent was Ottokar of Bohemia, whose -claim to a voice in the election had been disregarded, and who refused -to acknowledge the ‘pauper count’ of Hapsburg. In these circumstances -Rudolf showed all the prudence and foresight that had already won him a -reputation. He realised that it was no longer possible to revive the -pretensions of the Hohenstaufen. He could not afford to alienate the -Pope or to aim at the recovery of an Italian kingdom. He must content -himself with obtaining what reality he could for the royal power in -Germany, and must find a territorial basis for that power. The most -obvious method of doing this was the restoration of the duchy of Swabia -in his own family, which would enable him to achieve the aims which he -had hitherto pursued. But such a step would involve a quarrel with Lewis -of Wittelsbach, who claimed to be regarded the heir of the Hohenstaufen. -Rudolf could not venture on such a risk, and he fell back on the plan of -wresting from Ottokar the German fiefs in the south-east, which the -latter had seized during the Interregnum. Before attempting this, Rudolf -had to gain over the Pope, the close ally of the Bohemian king. Through -the agency of Frederick of Hohenzollern he concluded a concordat with -Gregory X., by which he confirmed all previous concessions of Italian -territory to the Papacy, and recognised the Angevin kingdom of Naples -and Sicily. These promises were subsequently confirmed in a personal -interview with Gregory at Lausanne (October, 1275). In March 1280 Rudolf -made a direct treaty with Charles of Anjou, by which he confirmed his -possession of Provence, and agreed to marry his daughter Clementia to -Charles’s grandson. Thus the policy of Frederick II. was finally -abandoned. To secure undisturbed freedom of action in Germany, Rudolf -resigned Italy to the Pope and the House of Anjou. - -Rudolf’s alliance with the Pope made him strong enough [Sidenote: War -with Ottokar.] to take active measures against Ottokar, whose refusal to -recognise the election on the ground that his vote had been rejected -irritated the German princes. At successive diets, in 1274 and 1275, he -was summoned to justify his occupation of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, -and Carniola, and on his refusal was called upon to resign these fiefs. -In 1276 Rudolf collected an imperial army and advanced into Austria, -where he was welcomed by a general rising of the German nobles against -Slav rule. Vienna capitulated, and Ottokar, finding resistance hopeless, -made peace on November 21. On condition that Bohemia and Moravia should -be secured to him, he resigned the German provinces. The treaty was to -be confirmed by a double marriage of his daughter to Rudolf’s son -Hartmann, and of his son Wenzel to one of Rudolf’s numerous daughters. -Rudolf was so confident in the results of his victory, that he hastened -to disband his army. But Ottokar had no intention of carrying out the -treaty of Vienna, and he succeeded in gaining over many of the chief -German princes by representing the danger of allowing a strong Hapsburg -power to be established on the Danube. The result was a renewal of the -struggle in 1278 under widely altered conditions. The death of Gregory -X. (1276) had deprived Rudolf of much of the advantage gained by his -concordat with the Papacy. The Archbishops of Mainz and Köln turned -against him. Lewis of Wittelsbach remained obstinately neutral. Henry of -Lower Bavaria, whom Rudolf had gained over in 1276 by a politic -marriage, openly supported Ottokar, who was also aided by the Ascanian -margraves of Brandenburg. In place of the imposing army of 1276, the -only German princes who sent active aid to Rudolf were Frederick of -Hohenzollern and the Bishop of Basel. But the balance was turned in his -favour by the alliance of Ladislaus IV. of Hungary and by the support of -the Austrian and Styrian nobles, whom Ottokar had failed to conciliate. -In a great battle on the Marchfeld, the victory was decided by a charge -of the heavy-armed cavalry under Frederick of Hohenzollern, and Ottokar -himself perished on the field (August 26, 1278). His death made Rudolf’s -victory decisive. Otto of Brandenburg, who undertook the guardianship of -the young king of Bohemia, Wenzel II., negotiated a treaty in October -which renewed the stipulations of 1276 as to the cession of the Austrian -provinces and the double marriage between the Hapsburg and Bohemian -families. In December 1282 Rudolf formally invested his sons, Albert and -Rudolf, with the imperial fiefs of Austria, Styria, and Carniola. The -duchy of Carinthia was given to Meinhard, Count of Tyrol, whose daughter -was married to Albert of Austria. - -The establishment of the Hapsburg dynasty in Austria is [Sidenote: -Rudolf in later years.] an important event in German history. It was the -great achievement of Rudolf’s reign, and it was his last notable -success. His later attempts to strengthen the central monarchy in -Germany were, in the main, fruitless. A series of edicts to secure the -public peace by restricting the practice of private war, gained the -grateful approval of the towns and the lesser nobles, but were rendered -ineffectual by the absence in Germany of an efficient system of -jurisdiction and police. An ordinance prohibiting the creation of any -new county (_Grafschaft_) without royal consent illustrates the general -aim of Rudolf’s government, but proved little more than a dead letter. -The recovery of the lost imperial domains, which Rudolf had pledged -himself to undertake at his election, was a task beyond his strength. -Even the towns, on whose support he reckoned, were alienated by his -attempt to raise an imperial revenue by their taxation; and the -appearance of a number of pretenders claiming to be Frederick II. showed -a tendency to contrast Rudolf’s government with that of his predecessor, -who had been enabled to spare his German subjects by the wealth which he -extracted from Italy. A still more serious difficulty was the obstinate -refusal of the electors to choose his son Albert as his successor during -his own lifetime. This was the most pressing object of Rudolf’s last -years, and it was unfulfilled when he died on July 15, 1291, at the age -of seventy-three. If he had lived two centuries earlier, he might have -ranked among the greatest of German kings; as it is, he will always be -remembered as the founder of the greatest of German dynasties. - -The objection to Albert of Austria rested on the considerable [Sidenote: -Adolf of Nassau.] territories, both in the east and in Swabia, which he -inherited from his father. The same motives which had induced the -electors in 1273 to choose Rudolf, led them to look for a successor -whose position should be still more humble than Rudolf’s had been. The -influence of the Archbishop of Mainz, Gerhard von Eppenstein, secured -the election of another ‘poor count,’ Adolf of Nassau (May 5, 1292). He -had purchased votes by promises, which he could only fulfil by pawning -the scanty remnants of the imperial domains. But Adolf’s ambition was -greater than his material power, and he had no intention of reigning as -the submissive puppet of the electors. No sooner had he received the -crown at Aachen (June 24) than he led an army against Albert, and forced -him to do homage and to surrender the royal insignia which he had -retained on his father’s death. To repress the great princes, Adolf set -himself to conciliate the towns and the lesser nobles. Taking advantage -of the death of Frederick of Meissen and Thuringia, he claimed those -territories as vacant imperial fiefs, and prepared to found there a -hereditary principality as his predecessor had done on the Danube. Still -more noteworthy was the attitude which he assumed towards France. The -kingdom of Arles or Burgundy, [Sidenote: Relations with France.] founded -by Rudolf I. (888-912) and enlarged by Rudolf II. (912-937) had, after -the death of Rudolf III. (1032), fallen to the German king, Conrad II. -Since then the crown of Arles had been regarded as one of the three -crowns, with those of Germany and Italy, which passed on election to -successive kings of the Romans. But as the German monarchy declined, the -supremacy in Burgundy became more and more nominal, and many Emperors -neglected the ceremony of coronation at Arles altogether. The kingdom -split up into a number of quasi-independent provinces, of which the -chief were the free county of Burgundy (Franche-comté), Savoy, Dauphiné, -the Lyonnais, and Provence. These provinces, though in theory they were -held as fiefs of the Empire, were gradually subjected to systematic -aggressions from the side of France, and Philip IV. (1285-1314) pursued -this policy of absorption more boldly and openly than any of his -predecessors. Adolf sought to strengthen himself by posing as the -champion of the unity of the Empire, and in 1294 concluded a treaty with -Edward I. of England by which the two princes pledged themselves not to -lay down their arms until Philip had withdrawn from the territories he -was trying to wrest from both of them. But the war which followed only -brought out clearly the disunion and military impotence of Germany. The -German princes cared nothing for the border provinces as compared with -their own interests and independence. It was easy for Philip IV. to stir -up opposition to Adolf, and when peace was negotiated by Boniface VIII. -in 1298, no satisfaction was given to the imperial claims. - -Meanwhile the electors and princes had been seriously [Sidenote: Adolf’s -fall.] alarmed by Adolf’s alliance with the lesser nobles and towns, and -by his temporary successes in Thuringia. To put down the prince whom -they had chosen, they turned to Albert of Austria whom they had -rejected. Albert, who had already formed a close alliance with Wenzel -II. of Bohemia, and had been in communication with the French king, was -eager to strike a blow for his father’s crown. The Archbishop of Mainz -summoned a meeting of princes to Frankfort on May 1, 1298, and Albert -set out to attend it with an army at his back. Adolf, however, collected -troops from his supporters among the lesser nobles, and prepared to -dispute his passage. By superior strategy Albert marched round his -opponent to the south, and succeeded in reaching Mainz, whither the -meeting was transferred. Here the electors formally declared Adolf’s -deposition (June 23), but the irregular proposal of Albert of Saxony to -elect Albert of Austria on the spot met with no support. The army of the -princes now advanced against the king, and after a desperate struggle -near Göllheim, Adolf was slain—struck from his horse, it was said, by -the hand of his rival (July 2). He had made a brief but creditable -attempt to rule as a German king, but was too weak to face the hostile -coalition of the princes. His schemes in Thuringia and Meissen perished -with him, and the House of Wettin recovered its territories. - -After Albert’s victory as champion of the electors, the [Sidenote: -Albert I.] latter could no longer avoid choosing him to fill the vacant -throne; but they soon had ample reason to recognise the wisdom of their -previous refusal. Albert inherited his father’s policy, with more -restless energy and greater military capacity. What he might have done -for the Hapsburg dynasty and the German monarchy if his career had not -been prematurely cut short by assassination it is impossible to say, but -the ten years of his reign are full of great enterprises, most of which -promised successful results. The reputation for cruelty which he bears -in history is mainly due to the sternness of his manner and appearance, -increased by the loss of an eye, and to the fables which have grown up -round him in the more than dubious traditions of the Swiss. - -To coerce Pope Boniface VIII., who refused to acknowledge [Sidenote: -Albert’s policy.] his election, Albert concluded a treaty with Philip -IV. of France, who had a quarrel of his own with the Papacy, and thus -abandoned the attempt of Adolf to defend the Burgundian frontiers. In -December, 1299, he had a personal interview with Philip, and arranged a -marriage between the French princess Blanche and his eldest son Rudolf. -In German politics he set himself to favour the towns against the -princes, and infuriated the latter by an edict abolishing all tolls on -the Rhine imposed since the death of Frederick II. in 1250. The death of -the Count of Holland and Zealand (October, 1299) gave him an opportunity -to claim these provinces as vacant imperial fiefs in opposition to John -of Hainault, who claimed the inheritance through his mother. This -scheme, however, proved a failure, and the House of Avesnes succeeded in -adding Holland and Zealand to Hainault. Encouraged by Albert’s check in -the north-west, the Rhenish archbishops and the Elector Palatine, -furious at the threatened loss of their tolls, formed a league against -the king whom they had voted for two years before. But Albert was not so -powerless as Adolf had been. Backed by the enthusiastic support of the -cities and aided by French auxiliaries, he took the aggressive against -his opponents, and compelled them not only to abolish the tolls, but to -recognise the right of the towns to receive burghers of the pale -(_Pfahlbürger_)—that is, to confer the privileges and immunities of -citizenship on residents in the suburbs outside the walls. Few German -kings since Henry III. had been so successful in coercing their powerful -vassals as was Albert in these campaigns of 1301 and 1302. - -For the next few years Albert’s attention was mainly [Sidenote: -Succession in Hungary.] absorbed in eastern affairs. The death of Andrew -III., the last male of the Arpad dynasty in Hungary, left that kingdom -without any obvious heir. There were two candidates, who were descended -from the royal family through females—Otto of Lower Bavaria, and Charles -Robert or Carobert, the grandson of Charles II., the Angevin king of -Naples. But the Magyar nobles passed over both, and offered the crown to -WENZEL II. of Bohemia, who accepted it for his son Wenzel III. Such an -accession of power to the Premyslides was entirely opposed to Albert’s -interests, both as King of Germany and as Duke of Austria. As he had no -love for the Wittelsbachs in Lower Bavaria, he did not hesitate to -espouse the cause of Carobert, the son of his sister Clementia, and the -candidate supported by Boniface VIII., with whom Albert had reconciled -himself in 1302. For a time the Bohemian power proved too strong, but -the death of Wenzel II. (June, 1305) and the growing discontent in -Hungary with the conduct of the young king, enabled Carobert to secure -the crown, though his title was disputed for a time by Otto of -Wittelsbach. - -In the next year (August, 1306) the murder of the young [Sidenote: -Succession in Bohemia.] Wenzel III. left the Bohemian crown itself -vacant. The sister of the late king had married Henry of Carinthia and -Tyrol, the brother of Albert’s wife.[2] In spite of this relationship -Albert claimed the kingdom as a vacant fief, and conferred it upon his -eldest son Rudolf. The consent of the Bohemian nobles was extorted or -purchased, and an agreement that Rudolf’s brothers should succeed if he -himself died childless, seemed to secure to the Hapsburgs the permanent -possession of a kingdom which, added to their Austrian territories, -would make them all-powerful on the eastern frontier of Germany. This -was the greatest of Albert’s achievements, and, if the acquisition had -been permanent, would have made his reign as important in Hapsburg -history as his father’s had been. But his last years were clouded with -disappointment. An attempt to renew his predecessor’s claims upon -Meissen and Thuringia was repulsed by Frederick of Wettin, who defeated -the royal army, under Frederick of Hohenzollern, near Altenburg (May 31, -1307). This defeat was followed by the sudden death, on July 4, of the -youthful Rudolf of Bohemia. The Bohemians had tired of Hapsburg rule, -and in spite of the agreement made at Rudolf’s election, they now -offered the crown to Henry of Carinthia. Albert had already made one -incursion into Bohemia, and was preparing another, [Sidenote: Albert’s -death.] when he was treacherously murdered by his nephew, John (May 1, -1308). - -John was the son of Albert’s brother Rudolf and Agnes, daughter of -Ottokar, and seems to have resented his uncle’s refusal either to -support his candidature for the Bohemian crown, or to give him any share -of the Hapsburg territories. The assassination, therefore, was the -result of mere personal pique, but it was as important as if it had -arisen from a deep-laid political scheme. If Albert had lived longer he -would very probably have established his son Frederick in Bohemia, and -rendered his election to the German kingship inevitable. In that case -the Hapsburgs might have founded a territorial monarchy in Germany, and -the House of Luxemburg would never have risen from obscurity. The -complaint that Albert neglected to enforce imperial pretensions in Italy -is well founded, but should rather be set to the credit of his political -capacity. The Italian connection was fatal to the best interests of -Germany. A far more serious criticism is his failure to resist the -aggressions of France. He aided the House of Anjou to acquire the crown -of Hungary in addition to that of Naples, and although for the moment -Charles Robert’s candidature was opposed by Philip IV., it was certain -that in the long-run the Angevin and Capet interests would combine the -two families. He made no opposition to the transference of the papal -residence from Rome to Avignon, though the disadvantage to Germany was -obvious when Clement V. filled the Rhenish archbishoprics with partisans -of France. - -It resulted from these changes that French influence was [Sidenote: -Election of Henry VII.] very prominent in the election of 1308, and was -strong enough to secure the exclusion of Albert’s heir, Frederick the -Handsome. Philip IV.’s brother, Charles of Valois, came forward as a -candidate and was openly supported by the Pope. But the secular princes -were strong enough to resist such a sacrifice of German interests to -ecclesiastical pressure, although their own interests prevented them -from supporting the Hapsburg. At this juncture, the Archbishop Baldwin -of Trier (appointed in 1307) suggested as a compromise the choice of his -brother, Henry of Luxemburg. He was the descendant of the counts of -Limburg and Arlon, who had acquired Luxemburg by marriage in 1214. His -territorial power was too small to inspire jealousy in Germany, while he -was connected with France by education and by military service in the -war against Edward I. As no other candidate had any chance of election, -Henry VII. was chosen without opposition on October 28, 1308. The -Hapsburgs found it necessary to acknowledge the new king on condition of -receiving confirmation of their fiefs. - -The personal career of Henry VII. belongs rather to the [Sidenote: -Italian expedition.] history of Italy than that of Germany, and will be -considered in the following chapter. From the first he seems to have -looked on Germany as a foreigner, and abandoned the policy of his -predecessor for the wild dream of reviving the imperial power of the -Hohenstaufen in Italy at the head of the Ghibelline party. In 1310 he -set out on his southern expedition, which resulted in little beyond his -coronation in Rome (June 29, 1312). He never returned to Germany. But -before his departure he took some steps which were fraught with future -consequence. To conciliate the princes he withdrew the concessions by -which Albert had purchased the support of the towns. In 1310 [Sidenote: -Concessions to the princes.] he prohibited the creation of -_pfahlbürger_, and restored their tolls to the Rhenish princes. In the -same year he seized the opportunity to obtain a great acquisition for -his family. The Bohemians were in rebellion against Henry of Carinthia, -and offered the crown to Henry VII.’s son, John, on condition that he -should marry Elizabeth, [Sidenote: John of Bohemia.] daughter of Wenzel -II. The offer was accepted; but so little did Henry care even for his -family interests in comparison with his chimerical schemes, that he did -not delay his advance into Italy, and left the securing of his son’s -throne to the Archbishop of Mainz, Peter von Aspelt. Fortunately, the -enterprise did not require his presence. Henry of Carinthia was -expelled, and John of Luxemburg was firmly seated on the Bohemian -throne. - -During the Italian expedition, which ended in Henry VII.’s [Sidenote: -France seizes Lyons.] death near Siena (August 24, 1313), the interests -of the German monarchy were neglected, the princes were left in complete -independence, and Philip IV. was enabled to carry on his aggressions -with impunity. In 1310 he took advantage of a dispute between the -archbishop and the citizens of Lyons to send French troops into the -city, and in 1312 the former was compelled to make a treaty by which he -acknowledged the suzerainty of France. - -Forty years had now elapsed since the close of the Great [Sidenote: -Importance of period 1273-1313 in German history.] Interregnum. The -kingly office had been revived, and had been held by four princes, each -of whom had shown considerable vigour and capacity. But the absence of -hereditary succession had rendered impossible the pursuit of any -efficient scheme for the enforcement of central authority and the -repression of princely independence. The greatest successes in this -direction had been gained by Albert I., but they had been rendered -nugatory by his untimely death and by his successor’s absorption in -dreams of reviving the universal empire. Germany in 1313, as in 1273, -was a mere bundle of states under a nominal head, while its neighbours -England and France had been receiving a strong national organisation -under the capable rule of Edward I. and Philip IV. That Germany escaped -for a century from the worst consequences of her disunion was mainly due -to the jarring interests of the neighbouring states which led to the -Hundred Years’ War. - -But it is misleading to regard the history of these forty years as a -mere chronicle of heroic efforts ending in hopeless failure. The very -divisions of Germany, while they weakened its nationality, gave greater -scope and variety to local development. From this period we date the -rise to greatness of the two vigorous dynasties of Luxemburg and -Hapsburg. To it we have also to look for the first origins of the Swiss -Confederation [see chap. vii.], for the rise of the Hanseatic League -[see chap. xviii.], and for the establishment of a great territorial -power in Prussia by the Teutonic Order [see chap. xix.]. It is necessary -to follow the fortunes of the monarchy in order to understand why German -development was so different from that of other contemporary states, but -the real interest of German history is to be found in the vigorous -growth of these political organisations on the extremities rather than -in the declining vitality of the central power. - -Footnote 1: - - For Rudolf’s position in Swabia see below, chap. vii. - -Footnote 2: - - See Genealogical Table A, in Appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER II - ITALY AND THE PAPACY, 1273-1313 - - - Italy in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries—Causes of Italian - disunion—The Guelfs and Ghibellines—The Italian towns—The House of - Anjou in Naples—The Sicilian Vespers—The Popes and their - States—Celestine V. is succeeded by Boniface VIII.—The last of the - Mediæval Popes—The difficulties of Benedict XI. and Clement V.—The - retirement of Clement V. to Avignon and beginning of the - ‘Babylonish Captivity’—The condition of Tuscany—The Florentine - Constitution—Genoa and Milan—The Venetian Constitution—Henry VII. - makes an Expedition into Italy—Its failure—Death of Henry VII. - -The two centuries which are treated in this volume constitute [Sidenote: -Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.] the most brilliant -period in Italian history since the age of Augustus. The absence of any -central authority, which disappeared even more completely in Italy than -in Germany, opened the way for the growth of a number of political -organisations, whose history is as fascinating as their variety is -bewildering. In addition to the great dynasties of Anjou, Visconti, and -Medici, we have to watch the fortunes of the great republics of Venice, -Florence, and Genoa, of the temporal states of the Church, and of a -number of lesser families, such as the House of Este in Ferrara, the -della Scalas in Verona, the Gonzagas in Mantua, the Montefeltri in -Urbino, whose kaleidoscopic changes are narrated with such wealth of -detail in the volumes of Sismondi. But what gives its special importance -to the history of this period is that in it Italy becomes the teacher of -Europe. It is to Italy that we trace that great movement, known as the -Renaissance, which began with the revival of classical learning, but led -on to the growth of national literatures, to the rise of a new spirit in -the arts of painting and sculpture, and to the enfranchisement of human -thought from the fetters of superstition, routine, and the formulas of -scholasticism. In the fifteenth century, Italy originated the art of -writing history as distinguished from the compilation of mediæval -chronicles. And finally, Italy instructed Europe in politics as well as -in letters and art. The foremost European rulers of the sixteenth -century learnt the maxims of government from Italian princes and Italian -writers: the great states of modern times learnt from Italy the -practices of diplomacy and the theory of the balance of power. Political -science, which had made no progress since the days of Aristotle, was -revived by the writings of Machiavelli and Guicciardini. - -Yet Italy profited less than any other state from the lessons which she -taught. France, England, and Spain, all of them the pupils of Italy, -became strong, united, and wealthy states, while Italy herself, in the -very middle of an intellectual and artistic activity which has remained -the wonder of the world, subsided into political insignificance, and -only finds a place in subsequent history as the stage on which other -nations fight out their quarrels. The solution of this crucial problem, -the combination of intellectual progress with political decadence, can -only be found in a careful study of the conditions which [Sidenote: -Causes of Italian disunion.] prevented the people of Italy from -following the normal tendencies of the period, and becoming a nation. -The causes of disunion are too numerous and deep-seated to be summed up -in a few sentences. But it may be instructive to form a clear -conception, at starting, of some of the most notable conditions which -influenced the course of Italian history in the period which we have to -consider. In the first place, geography in Italy, as in Greece, tended -to disunion. The Apennines cut off the Lombard plain from the rest of -Italy, and divided the latter into two unequal parts which were again -split up by the lateral offshoots into divisions, not quite so small as -those of Greece, but almost equally marked off. The nominal subjection -to an elective emperor, who was also king of Germany, rendered -impossible the rise of any strong native power which could weld together -the separate political units. The influence of the Papacy, which in the -thirteenth century combined the sovereignty of an Italian state with the -spiritual headship of Latin Christendom, proved almost as great an -obstacle as the Empire to national union. The great length of Italy, by -increasing isolation, hindered the growth of common interests. The -leagues occasionally founded for common aims, such as the Lombard league -against Frederick Barbarossa and the league of Venice against Charles -VIII., were never more than temporary alliances, and fell to pieces as -soon as their immediate object was gained. - -The long quarrel between the Popes and the Hohenstaufen [Sidenote: -Guelfs and Ghibellines.] Emperors bequeathed a fatal heritage to Italy -in the party feuds of Guelfs and Ghibellines. These famous factions not -only set one state against another, but also gave rise to violent -discord within each state. And the parties lasted long after the -original cause of quarrel had come to an end. When the Hohenstaufen had -perished with Manfred and Conradin, when Rudolf of Hapsburg had -abandoned all imperial claims over central and southern Italy, when the -Papacy itself had quitted Italy to find a home on the further boundary -of Provence, it seemed as if party feuds must inevitably die out for -want of the fuel which had originally kindled them. But the blaze of -mutual hatred continued to rage as fiercely as ever. The famous strife -of the _Bianchi_ and _Neri_ in Florence, which drove Dante into exile -from his native city, was fought out when Albert I. and Boniface VIII. -were in close alliance. These stereotyped and quasi-hereditary feuds -were not only destructive of all sense of nationality, but they were -strong enough to overpower the far stronger and more local sentiment of -common citizenship. - -Perhaps the strongest of all the disruptive forces in Italy was the -development, in the northern and central provinces, of the municipality -or commune as the normal [Sidenote: The Commune as a political unit.] -unit of political life. This applies not only to the republics proper, -but also to those cities whose liberties were overthrown by the rise of -some dominant family. The subjection of lesser cities by more powerful -neighbours did not create a state in which all subjects stood in an -equal relation of submission to a despotic government, but one in which -subject communes were enslaved by a dominant commune, and were excluded -by it from all voice in the government. The citizens of Pavia and -Cremona were not the direct subjects of the Visconti on a level with the -Milanese themselves. They were the subjects of Milan, and were ruled by -Milanese governors, just as Pisa and Pistoia were ruled by Florentines. -The absorption of the lesser cities continued, until in the fifteenth -century Italy practically consisted of five dominant states—Naples, -Milan, Venice, Florence, and the Papacy. The result was the creation of -a large subject population, deprived of that share in politics which -Italian citizens had learnt in earlier times to consider their dearest -right, and constituting a permanent and dangerous element of discontent. -It was from this population that the condottieri recruited those -mercenary armies to which Italian writers agree in attributing the -disasters that befel their country, and it was this population which -welcomed foreign invasion as a chance of escaping from domestic -oppressions. Commines tells us that the Italians ‘welcomed as saints’ -the French army that followed Charles VIII. to Naples, and the phrase is -significant of the unsoundness of the political condition of Italy and -of the utter absence of any sense of nationality. - -The quarrel between Frederick II. and the Popes had been embittered by -the former’s possession of Naples and Sicily, which brought him into -threatening proximity to the territories in central Italy which the -Popes claimed to rule. To drive the Hohenstaufen from Italian soil the -Popes did not hesitate to call in foreign assistance. After a vain -attempt to draw England into the quarrel, the crown of Sicily was -offered as a papal fief to [Sidenote: The House of Anjou in Naples.] -Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis IX., and Count of Provence -through his wife Beatrix. At the battle of Grandella near Benevento -(February 26, 1266) Manfred, the illegitimate son of Frederick II., was -slain; and the still more famous battle of Tagliacozzo (August 23, 1268) -was followed by the capture and execution of Conradin, the last male -representative of the House of Hohenstaufen. These two victories secured -Charles’s possession of Naples and Sicily, though the marriage of -Manfred’s daughter, Constance, to Peter III. of Aragon created a rival -claim which proved a source of subsequent danger. - -As the acknowledged head of the Guelf party, which was for the moment -supreme, Charles of Anjou seemed likely to establish his ascendency over -the greater part of Italy. The Pope, claiming supremacy during the -Interregnum, appointed him imperial vicar and senator of Rome, while a -number of cities in Tuscany and Lombardy acknowledged his lordship. But -his ambitious schemes were suddenly checked by the very power of which -he posed as the champion. The Papacy discovered that it had called in a -protector who might prove as dangerous a neighbour as the Hohenstaufen. -Gregory X. and Nicolas III., secured in their position by the -concessions of Rudolf of Hapsburg, did not hesitate to oppose the -further progress of the Neapolitan kings by a policy of mediation -between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. The election of Martin IV. (February -24, 1281), a creature of Charles, seemed to offer a new opportunity for -Angevin aggression. The ascendency of the Guelf faction was revived, and -Charles was planning an enterprise against Constantinople, when he was -arrested by the news of a great disaster. The [Sidenote: Sicilian -Vespers, 1282.] Sicilians had long resented the harshness of French -rule, and John of Procida, an old partisan of the Hohenstaufen, had -returned from his refuge in Aragon to encourage the malcontents and to -secure for them foreign assistance. His plans were still incomplete, -when a sudden rising at Palermo was provoked by a brutal insult offered -to a woman by a French soldier during a procession on Easter Monday -(March 30, 1282). The people rose with shouts of ‘Death to the French!’ -and more than four thousand men, women, and children were massacred that -evening. The whole of Sicily joined in the rebellion, and offered the -crown to Peter III. of Aragon. When Peter arrived in August he found -that Charles, thirsting for vengeance, had already laid siege to -Messina. But the Catalan [Sidenote: House of Aragon in Sicily.] fleet -under Roger di Loria, the most distinguished naval commander of his -time, was too formidable to be faced by the mere transport vessels with -which Charles was provided. Sicily was perforce evacuated, and was never -recovered by the House of Anjou. The Sicilian Vespers gave rise to a -twenty years’ struggle, which concerns the history of France and Spain -as well as Italy. The Pope decreed Peter’s deposition, both in Sicily -and in Aragon, and offered the latter crown to Charles of Valois, the -second son of Philip the Fair. But papal bulls failed to overcome -Aragonese obstinacy and Sicilian devotion. In 1283 Charles’s son of the -same name was captured in a naval battle by Roger di Loria, and remained -a prisoner for the next five years. In 1285 Charles I. of Anjou died -(January 7), after a career which had known no failure till towards its -close. The same year witnessed the successive deaths of Pope Martin IV. -(March 12) and of Peter III. (November 11). The latter was succeeded in -Aragon by his eldest son Alfonso, and in Sicily by his second son James. -In 1288 the mediation of Edward I. of England resulted in the conclusion -of a treaty by which Charles II. of Anjou was released to take -possession of the Neapolitan crown, and Sicily was confirmed to the -House of Aragon. But the treaty was never observed. No sooner was -Charles II. free than Nicolas IV. absolved him from his obligations, -recognised him as king of the Two Sicilies on the same terms as his -father, and renewed the excommunication against James. The war continued -without a break. In 1291 Alfonso died, and James succeeded to the crown -of Aragon. Wearied of the long struggle, and anxious to free his Spanish -kingdom from the attacks of Charles of Valois, James agreed to renounce -the crown of Sicily. But the Sicilians refused to return to French rule, -and raised to the throne Frederick, the youngest son of Peter III., who -continued the struggle even in opposition to his own brother. At last, -in 1302, after an unsuccessful attack on Sicily by Charles of Valois, -peace was concluded. Frederick was to marry Charles II.’s sister -Eleanor, and to retain the kingdom of Sicily during his lifetime, but on -his death it was to revert to the House of Anjou. This last stipulation -was never fulfilled, and Sicily and Naples remained under separate -rulers till 1435, when they were reunited under an Aragonese king. The -only other notable event in the reign of Charles II. of Naples was the -acquisition of the Hungarian crown by his grandson, Carobert, which has -been already narrated (see p. 15). In 1309 Charles II. died, and the -crown of Naples passed to his second son, Robert, the superior -hereditary claims of Carobert of Hungary being passed over. For the next -thirty-four years Robert was the acknowledged head of the Guelf party in -Italy. - -To the north of the kingdom of Naples lay the temporal [Sidenote: The -Papal States.] dominions which the Popes claimed by virtue of real or -pretended donations from Emperors and others. These territories had by -this time reached the boundaries which they retained to the present -century. They included the whole of Romagna, the Pentapolis, the March -of Ancona, and the Patrimony of St. Peter, with the city of Rome and the -Campagna. The concordat with Rudolf of Hapsburg abolished all imperial -suzerainty over these districts, and thus secured to the Papacy a -territorial principality which Frederick II. had threatened to -annihilate. But the victory, great as it appeared, was in reality -deceptive. It had been won with the aid of the House of Anjou, whose -protection might easily be converted into an oppressive patronage. And -the difficulties of temporal rule were a serious addition to those of -the spiritual oversight of Christendom, especially as the Popes were -usually elected in advanced years, and their tenure of office was -necessarily brief. More than two centuries elapsed before papal -suzerainty in central Italy developed into direct papal government; and -during that period the absorption in secular interests not only diverted -the attention of the Popes from their higher duties, but also tended to -lower their estimation in the eyes of Europe. The localisation of the -Papacy in central Italy, while it gave some appearance of security to -the papal power, really degraded it, just as the identification with the -German monarchy degraded the dignity of the Empire. - -There is little reason to linger over the history of the [Sidenote: The -Popes, 1272-1290.] individuals who fill the papal chair from the end of -the Interregnum till the departure to Avignon. Gregory X. (1271-1276), -elected after a vacancy of nearly three years, was a man of high -character and ability, but he did not rule long enough to accomplish any -great ends. He set himself to restore order in Germany, to put an end to -party strife in Italy, and to check the arrogant ambition of Charles of -Naples. The council which he held at Lyons in 1274 is chiefly notable -for the regulations drawn up to prevent delays and external intervention -in papal elections. Ten days after the death of a Pope, the cardinals -present on the spot were to be shut up in conclave, and were to remain -excluded from intercourse with the outside world until they had agreed -on the choice of a successor. Gregory’s short-lived successors were -mainly occupied with their relations with Naples, with party struggles -in Italy, and with the growth of the noble families in Rome. Temporal -dominion, in which hereditary succession was impossible, brought with it -the vice of nepotism, the desire to make the most of a short tenure of -office for the aggrandisement of relatives. Nicolas III. (1277-1280) -bestowed lavish grants on the great House of Orsini, to which he -belonged; Martin IV. (1281-1285) was a mere puppet of Charles of Anjou, -and resided in his company at Viterbo; Honorius IV. (1285-1287) was a -Savelli, and exalted his family at the expense of the Orsini; while -Nicolas IV. (1288-1292) raised the Colonna as a counterpoise to the -other two families. From this time the history of Rome was filled with -the feuds of these great baronial houses, and they exercised a most -disastrous influence on the spiritual as well as on the temporal -position of the Popes. - -On the death of Nicolas IV. these baronial factions were so [Sidenote: -Celestine V., 1294.] predominant and so evenly balanced in the conclave -that no election could take place for two years. At last, in 1294, a -sudden impulse induced the cardinals to throw aside all secular -considerations and to offer the highest ecclesiastical dignity to a man -whose only claim was his reputation for sanctity. Celestine V. had for -years lived a hermit’s life in a cave near Sulmona. His election was a -unique experiment in papal history, and it was unsuccessful. Personal -piety was no sufficient substitute for the worldly wisdom and experience -required for the occupant of the papal chair. After five months he was -persuaded to abdicate, and ultimately died (May, 1296) in a prison to -which he was consigned by his successor, Boniface VIII. - -The pontificate of Boniface VIII. is by far the most important -[Sidenote: Boniface VIII., 1294-1303.] of this period. He has been -called the last of the mediæval Popes. He was certainly the last who -attempted to exercise that general authority over Christendom which -Gregory VII. had claimed and Innocent III. had acquired. His complete -failure proved how little the Papacy really profited by its victory over -the Empire. In order to weaken the authority of the Emperors, the Popes -had encouraged the growing nationality of the outlying kingdoms, -forgetful that they were forging a weapon which might be used against -themselves. Honorius III. and Innocent IV. had waged a desperate -struggle against Frederick II. But the defeat of the Hohenstaufen did -not, as they expected, leave the Papacy supreme. Boniface VIII. found -equally formidable opponents in Edward I. of England and Philip IV. of -France. The Papacy might defeat the Empire, because the latter was -opposed to all the tendencies of the age, but it was powerless against -the force of national development. To coerce the French and English -kings, who refused to submit to his arbitration, Boniface issued the -bull _Clericis laicos_ which forbade the clergy to pay taxes to the -secular power. Edward I. replied by outlawing the clergy, and forced -them to acknowledge their membership of the state and to contribute to -its support. Philip IV. retaliated by prohibiting the export of money -from France, and thus cut off French contributions to Rome. When the -Pope claimed Scotland as a papal fief and forbade any further English -invasions, Edward I. brought the bull before a parliament at Lincoln -(1301), which decreed that the king should not answer before the Pope on -any question concerning his temporal rights. Philip IV. met the -exorbitant papal pretensions by a similar protest from the national -representatives at a meeting of the States-General (1302). And the -French king did not content himself with verbal protests. Taking -advantage of the discontent of the Colonnas, French troops entered -Anagni, where Boniface was residing, and for a few days kept him a -prisoner. This insult was a terrible blow to the proud Pope, and a few -weeks later he died (October, 1303). - -Benedict XI., the new Pope, had a difficult task to avoid [Sidenote: -Benedict XI., 1303-1304.] either a degrading submission to France or a -new quarrel with Philip IV. and the Colonnas. To escape intimidation he -withdrew to Perugia, and for a time succeeded in maintaining a -conciliatory but not dishonourable attitude. At last he found it -necessary to issue a bull against the chief authors of the outrage at -Anagni (June 29, 1304). Four weeks later the Pope was dead, and -contemporaries were almost unanimous in attributing his death to poison. -The posthumous reputation of Boniface VIII. was now the vital question -at issue, and the cardinals were almost evenly divided into a French -party which condemned him, and an Italian party which anathematised his -assailants. So irreconcilable were the two parties that the cardinals, -though shut up in the palace at Perugia in accordance with the -constitution of Gregory X., spent ten months in the vain attempt to -choose a new Pope. At last the deadlock was terminated by a strange -compromise. The supporters of Boniface were to name three non-Italian -prelates, and the hostile party was to choose one of them. One of the -three was the Archbishop of Bordeaux, whose diocese lay within the -dominions of Edward I. His selection was due to the belief that he was -the bitter enemy of the French king. But tradition maintained that -Philip IV. contrived to buy him over to his side, [Sidenote: Clement V., -1305-1313.] and he was chosen Pope as Clement V. The coronation ceremony -took place at Lyons, and the new Pope never ventured into Italy. His -pontificate was one long struggle to avoid or to moderate the -concessions which Philip expected from him. The charges against Boniface -were ultimately referred to a council at Vienna, which exonerated his -memory. But on most points Clement had to follow the wishes of the -French king, especially in the condemnation of the Templars. In 1309 -Clement V. fixed his residence at Avignon, which was not then a French -town, and was probably chosen partly for that reason, and partly for its -neighbourhood to the Venaissin, already a papal possession. But Avignon -was in Provence, which was held by the House of Anjou, and it was only -separated from France by the Rhone. As long as the Popes continued to -live there, they were exposed to overwhelming French influence, and -could hardly escape the charge, made both from England and Germany, that -they were mere vassals of the king of France. It says much for the -vitality of the papal system that the ‘Babylonish captivity,’ as the -next seventy years have been called, did not result in the complete -loss, not only of the Italian provinces, but of all spiritual authority -in Europe. - -The district of Tuscany, which lies to the north-west of the Papal -States, had been split up since the death of the [Sidenote: Tuscany.] -Countess Matilda into a number of city states, mostly republics, but -which from time to time were subject to native or foreign despots. -Siena, which became in the fifteenth century mistress of southern -Tuscany, had not yet risen into prominence and never ranked among the -great states of Italy. Pisa, hitherto the most powerful of the Tuscan -communes and one of the greatest of Italian ports, began to decline when -the restoration of the Eastern Empire (1261) established the ascendency -of Genoa in the Levant. In the naval struggle which followed, the two -republics were fairly evenly balanced; but a great Genoese victory off -the island of Meloria (1284) inflicted a blow from which Pisa never -recovered, though she retained her independence for another century. -Lucca rose to some importance under Castruccio Castracani, and from time -to time successfully resisted the aggressions of Florence, but has no -continuous history that attracts attention. By far the most important of -the Tuscan cities was Florence, destined to be [Sidenote: Florence.] for -a brilliant period the chief home of Italian art and literature, to -acquire the supremacy over the whole of Tuscany, and to become for a few -years in the present century the capital of an Italian kingdom. It is at -the end of the thirteenth century that the foundation was laid of the -Florentine constitution, which has always attracted special attention on -account both of its own peculiarities and of the greatness of the city -in which it grew up. - -No city in Italy had been more convulsed than Florence [Sidenote: -Constitution of Florence.] by the struggle between Guelfs and -Ghibellines, and these factions were the more embittered against each -other by their coincidence with class distinctions. The feudal nobles, -although by no means united, were preponderantly Ghibelline, while the -wealthy burghers were inclined to the cause of the Papacy and Charles of -Anjou. After the defeat of Manfred in 1266 the supremacy of the Guelfs -was established, and was never overthrown from that date. For some years -the government was moderate and pacific, but the news of the Sicilian -Vespers in 1282 frightened the Guelfs into an attempt to secure their -power by constitutional changes. The existing magistrates were -superseded [Sidenote: The ‘Priori.’] by the ‘_Priori delle Arti_,’ at -first three and afterwards six in number. These constituted the signory -and held the chief executive power. They were chosen from the seven -greater guilds (_arti maggiori_) and held office for two months at a -time, re-election being forbidden (_divieto_) until after an interval of -two years. The greater guilds, which had long existed as trade -corporations before their rise to political importance, consisted of the -_Calimala_, or cloth merchants, the wool-weavers, the bankers, the silk -manufacturers, physicians, furriers and lawyers. About the same time a -number of lesser guilds (_arti minori_) were organised, and their number -increased within the next sixteen years to fourteen. Henceforth we can -trace the existence of four main divisions of the people of Florence: -(1) the _grandi_, or nobles; (2) the _popolo grasso_, the members of the -seven greater guilds; (3) the _popolo minuto_, or members of the -fourteen lesser guilds; (4) the _ciompi_, though this name is of later -origin, including those citizens who had no guild organisation, and -therefore no machinery either for self-government or for influencing the -conduct of public business. - -By the constitution of 1282 the nobles were not excluded from office, -but if they wished to qualify themselves for it they had to enter a -guild. Many of them fulfilled this condition, and several nobles held -the office of prior during the next ten years. But class jealousies -continued to create domestic quarrels, and in 1293 Giano della Bella, -himself of noble origin, proposed and carried the famous [Sidenote: -Ordinances of Justice, 1293.] ‘Ordinances of Justice.’ To qualify for -office a man must really practise the trade or craft to which he -belonged. The _grandi_ were not only to be excluded from any share in -the government, but they were subjected to serious social -disqualifications. In time of disorder they were confined to their -houses on penalty of exile. A noble could not accuse a citizen or bear -witness against him without the consent of the signory, and the severest -penalties were imposed on a noble who wounded or killed a citizen. The -duty of enforcing these ordinances was intrusted to a specially created -official, the gonfalonier of justice, who [Sidenote: The Gonfalonier.] -was to be appointed every two months and was to be a member of the -signory. The gonfalonier, who was intrusted with the command of a large -force of infantry, became the most dignified officer of the state, -though his actual powers were not greater than those of the priors. From -this time one of the harshest penalties was to confer nobility upon a -political offender, and the greatest reward that could be conferred upon -a deserving _grande_ was to degrade him to the rank of a citizen. To -protect the signory from attack a fortified _Palazzo Pubblico_ was built -for their reception, a building which is now famous as the _Palazzo -Vecchio_. - -Although the actual government of Florence from 1293 may be considered -to be a plutocracy, in that the actual conduct of affairs was -monopolised by the wealthy burghers, yet the constitution possessed a -real democratic basis. The ultimate power of making any constitutional -change rested with the _parlamento_, a mass meeting [Sidenote: The -Parliament.] of all citizens in the great piazza. Such a meeting could -at any time appoint a _balia_, _i.e._ a committee with full powers to -alter the laws; and it was by this method that most of the revolutions -in Florentine history were accomplished. - -Early in the fourteenth century the Florentine constitution assumed the -main features which it retained till the fall of the republic. In 1321 a -disastrous war with Castruccio Castracani discredited the signory, and -displayed the weakness of a government which changed every two months. -To remedy this, a council of twelve [Sidenote: The ‘Buonuomini.] -_buonuomini_ was created, two from each _sesto_ or district. They were -to hold office for six months instead of two, and the signory was to -take no important step without consulting them. Two years later a far -more important change was made, when the system of filling offices by -lot was introduced. Hitherto the members of the outgoing administration -had elected their successors. But the city was disquieted by factious -quarrels at each election, and there was no security for that equality -which was rapidly becoming a passion among the Florentines. In 1323 it -was determined to hold a _squittinio_, or scrutiny, every two [Sidenote: -The ‘Squittinio,’ 1323.] years in place of the elections every two -months. A committee was formed of the signory for the time being with -the councils of the greater guilds and other influential citizens. A -list was drawn up of all citizens qualified for office by age and by -being clear of debt to the state (_netti di specchio_). Their names were -then put up to ballot in the committee. The voting was by black and -white beans, the former being in favour of the candidate. All the names -which received not less than two-thirds of the black beans were placed -in bags (_imborsare_), and from these bags they were drawn to fill -vacancies as they arose. When the bags were empty a new _squittinio_ -became necessary. It resulted from this system that qualified citizens -had a fairly equal chance of selection, but there was no security that -offices would go to the most capable, and the arrangement was liable to -serious abuses. The party which could obtain a majority in the selecting -committee (_balia_), was certain to secure most of the offices for its -own partisans for at least two years. - -By 1323 the Florentine constitution had assumed a fairly definite shape. -At its head stood the gonfalonier of justice and the six priors, who had -the chief conduct of affairs and the right of initiating legislation. -Then came the twelve _buonuomini_, who were a sort of privy council to -the signory, and served as a check on its power. Next in rank were the -_capitano del popolo_, once the chief magistrate of the city, and the -sixteen gonfaloniers of companies, who were responsible for police and -military arrangements. These were known as the three greater offices (_i -tre maggiori_). In critical times special magistracies were sometimes -created for a limited time, such as the eight of war (_otto di guerra_), -or the ten of the sea (_dieci del mare_). There were two legislative -councils: the _consiglio del popolo_, three hundred in number, -containing only _popolani_; and the _consiglio del commune_, numbering -two hundred and fifty, to which nobles were also admitted. Besides the -regular municipal magistracies, there was an [Sidenote: The ‘Parte -Guelfa.’] important body, the _parte guelfa_, which exercised very great -political influence. This corporation, which had its own captains and -council, had been formed after the great Guelf victory of 1267 to -administer the confiscated property of the exiled Ghibellines. Its great -wealth and efficient organisation were employed for the assiduous -maintenance of Guelf ascendency, and in later times for resisting the -claims of the lower classes to a voice in the government. - -Of the northern states only three deserve special mention [Sidenote: -Genoa.] at this time. Genoa, isolated in the north-western corner and -surrounded by mountains, plays a very slight part in the general history -of Italy, though it has some considerable importance as commanding the -direct route from Provence to the peninsula. The energies of its -citizens were mainly absorbed in the acquisition of wealth by eastern -trade, in maintaining wars with Pisa and Venice, and in the incessant -feuds of the great families of Doria and Spinola. Milan, which had long -held a predominant position among [Sidenote: Milan.] the Lombard towns, -was already beginning to lose its republican independence. There, as in -Florence, class divisions were mixed up with the quarrels of factions. -In 1259 the Guelf leader, Martino della Torre, headed the citizens in a -successful struggle against the Ghibelline nobles, and took advantage of -his victory to assume the lordship of the city. The neighbouring towns -of Lodi, Como, Vercelli, and Bergamo fell one after another under the -rule of the Della Torre. But in 1277 a revolution was effected by the -Ghibellines under the Archbishop of Milan, Otto Visconti, to whom the -lordship of the city was transferred, and from whom it passed on his -death in 1295 to his nephew Matteo Visconti, the ancestor of the later -dukes of Milan. But the Visconti dynasty was not yet permanently -established, and in 1302 a Guelf league was formed among the chief -Lombard towns which forced Matteo to withdraw, and Guido della Torre -became the ruler of Milan. - -Venice, the last of the important northern states, was even [Sidenote: -Venice.] more isolated from Italy than Genoa, both by geography and by -its absorbing interests in the Levant. The overthrow of the Greek Empire -in 1204 had given Venice a commanding position in the east, but the -restoration of 1261 had raised a very formidable rival in Genoa, and for -more than a century the two republics were engaged in a series of costly -and exhausting wars. But the main interest of Venetian history at this -time lies in the building up of that oligarchical constitution which -gave to Venice a vigour and consistency of political action quite unique -in Italy, and enabled her in the fifteenth century to establish a very -formidable power on the mainland. - -The institutions of Venice, though sufficiently alien from [Sidenote: -Constitution of Venice.] modern usages, were simplicity itself as -compared with those of Florence. This simplicity is due primarily to the -entire absence in Venice of a landed nobility, whose power had to be -overthrown in other Italian cities by a series of revolts on the part of -the citizens, and also to the fact that Venice remained completely -untouched by the faction fights of Guelfs and Ghibellines. At the head -of the state stood the doge, elected for life, and in early [Sidenote: -The Doge.] times possessed of almost autocratic power. But his authority -had been gradually limited by the compulsory association of councillors, -by the exaction of a solemn oath on election (_promissione ducale_), and -by the creation of new institutions. By the fourteenth century the doge -had become an ornamental sovereign, surrounded by great pomp and -ceremonial, presiding in all assemblies, but possessed of no power of -initiation and of no means of exerting more than personal influence. A -doge of strong character might still mould the destinies of Venice, but -it was by persuading his colleagues, not by the exercise of any regal -authority. The election of the doge rested originally with the whole -people. In 1172 a council, which grew into the _Maggior Consiglio_, was -intrusted with the task, which was gradually delegated to small -committees chosen in various ways. At last, in 1268, the elaborate -system was adopted which lasted till the fall of the republic. All -members of the Grand Council over thirty years of age drew balls from an -urn, and thirty of these balls were gilt. The thirty who drew the gilt -balls were reduced to nine by a second drawing of lots. The nine elected -forty, seven votes being a necessary minimum. The forty were reduced by -lot to twelve, who elected twenty-five, each receiving at least nine -votes. The twenty-five were reduced by lot to nine, who elected -forty-five, who must each receive seven votes. The forty-five were -reduced to eleven, who chose forty-one, each to receive nine votes. The -forty-one then took an oath and proceeded to vote for the vacant office. -The voting was repeated until some candidate had received at least -twenty-five votes, and he became doge. The form of demanding popular -approval of the election did not become obsolete until the election of -Francesco Foscari in 1423. - -With the doge were associated six ducal councillors, who were -necessarily consulted on every subject and without whom the doge could -do nothing. In fact, the ducal functions were really discharged, not by -the doge, but by a committee of seven of whom the doge was one. The -_Collegio_ or cabinet of ministers (_savii_), conducted the routine work -of administration, and prepared all business for the other public -bodies. The business of every department passed through the _Collegio_, -in which the six _savii grandi_ presided in weekly terms. The -_Quarantia_, or Forty, was originally created in the twelfth century to -act as a permanent senate, but it was gradually limited to judicial -functions, and became the great law-court of Venice. The functions of -the senate fell to the _Pregadi_, a body of a hundred and sixty members, -whose name was derived from the originally voluntary consultation of -prominent citizens by the doge. The _Pregadi_ became a permanent part of -the constitution in 1229. Their chief business was the first -consideration of all legislative proposals, the appointment of -ambassadors, and the general supervision of foreign affairs. - -At the basis of the constitution was the _Maggior Consiglio_, [Sidenote: -The Great Council.] which had gradually taken the place of the primary -assembly of all citizens. The council was originally elective, and its -rise was a natural result of the growth of Venetian population. But in -1297 a law was carried which finally changed the government of Venice -from a democracy to a close oligarchy. A list was drawn up of all who -had sat in the Great Council for the last four years, and their names -were put up to ballot in the _Quarantia_. All who received twelve votes -were to be members of the council. Three electors were to be appointed -every year to make a list of any other candidates, and their names, if -approved by the doge and his councillors, were to be balloted by the -_Quarantia_. For a few years the addition of names was frequent, though -few candidates were successful unless their ancestors had at some time -or other had a seat in the council. But in 1315 the names of all -eligible candidates were drawn up once for all and placed in a book, and -in 1319 the three annual electors were abolished. Henceforth membership -of the Great Council became a hereditary privilege, and the admission of -a member’s son as soon as he had reached the age of twenty-five was -regarded as a matter of course. The _serrata del Maggior Consiglio_, or -closing of the Great Council, divided the Venetian population into two -sharply defined classes: the nobles, who had the privilege of -membership, and the lower classes, who were for ever excluded from any -voice in the government. - -Although the abolition of popular election in 1297 was a change to which -things had long been tending, it could hardly take place without -exciting considerable discontent. Several conspiracies were formed -against the new oligarchy, and after the failure of a formidable plot -under Bajamonte Tiepolo in 1310, it was determined to devise some new -machinery for the detection and repression of future revolts. Ten -members were chosen by [Sidenote: Council of Ten, 1319.] the Great -Council to act as a sort of committee of public safety. So useful did -they prove that they were renewed year after year, and in 1335 they were -made a permanent part of the constitution. The Council really consisted -of seventeen, as the doge and his six councillors were associated with -the Ten. The latter were elected yearly, and could not hold office again -till a year had elapsed. The proper function of the Ten was to act as a -court of exceptional jurisdiction, somewhat like the Star Chamber in -England. In this capacity they served as the efficient bulwark of the -Venetian aristocracy, and coerced the inferior citizens into passive -acquiescence in the rule of their superiors. As time went on, the Ten -became more and more powerful, and began to interfere in the general -conduct of affairs. So great became the passion for secrecy in the -Venetian government, that in the sixteenth century the Ten began to -delegate their functions to a sub-committee, the three Inquisitors of -State. - -For sixty years Italy had been allowed to take its own course without -any attempt at interference on the part of its nominal suzerain in -Germany. The news that Henry of [Sidenote: Henry VII. in Italy, -1310-1313.] Luxemburg, elected in 1308, was preparing to visit Italy and -to revive the imperial power, made a profound impression in the -peninsula, where the Guelf and Ghibelline parties were as active and -bellicose as ever. These party names had by this time ceased to express -any essential difference of principle. The imperial suzerainty in the -north, and the papal suzerainty in the south were equally shadowy, and -neither seemed substantial enough to fight for. The idea that the Guelfs -were the champions of republican liberty as against aggressive despots, -had ceased to have any real foundation in facts. A Della Torre was just -as dangerous to the liberties of Milan as a Visconti. Since the Popes -had called in the House of Anjou, and especially since a Pope had fixed -his residence in Avignon, it was impossible to contend that the Guelfs -were the champions of Italian independence against foreign domination. -The anomalous relations of Italian parties were reflected in the equally -anomalous position of Henry VII. A German prince elected by German -princes to the throne of the Hohenstaufen, he seemed destined to revive -the principles of Ghibellinism and to assume the headship of a revived -Ghibelline faction. On the other hand, Henry was French by education and -sympathies, he owed his election to the clerical partisans of France -acting under papal influence, and he was accompanied in his march by -legates whom the Pope had authorised to confer upon him the imperial -crown in Rome. It was no empty pretence of moderation, but the -expression of a real policy, when Henry professed that he belonged to -neither faction and intended to act as a mediator between them. And his -actions corresponded with his professions. As he passed through the -Lombard cities he insisted on the return of all political exiles, -whichever party they belonged to. In Milan, where he received the iron -crown of Lombardy (January 6, 1311), he recalled Matteo Visconti without -overthrowing the rule of Guido della Torre. But the Italians themselves -had no sympathy with his impartiality. Henry VII., like most of his -German predecessors, was in need of money, and the attempt to levy a -contribution of 100,000 ducats provoked a rising in Milan. The rising -was suppressed, but it resulted in an inevitable alliance between the -Emperor and the Ghibellines. Guido della Torre and his family were -driven into exile, and an attempted rebellion in the Guelf cities was -suppressed. Brescia alone made any lengthy resistance to the German -army. Before leaving Lombardy, Henry appointed imperial vicars in the -chief cities, and in Milan he intrusted the office to Matteo Visconti, -thus finally establishing the dynasty which ruled Milan for a century -and a half, and at one time seemed likely to unite the whole of northern -Italy under its sway. - -From this time the difficulties of Henry VII. rapidly increased. The -force of circumstances had compelled him to become a Ghibelline against -his will. The hopes which that party built upon his arrival are -expressed in the _De Monarchia_ of Dante. Peace could only be bestowed -upon Italy by a strong monarchy, and such a monarchy could only be -established by a German king with the traditions of the Empire at his -back. But the more enthusiastic the Ghibellines became, the more -resolute was the opposition of the Guelfs. Robert of Naples, the close -ally of Clement V., did not venture to embark on open hostilities, but -he was rendered both jealous and uneasy by Henry’s progress, and did not -hesitate to intrigue against him. Henry VII. succeeded in obtaining the -lordship of Genoa and Pisa, the latter of which was always on the -Ghibelline side. But Florence, the leading Guelf city in Tuscany, -obstinately refused to admit the German king or his troops, and he was -compelled to pass on one side on his journey to Rome. There he found the -greater part of the city occupied by the Guelf family of Orsini, -assisted by a Neapolitan force. A battle would have been necessary to -obtain possession of St. Peter’s, and the coronation ceremony had to -take place in the church of St. John Lateran (June 29, 1312). Henry VII. -was now convinced that the reduction of Italy to obedience could only be -accomplished by force of arms. King Robert had as yet avoided any -declaration of war, and it would have been dangerous to attack Naples -while the Guelfs in the north were strong enough to cut off -communications with Germany. It was decided to strike terror into the -Guelfs by the reduction of Florence. The German troops advanced to the -city walls in September, 1312, but they found them too strong and too -well garrisoned to venture on an attack. Henry retreated to Pisa to -await reinforcement. Against Robert of Naples, who was preparing to give -active assistance to Florence, he issued the imperial ban, and concluded -an alliance with the Aragonese king of Sicily. Henry had commenced his -march to meet the Neapolitan troops, when he suddenly died of [Sidenote: -Death of Henry VII., 1313.] fever at Buonconvento, twelve miles from -Siena (August 24, 1313). The Ghibellines believed that he had been -poisoned by a Dominican monk in administering the sacrament. The schemes -of Henry VII. were entirely out of date: the Holy Roman Empire, as Dante -understood it, was already an anachronism: and the Emperor’s death is -only important as marking the failure of the last serious attempt to -reduce Italy to obedience to a German king. The forces of disunion were -strong enough to break up any monarchy; it was only an added weakness -that the monarchy was claimed by a foreigner. - - - - - CHAPTER III - FRANCE UNDER THE LATER CAPETS, 1270-1328 - - - Progress of the French Monarchy—Its difficulties—Philip III.—The - inheritance to Toulouse, Champagne, and Navarre—Wars with Castile - and Aragon—Accession of Philip IV. and the importance of his - reign—His War with England and Flanders—His relations with the - Papacy—The suppression of the Templars—His policy of annexation—His - domestic government—The King’s Court and its departments: the - _conseil du roi_, the _chambre des comptes_, and the _Parlement_ of - Paris—The States-General—Financial maladministration—Death of Philip - IV.—Louis X.—His death and the succession question—The Salic Law—The - short reigns of Philip V. and Charles IV. - -The history of the modern kingdom of France begins with the break-up of -the great Karoling Empire in the treaty of Verdun (843). Western -Francia, split off from the other dominions of Charles the Great, -continued for a century to be ruled by his degenerate descendants. But -the decentralising movement did not stop with the division of the -Frankish Empire into three fairly well-defined units. The dukes and -counts, who had been provincial governors under Charles the Great, took -advantage of the growing weakness of the central power to make their -position hereditary and practically independent. Superficial unity was -only maintained by the necessity of making head against the attacks of -the Northmen. The successful resistance of Paris to these invaders gave -to the dukes of Paris, the lords of the Isle de France, the royal title -which the Karolings at Laon were too feeble to defend. But the early -kings of the House of Capet were as powerless as their predecessors. -They themselves belonged to the feudal nobles, they owed the crown to -the support of their fellows, they were avowedly only _primi inter -pares_. Hugh Capet himself acknowledged this when he undertook to do -nothing of importance without consulting the tenants-in-chief. During -the eleventh century France was little more than a geographical -expression: its political unity was a mere shadow: its ecclesiastical -unity was independent of the crown. But in the twelfth century two -movements began [Sidenote: Progress of the French monarchy.] which were -destined to exert the most decisive influence on the fortunes of France: -the rise of the communes, and the growth of the royal power. There was -no formal alliance between the crown and the bourgeoisie, but they had -obvious common interests in opposition to the feudal nobles, and they -rendered the most vital assistance to each other. Feudalism, attacked -both from above and from below, seemed destined to perish. The three -kings who dealt the most fatal blows to aristocratic isolation were -Philip Augustus (1180-1223), Louis IX. (1226-1270), and Philip IV. -(1285-1314). The third estate rendered its greatest service to the -monarchy by giving birth to the class of lawyers. To their superior -training and their persistent advocacy of the principles of Roman Law -was due the gradual break-down of feudal jurisdiction. The _cour du -roy_, at first either the court of the royal domain or the court of -peers for the trial of cases concerning tenants-in-chief, became, as the -Parliament of Paris, the supreme judicial court for the whole of France. -Side by side with the advance of the central judicial power, another -great change was going on—the extension of the royal domain. In the -great fiefs female succession was admitted in default of male heirs, and -this proved fatal to the permanence of many of the old families. With -regard to the crown there was no acknowledged rule of succession, -because no occasion for dispute arose. From the accession of Hugh Capet -in 987, to the death of Louis X. in 1316, there was never wanting a son -to succeed to his father. This uninterrupted male succession for so many -generations, almost unparalleled among the reigning families of Europe, -was an invaluable element of strength to the crown in its struggle with -feudalism. One by one the great fiefs fell in, were conquered, or were -acquired by marriage with heiresses. The most notable successes were the -acquisition of Normandy by Philip Augustus, and of Languedoc after the -Albigensian crusade. By the time of Philip the Fair the only provinces -which retained their feudal independence were the county of Flanders in -the north, the duchy of Brittany in the west, the duchy of Burgundy in -the east, and the duchy of Aquitaine in the south. The royal power and -the territorial unity of France had advanced _pari passu_, and Philip -IV. found himself strong enough to attempt acquisitions beyond the -traditional frontiers of France. - -So far—during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—the tendency towards -centralisation, in spite of temporary obstacles and checks, had achieved -that success which usually attends directness and persistence of aim, -and a politic, if sometimes unscrupulous, choice of means. But at the -death of Philip IV. this progress was suddenly arrested, and during the -next two centuries a struggle had to be carried [Sidenote: Difficulties -of the monarchy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.] on, -differing in many respects from that which had gone before, but still -involving many of the same problems and ultimately terminating in a -victory for the same side. One essential factor in this struggle was the -tenure of the duchy of Aquitaine by a foreign prince—the king of -England. Obvious interest impelled English kings, like Edward III. and -Henry V., to ally themselves with all the forces of disunion in France, -and their efforts were aided and stimulated by the chance which gave -them a colourable claim to the French crown. But the difficulties of the -French kings of the House of Valois were not due merely to English -intervention. There were two fatal flaws in their own policy and that of -their predecessors. (1) While taking every advantage of the movement of -the lower classes, the kings had done little or nothing to satisfy their -legitimate aspirations. They gave the lawyers a distinguished position -in the service of the crown, and that was all. Before long, the third -estate was sure to weary of an alliance in which all the substantial -advantages were on one side; and if the commons were able or willing to -form a coalition with the nobles against the crown, they might impose -checks upon the royal power similar to those which were enforced by the -English parliament. That this danger was a real one will be seen when we -come to consider the attitude adopted by the States-General at the time -of the battle of Poitiers.[3] (2) While destroying the old feudal -nobility, the French kings had created a new one. As the great fiefs -fell in, many of them were granted out again as appanages to members of -the royal family. Doubtless it was considered that blood-relationship -would be sufficient to unite their interests with those of the monarchy. -But this proved a complete miscalculation. Relationship counts for very -little in politics as against the impulse given by selfish interests. -Edward III. tried a similar policy in England, and it led to the Wars of -the Roses. In France it led to the long contest of the Burgundians and -Armagnacs, to the _Praguerie_ of 1440, and to the League of the Public -Weal of 1465. The _féodalité apanagée_, as French writers call these -nobles of royal birth in contradistinction to the old _féodalité -territoriale_, did not long delay to assume the same attitude as their -predecessors, and became the opponents of the monarchy which had created -them. Their overthrow tasked the devotion of the capable servants of -Charles VII., and gave full employment to the mingled craft and -resolution of Louis XI. - -The futile expedition to Tunis, the expiring effort of that crusading -impulse which had urged mediæval Europe to [Sidenote: Philip III., -1270-1285.] heroic deeds, cost France the life of the noblest of her -long line of kings. Louis IX. was almost the only French ruler who -combined the highest moral virtues with eminent political capacity. His -son and successor, Philip III., could claim neither of his father’s -characteristics. He was illiterate, and the rashness which earned him -the name of _le Hardi_ was not redeemed by any clear insight or any -signs of ability. He was only in name the head of the House of Capet: -the real master of French policy was his uncle, Charles of Anjou. Paris -looked for guidance to Naples, rather than Naples to Paris. That the -French monarchy continued to advance, in spite of the incapacity of the -king, is a signal proof of its inherent strength and of the ability of -the trained lawyers who served it. The reign of Philip III., obscure as -it appears at first sight, was marked by the acquisition of three -important provinces, of which two remained permanently subject to the -crown. - -Among the numerous victims who perished on the return journey from Tunis -were Alfonso of Poitiers (August 21, 1271), brother of St. Louis, and -his wife Jeanne [Sidenote: The Toulouse inheritance.] of Toulouse, the -last descendant of the famous House of St. Gilles. They left no -children, and their vast inheritance, including the counties of -Toulouse, Poitou, Auvergne, and the marquisate of Provence,[4] fell to -the French crown. The only exceptions were the district of Agenais, -which was claimed by the English king, and the Venaissin, near Avignon, -which was ceded to the Papacy in accordance with the treaty of Meaux in -1229. Thus France completed the absorption of Languedoc, which had been -begun in the crusade against the Albigenses. It is true that Philip -undertook to rule his new territories as count, and not as king, and -that he created a special parliament and law-court at Toulouse, but -these concessions to local independence were only temporary and -illusory. - -In 1274 occurred another important death, that of Henry, King of Navarre -and Count of Champagne and Brie, leaving [Sidenote: Champagne and -Navarre.] an only daughter, Jeanne, aged three years. The widow, Blanche -of Artois, carried the infant heiress to France and threw herself on the -protection of the king. Philip at once occupied Champagne and Brie, -which were henceforth united to the crown. At the same time he procured -a dispensation from Pope Gregory X. for the future marriage of Jeanne to -his own second son Philip, who soon afterwards became heir to the throne -by the death of his elder brother. The people of Navarre revolted -against this high-handed settlement of their fate by a foreign prince, -but their resistance was crushed by a French army, and Philip assumed -the government of the kingdom as guardian for his future -daughter-in-law. - -These territorial gains were the only notable successes of Philip III.’s -reign, and his remaining years were mainly occupied [Sidenote: Wars with -Castile and Aragon.] with two futile wars in Spain. Alfonso X., formerly -the claimant of the throne of the Cæsars, was still reigning in Castile, -but the actual conduct of affairs fell in his old age to his sons, -Ferdinand de la Cerda and Sancho. The elder, who had married Philip -III.’s sister Blanche, died in 1275, leaving two sons. The Castilian -Cortes, in regulating the succession, passed over these children, and -secured the crown on Alfonso’s death to Sancho, who had earned the name -of ‘the Brave’ for his exploits against the Moors. Philip was indignant -at the exclusion of his nephews, and took up arms to support their -claims. But his invasion of Castile was so reckless and ill-planned as -to gain him the name of _le Hardi_, and he was unable to force a passage -through the mountains. His intervention was naturally fruitless, and -Sancho succeeded to Castile on his father’s death. - -The second war was more prolonged. The Sicilian Vespers in 1282 (_v._ p. -25), which resulted in the transfer of Sicily to Peter III. of Aragon, -made a profound impression in France, and many nobles hurried to offer -their services to Charles of Anjou. The Pope excommunicated Peter III., -and offered the crown of Aragon to Philip III.’s second surviving son, -Charles of Valois, on condition that it should never be united to -France. The offer was accepted in 1284, and in the next year Philip -himself headed a great expedition against Aragon, which was dignified by -the name of a crusade. The capture of the fortresses of Elna and Girona, -both after an obstinate resistance, were the only successes of the -campaign. Roger di Loria with his Catalan sailors destroyed the French -fleet, and cut off the possibility of receiving supplies by sea. At the -same time disease broke out in the French army. Philip found it -necessary to retreat, and died at Perpignan [Sidenote: Death of Philip -III., 1285.] on October 5, 1285. He left three sons: Philip, who in 1284 -had married Jeanne, heiress of Navarre; Charles, Count of Valois and -Alençon, and titular King of Aragon; and Louis, Count of Evreux, whose -descendants afterwards ruled in Navarre. - -Philip IV. was seventeen years old when he succeeded his father, and he -died at the age of forty-seven. In the course [Sidenote: Philip IV., -1285-1314.] of these thirty years he set a mark upon French life and -government which has never been completely effaced, not even by the -floods of successive revolutions. Yet our knowledge of his reign, and -especially of his person and character, is singularly scanty. That he -was good-looking we know from his being called _le Bel_, but we are not -informed whether he was tall or short. His character we have to infer -from his actions, and we are forced to conclude that it was far less -attractive than his face. This dearth of contemporary records is the -more notable when it is contrasted with the striking picture which we -possess of his grandfather, and with the wealth of narrative on the -subject of the fourteenth century wars. Philip was not the man to be the -hero of a Joinville or a Froissart, and no Philippe de Commines had yet -arisen. There is little that is heroic or picturesque about his reign. -The most striking scene, the humiliation of Boniface VIII., is repulsive -in itself and is discreditable to Philip’s memory. It may even be said -that there was little result to show for his restless activity. The two -enterprises which he had most at heart—the annexation of Aquitaine and -Flanders—ended in failure. His only territorial acquisition of -importance was Lyons. The suppression of the Templars was not an -achievement to be proud of. A notable victory was gained over the -Papacy, but it was gained by discreditable methods; and, after all, the -residence at Avignon brought no permanent advantages to France. Philip’s -great work lay in the comparatively obscure details of domestic -government, in the improvement and completion of administrative -machinery, and in the removal of all obstacles in the way of an -efficient despotism. These are achievements which escape the notice of -historians who are attracted by the heroes of chivalry, but they produce -far more definite and deep-seated results than the most brilliant -exploits on the battlefield. It must be admitted that Philip IV. was -cruel and cold-blooded; that his regard for the letter of the law was a -mere disguise for unscrupulousness; that this unscrupulousness was the -more repulsive for the hypocrisy which could always find pretexts to -justify it; it may even be admitted that his failures in external -politics outweighed his successes,—yet he must be always memorable as -the real founder of that administrative centralisation which has ever -since been the dominant characteristic of the government of France, and -has been a prominent cause of the subsequent greatness, if also of the -subsequent disasters, of that country. - -If this estimate of the reign be correct, it is obvious that we need not -linger long over Philip’s foreign relations, and that our attention will -be better devoted to his domestic measures. The war with Aragon, which -he inherited, never interested him, as the only possible gainers by it -were his brother and his cousin. After lasting for nearly twenty years, -it ended in the final loss of Sicily by the House of Anjou, and the -abandonment by Charles of Valois of his claims on Aragon on condition -that his cousin, Charles II. of Naples, should give up to him his -appanages of Anjou and Maine. Before this settlement had been arrived -at, Philip had turned his attention to a far more exciting -enterprise—the attempt to [Sidenote: Wars with England.] wrest Guienne -and Gascony from Edward I. of England. These provinces had been united -to the English crown since the marriage of Henry II. with Eleanor of -Aquitaine, and on the whole they were fairly satisfied to remain subject -to their distant ruler, whose island kingdom gave them a convenient -market for the produce of their vineyards. But Edward I. had his hands -full with the suppression of discontent in his recent conquests in -Wales, and with enforcing his lately acknowledged suzerainty over -Scotland. This gave Philip IV. an opportunity which he was not slow to -seize. Taking advantage of a naval quarrel between some Norman sailors -and the mariners of the Cinque Ports, and of the refusal of the Gascons -to acknowledge the judicial authority of the French courts, Philip -summoned Edward I. to appear before him to answer for the breach of his -obligations as a vassal (November, 1293). Edward was aware that a -contumacious attitude towards his suzerain would set a dangerous example -to John Balliol in Scotland, and did all in his power to avoid a -rupture. Unable to go to France in person he sent as a proxy his brother -Edmund, who had married Philip’s mother-in-law, Blanche of Artois. On -this docile envoy Philip played what can only be described as ‘the -confidence trick.’ He assured him of his perfect friendliness to -England, offered the hand of his sister Margaret to Edward, who was now -a widower, and in return he demanded that, as a mere sign of trust and -submission, Gascony should be ceded to him for a period of forty days. -Edmund consented; but on the expiration of the time, Philip declared the -English king to be contumacious for not having appeared in person, and -his troops remained in occupation of the Gascon fortresses. After this -there was no alternative but war. Edward was at an immense disadvantage. -He had a war with Scotland and Wales on his hands; his subjects, -especially the clergy, were discontented at his exactions, and the enemy -was already in possession of a large part of his territories. His only -ally of importance, Adolf of Nassau, was too impotent in Germany to -effect any diversion. On the other hand, Philip offered aid to John -Balliol, and thus laid the foundation of that permanent alliance between -France and Scotland which lasted till the reign of Mary Stuart. The -actual hostilities were unimportant, but the balance of success was -decidedly against the English. It was at this time that Boniface VIII.’s -attempt to interfere led to his first quarrel with Philip IV., and to -the issue of the bull _Clericis laicos_ (_v._ p. 29). In 1297 the war -assumed a new phase. Edward I. had succeeded in deposing John Balliol -and in conquering Scotland, so that he was now free to take part in the -continental war. At the same time he found an ally in Count Guy of -Flanders, who had hitherto been kept passive by Philip’s detention of -his daughter as a hostage. But Edward was again hampered by quarrels -with the clergy and the barons, and the latter refused to serve in -Gascony if the king persisted in going in person to Flanders. The result -was that Guienne and Gascony were left defenceless, while Edward and his -Flemish ally were unable to make head against the French. This check and -the outbreak of a Scotch rebellion under Wallace forced Edward to make -overtures for peace, and Philip determined to postpone the annexation of -Aquitaine until he had completed the reduction of Flanders. Boniface -VIII. had been compelled by difficulties in Italy to draw closer to the -French king, and he had published a modified interpretation of his bull -against clerical contributions to secular rulers. He was now allowed to -act as mediator, though Philip protested that he accepted his mediation -as a private person and not as Pope. It was arranged that both parties -should retain their possessions as they stood until the conclusion of a -final settlement. As a security for future peace, Edward I. was to marry -Philip’s sister, Margaret, and the young Edward of Wales was betrothed -to Philip’s daughter, Isabella. Both kings abandoned their allies (June -30, 1298). - -While Edward I. returned to defeat Wallace at the battle of Falkirk, -Flanders was left at Philip’s mercy. The Flemish citizens had no love -for their count, and would render him no assistance. In this hopeless -position, Guy [Sidenote: War in Flanders.] was induced by the -treacherous promises of Charles of Valois to trust to the clemency of -his suzerain. He was at once thrown into prison, and his fief was -declared forfeited to the crown (1300). On his first visit to his new -province, Philip’s cupidity was excited by the wealth which he found -there. His wife, Jeanne of Navarre, exclaimed, when she saw the -jewellery of the ladies of Bruges: ‘I thought I was the only queen in -France, but I find that here there are six hundred.’ The attempt to -gratify the greed thus aroused was certain to lead to discontent. The -Flemings were as fond of their wealth as they were jealous of their -independence. They soon discovered that it was better to be oppressed by -their count than to be both oppressed and pillaged by their French -governor, Jacques de Chatillon. The signal for a general rebellion was -given in Bruges, as twenty years before in Palermo, by a massacre of the -French. Philip despatched a large feudal army under Robert of Artois to -crush the insurgents. The French nobles reckoned on an easy victory over -unwarlike and ill-armed citizens, but they were undone by their own -confidence and recklessness, and were utterly routed in the famous -battle of Courtrai (July 11, 1302). This was the first of a great series -of battles which taught Europe that an infantry force, if properly led -and handled, could more than hold their own against mounted and heavily -accoutred men-at-arms. It was some time before the lesson was thoroughly -learned; but when it was mastered, the military system of the Middle -Ages collapsed, and with it perished the social organisation which -rested on the invincibility of the knightly force. Philip IV. advanced -in person to recover the lost honour and power of France, but the -approach of winter compelled him to retire without having done anything -towards the suppression of the rebellion. The great disaster of 1302, -the first which Philip had yet experienced, came at the crisis of his -quarrel with the Papacy, and forced him to moderate his ambition. In -1303 he concluded a final peace with Edward I. and resigned his -acquisitions in Aquitaine. In 1304, Boniface VIII. being dead, a great -effort was made for the reduction of Flanders. At Mons-en-Puelle (August -18), by carefully avoiding the ruinous mistakes at Courtrai, Philip -succeeded in defeating the Flemings; but his victory was hardly won, and -was by no means so decisive as that of his opponents had been. Within -three weeks the rebels had re-formed their army and were as formidable -and undaunted as ever. Philip found himself compelled to recognise that -he had undertaken a task beyond his strength, and he hastened to escape -from it by concluding a treaty (June, 1305). Robert of Béthune, the -eldest son of Count Guy, who had died in prison in 1303, was invested -with the fiefs of Flanders, Nevers, and Rethel; the Flemings undertook -to pay 200,000 livres to the French king, and to hand over as security -for the payment Douai, Lille, and other towns on the southern frontier. -It was long since a French king had suffered such a humiliating check. -In 1300, Philip seemed to have secured the whole of Flanders and the -greater part of Aquitaine. Four years later he had lost both provinces. - -Philip’s relations with the Papacy have been already alluded to (_v._ p. -29). In his quarrel with Boniface VIII. he had substantial justice on -his side, and the national development of France necessitated an -energetic resistance to the exorbitant pretensions of the mediæval -Papacy. But these considerations do not justify the brutality of the -French soldiery at Anagni, nor the vindictiveness with which Philip -persisted in blackening the character of Boniface after the latter’s -death. Equally inexcusable was his treatment of the ill-fated Benedict -XI., though there is no reasonable ground for believing the charge that -Philip’s agents poisoned the Pope in consequence of his excommunication -of Boniface’s assailants. In Clement V. the king was face to face with a -Pope upon whose subservience he had reasonable claims, and who was fully -his match in diplomatic subtlety and in the want of scruples. The hold -which Philip obtained upon the Papacy at this time enabled him to effect -the blackest action of his reign, the destruction of the Templars. The -crusades in the East had come to an [Sidenote: Suppression of the -Templars.] end with the fall of Acre in 1291, and the Orders which had -been formed for the defence or conquest of Palestine must inevitably -fall victims to the jealousy which their wealth and independence excited -in Europe, or they must undertake some new task which would justify -their existence and give them a renewed hold on the public opinion of -Europe. The Knights of St. John and of the German Order of St. Mary -chose the latter course, and secured a prolongation of their corporate -existence—the one in Prussia, and the other in the island of Rhodes. The -Templars, who had been the most prominent in the wars of Palestine, were -the least prepared to find a new occupation, and their inaction impaled -them on the other horn of the dilemma. It is needless to go through the -long catalogue of charges, some horrible and some absurd, which were -brought by the king’s agents against the Order. It was inevitable that a -celibate society of warriors should give occasion for the belief that -the vow of chastity was not always observed. It is credible that in -their intercourse with the Saracens many of the knights may have been -led into unbelief, or even to adopt a contemptuous and irreverent -attitude towards Christianity. But it is not credible that the whole -Order was guilty of the obscenity, blasphemy, and irreligion that were -charged against its members. Confessions extorted under horrible -tortures and recanted when health and sanity were restored, do not -constitute evidence from which any reasonable conclusions can be drawn. -But Philip IV. was deaf to all considerations of justice or of clemency, -and his iron will extorted a condemnation from judicial tribunals and -from the Pope. In 1310, after the trial had lasted for two years, -fifty-four knights were burned in Paris, and many other executions -followed. In 1312 the Order was formally suppressed, and its possessions -transferred to the Knights of St. John. This last provision was only -imperfectly fulfilled, and much of the Templars’ hoarded wealth never -passed from the hands of the king. In 1314 the last grand master, -Jacques de Molai, after a solemn retractation of all extorted -confessions, and a denial of the truth of all charges against the Order, -perished at the stake on an island in the Seine. - -Philip’s last success was an encroachment on those border territories -between France and Germany which constituted [Sidenote: Encroachments in -Arles.] the obsolete kingdom of Arles. The first step towards their -annexation to France had been taken when Philip III. inherited the -marquisate of Provence (see above, p. 47). In 1291 Philip IV. had -arranged a marriage between his second son, Philip, and Jeanne, daughter -and heiress of Otto IV., Count of Burgundy. This marriage brought -Franche-Comté under French influence, but did not result in the final -annexation of the province, which was not accomplished till the treaty -of Nymegen in 1678. For a long time the city of Lyons and the adjacent -territory had been objects of French covetousness, and constant quarrels -between the archbishop and the citizens offered frequent pretexts for -intervention. At last, in 1312, taking advantage of the Emperor Henry -VII.’s absence in Italy, Philip IV. ventured to take the final step, and -Lyons was incorporated with France. - -We must now turn to Philip IV.’s domestic government, [Sidenote: -Domestic Government.] which constitutes his sole claim to a place -among the great kings of history. His aims were those of his -predecessors—those, in fact, of all kings in the later Middle Ages who -wished to extend their power. He had to destroy feudalism as a basis -of government, or, in the words of a great historian, to ‘eliminate -the doctrine of tenure from political life.’ The essential vice of the -feudal system was that every man was directly bound only to the -immediate lord of whom he held his land; the connection with that -lord’s suzerain was purely indirect. Hence came an inevitable tendency -to disruption; the tie between vassal and lord was stronger than the -indirect tie between the sub-tenant and the king; if a great noble -rebelled he could compel his tenants to follow him even against his -suzerain. For this system, which had many merits, but was inconsistent -with either national unity or a strong government, Philip desired to -substitute an organisation in which all Frenchmen, whether -tenants-in-chief or sub-tenants, should stand in equal subjection to -the law and to the king as the source and guardian of the law. - -To accomplish this end, an efficient administrative machinery was -necessary, and of this the foundations had been laid by Philip’s -predecessors. The country was divided into _bailliages_ in the north and -_sénéchaussées_ in the south. Philip IV. regulated and extended the -functions of the bailiffs and seneschals, and employed them not only to -carry out his edicts in the provinces, but also to supply him with that -accurate local information without which centralisation is useless and -incompetent. Besides these local officials, he [Sidenote: The King’s -Court.] had the _cour du roi_ which attended his person. This body, the -earliest institution of Capetian France, was originally merely the court -of the king’s domain, and consisted of the household officers and the -immediate domain tenants. From time to time, however, the king must have -had to decide questions concerning the great tenants-in-chief, and by -the essential principle of feudalism such questions must be referred to -their equals. Hence arose the court of peers, the creation of which is -assigned by tradition to Philip Augustus when he summoned John of -England to answer for the murder of Arthur of Brittany. Whether this -court ever had a separate existence from the domain court is difficult -to decide, but if it had, it soon lost it. In the reign of Louis IX. the -domain court was transformed, when necessary, into a court of peers by -the addition to it of some of the great vassals. At the same time, the -court was made more efficient by the introduction of trained lawyers. -Under Philip IV. these lawyers became the real managers of the work of -justice and administration; and the nobles, though retaining the right -of attendance, preferred as a rule to absent themselves from business in -which their want of legal training placed them at a conspicuous -disadvantage. The work of the court included all departments of -government: the advising of the king, the management of finance, and the -administration of justice. And the judicial work was enormously -increased, partly by the compulsion of the nobles to allow appeals from -their local courts to that of the suzerain, and partly by the -reservation of an increasing number of _cas royaux_—_i.e._ cases which -had to be brought in the first instance before the king. It was -impossible for one body of men to discharge such a vast mass of -business, and the court was gradually split up into three great -departments, which continued, with modifications in detail, to conduct -the routine administration of France till the Revolution. - -(1) The first of these divisions was the _conseil du roi_, which -corresponds roughly to the Privy Council in England. It consisted of the -great officers of the household with fifteen councillors of state and -two or more secretaries. Its chief business was to advise the king in -all affairs of government. Ordinary jurisdiction was delegated to the -Parliament, but the council continued to exercise judicial power. -Appeals could in the last instance be made to the king in council, and -he could evoke cases to it from other courts. - -(2) The _chambre des comptes_ was the financial division of the royal -court, and resembles the English Exchequer. It received and audited the -accounts of the bailiffs and seneschals; it had jurisdiction in all -financial suits, and it registered all edicts and deeds which concerned -the domain. - -(3) The most famous of the three bodies was the great law-court of -France, the Parliament of Paris. Its functions correspond to those of -the courts of King’s Bench and Common Pleas in England, but its peculiar -history arises from the maintenance of a corporate unity and authority -which the English judges never possessed. Philip IV. not only gave to -the Parliament a separate existence, he also fixed its sessions in -Paris, and organised its three earliest sub-divisions. The _chambre des -requêtes_ decided the lesser cases of first instance brought directly -before the Parliament. The _chambre des enquêtes_ received and prepared -for further consideration all appeals from lower courts. The _grande -chambre_ was the largest and most important of the sub-divisions, and is -often called the Parliament by itself. In it the peers retained the -right of sitting down to the Revolution, but they only appeared on -formal occasions. The _grande chambre_ decided all important appeals, -and cases of first instance concerning the peers, the royal officers, -and the members of the sovereign courts. At first the Parliament only -met twice a year, at Easter and All Saints. But the two sessions proved -insufficient to discharge the growing business of the court, and, later -in the century, it was made a permanent court, and its members were -appointed for life or during the royal pleasure. In addition to its -judicial work, the Parliament had to register all royal edicts, treaties -of peace, and other formal documents. This was originally a duty rather -than a right; and it was not till much later that the Parliament based -upon this practice a claim to remonstrate against, or even to veto, the -edicts of the king. - -The organisation of this administrative machinery is the greatest -achievement of Philip IV.’s domestic government. [Sidenote: The -States-General.] But his reign is also noteworthy for the origin of the -States-General, which at one time promised to become the basis of a -constitutional system of government such as was our Parliament -established in England, but was ultimately crushed into insignificance -by the crown which had created it as a mere instrument to serve its own -ends. The first meeting was held in 1302, when Philip wished to parade -the unanimity of his subjects in opposing the pretensions of Boniface -VIII. They were summoned again in 1308 to condemn the Templars, and in -1314 to support the king in a renewed war with Flanders. Philip may have -found a model for these assemblies either in the provincial estates of -Languedoc and Brittany, or in the Cortes of Castile and Aragon, but it -is more than probable that he was inspired by the example of his great -contemporary, Edward I. of England, who in 1295 had summoned the famous -‘model parliament,’ and had himself in 1301 obtained a protest against -the papal claims from a parliament at Lincoln. - -The States-General under Philip IV. are especially remarkable for their -numbers. All tenants-in-chief, whether clerical or lay, were invited to -attend in person, and those who were prevented by any unavoidable cause -might send proxies. The cathedral chapters and monasteries sent -representatives; and so did all the towns of any size in the kingdom. -There was no attempt to determine the condition which entitled a man -either to vote or to be elected. The only class which was unrepresented -was the peasantry. When the States met, they were divided into three -estates: clergy, nobles, and citizens. The meeting only lasted a day, -and there was no general discussion. The royal spokesman explained the -object for which they were summoned, and then each estate separately -drew up a document in accordance with the wishes of the king. - -It is obvious that the summons of the States-General was not in any way -forced upon the king by external pressure, but was a mere expedient to -strengthen his hands. The assembly never got rid of this taint on their -origin. If a French king thought his end could be best attained by -summoning the States-General, he summoned them: but if, on the contrary, -he thought it advisable to treat separately with the various provinces, -he did so. Later in the century an attempt was made to secure regular -assemblies with definite authority, but the attempt was a failure, and -parliamentary government was never established in France until the -nineteenth century. - -The whole of Philip’s rule is marked by the steady encroachments upon -feudal independence and privilege of an unscrupulous but efficient -despotism. He claimed for the crown the right of creating peers, which -he exercised in favour of Charles II. of Naples and of Robert of Artois. -He raised to the rank of nobles men who had no qualification either by -descent or by tenure, and was thus enabled to reward those ministers who -borrowed from Roman Law the phrase, _quod principi placuit legis habet -vigorem_, and coined from it a French legal adage, which the monarchy -might have taken for its motto: _que veut le roi, si veut la loi_. But -there was one glaring defect in Philip IV.’s government, which he also -bequeathed to his successors. His financial [Sidenote: Financial -maladministration.] administration was as incompetent as it was -tyrannical and oppressive. He strained to the utmost the normal sources -of revenue, the income from the domain and the feudal incidents. When -these were exhausted, he imposed _gabelles_ or taxes on the sale of -commodities. But these taxes he was foolish enough to farm out to his -creditors in order to obtain large sums of ready money. Such an -expedient, especially in early times, always results in loss to the -state and oppression to the taxpayer. More ruinous, because more -dishonest, was the constant debasement of the coinage, which Philip -carried to such lengths that contemporaries called him the ‘false -coiner.’ Thus the founder of the French monarchy was also responsible -for the defect which ultimately ruined his creation. It is an -extraordinary thing that France, one of the richest countries in Europe, -and in some ways one of the most efficiently governed, never had a sound -financial system under the old monarchy. Philip’s successors imitated -the defects as well as the merits of his rule. To his devices of farming -the taxes and of debasing the currency they added the disastrous -practice of selling offices, and of increasing their value by granting -their holders exemption from taxation. Many Frenchmen saw and deplored -the evil results of this system, but no one was strong enough to apply a -drastic remedy. The deficit which resulted was the immediate occasion, -though not the cause, of the great revolution. It may be fanciful, but -it is not preposterous, to contend that, if Philip IV. had been a -capable and honest financier, the Bourbons might still be seated on the -throne of France. - -Such a harsh government as that of Philip IV. could not possibly be -popular. His direct attack upon their [Sidenote: Death of Philip IV.] -interests exasperated the _noblesse_, and his financial extortions -alienated the _bourgeoisie_. In 1314 a new war broke out with Flanders, -and Philip attempted to defray its expense by a heavy tax upon all -commodities, to be levied on their sale, from both seller and purchaser. -This caused an explosion, and for the first and only time nobles and -third estate were leagued together against the king. Such an alliance -threatened to ruin the monarchy, and Philip was forced to yield. He -abolished the tax, and promised to redress the grievances of his -subjects as regards the coinage. Soon after this humiliation he died -(November 29, 1314). - -During the next fourteen years Philip’s three sons ruled in rapid -succession, and their reigns are chiefly notable for [Sidenote: Louis -X., 1314-16.] the establishment of the all-important rule of succession -which excluded females from the succession to the French throne. The -eldest, Louis X., was only twenty-four years old at his father’s death, -and took no interest in the work of government. The conduct of affairs -was allowed to fall into the hands of his uncle, Charles of Valois, who -had always sympathised with the feudal opposition to Philip IV. The -triumph of the reactionary party was seen in the trial and execution of -Enguerrand de Marigny, one of the chief advisers of the late king. But -the nobles, freed for the moment from royal domination, were -short-sighted enough to throw over their recent alliance with the -bourgeoisie, and thus lost an excellent chance of imposing permanent -restrictions upon the power of the crown. The concessions which they -obtained were solely in the interests of their own class, and even they -were not national concessions but were embodied in a series of -provincial charters. The absence of national unity, to which these -events testified, was a cause of the ultimate victory of the monarchy, -which had never again to face such a hostile union of classes as had -been formed for the moment in 1314. - -Apart from this momentary victory of the feudal nobles, the reign of -Louis X. is absolutely uneventful. He got rid of his first wife, -Margaret of Burgundy, in order that he might marry Clementia, sister of -Carobert of Hungary. He also undertook an expedition to Flanders in -order to force the Count to observe his treaty obligations; but the -campaign was wholly unsuccessful, and soon afterwards the young king -died, on June 5, 1316. His death was more [Sidenote: Succession question -in 1316.] important than his life, as it gave rise to the first doubtful -succession since the reign of Hugh Capet. For the first time for more -than three centuries there was no male heir to the crown, as Louis only -left a daughter, Jeanne, the offspring of his first marriage. As the -question of female succession had never arisen before, there was no rule -to decide either way. But the problem in this case was further -complicated by the fact that Clementia, Louis’s second wife, was -expecting a child to be born five months after her husband’s death. -Until this event took place nothing could be settled, and during the -necessary interregnum the regency was naturally intrusted to Philip, the -elder brother of the late king. Meanwhile the interests of Jeanne were -maintained by her maternal uncle, Eudes IV. of Burgundy, with whom -Philip concluded a treaty. This provided that if Clementia gave birth to -a son he should succeed to the whole inheritance, but if the posthumous -child were a daughter, then Jeanne was to have Navarre, Champagne, and -Brie until she was of marriageable age, when she was to choose whether -to renounce the crown of France or to demand a formal consideration of -her claims. - -In November, 1316, Louis X.’s widow gave birth to a son, who is reckoned -in the list of French kings as John I. The child was born on a Sunday, -and died on the following Friday. Thus the claims of Jeanne were left in -full force, but they were seriously prejudiced by the fact that during -the previous five months her uncle had obtained a firm hold of the reins -of government, which he was by no means prepared to resign. The Duke of -Burgundy was bribed to abandon the cause of Jeanne by a marriage with -Philip’s daughter, and by the gift of Franche-Comté and 500,000 crowns -as his bride’s dowry. The French lawyers, sharing the general prejudice -against female rule, which resulted from so long a period of male -succession, hunted out a clause in the laws of the Salian Franks which -forbade [Sidenote: The so-called Salic Law.] the inheritance by women of -_terra Salica_. This clause they arbitrarily applied to the crown, and -thus coined the famous expression, the Salic Law. But it must never be -forgotten that the exclusion of women from the throne of France rests, -not upon any ancient rule, but upon the precedent of Jeanne’s exclusion -in 1316, followed and confirmed by further exclusions in 1322 and 1328. - -Once securely established on the throne, Philip V. showed [Sidenote: -Philip V., 1316-22.] himself a resolute and able ruler. The reaction in -favour of feudal independence was checked; the lawyers recovered their -ascendency in the royal counsels; and the administrative machinery of -Philip IV. was once more set in working order. Numerous assemblies were -held, in which the third estate was fully represented; and a vigorous -attempt was made to improve trade, and to check provincial isolation by -establishing uniformity in coinage, weights, and measures. But Philip -did not live long enough to carry out designs which, if successful, -might have given him a place among the great administrators of France. -He died in 1322 leaving only daughters, and his brother Charles IV. had -little difficulty in seizing, not only the throne, [Sidenote: Charles -IV., 1322-28.] but also Navarre, Champagne, and Brie, which ought to -have been left in the hands of Jeanne. The reign of Charles is of little -importance except in connection with England, where Edward II. was -deposed and murdered by a conspiracy headed by his faithless wife and -Charles’s sister, Isabella of France. To his nephew, the young Edward -III., Charles handed over Guienne, but retained the district of Agen, to -be the source of future disputes. With Charles IV.’s death (January 31, -1328) the main line of the House of Capet came to an end. There was -still one doubt as to the rule or custom of succession. That women could -not themselves hold the crown had been settled by three successive -precedents within twelve years. But could they transmit a claim to their -male descendants? There were in 1328 two possible claimants on this -ground—Philip, the son of Eudes IV. of Burgundy by a daughter of Philip -V., and Edward III. of England, whose mother was a sister of the three -last kings. But France was not likely to adopt a rule of succession -which might at any moment give the crown to a foreign prince. And so the -crown passed to the nearest male heir, Philip of Valois. - -Footnote 3: - - See below, chap. iv., pp. 81-88. - -Footnote 4: - - Since 1125 Provence had been divided into two parts: (1) the county, - south of the Durance, which was given to the family of Bérenger, and - passed, with the hand of their heiress Beatrice, to Charles I. of - Anjou and Naples; (2) the marquisate, between the Durance, the Isère, - the Alps, and the Rhône, which was held by the counts of Toulouse, and - was brought by Jeanne to her husband, Alfonso of Poitiers. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - FRANCE UNDER THE EARLY VALOIS, 1328-1380 - - - The accession of Philip of Valois—His relations with Navarre and - England—Robert of Artois—Philip’s action in Gascony, Scotland, and - Flanders brings on War with England—Edward III. and Jacob van - Artevelde—Edward III. claims the French Crown—Beginning of the - Hundred Years’ War—English Expedition into Picardy—The succession in - Brittany followed by a war—The Murder of Artevelde—The battle of - Crecy and siege of Calais—Annexation of Dauphiné to France—Accession - of King John and renewal of the war with England—Battle of - Poitiers—Etienne Marcel and the States-General of 1355 and 1357—The - Ordinance of March 3, 1357—Anarchy in France—The Murder of the - Marshals—Royalist reaction—The Jacquerie—The Murder of Marcel and - the capture of Paris—English Invasion of 1359 followed by the Treaty - of Bretigni—The succession to Burgundy—Charles V/’s - Government—Success of his policy in Brittany and Spain—The - reconquest of the English Provinces—Last years of Charles V/—Du - Guesclin and de Clisson. - -The first result of the accession of Philip VI. was the severance -[Sidenote: Accession of Philip of Valois, 1328.] of the crowns of France -and Navarre, which had been united since the marriage of Philip the Fair -(see p. 48). Navarre was now given up to Jeanne, the daughter of Louis -X., and her husband, Philip of Evreux. In return Jeanne abandoned all -other claims, either to the French crown or to the provinces of -Champagne and Brie. By this bargain Philip secured his throne against -one possible claimant, and confirmed the exclusion of female succession -in France. Another rival, Edward III. of England, who could contend that -females might transmit a claim to a male heir, was not at the moment -very formidable. He was very young, he had obtained the throne through -his father’s deposition in 1327, and for the time he was under the -tutelage of his mother Isabella and her paramour Mortimer. So far from -putting forward a claim to the French crown, Edward III. came over to -Amiens in 1329, and recognised Philip VI. by doing homage to him for his -inherited possessions in Aquitaine. - -So confident was Philip in the strength of his position that he did not -hesitate to provoke enemies both at home and abroad, and this -recklessness ultimately led to a quarrel with England, and to the -outbreak of a war which lasted more than a hundred years, and exercised -the most decisive influence upon the development of both nations. Among -the nobles who had contributed most to bring about Philip VI.’s -accession was his brother-in-law, Robert of Artois. He was a grandson of -Count Robert of [Sidenote: Robert of Artois.] Artois, who had fallen in -the battle of Courtrai in 1302. In spite of the normal preference for -male succession, the grandson had been excluded in favour of his aunt -Matilda, whose daughter Jeanne had married Philip V. Robert had made -several efforts to vindicate his claim to Artois, but without success. -On the accession of Philip VI., however, he was confident of obtaining -justice, and at once commenced a suit for the purpose of proving that -the inheritance had been unlawfully withheld from him. Matilda and -Jeanne came to Paris to defend their rights, and both of them died -within a short interval of each other, not without strong suspicions of -foul play. Their claims now passed to Margaret, the daughter of Jeanne -and Philip V. Robert of Artois found himself accused, not only of -employing poison to rid himself of his rivals, but also of forging -documents in support of his claims, and of employing magic arts against -the king himself. His supposed accomplices were tortured into some sort -of confession, and Robert, finding that he had lost the royal favour on -which he had reckoned, fled from the court. The suit was decided against -him (1332), and he himself sentenced to banishment. He found a refuge in -England, and in his eagerness for revenge set himself to urge Edward -III. to claim the French throne on the ground of his mother’s descent -from Philip IV. - -Edward III. might have paid little attention to such obviously -interested advice had not events elsewhere brought him into hostile -relations with France. Philip VI. was suspected, with some justice, of -desiring to imitate his uncle’s policy in Gascony, and to bring that -province directly under his rule. More serious still was his conduct in -regard to [Sidenote: War in Scotland.] Scotland. The treaty of -Northampton in 1328, by which the independence of Scotland had been -recognised, had stipulated for the restoration of their lands to those -nobles who had supported England in the war. Robert Bruce died in 1329 -without carrying out this part of the treaty, and the nobles who ruled -during the minority of his son David were not likely to give up -possessions which had fallen into their own hands. The dispossessed -nobles determined to maintain their own cause in arms, and a successful -battle at Dupplin Moor enabled them to place Edward Balliol upon the -Scottish throne. Edward III. had given no aid to this expedition, but -now that the revolution was accomplished, he was willing to profit by it -and to receive Edward Balliol’s homage. But the partisans of David Bruce -rallied from their first defeat and drove Balliol from the throne. -Edward III. now led an army into Scotland, won the battle of Halidon -Hill (1333), captured Berwick, and restored Balliol. The result was a -renewal of the Scottish war, and the party of independence appealed for -aid to France. Philip VI. did not hesitate to secure such a useful ally -in case of future difficulties with England. French troops were -despatched to Scotland, and the safety of the young Scottish king was -secured by sending him to France. From this time may be dated the -permanent alliance between France and Scotland, which was at once a -grievance and a source of serious embarrassment to English rulers. - -English and French troops were now fighting each other as auxiliaries on -Scottish soil, and it was obvious that the two countries must soon be -involved in open strife. The final impulse was supplied by events in -Flanders. In the fourteenth [Sidenote: Flanders.] century Flanders was -the most important trading and manufacturing country in western Europe. -Ghent was the Manchester, and Bruges the Liverpool, of that day. In -Bruges we are told that merchants from seventeen kingdoms had settled -homes, while strangers journeyed thither from all parts of the known -world. It was the great centre-point of mediæval commerce, where the -products of north, south, and east were brought together and exchanged -against each other. Still more important to the Flemings themselves and -to their relations with England was the manufacture of wool. England -produced the longest and finest wool, which was woven into cloth and -worsted on the looms of Ghent and Ypres. With France, on the other hand, -the relations of the Flemings were purely political. The Count of -Flanders, who found his subjects very difficult to govern, was the -vassal of the French king, and his authority could hardly be maintained -without the aid of his suzerain. To the material interests of the -Flemings France was almost wholly alien. France, as contrasted with the -other states of Europe, was little affected by the commercial spirit of -the age. While Edward III. and the Black Prince, who appear in the pages -of Froissart as mirrors of chivalry, were yet sufficiently practical to -encourage the industrial interests of their subjects, the Valois kings -pursued a totally different policy. They crushed industry by excessive -and ill-judged imposts. They maintained no police to give safety to the -foreign merchant, and foreign wares were kept out of France by the -insecurity of the roads and the heavy duties upon imports. This -difference is paralleled by the difference in the military system of the -two countries. The English king, supported by the growing wealth of his -subjects, was able to leave the majority of his people at home, and to -make war with a well-paid and equipped mercenary army. The King of -France, after extorting all he could wring from the pockets of his -subjects, compelled them to serve in the old feudal array, and led them -to be butchered by opponents who were numerically inferior, but had been -trained to war, and were not distracted from the work before them by the -sense that they were neglecting their material interests at home. - -Philip VI. had been involved in a Flemish war at the very beginning of -his reign. The citizens of West Flanders, headed by Bruges and Ypres, -rose in revolt against their Count, Lewis, who appealed for aid to the -French king. A feudal army was led to his assistance, and the citizens, -weakened by the abstention of Ghent, were crushed at the battle of -Cassel (1328). The Flemings had to suffer, not only for their -unsuccessful rebellion, but also for their previous victory at Courtrai, -which had now been so ruinously reversed. Their leaders were mercilessly -hunted to death, the town charters were confiscated, and their -fortifications razed to the ground. The authority of the count was -restored, but he was more than ever the dependent vassal of the French -king. In 1336, at the command of Philip VI., he ordered the imprisonment -of all Englishmen in Flanders. Edward III. promptly retaliated by -prohibiting the exportation of English wool and the import of foreign -cloth. Flemish artisans were induced to emigrate to England, and to lay -the foundations of a prosperous woollen manufacture in Norfolk. - -These events, which may be taken as the actual origin of the hundred -years’ war, illustrate the folly and recklessness of [Sidenote: Alliance -of England with the Flemings.] Philip VI. So far his quarrel with Edward -III. in Aquitaine and in Scotland had been a personal quarrel; and the -English people, though reluctant to lose the profitable trade with -Bordeaux, were by no means enthusiastic either for the continental -dominions of their king, or even for the establishment of his suzerainty -over Scotland. But to strike at English trade with Flanders was to -inflict a mortal blow at the most sensitive of English interests. From -this time the quarrel with France became a national as well as a royal -quarrel, and Edward could count upon the unanimous support of his -subjects. Still more serious was the effect of Philip’s action in -Flanders. In the fourteenth century, as in the Napoleonic wars at the -beginning of the nineteenth century, England had the stronger position -in a trade dispute with the Continent. The Flemish market was important -to England, but English wool was indispensable to Flanders. The -reprisals of Edward III., forced upon him by the action of the French -king, threatened the Flemings with the ruin of their most important -industry. A new rising, more formidable than that of 1328, was at once -planned. Ghent, which had then held aloof, was now prepared to play its -part; and in Ghent arose a leader, Jacob van [Sidenote: Jacob van -Artevelde.] Artevelde, whose eloquence and decision gave him for a time -practical omnipotence, while his guidance gave to the movement a unity -and consistency which previous rebellions had too often lacked. His -avowed object was to restore the supply of wool to the Flemish looms, -and for this purpose to establish friendly relations with England. He -assembled at Ghent the men of the chief cities, and ‘showed them that -they could not live without the King of England; for all Flanders was -supported by cloth-making, and without wool one could not make cloth; -therefore he urged them to keep the English king their friend.’ At the -same time he was anxious to avoid any needless infraction of feudal law, -and therefore suggested that Edward should claim the French crown, -pointing out that the Flemings could not lawfully serve the King of -England against the King of France, but that they could serve the lawful -King of France against the usurper. - -Edward III. saw that war was inevitable; and the arguments of Artevelde -convinced him, if any conviction were needed, [Sidenote: Edward III. -claims the French crown.] that by putting forward a claim to the crown -he would gain powerful supporters, and in the end more substantial -advantages. In 1337 he published his claim before a parliament, and set -to work to form continental alliances. The Emperor, Lewis the Bavarian, -indignant at Philip’s dictation to the Pope, Benedict XII., was willing -to support the English king. In September, 1338, he met Edward at -Coblentz, and formally invested him with the office of imperial vicar in -the provinces on the left bank of the Rhine. The Duke of Brabant and -several other princes of the Netherlands were persuaded or bribed to -promise contingents to the English army. Edward’s position seemed to be -of overwhelming strength. He could attack France on both sides, from -Flanders and Artois on the north-east, and from Guienne and Gascony on -the south-west. - -But the English successes were by no means so great as had been -confidently expected. Edward’s first expedition [Sidenote: Opening of -hostilities.] into Picardy in 1339 was a complete failure. The Emperor, -vacillating as ever, would give no effective aid, the Flemings were -content with the recovery of the wool supply, and it was only the -sluggishness of Philip VI. which enabled the English forces to retire -without serious loss. In 1340 the enterprise was renewed. A French and -Genoese fleet had been collected off Sluys to dispute the landing. The -Genoese commander refused to fight in a position which made it -impossible to manœuvre, and left the French vessels to be utterly -destroyed in the first important encounter of the war. But this naval -victory was the solitary triumph of the campaign. Although the Flemings, -under the influence of Artevelde, gave more active assistance than in -the previous year, Edward was repulsed from the walls of St. Omer and -Tournai. In September he concluded a truce for nine months with Philip -VI. The only gainers by the war were the Flemings, who had practically -abrogated the authority of their count, and had organised an independent -federation of communes. - -It seemed for the moment as if the war might collapse altogether in -1340. Edward’s allies had either deserted him or were obviously lukewarm -in his cause. He had spent vast sums of money without having any -substantial result to show for it. His subjects were discontented, and -Edward chose this moment for a violent quarrel with his chief minister, -Archbishop Stratford, who was backed up by the English parliament. But -the dwindling flames of the war were rekindled into a blaze by a quarrel -about the succession in Brittany. Duke John III. died in 1340, -[Sidenote: Succession quarrel in Brittany.] leaving no children. Of his -two brothers, the elder was dead, but had left a daughter, Jeanne, who -was married to Charles of Blois, a nephew of Philip VI. The younger -brother was John de Montfort, who claimed the vacant duchy as the -nearest male heir. The Count of Blois appealed, on behalf of his wife, -to the Parliament of Paris, and that court decided in her favour. The -result was a civil war between the French and the Celtic population of -Brittany, the Celts supporting de Montfort and rejecting the rule of -Charles of Blois as an alien. Philip VI. determined to support the cause -of his nephew and the decision of his parliament. De Montfort crossed -over to England and recognised Edward III. by doing homage to him for -Brittany. Thus in the case of Brittany, as in that of Artois, the two -kings were committed to principles which ran counter to their own -claims. The French king, who owed his crown to the so-called Salic -law,[5] appeared as the champion of female succession; while Edward -III., who claimed to be King of France through his mother, contended for -the exclusive right of the male heir. - -The war in Brittany offered to Edward III. ‘the finest [Sidenote: War in -Brittany.] possible entry for the conquest of the kingdom of France,’ -but his intervention served rather to prolong than to decide the -struggle. Charles of Blois, with the aid of John of Normandy, the heir -to the French crown, began by gaining important successes. Nantes was -captured, and John de Montfort sent prisoner to Paris. But the heroic -Countess of Montfort, a sister of the Count of Flanders, supported her -husband’s cause with masculine energy and courage, and the arrival of -English succour restored the balance of forces in Brittany. But Edward -III. still found himself confronted by superior numbers, and in 1343 -papal mediation succeeded in arranging a general truce for three years. -The truce, however, was not allowed to run its full term. John de -Montfort escaped from his prison, and the severity with which Philip VI. -punished some nobles in Brittany and Normandy for suspected treason led -to a renewal of hostilities in 1345. Edward III. determined to make -greater efforts than ever, and to attack France on three sides—from -Guienne, Brittany, and Flanders. In Guienne Henry of Lancaster gained a -considerable victory at Auberoche, and captured several fortresses which -were held by the French. In Brittany John de Montfort died, leaving his -claims to his son, and his death prevented any important operations from -being undertaken. Meanwhile Edward himself prepared to co-operate with -the Flemings on the north-east. But his plans were interrupted by what -appeared to be a great disaster to his cause. Jacob van Artevelde had -incurred the distrust of his fellow-citizens. [Sidenote: Murder of -Artevelde.] He had found it increasingly difficult to reconcile the -jarring pretensions of the rival cities, or to compose the jealous -divisions of the fullers and weavers of Ghent. In his alliance with -England he had gone further than the majority of the Flemings desired. -They would have been content to impose conditions upon their count, -whereas Artevelde had schemed to depose him altogether, and to transfer -the direct government of Flanders to the Prince of Wales. But the final -accusation against the once popular leader was that he had placed the -great treasure of Flanders at the disposal of the English king. In a -rising of the infuriated mob, Artevelde’s house was stormed and he -himself slain. For the moment Edward feared that he might lose his hold -upon Flanders. But Artevelde’s policy survived him. The Flemings were -not prepared to make unconditional submission to their count, and to -extort conditions the alliance with England must be maintained. They -hastened to excuse their conduct to the English king, to assure him of -the continuance of their support. But Edward had received the news of -another loss, which checked his advance in 1345. This was the death of -his brother-in-law, William IV. of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand. As he -left no children, his territories were seized by Lewis the Bavarian and -conferred upon one of his younger sons (see p. 108). The Emperor had -already deserted the English alliance, and the establishment of the -House of Wittelsbach in the dominions of William IV. broke up the -coalition which Edward III. had formed on the borders of France. - -These checks induced Edward, not to relax his efforts, but to alter his -plans. The military interest of 1346 seemed likely to [Sidenote: -Campaign of 1346.] be concentrated in the south-west. A large French -army under Philip’s eldest son, John of Normandy, entered Guienne, -recovered many of the places lost in the previous year, and besieged the -inferior English troops in Aiguillon. Edward III. collected a large army -at Southampton, and set sail on July 2. His intention was to land at -Bordeaux, and march to the relief of Aiguillon. But his voyage was -hindered by storms, and the advice of some of his French followers -induced him to make for the coast of Normandy. The province was wholly -unprepared for attack, and the English met with little resistance on -their devastating march. Along the valley of the Seine they advanced as -far as Poissi, where the flames of the burning houses were seen from the -walls of Paris. Meanwhile, Philip VI. had strained every nerve to -collect a second army for the defence of his capital. Among the allies -who came to his aid were John of Bohemia and the newly elected King of -the Romans, Charles IV. But Edward declined to assault Paris, or to face -an army which was now larger than his own. Misleading Philip by a feint -in the direction of Tours, he crossed the Seine at Poissi, and marched -at full speed towards Picardy, in order to effect a junction with the -Flemings. Philip followed with his enormous force, and the destruction -of the bridges over the Somme seemed to shut the English in a trap. But -a captured peasant guided Edward to a comparatively unguarded ford at -Blanche Taque, and the French arrived just as the last of the enemy had -crossed. The battle, however, was only postponed, though the crossing of -the river enabled Edward to choose his own ground, instead of fighting -at a disadvantage with an impassable river behind him. To continue the -retreat with an exhausted army pursued by superior numbers must have -ended in disaster, and Edward drew up his troops at Crecy, near -Abbeville, [Sidenote: Battle of Crecy, 1346.] to try the hazard of the -first pitched battle of the war. The result was to teach the world a -lesson in the art of warfare which had only been imperfectly suggested -by the battles of Stirling Bridge, Bannockburn, and Courtrai. It was a -combat of infantry against cavalry, of missile weapons against heavy -armour and lances, of trained professional soldiers against a -combination of foreign mercenaries with disorderly feudal levies. And -the inevitable result was made the more decisive by the utter want of -generalship on the part of the French king. Obeying a momentary impulse -of rage, he ordered his troops to engage when they were exhausted by a -long march. The Genoese crossbows were wetted by rain, and their bolts -fell harmless, while they were exposed to a hail of arrows from the -English longbows. Then the men-at-arms charged over the unfortunate -Genoese, and were already in disorder before they could reach the enemy. -There was individual prowess in plenty, but no organisation or -discipline, and the bravest of the assailants only rushed upon a certain -fate. Philip fled in despair, but the King of Bohemia, the Counts of -Flanders and Alençon, and many lesser princes and nobles, were left dead -upon the field. Edward III. made no attempt to turn back upon France. It -would have been difficult for him to feed his soldiers in a district -which had been already swept bare by the requisitions and the pillage of -two great armies. After allowing three days for rest and the burying of -the dead, he continued his march northwards, and laid siege to Calais. -His victory had decisive results both in the west and the south. The -siege of Aiguillon was raised, and the retirement of the Duke of -Normandy left Guienne at the mercy of the English. Henry of Lancaster -recovered the places lost at the beginning of the year, and, entering -Poitou, took and sacked Poitiers. In Brittany the French cause met with -almost equal disasters. Charles of Blois was captured and carried a -prisoner to England, and, though his wife continued the struggle, the -party of de Montfort had for a time a secure predominance. To complete -the list of failures, an attempted diversion by David of Scotland, who -invaded England in the autumn of 1346, ended in the king’s defeat and -capture at the battle of Nevill’s Cross. - -Meanwhile Edward III. was engaged in the blockade of Calais, where Jean -de Vienne held out with heroic obstinacy [Sidenote: Siege of Calais, -1346-7.] for nearly a whole year. The death of Lewis of Flanders at -Crecy seemed to open the prospect of a reconciliation of the Flemings -with France, and if this could have been effected, the siege would -probably have ended in failure. The young Count, Lewis de Mâle, had done -nothing to incur the enmity of his subjects, and they welcomed his -return with enthusiasm. But in their treaty with Edward III. the -Flemings had agreed that their new ruler should marry an English -princess. This stipulation Lewis refused to fulfil, and when the -citizens tried to coerce him, he escaped from subjects who had become -his gaolers and returned to the French court. His departure left the -Flemings bound to the English alliance, and to Philip VI.’s lavish -offers of bribes they turned a deaf ear. The siege could only be raised -by force, and Philip collected an army for that purpose. But when he -approached he found the English too strongly entrenched, and retired -without risking a battle. Thus, deprived of all hope of succour from -outside, the defenders were forced to accept Edward’s terms, and to hand -over the town, with six of the principal burghers, to his mercy. The -burghers were spared on the entreaty of Queen Philippa, but the whole -population of Calais was expelled to make room for English settlers. -Gradually, as Edward’s wrath at the prolonged resistance died away, some -of the original inhabitants were allowed to return, but the population -of Calais continued to be preponderantly English during the two -centuries that it remained subject to England. - -The fall of Calais was the last military disaster of Philip VI.’s reign. -Both England and France were exhausted by the strain of the contest, and -the outbreak of the terrible Black Death, which ravaged western Europe -in 1348 and 1349, diverted men’s minds from international quarrels. A -truce, originally concluded for ten months, was prolonged by mutual -consent for several years. Philip concluded his reign in peace, and -before his death (August 22, 1350) he was able to add an important -province to France, and thus to gain some consolation for the losses -[Sidenote: Dauphiné annexed to France.] of the English war. Among the -largest fragments of the old kingdoms of Arles was Dauphiné, ruled as a -fief of the Empire by the Dauphins of Vienne. The last of these princes, -Humbert, had supported Lewis the Bavarian in his struggles against -France and the Avignon Popes. But like so many of the Emperor’s allies, -he was alienated by Lewis’s weakness and selfishness, and pecuniary -troubles forced him to change his policy and to draw closer to France. -In 1343 he concluded a treaty with Philip VI. by which Dauphiné, in -default of lawful issue to himself, was to fall to a younger son of the -French king. In the next year this treaty was modified to secure the -inheritance to the heirs to the French crown; and finally in 1349 -Humbert’s life-interest in the province was bought out by payment of a -large sum, and Dauphiné was handed over to the House of Valois, and in -the course of the next generation became the regular appanage of the -eldest son of the reigning king. About the same time, France acquired -another advantage on the side of Flanders. In 1348 Lewis de Mâle -recovered his county, and by encouraging internal quarrels among his -subjects, he not only evaded the hated obligation of an English -marriage, but also restored some measure of authority over the turbulent -Flemings. As long as his power could be maintained, it might be hoped -that France would escape the dangers of Flemish co-operation with the -English. - -John the Good, as he is called by the caprice of historical -nomenclature, was no better a ruler than his father, and was even more -unfortunate. He had already been active both in military and civil -affairs, but had [Sidenote: Accession of King John, 1350.] profited -little by his experience. War, in his eyes, was nothing but a tournament -on a large scale. Of orderly finance he had no conception; and as to the -welfare of his subjects he had neither interest nor insight. He was a -reckless spendthrift, imbued with the chivalrous ideals of the day, and -subject to sudden gusts of passion, alternating with fitful and -uncalculating acts of generosity. His accession marks the appearance on -the scene of a new generation of actors. The Black Death had been most -fatal to the lower classes, but it had by no means spared those of -higher rank. In a single year John had lost his mother, Jeanne of -Burgundy; his first wife, the sister of Charles IV.; his uncle Eudes -IV., who had added Franche-Comté to the duchy of Burgundy, and now left -both Burgundies to an infant grandson, Philip de Rouvre; and his cousin, -Jeanne of Navarre, whose kingdom and possessions in France passed to her -son, deservedly known in history as Charles the Bad, and destined to be -the evil genius of France in the hour of her worst misfortunes. In -England there had been a similar clearance of prominent personages. -Edward III. still lived, but he played little further part in the French -war, where his place was taken by the Black Prince. - -The truce with England expired in 1351, but for some years the revived -hostilities were only local and unimportant. So great was the mutual -exhaustion of the two states, that the new Pope, Innocent VI., elected -in 1352, almost succeeded in negotiating a general peace. But, as -before, it was internal disturbances in France which led to a renewal of -the war. Charles of Navarre had been invested with the county of Evreux -and with the large possessions of his [Sidenote: Renewed war with the -English.] mother in Normandy and the Ile-de-France. He had also received -in 1352 the hand of the king’s daughter, Jeanne. But his ambition was -still unsatisfied, and John took no further pains to conciliate a prince -who could advance claims to Champagne and Brie, and might, under -favourable circumstances, become a rival candidate for the crown. In -1354 the king’s favourite, Charles of Spain, was assassinated by the -emissaries of the King of Navarre. John was induced to pardon his -son-in-law; but the reconciliation was only hollow, and Charles was -impelled by real or imaginary grievances to open negotiations with -Edward III. The English king could not resist the temptation of invading -France with the aid of so powerful an ally, and prepared to enter -Normandy through Calais in 1355. This danger compelled John once more to -make overtures to his rebellious son-in-law, and Edward found himself -deprived of the promised aid. He landed at Calais, ravaged the -neighbouring districts, and then withdrew to repel a Scottish invasion. -The Black Prince was more successful. Starting from Bordeaux, he marched -through Languedoc, treating that province as Edward III. had treated -Normandy in 1346. But the French king was as reckless as ever. Early in -1356 he surprised Charles of Navarre as he was banqueting with the -Dauphin at Rouen, put his chief supporters to death, and carried the -king a prisoner to Paris. The result of this violent act was to excite -general disaffection. Charles’s brother, Philip of Navarre, promptly -took up arms, and appealed for English support. The Black Prince was not -slow to respond. His plan was to march northward through the most -fertile districts of France, cross the Loire, and advance through Maine -to join the rebels in Normandy. But his force was insufficient for such -an enterprise. John hastily collected an army, the Loire valley was -blocked, and Prince Edward had to retire before vastly superior numbers. - -John hurried eagerly in pursuit, and actually reached Poitiers before -the enemy. A battle was now inevitable. So hopeless [Sidenote: Battle of -Poitiers, 1356.] were the odds that the Black Prince was willing to -accept any honourable terms, but John declined to let the enemy escape. -All the advantages, however, of superior numbers were thrown away by the -egregious folly of the French king. He sent a small detachment of -men-at-arms to attack the English position on the hill, while he ordered -the bulk of his army to dismount on the plain. The men-at-arms, who had -to advance by a narrow lane under the arrows of the English archers, -were speedily routed, and the English cavalry followed up this success -by butchering the dismounted host, who could neither stand their charge -nor fly. The king, after fighting bravely to the last, was taken -prisoner with his youngest son Philip, and the flower of the French -nobility either shared his captivity or escaped it only by death on the -field. As at Crecy, the English made no attempt to profit by their -victory. The Black Prince was content to carry his illustrious prisoner -to Bordeaux, whence he subsequently despatched him to London. - -The crushing defeat at Poitiers and the captivity of the king marked the -climax of a long series of disasters, of which [Sidenote: Discontent in -France.] the cause was to be sought in the continued maladministration -of French kings and ministers. No country could be brought into such a -plight as that to which France was reduced without giving rise to -serious and dangerous discontent, and this discontent had already found -expression before the campaign of 1356. From 1350 to 1355 frequent -assemblies of local estates had been held for the raising of supplies, -and these had not been voted without ominous grumbling and demands for -redress of grievances. At last, in November 1355, King John had found it -necessary to convoke the States-General of Languedoil, [Sidenote: -States-General of 1355.] in order to deliberate on the best mode of -resisting the national foes. The ‘deputies of the three estates’—for -nobles and clergy could only attend when elected by their order—met in -Paris on November 30. The orator of the third estate, in the formal -reply to the chancellor’s opening speech, was Etienne Marcel, provost of -the merchants in Paris, and for the next four years one of the most -important men in France. After deliberating on the matters submitted to -them, the States drew up the great ordinance of December 28, 1355. They -granted to the king a _gabelle_ upon salt, and a tax of eight deniers -the pound on the sale of all commodities. These are to be levied upon -all classes—clergy, nobles, non-nobles, and even the members of the -royal family. The collection of the taxes is to be superintended by -delegates chosen by the estates, and the expenditure is to be controlled -by a council of nine, three from each estate. Purveyance and the -arbitrary alteration of the money-standard were forbidden. Finally, the -dates were fixed for two subsequent sessions—one in March and the other -in November of the next year. - -It is obvious that the States-General acted, whether consciously or -unconsciously, in imitation of the English Parliament, and took -advantage of the financial difficulties of the crown to impose -constitutional checks upon the royal power. But, unfortunately, the -financial skill of the estates was by no means equal to [Sidenote: -Financial blunders of the States.] the importance of their objects, or -to their energy in striving after them. The _gabelle_ on salt has in all -ages been the most unpopular tax in France, and the tax upon sales -breaks all the canons of taxation which modern economists have agreed to -accept. Great disaffection was excited by the attempt to collect the -tax, and in some provinces serious disturbances took place. When the -States-General met in March they yielded at once to the expression of -public opinion, repealed the obnoxious taxes, and imposed in their place -an extraordinary income-tax, which was so adjusted that the percentage -increased as the income diminished. After taking steps to control the -collection and expenditure of the revenue, the estates adjourned till -May 6. They then discovered that the amount raised was wholly -insufficient to defray the necessary expenditure, and in their ignorance -and perplexity they reimposed the unpopular taxes on salt and sales, and -ordered the levy in June and August of two extra charges upon incomes. - -After the battle of Poitiers matters seemed more hopeless than ever. The -king’s eldest son, Charles,[6] assumed the government on his father’s -imprisonment, but he displayed little of the wisdom or capacity for -which he was afterwards renowned. His first act was to convene the -States-General [Sidenote: States-General of Oct. 1356.] on October 17. -The assembly was unusually large, the third estate being represented by -exceptional numbers. Of the nobles, however, the attendance was very -small. Large numbers of them had perished at Poitiers, and the survivors -were discredited. Thus the balance of classes, so necessary for the -success of constitutional changes, was overthrown. The third estate -became preponderant in the assembly, and its leader, Marcel, obtained -considerable support from the clergy through his ally Robert Lecoq, -Bishop of Laon. The demands of the estates were far more extreme than -those of the earlier assemblies. They were no longer content to impose -checks upon the government, but determined to take it into their own -hands. The royal ministers were to be dismissed, and thirty-six -delegates—twelve from each estate—were to be appointed to manage the -affairs of the kingdom. At the same time, outspoken complaints were made -of the failure to carry out promised reforms, especially in the matter -of the coinage, and the release of the King of Navarre was demanded. But -the Dauphin, encouraged by the grant of a considerable subsidy from the -estates of Languedoc, was not prepared to hand over his authority to the -States-General. He prorogued the assembly, endeavoured to raise money -from the provincial estates, and even ventured on a new debasement of -the currency. The reforming party was driven by this obstinacy to -revolutionary methods. The mob rose in Paris, and Marcel ordered the -royal officials to cease minting the inferior coins. The Dauphin, who -had gone to Metz to demand the mediation of Charles IV. with England, -returned to find his capital in open revolt. Unable to resist the -popular demands, he was forced to hold a new meeting of the -States-General on February 5, and to accept the ordinance which they -drew up of March 3, 1357. In [Sidenote: Ordinance of March 3, 1357.] -this the policy which had been proposed in the earlier session was -carried out, and the royal power was subordinated to that of the States. -The commission of thirty-six was definitely appointed to superintend -every branch of the administration. An aid was granted for the -maintenance of 3000 men-at-arms, but it was to be collected and spent, -not by royal officials, but by nominees of the States. The predominance -of the third estate is conspicuous in the articles directed against the -nobles. They were forbidden to carry on private wars, and if they -disregarded the prohibition, the local authorities or the people might -arrest them and compel them to desist by fines or imprisonment. Not only -was purveyance forbidden, but it was permitted to the people to assemble -at the ringing of a bell, and to oppose its collectors by force. - -King John, who was about to start from Bordeaux to London, sent a -message to Paris to annul an ordinance which dealt so shrewd a blow at -the royal authority. But the Parisians were not prepared to submit to a -distant and captive king, the Dauphin was forced to promulgate the -ordinance, and the revolution in the government of France was completed. -[Sidenote: Anarchy in France.] The thirty-six showed their power by -purging the royal council and the magistracy of all who were suspected -of hostility to the popular party. But any hopes that the change of -rulers would bring prosperity to France were doomed to disappointment. -The revolutionary government was no more successful than that which it -had superseded. The provinces were not prepared to submit to the -dictation of Paris, and their discontent encouraged the Dauphin to wait -for an opportunity of recovering power. The nobles became more and more -indignant at the predominance of the bourgeois. The English, still -exulting in their triumph of the previous year, were content to accept a -truce for two years; but the mercenary troops, deprived of their -legitimate occupation, wandered about the country pillaging or levying -blackmail on the people. Conscious that their position was insecure, and -that the Dauphin might at any moment become actively hostile, Marcel and -his associates endeavoured to secure a powerful ally by releasing -Charles of Navarre (November, 1357). The only result was to kindle a -civil war. The Dauphin had been compelled to promise the restoration of -all his cousin’s possessions, but his lieutenants would not give up the -strong places, and Charles the Bad took up arms. For the moment he was -the ally of the bourgeois, but he had no real sympathy with the cause of -reform, and sought to fish in troubled waters for his own gain. The -disasters of the ruling dynasty seemed to offer him a fair chance of -establishing a right to the throne. In his speeches to the people he was -careful to point out that his own claim was much stronger than that of -Edward III. - -As the reforming movement became weaker and more discredited, it began -to adopt more violent and revolutionary methods. The career of Marcel is -marked by increasing narrowness and selfishness. He had begun by -advocating measures for the regeneration of France, then he had become -the champion of the third estate; within that estate he was driven to -maintain the preponderance of Paris and its mob; and at last he had to -fight in Paris for his own personal ascendency. At the beginning of 1358 -his adherents adopted as their ensign a red and blue cap. The Dauphin -was raising an army against the King of Navarre, and had recalled many -of his former ministers. A new exhibition of mob violence was necessary -to intimidate him into submission. Marcel forced his way into the -Louvre, [Sidenote: Murder of the marshals.] where the marshals of -Normandy and Champagne were murdered in their master’s presence. The -unfortunate prince fell on his knees to beg for his own life, and had to -submit to the indignity of wearing the parti-coloured cap, which was -placed on his head by Marcel himself. For the moment this deplorable act -seemed to have achieved its end. The Dauphin was cowed into submission; -his unpopular advisers were dismissed, and Charles of Navarre was -admitted to Paris and formally reconciled with his cousin. - -But the murder of the marshals was really as impolitic as it was -criminal. The open dictation of the mob, and the failure of the -bourgeois government to remedy the misfortunes of France, provoked a -violent reaction in [Sidenote: Royalist reaction.] favour of the -monarchy which had been so insultingly defied. With fatal -self-confidence Marcel allowed the Dauphin, who now assumed the title of -regent, to leave Paris and to throw himself upon the loyalty of the -provinces. Charles summoned the States-General to meet in May 1358, at -Compiègne instead of in Paris. The meeting was not very numerous, but it -expressed the prevalent sentiment of France in favour of royalty. Marcel -endeavoured to strengthen himself by forming a league of towns for the -maintenance of common interests, but it was only joined by the towns in -the immediate neighbourhood of Paris. Civil war was inevitable, and the -new fortifications which Marcel had built to protect the capital against -English attack were now to be employed for the defence of the citizens -against their fellow-countrymen. - -At this critical moment the evils of France were suddenly multiplied by -the rising of a class for which neither king, nobles, nor citizens had -done anything. The [Sidenote: The Jacquerie.] serfs or villeins of -France had suffered terrible hardships within the last decade. Their -numbers had been decimated by the Black Death, and the survivors had to -add to their own tasks the work of those who had perished. Their -hard-won savings had been wrung from them to pay the ransom of their -lords, who had fallen into the hands of the English at Poitiers or -elsewhere. The lands from which they extracted a scanty living were -devastated by the mercenary soldiers in peace as well as in war. -Despairing of redress, they determined, at any rate, to avenge their -sufferings. The story of their revolt is one of almost unredeemed -horror. It began in the district of Beauvais, and rapidly spread over -Champagne, Picardy, and the Ile-de-France. Castles were burned; men, -women, and even children were tortured and put to death. But the nobles -soon recovered from the first panic, and took arms against enemies whom -they now loathed as much as they had previously despised them. The -ill-armed peasants were unable to face the trained men-at-arms, and the -suppression of the revolt was as murderous and destructive as its -outbreak. - -There was little real sympathy between peasants and bourgeois. They had, -it is true, a common enemy in the nobles, and Marcel had tried to use -the Jacquerie as a diversion in his own favour. But he gave no efficient -aid to his allies, and his half-hearted connection only brought upon -himself the discredit and disaster of their ruinous defeat. From the -victorious troops of the nobles the regent was able to form an army for -the reduction of his rebellious capital. The citizens were bellicose, -but they were not warlike, and it was necessary to bring trained troops -to [Sidenote: Siege of Paris.] the aid of their undisciplined valour. -Charles of Navarre was appointed captain-general of Paris, and brought a -mercenary army for its defence. But the king’s aims were as purely -selfish as ever. While professing to defend the city, he was negotiating -with the regent for its surrender. Such proceedings excited serious -mistrust, which was increased by quarrels between the citizens and the -soldiers of Navarre. At last the king left Paris for St. Denis, and -further resistance seemed almost hopeless. The citizens were willing to -make terms, but the Dauphin would not negotiate with the murderer of the -marshals. Marcel felt that in such a dilemma he could no longer trust -his followers. A party was already formed within the city which was -hostile to his continued ascendency, and in favour of restoring the -royal authority. If the citizens had to choose between their own safety -and the interests of their provost, their choice could not be long -delayed. There was only one apparent means of escape, and Marcel -clutched at it. He offered to surrender Paris to Charles of Navarre, and -to proclaim him King of France. But on the very night when this -treacherous design was to be carried out, Marcel was assassinated by one -of his [Sidenote: Murder of Marcel.] own followers (July 31, 1358). It -is easy to see and condemn the errors of his later career, but his name -will always be memorable in French history as the leader of the most -notable attempt, before 1789, to give to France a constitutional form of -government. - -Two days after the death of Marcel the regent Charles entered Paris, and -the restoration of the royal authority was signalised by the severe -punishment of its chief opponents. In the next year Charles bought off -the King of Navarre, who had lost all hopes of gaining the crown with -the collapse of the bourgeois revolution. There still remained the war -with England. During the truce John had been negotiating for his -release, and in 1359 he agreed to the cession of nearly the whole of -northern and western France. But the Dauphin was of opinion that the -mutilation of his inheritance was too high a price to pay for his -father’s liberty. He convened the States-General, now the docile -instrument of the prince whose authority had been so recently defied by -its predecessors. The so-called treaty of London was unanimously -rejected, and Edward III. had no alternative but to renew the war. He -collected an enormous army for the invasion of France in October, 1359. -But the Dauphin had learned a lesson from experience, and would fight no -more battles like Crecy and Poitiers. The English army [Sidenote: -English invasion, 1359.] advanced to Rheims, but found the city too -strongly defended. An attack upon Burgundy was repelled, not by arms, -but by the payment of a large sum of money. Edward marched against -Paris, but the Dauphin refused to quit the shelter of the walls, and the -invaders had to turn westwards to Chartres. The country had been so -desolated by war and pestilence that it was difficult to feed the army, -the season was wet and unfavourable, and Edward III., finding that his -army was wasting away without gaining any success, agreed to negotiate. -By the treaty of Bretigni (May 8, 1360) he renounced [Sidenote: Treaty -of Bretigni.] his claims to the French throne and to the Norman and -Plantagenet provinces north of the Loire. In return he was to enjoy full -sovereignty, without any homage to the French king, in his own conquest -of Calais, and in the possessions which Eleanor had brought to Henry -II., viz. Guienne, Gascony, Poitou, Saintonge, and a number of smaller -territories. France was to renounce the Scottish, and England the -Flemish alliance. The ransom of King John was fixed at three million -crowns, to be paid in six yearly instalments. On receipt of the first -instalment the king was to be released, but hostages were to be given -for the payment of the remainder. It was not easy to raise the ransom -from exhausted France; but Galeazzo Visconti was opportunely willing to -pay six hundred thousand gold florins to gain for his son the hand of a -French princess, and this bargain with the Milanese despot enabled John -to return to his kingdom. He seems, however, to have found the cares of -government a disagreeable burden after the comparative gaiety of his -imprisonment in London. In 1363 his second son, Louis of Anjou, escaped -from Calais, whither he had gone as one of his father’s hostages. John -seized the opportunity to parade a chivalrous regard for his plighted -word, and at the same time to abandon duties which had become difficult -and distasteful. Leaving the regency once more to his eldest son, he -sailed to England in January 1364, and died in London three months -later. Before his departure he had done one act which is of cardinal -importance in the history of France. In 1361 a return of the plague had -carried off Philip de Rouvre, the childless ruler of Burgundy, -Franche-Comté, and Artois. The two latter provinces, which had come to -Philip through the female line, passed to Margaret of Flanders, but the -duchy [Sidenote: Duchy of Burgundy.] of Burgundy escheated to the crown. -A prudent king would have retained the direct rule of so valuable a -possession; but John, with reckless generosity, gave it away to his -fourth son Philip, who had fought boldly by his side at Poitiers, and -had shared his captivity. This Philip the Bold is the founder of the -great line of the Valois Dukes of Burgundy. - -The new king, Charles V., had been the practical ruler of France since -the battle of Poitiers. During those eight years [Sidenote: Government -of Charles V.] he had learned from harsh experience many lessons which -stood him in good stead when circumstances enabled him to gain some -success. The very weakness of his bodily health, which contemporaries -attributed to poison administered by Charles of Navarre during their -early friendship, debarred him from the active exercises of chivalry, -and impelled him to cultivate his mental faculties. Fragile, timid, a -stranger to the joys of the tournament and the battle-field, he seems -strangely out of place in the days of the Black Prince and Bertrand du -Guesclin, of John Chandos and the Captal de Buch. Yet Charles V. is the -greatest of the Valois kings before Louis XI., and must be reckoned -among the founders of modern France. His chief task was to restore the -despotic power of the crown, which had been so rudely shaken between -1355 and 1358. Arbitrary taxation was to supersede the grant of supplies -by the estates; military and civil officials were to be royal nominees; -even the local assessors and collectors of taxes were to be under the -supervision and control of the crown. Only once did the States-General -meet during the reign, and then they were summoned merely to strengthen -the king’s hands. But the despotism of Charles V. was a capable and -orderly government, wholly different from that of his predecessors. It -is curious to note how this absolute king adopts and turns to his own -advantage the expedients of his enemies. He reimposed the _gabelle_ on -salt, and the _aides_ or taxes on the sale of commodities, the two -financial expedients of the States of 1355. He retained the _élus_, the -local collectors whom the States had nominated to levy these charges, -though he was careful to take their appointment into his own hands. He -gave tardy expression to the will of the estates by putting an end to -the debasement of the currency, the worst of all grievances, and by -imposing strict limitations on the right of purveyance. When his -brother, Louis of Anjou, provoked discontent by his brutal -administration in Languedoc, Charles did not hesitate to dismiss him -from the governorship, and to grant redress to the complainants. Such a -government was a great and a novel boon in the fourteenth century, and -it is only on its financial side that it is open to hostile criticism. -The expenses, both civil and military, were enormous, and the people -were subjected to a heavier burden of taxation than they had ever -experienced before. And the taxes were not only excessive in amount and -arbitrary in their imposition, they were also oppressive and unequal. To -increase the receipts from the _gabelle_, Charles V. introduced the -practice of requiring every family to purchase at least a fixed amount -of salt from the royal granaries; and the principle of equality, which -is enjoined in his ordinances, was infringed by the frequent grant or -sale of exemptions, sometimes to a class, sometimes to a district or a -corporation. It is these exemptions, multiplied as time goes on, which -make the financial system of France, down to the Revolution, so unjust, -so disorderly, and so inefficient. And Charles V. was also responsible -for a disastrous innovation. His predecessors had received a revenue -from customs duties levied on the frontiers of their kingdom. Charles -was the first to hamper domestic trade by imposing customs on the -transit from one province to another. - -But in spite of these drawbacks the administration of Charles V. was -eminently successful, and it was this success which led his subjects to -approve, or even to welcome, the [Sidenote: The French welcome absolute -rule.] arbitrary character of his rule. A people which had suffered from -every kind of misfortune, from foreign invasion, pestilence, and civil -strife, as the French had done in the middle of the fourteenth century, -is never very eager to limit the power of a capable ruler. What it needs -is a government which will maintain order at home, and retrieve the -national honour by victories over foreign foes; and to such a government -much will be forgiven. If the English had reason to approve the personal -rule of the Tudor sovereigns, the French a century earlier had -infinitely more reason to support a king who gratified their most -imperious desires. For not only did Charles V. remedy the most glaring -defects of his predecessors’ administration, but this most unmilitary of -kings was able to gain triumphs over the hated English which a few years -before must have seemed impossible. - -The first opportunity for an indirect renewal of the strife with England -was offered by affairs in Brittany. The treaty [Sidenote: War in -Brittany.] of Bretigni had left unsettled the long struggle between John -de Montfort and Charles of Blois, and England and France were not -pledged to abandon the cause of their respective candidates. In the very -year of his accession Charles V. determined to strike a vigorous blow in -favour of the House of Blois, and sent Bertrand du Guesclin, whose -military genius he had already detected, to lead a considerable force -into Brittany. But this first enterprise was not crowned with success. -The superior discipline of the English mercenaries enabled them to gain -a decisive victory in the hard-fought battle of Aurai (September 29, -1364). Charles of Blois was slain, and Bertrand du Guesclin was left a -prisoner in the hands of John Chandos. To prevent a complete transfer of -the allegiance of Brittany to the English king Charles V. found it -necessary to negotiate, and in April, 1365, John de Montfort was -recognised as duke, with the proviso that if he died without male issue -the duchy should pass to the eldest son of Charles of Blois. - -More important in its ultimate results was French intervention in -Castile. The government of Peter the Cruel had excited the bitter enmity -of his subjects, who [Sidenote: War in Castile.] found a champion in the -king’s bastard half-brother, Henry of Trastamara. Henry appealed for aid -to France, and Charles V. welcomed the opportunity to rid his country of -the hated free companies. Bertrand du Guesclin, who had been ransomed -from his captors, raised an army among these professional soldiers, and -crossed the Pyrenees at the end of 1365. The task of the invaders was -facilitated by a general revolt of the Castilians. Henry of Trastamara -was crowned king, and Peter fled to Bordeaux to implore English -assistance. The Black Prince was conscious that French ascendency in the -Spanish peninsula threatened his duchy of Aquitaine, and chivalrous -motives impelled him to support a legitimate king against a usurper. -Peter made the most lavish promises of pay to his auxiliaries, and the -Black Prince became surety for the good faith of his guest. In 1367 all -preparations were complete, and the treacherous Charles of Navarre gave -a passage through his kingdom to the invaders. Between Najara and -Navarrette, not far from the later battle-field of Vittoria, a complete -victory was won over the French and Castilian forces. Du Guesclin was -once more a captive, Peter the Cruel recovered his crown, and Henry of -Trastamara had to seek safety in exile. But Peter proved to be as -faithless as he was cruel. He declined to fulfil his promises to allies -who seemed to be no longer necessary, and the English prince was in -great straits to satisfy the soldiers who had trusted in his surety. To -make matters worse the troops were wasted with disease, and the Black -Prince himself contracted a fever which remained in his blood and led to -his early death. With his temper embittered and his health broken, he -led the remnants of his army back to Gascony. His departure was followed -by a new revolution in Castile. Henry of Trastamara returned to reclaim -the crown, and du Guesclin, whom the Black Prince imprudently allowed to -pay a second ransom, once more entered his service. In 1369 the French -troops won the battle of Montiel, and in a personal interview which -followed Peter was stabbed to the heart by his half-brother. Thus all -the fruits of the battle of Najara were lost, and a king was seated in -Castile who was pledged to the French alliance. - -These events in Castile encouraged Charles V. to carry out a -long-cherished design for the reconquest of the English [Sidenote: -Renewal of English war.] provinces. A pretext for a rupture was found in -the discontent which was excited in Aquitaine by the heavy taxes levied -by the Black Prince to defray the expenses of his Spanish expedition. In -1368 several of the Gascon nobles, regardless of the treaty of Bretigni, -appealed to Charles V., as their suzerain, to redress their grievances. -Charles delayed a final rupture until he had made his preparations, and -had heard of the triumph of his ally in Castile. In 1369 he summoned the -Black Prince to appear in Paris to answer the complaints of his subjects -before the court of peers. Edward replied grimly that he would willingly -go to Paris, but with sixty thousand men in his company. It was easier, -however, to utter the threat than to carry it out. The conditions which -had enabled the English to gain some conspicuous successes in the -earlier war were now altered, and to some extent reversed. The wise -government of Charles V. had already removed many of the administrative -evils which had crippled France under his grandfather and his father. -Thanks to du Guesclin, the French king could now put into the field a -professional army under capable leaders, in place of the disorderly -feudal levies which had been cut to pieces at Crecy and Poitiers. The -Black Prince was no longer the active and resolute commander that he had -shown himself before his illness, and he lost some of his most capable -lieutenants, notably Chandos, who died in 1370. The provinces ceded at -Bretigni had had some years’ experience of English rule, and their -discontent was stimulated by a growing sense of national sympathy with -the rest of France. Another very prominent cause of the reversal of -military success in the years following 1369 is to be found in the -cautious tactics deliberately adopted and enforced by Charles V. -himself. For an invading army victory is imperatively necessary; for the -defenders it is enough not to be defeated. Charles forbade his generals, -no matter what provocation they received, to risk an engagement in the -open field. They were to shut their troops in the strong towns, and to -leave the English armies to be wasted by disease, by want of provisions, -and by the difficulty of coercing a [Sidenote: English disasters.] -hostile population. As the invaders departed, the French could harass -their march, cut off stragglers and supplies, and occupy the territory -which the enemy was compelled to evacuate. These tactics were eminently -successful, and they were immensely aided by the support of the -Castilian fleet, which enabled the French to gain a temporary naval -ascendency. This deprived the English of direct communication with the -coast of Aquitaine, and forced them to carry on military operations at a -disastrous distance from their ultimate base of supplies. Almost the -only English success was the capture of Limoges in 1370 by the Black -Prince, who blackened his own reputation by ordering an indiscriminate -massacre of the inhabitants. Soon afterwards he was compelled by illness -to return to England, and to resign his duchy of Aquitaine, which he -never revisited. In 1372 the English fleet, which was carrying an army -under the Earl of Pembroke to Bordeaux, was destroyed off La Rochelle by -the combined naval forces of France and Castile. A new and larger force -was prepared in 1373 under John of Gaunt, but in consequence of this -maritime disaster it was necessary to land the troops at Calais. Thence -John of Gaunt marched right across France, but he found no enemy to beat -in the field, and he could not take a single fortress. Meanwhile his -troops melted away through desertion, disease, and famine. A defeated -army could hardly have been in a more lamentable condition than that of -which a scanty and impoverished remnant succeeded in reaching Bordeaux. -The failure of this great effort on the part of England was decisive. -Already several provinces had been practically lost, and by 1374, of all -the vast possessions which had been gained at Bretigni, there remained -only Calais in the north, and the strip of land stretching from Bordeaux -to Bayonne. In 1375 the Pope succeeded in negotiating a truce for two -years, and before its expiry both the Black Prince and Edward III. had -died, and England, bitterly chagrined at such complete and unexpected -disasters, had passed under the rule of a child. - -In 1378 hostilities were resumed, though the English wished to prolong -the truce, and it seemed almost inevitable that Charles V. would -complete his task of expelling [Sidenote: Last years of Charles V.] the -foreigner from French soil. The English had no longer any allies in -France. John de Montfort, who had clung to his old protectors ever since -the outbreak of war in 1369, had been expelled from Brittany, which was -now almost wholly occupied by royal troops. Charles of Navarre, who had -been a traitor to both sides in turn, discovered his mistake in allowing -the English power to be so completely depressed, and opened negotiations -with John of Gaunt for a joint effort to recover the lost provinces. But -between France and Castile the King of Navarre found himself powerless. -The royal troops seized the strong places which he possessed in France, -while the Castilians entered Navarre and laid siege to Pampeluna. -Charles the Bad was deserted even by his own son, and was forced to make -a humiliating peace in 1378. If the French forces had now been -concentrated on the reduction of Bordeaux and Bayonne, and if the -Castilian fleet had been employed to cut off reinforcements by sea, the -English must have lost their last strongholds in Aquitaine. But Charles -V. was tempted by his successes to undertake a more ambitious -project—the annexation of the duchy of Brittany to the royal domain. -Such a plan at once raised the whole of Brittany against him. The -supporters of the House of Blois, who had fought for the king against de -Montfort, were resolute to defend the independence of their province. -The great soldiers of France, Bertrand du Guesclin and Olivier de -Clisson, were Bretons by birth, and though they obeyed the royal orders, -their action in Brittany was reluctant and inefficient. The rebellion -was wholly successful; John de Montfort was restored to his duchy, and -was even welcomed by the widowed Countess of Blois, who had so long -championed the cause of her husband against him. This failure in -Brittany was a bitter disappointment to Charles V., and his chagrin was -increased by the death of Bertrand du Guesclin. The king himself did not -long survive his most brilliant and faithful servant, and at the time of -his death (September 16, 1380), the English still possessed a foothold -in the north and south of France, which enabled them to make disastrous -use of the disorders of the next reign. - -Footnote 5: - - See above, p. 64. - -Footnote 6: - - Charles had been created by his father Duke of Normandy as well as - Dauphin of Vienne. It is shorter and simpler to call him the Dauphin, - though to contemporaries he was known by his higher title. - - - - - CHAPTER V - LEWIS THE BAVARIAN AND THE AVIGNON POPES, 1314-1347 - - - Disputed election to the Empire—Quarrel between Lewis IV. and John - XXII.—The Franciscans and the Pope—The Heresy of the Beatific - Vision—National feeling in Germany—Causes of the failure of Lewis as - Emperor—The Expedition of the Emperor to Italy—Lewis supports the - Anti-Pope—His retirement from Italy—His position in 1338—The - Succession question in the Tyrol—Election of Charles IV.—Death of - Lewis. - -The death of the Emperor Henry VII. (1313) gave occasion for one of -those disputed elections which were almost inevitable as [Sidenote: -Disputed election in the Empire.] long as there was no central power -strong enough to control German factions, and as long as the rules or -custom of election were uncertain and ill-defined. The Hapsburgs eagerly -grasped at the opportunity of recovering the power they had lost by the -death of Albert I. Their opponents, headed as before by Baldwin of -Trier, passed over John of Bohemia on account of his youth, and put -forward as their candidate Lewis, Duke of Upper Bavaria. The rival -forces were not ill-balanced. On October 19, 1314, Frederick the -Handsome, son of Albert I., was chosen at Sachsenhausen by the -Archbishop of Köln, Henry of Carinthia, still claiming the crown of -Bohemia (see p. 18), the Elector Palatine, and the Duke of -Saxe-Wittenberg. On the following day five electors—the Archbishops of -Mainz and Trier, John of Bohemia, Margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg, and -the Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg—gave their votes at Frankfurt in favour of -Lewis the Bavarian. Thus two votes—those of Saxony and Bohemia—were cast -by rival claimants upon both sides. On November 25, a double coronation -took place: Frederick being crowned at Bonn, and Lewis at Aachen. The -dispute could only be settled by arms; and a desultory war, lasting for -seven years, was closed in 1322 by the battle of Mühldorf, where the -capture of his rival seemed to secure the final victory of Lewis. - -But the very completeness of Lewis’s triumph only served to provoke a -far more formidable enemy than the Hapsburg duke. As long as the war -lasted in Germany, the Pope had been content to pursue his policy of -strengthening the Guelf party in Italy, confident that his Ghibelline -opponents could receive no assistance from beyond the Alps. Clement V., -on hearing of the death of Henry VII., had seized the opportunity to -claim the administration, and to grant the office of imperial vicar -during the vacancy to his patron and ally, Robert of Naples. John XXII., -who succeeded Clement in 1316, after an interregnum of over two years, -continued his predecessor’s policy. But Robert of Naples could only just -hold his own against the Visconti and other Ghibelline leaders; and the -battle of Mühldorf seemed likely to turn the scale decisively against -the Guelfs. In his partisanship for the Angevin cause, John XXII. -determined to revive the most extreme claims of the mediæval Papacy. On -the pretext that he had [Sidenote: Quarrel of Lewis IV. and John XXII.] -the right to decide the disputed election, and that neither claimant -could assume the imperial office without his sanction, he called upon -Lewis to plead his cause before the Roman Curia (1323), and, when he -failed to appear, pronounced him contumacious and finally proceeded to -issue a bull of excommunication against him. Thus commenced a struggle -between the Empire and Papacy which was continued under the pontificates -of Benedict XII. (1334-1342) and Clement VI., and was hardly terminated -by the death of Lewis in 1347. - -In many ways this struggle looks like a revival of past struggles -between Emperors and Popes, and to raise the old questions as to the -relations of Church and State. But if it [Sidenote: Peculiarities of the -quarrel.] is examined a little closer, it will be found to differ in -several important respects from its predecessors, and to present -peculiar characteristics of its own. In the first place, the dispute -arises from more petty causes, and the combatants are of lesser mould -than the protagonists of earlier times. There is no Hildebrand or -Innocent III. among the Avignon Popes, and Lewis the Bavarian lacks both -the courage and the imposing personality of Frederick Barbarossa or -Frederick II. The pretensions of the rival powers are less far-reaching -and exalted; and if at times we find the language of the past reproduced -in the papal bulls, it sounds unreal and almost ridiculous. No more -conclusive illustration of the decline of both Papacy and Empire can be -presented than the impression of unreality and insignificance produced -on the mind by the records of this long and obstinate contest. - -Yet it is hardly probable that this impression was shared by -contemporary spectators. To them the struggle must have seemed to -involve questions of vital importance. No previous contest between the -rival heads of Christendom had produced so much literature, or -literature of such merit and significance. Michael of Cesena, the -general of the Franciscan Order, John of Jandun, and William of Ockham, -‘The Invincible Doctor,’ exhausted the subtleties of the scholastic -philosophy in their championship of the imperial position against papal -pretensions. Above all, Marsiglio of Padua, in his great work the -_Defensor Pacis_, examined with equal acuteness and insight the -fundamental relations of the spiritual and secular powers, and laid down -principles which were destined to find at any rate partial expression in -the Reformation.[7] - -This outburst of literary and philosophical activity was due in great -part to the fact that for the first time in the long strife between -Papacy and Empire, the struggle involved doctrinal differences. Hitherto -the contest had been between Church and State, and the Church had been -for the most part united. But, on the present occasion, the Church was -profoundly divided. The great Franciscan Order had been founded by the -professed advocate of clerical poverty. In course of time this original -principle [Sidenote: The Franciscans and the Pope.] had been departed -from, and the Order had amassed considerable wealth, though it had been -found desirable to conceal the change by making the Pope the trustee, -and giving the Order the mere usufruct of its property. This lapse from -the strictness of the original rules had given rise to a schism within -the Order. The Spiritual Franciscans, or Fraticelli, maintained that -Christ and the Apostles held no individual or corporate property, and -that the Church was bound to copy the examples of its founders. This -doctrine, which was accepted by a chapter of the Order in 1322, was not -likely to find favour with a Pope who was accused, with good reason, of -avarice. John XXII., urged on by the Dominicans, denounced the doctrine -as heretical, and thereby alienated the Franciscans, who could plead in -their favour a bull of Nicolas III., and appealed from the authority of -the Pope to a General Council of the Church. In common hostility to John -XXII., the Franciscans espoused the cause of Lewis the Bavarian, and it -was among them that he found his most enthusiastic champions, and his -most influential advisers. - -This antagonism of a section of the Church to its own head seemed likely -to be increased in John XXII.’s later years, when he was induced to -favour the [Sidenote: Heresy of the Beatific Vision.] dogma that the -dead are not admitted to the divine presence until after the final day -of judgment. This contention struck at the root of the prevalent custom -of invoking the mediation of the saints, and provoked a storm of -opposition throughout Europe. Even the French king threatened to abandon -the cause of so heterodox a Pope, and on his death-bed John found it -prudent or necessary to retract his too hasty opinion. - -It is obvious that these doctrinal disputes weakened the Papacy, and so -far tended to give the Emperor an advantage. But this gain to Lewis was -as nothing compared with the strength which he derived from the most -noteworthy peculiarity of the struggle. In all previous contests with -the Empire, the Popes had been able to command the services of an -anti-imperial party within Germany, and this party had included not only -the great ecclesiastics, but many of the lay princes. But in the great -critical moments of the struggle with Lewis, this was found to be -impossible. For the first time in history the German ruler found himself -[Sidenote: National sentiment in Germany.] backed up by a vigorous -national sentiment among his subjects, a sentiment quite as strong as -that which had supported Philip IV. of France against Boniface VIII. The -primary cause of this unwonted union among German princes and people was -undoubtedly the residence at Avignon and the subservience of the Popes -to France. The national revolt against a spiritual authority which -allowed itself to become the tool of a hostile state, led in England to -the issue of the great statutes of Provisors and Præmunire, and found -equally resolute expression in Germany in the famous decrees of 1338. -Benedict XII., more moderate and placable than his predecessor, had been -on the verge of a reconciliation with the Emperor, but was actually -forbidden to put an end to the quarrel by the imperious Philip VI. This -open dictation on the part of the French king drove the Germans to fury. -In July, 1338, all the electors with the exception of the King of -Bohemia met at Rense on the Rhine, and formally resolved that the -imperial authority proceeds directly from God, and that the prince who -is legally chosen by the electors becomes king and emperor without any -further ceremony or confirmation. This meeting is noteworthy in the -constitutional history of Germany as the first occasion on which the -electors assumed corporate functions other than the filling of a vacancy -in the throne. In the following month, a numerously attended diet at -Frankfort endorsed the declaration of Rense, and proceeded to draw up -laws which should strengthen the central power. The punishment of death -is decreed against all breakers of the public peace: the feudal tenant -who takes arms against his imperial overlord is declared to forfeit both -life and property: whoever refuses to take up arms at the summons of the -Emperor is pronounced guilty of felony. The decrees of Frankfort seem to -promise a revival of the German monarchy. - -In spite of all these advantages on the side of the Emperor, the quarrel -ended, not exactly in a papal triumph, yet in the complete and -humiliating discomfiture of Lewis. Doubtless the personal character of -the Emperor [Sidenote: Causes of Lewis’s failure.] contributed -essentially to this result. Lewis was well-meaning but vacillating: he -could take strenuous measures under the influence of a stronger will, -but when he lost his adviser his habitual irresolution and his -superstitious dread of the terrors of excommunication returned upon him. -To carry through the contest he required the firmness, the intellectual -craft, and the want of reverence of a Philip the Fair; and he had none -of these qualities. On more than one critical occasion, when success -seemed within his grasp, he alienated and disgusted his supporters by -grovelling offers to purchase absolution by surrendering all the -principles which were at stake in the quarrel. Moreover, the doctrinal -disputes in which he became involved, although a source of weakness to -the Pope, were not an equal source of strength to the Emperor. The -Franciscans had many powerful opponents, especially in the great rival -Order of St. Dominic, and these were alienated from the Emperor by his -alliance with a faction in the Church. The Franciscan cause rested upon -an unpractical enthusiasm which could not command the lasting support of -the clergy, accustomed as they were to wealth and to the influence which -it confers. And in the end, the strong corporate spirit of the Church -was inevitably aroused and alienated by the spectacle of a secular ruler -interfering in questions of dogma, and claiming a right of -interpretation and decision. - -There was, too, in the Emperor’s position a fundamental weakness which, -unless detected and remedied, was inevitably fatal to his success. -Neither Lewis nor the Franciscan advisers who in the early years of the -struggle dictated his conduct, could realise that the conditions of the -Middle Ages were passing away. They could not see that the old imperial -pretensions were obsolete; that intervention in Italy had always brought -ruin to German kings; that even in Italy the Guelfs had the stronger, -because the less anti-national, position; and that the Ghibellines, the -professed champions of imperial ascendency, only pursued this policy for -their own ends, and had no real desire to weaken their independence by -the foundation of a strong Italian monarchy. Lewis had an almost unique -opportunity of building up such a monarchy in Germany, not on the lines -of the mediæval Empire, but on the basis of the newly awakened national -sentiment and sympathy. This opportunity he threw away because he had no -conception of the conditions under which alone such success could be -attained. Instead of endeavouring to rule as an Edward I. or a Philip -IV., he set himself to imitate the Ottos of the tenth century. - -In 1325 Germany was astounded by the news that Lewis had been formally -reconciled with his imprisoned rival. It is true that the treaty was not -carried out, and Frederick, unable to fulfil his promises in face of the -opposition of his brothers, returned to captivity. But in the following -year the death of Leopold, the most resolute and active of the Hapsburg -princes, removed all danger to Lewis from this quarter, and enabled him -to follow the advice of his Franciscan counsellors and to take -aggressive measures against the Pope. In 1327 the Emperor appeared -[Sidenote: Lewis in Italy.] at Trent, where he was welcomed by the -Ghibelline leaders eager to have his assistance against Robert of -Naples. At Milan he received the iron crown of Lombardy, and thence, -accompanied by Castruccio Castracani, Lord of Lucca, he set out for -Rome. The Guelf cause seemed to be ruined in northern and central Italy, -and the partisans of the Pope and Naples fled from the city. In January, -1328, Lewis was crowned Emperor by two bishops, whose chief -qualification was that they shared with their patron the penalties of -excommunication. Three months were spent in planning further -proceedings, and in April John XXII. was formally declared uncanonically -elected and guilty of heresy. In May, Peter di Corvara, a Franciscan -friar, nominated by the Emperor and accepted by the acclamations of the -citizens, assumed the papal title as Nicolas V. - -This initiation of a schism in the interests of the Franciscan party -marks the limit of the Emperor’s success in Italy. He had committed -himself to an enterprise which he had neither the moral nor the material -force to carry through. His immediate enemy, Robert of Naples, had not -yet been even attacked. When the imperial troops advanced southwards in -June, they were speedily compelled to retreat, and Lewis thought it -advisable to evacuate Rome and retire to the Ghibelline strongholds in -the north. The Emperor was accompanied by his Antipope, and the Roman -populace, with characteristic inconstancy, expelled the imperial -partisans and opened their gates to the Orsini and the Neapolitan -troops. To make matters worse, death carried off two of Lewis’s chief -advisers, Castruccio Castracani and Marsiglio of Padua. From this time -his career in Italy was one long catalogue of blunders, and he eagerly -seized the excuse for returning to Germany on the news of the death of -his former rival, Frederick the Handsome (January, 1330). The -unfortunate Nicolas V., deserted by his patron, was compelled to resign -his dignity and to make the most humiliating submission to John XXII. He -ended his life a prisoner in the palace of Avignon. - -After such a complete and disastrous failure it might have been thought -that the cause of Lewis was ruined, and that he too would have to submit -to the triumphant Pope. But the open alliance of the Papacy with France, -and the consequent alienation of Germany, enabled him to recover much of -the lost ground, and by 1338 his position appeared [Sidenote: Position -of Lewis in 1338.] to be firmer than ever. At the head of a national -movement, which had expressed its sentiments unmistakably in the decrees -of Rense and Frankfort, and closely allied with Edward III. of England, -who was now committed to his great war with France, Lewis seemed able to -dictate his own terms both to Benedict XII. and Philip VI. - -But Lewis was as incapable as ever of pursuing a resolute and consistent -course of policy, and at the very moment when success seemed assured he -began to vacillate and draw back. In 1340 he suddenly abandoned the -English alliance and made terms with Philip VI., in the hope that the -French king would use his influence to secure for him the papal -absolution. Philip, delighted to be freed from a very pressing danger, -did endeavour to intercede with the Pope, but even the gentle Benedict -fired up at this attempt to command what the king had previously -forbidden; and the Pope died in April 1342, without having granted the -Emperor the pardon for which he craved. The Germans were naturally -disgusted by Lewis’s pusillanimity, but this feeling was as nothing -compared to the storm of indignation excited by the Emperor’s conduct in -the question of Tyrol. The final cause of Lewis’s failure is to be found -in his reckless pursuit of that policy of family aggrandisement which -had been almost forced upon the holders of the imperial dignity since -the Great Interregnum. In his insatiable greed for territory, he did not -hesitate to alienate the chief German princes at a time when their -support was absolutely indispensable. - -In 1335 Henry, Duke of Carinthia and Count of Tyrol, had died leaving an -only daughter, Margaret Maultasch, who [Sidenote: Succession question in -Tyrol.] was married to John Henry of Moravia, a son of King John of -Bohemia. The claim of Margaret to succeed to her father’s territories -was contested by the dukes of Austria, whose father, Albert I., had -married the sister of Henry of Carinthia. The struggle for the -succession between the Houses of Hapsburg and Luxemburg ended in a -partition, the Hapsburg dukes taking Carinthia, while Tyrol was ceded to -their niece Margaret. But the marriage relations of Margaret and John -Henry proved extremely inharmonious, and in 1341 the former discarded -her husband and threw herself upon the protection of the Emperor. The -temptation to acquire a new province for his House was more than Lewis -could resist. He had already in 1323, on the death of Waldemar of -Brandenburg, conferred the vacant provinces and electorate on his eldest -son Lewis. On the death of his cousins, the sons of Henry of Lower -Bavaria, he had seized their land and had thus united the whole of -Bavaria under his own rule. To these acquisitions he would now add the -county of Tyrol. In reckless defiance of ecclesiastical prejudice, he -usurped rights which had hitherto been exercised by the Church. By -solemn decree he granted Margaret a divorce from her husband, and a -dispensation to marry his own son, Lewis of Brandenburg. - -The consequences of this reckless action might have been foreseen. The -clergy were alienated by the assumption of clerical powers by a layman, -while the lay princes, headed by John of Bohemia, were jealously -indignant at such an addition to the already immense possessions of the -Bavarian House. The new Pope, Clement VI., found himself at last in a -position to raise an anti-imperial party in Germany, and to bring about -the election of a rival king. But for the fact that Philip VI. was now -engaged in the war with England, Clement, who was a thorough Frenchman, -would probably have used all his influence to secure the election of the -French king. As it was, it was natural to find a candidate in the House -of Luxemburg, which had most cause for exasperation with Lewis, and was -also closely allied with France. John of Bohemia himself was -disqualified by blindness, having lost his eyesight in a campaign -against the heathen Wends of Prussia, but his eldest son, Charles, was -put forward in his [Sidenote: Election of Charles IV., 1346.] place. The -only electors who supported Lewis were his own son, Lewis of -Brandenburg, and the Archbishop of Mainz, Henry of Virneburg. The Pope, -to secure another vote, deposed the archbishop, and awarded his see to -Gerlach of Nassau. On June 11, 1346, the three Archbishops, with John of -Bohemia and Rudolf of Saxony, formally elected Charles as king of the -Romans. With characteristic quixotism the blind king, instead of -asserting his son’s title with arms, hurried the new king off to France -to aid his ally, Philip VI. On the field of Crecy John of Bohemia fell -in heroic despair, but Charles IV., whose share in the battle is wrapped -in some obscurity, escaped to Germany to maintain his title. - -Meanwhile Lewis had made the last great addition to the territories of -his family. His second wife, Margaret, was a sister of William IV. of -Holland and Hainault, and [Sidenote: Death of Lewis, 1347.] on the death -of that prince in 1345 his possessions fell to William V., a son of -Lewis by this second marriage. The House of Wittelsbach seemed for the -moment so powerful that it need fear no rival, and the injudicious -absence of the Luxemburg princes had enabled Lewis to strengthen himself -still further by an alliance with Albert of Austria. Charles found his -position almost hopeless. An attack upon Tyrol was repulsed, and he was -forced to retire to Bohemia. Lewis, confident of an easy triumph, left -the prosecution of the campaign to the Margrave of Brandenburg and -returned to Bavaria, where he died suddenly on October 11, 1347, while -engaged in a boar-hunt near Munich. - -Footnote 7: - - See on this subject Riezler, _Die Literarischen Widersacher der Päpste - zur Zeit Ludwigs des Baiers_, and Creighton, _History of the Papacy - during the Reformation_, i. pp. 35-41. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - CHARLES IV. AND THE GOLDEN BULL - - - Charles IV. secures the German Crown—His rule in Bohemia—His - coronation in Italy—Difficulties in Germany—The Golden Bull—The - Papacy and the Golden Bull—The results of the Golden Bull—The - intentions of Charles IV.—The Territorial Policy of Charles IV.—The - Succession question in Upper Bavaria—The election and coronation of - Wenzel—The Swabian League—The Great Schism—Death of Charles - IV.—Partition of the Luxemburg territories. - -When Charles IV. returned from the campaign in France, which had cost -his father’s life, he seemed to have very little [Sidenote: Position of -Charles IV. in 1347.] chance of gaining the imperial throne, to which he -had been elected by the opponents of Lewis the Bavarian. It is true that -Bohemia was rich in mineral wealth, but in territorial power the House -of Luxemburg was no match for the House of Wittelsbach, whose various -members ruled over the Palatinate, the whole of Bavaria, the marks of -Brandenburg, Tyrol, and the border districts of Hainault, Holland, -Zeeland, Friesland, and Utrecht. The second son of Lewis, Stephen, was -head of the powerful Swabian League, and the imperial towns were all on -the side of the Bavarian Emperor. The electors who had given Charles -their votes were not prepared to make any sacrifices in his cause, and -Albert of Austria, the most powerful of the non-electoral princes, was -committed to the cause of Lewis. The chief ally to whom Charles might -have looked for support was the French king; but Philip VI. was fully -occupied in the war with Edward III., and was thus unable to take any -part in the affairs of Germany. - -And Charles had another great disadvantage in his relations to the -Papacy. In return for the support of Clement VI. he had made very -extreme concessions in a treaty arranged at Avignon in April 1346. He -had admitted that the imperial coronation must follow confirmation of -the election by the Pope; he had promised that he would only go to Rome -with the Pope’s consent, and would only stay there a single day; the -Pope was to be arbiter in the disputes between the Empire and France. It -is true that this treaty had not been published: and it is also true -that Lewis had more than once offered even greater concessions as the -price of absolution. Still, it was patent to all that Charles was the -Papal candidate; and the injudicious boast of Clement that he held the -imperial throne in his gift was not likely to conciliate German princes -and people who had so energetically protested against spiritual -dictation from Avignon. The imperial cities refused to open their gates -to the _Pfaffen-Kaiser_, or ‘parson’s emperor,’ as they called him in -derision. - -While affairs were in this almost hopeless condition, three events -occurred which greatly improved Charles’s prospects. The first was the -sudden death of his rival, Lewis the Bavarian. Another was the outbreak -in 1348 of the Great Plague or Black Death, which diverted men’s -attention from political disputes, and led them to look for the checking -of anarchy and disorder to the prince who possessed at any rate the -title of king. The third event was the appearance in Brandenburg of a -pretender claiming to be Waldemar, the last margrave of the House of -Ascania, who was supposed to have died in 1319, when the electorate had -been conferred upon the eldest son of the late Emperor. The ‘false -Waldemar,’ as he is called, declared that he had never died, but had -been driven by the stings of conscience to undertake a prolonged -pilgrimage, from which he now returned to claim his rights. In order to -weaken his Wittelsbach opponent, Charles gave his countenance [Sidenote: -Charles secures the German crown.] to the pretender, who speedily -secured a large part of Brandenburg. - -It was an additional advantage to Charles that the party of the late -Emperor had great difficulty in finding a successor to put in his place. -In 1348 four electors—Henry of Virneburg, who still held the see of -Mainz in defiance of the papal authority, the Elector Palatine Rupert, -Lewis of Brandenburg, and Eric of Saxe-Lauenburg, who claimed to -exercise the electoral vote of Saxony—sent proxies to Ober-Lahnstein to -proceed to a new election. The vacant crown was offered in the first -place to Edward III. of England, who had indirectly rendered a service -to the Bavarian party by preventing French aid being sent to Charles IV. -But Edward could neither neglect the French war nor face the resolute -opposition of the English Parliament. On his refusal, the crown was -offered to Lewis of Brandenburg, who had enough to do to cope with the -false Waldemar, and then to Frederick of Meissen, who declined to risk -anything in a losing cause. At last, in despair, the electors chose -Gunther of Schwartzburg, a military leader of some reputation, but below -the highest princely rank. Gunther, who had little to lose and -everything to gain, accepted the proffered dignity, but he died in 1349, -before he had time to test his ability to hold it. - -Charles IV. set himself, with rare diplomatic ability, to make the most -of his own advantages and of the difficulties of his opponents. The -imperial cities, discontented by the death of their patron, Lewis the -Bavarian, and involved in difficulties and disorders by the Plague, were -gained over by the concession of privileges, and one by one opened their -gates to Charles. Albert of Austria was detached from the Wittelsbach -alliance by a politic marriage between his eldest son Rudolf and -Charles’s second daughter Catharine. Charles, himself a widower, sued -for the hand of a daughter of the Elector Palatine, and thus gained to -his side the head of the House of Wittelsbach. Finally, by disowning the -cause of the false Waldemar, he achieved the reconciliation of his most -resolute opponent, Lewis of Brandenburg. The death of Gunther of -Schwartzburg removed all difficulties in the way of Charles’s -recognition, and by 1350 his title was acknowledged throughout the whole -of Germany. - -Charles IV. is incontestably the greatest ruler whom Europe produced in -the fourteenth century, yet his merits have met [Sidenote: Character of -Charles IV.] with singularly little appreciation except from Bohemian -historians. To most English readers he is chiefly known from the saying -of Maximilian I. that he was ‘the father of Bohemia but the stepfather -of the Empire,’ or by the more recent epigram of Mr. Bryce who says that -‘he legalised anarchy and called it a constitution.’ Of the two sayings, -the latter is by far the more unjust and ill-founded. Charles is a -unique figure in the family of Luxemburg which rose to such sudden and -short-lived eminence in the fourteenth century. His grandfather, Henry -VII., threw away his life in a chimerical effort to revive an imperial -authority which was no longer either possible or desirable. His father, -John of Bohemia, was the representative knight-errant of his time, -perhaps the noblest type of fourteenth century chivalry—now crusading in -Poland, now trying to found a new territorial power in Italy, and in the -end deserting his own interests to fight and fall in the service of an -ally. Of Charles’s sons, the eldest, Wenzel, was a good-natured -hedonist, who had few desires beyond the pleasures of the table; and the -second, Sigismund, was a schemer who always imagined more than he could -achieve. In the midst of this remarkable family, which can boast of -three emperors and a king who twice narrowly missed election to the same -dignity, Charles IV. stands in complete contrast both to his -predecessors and his successors. He had none of the romantic enthusiasm -of his father or his grandfather, but he had what was far better—a -strong sense of the practical duties of government, and a strenuous -business capacity which enabled him to carry them out. It is true that -he failed to maintain the Ghibelline cause in Italy, but he preferred -the more solid and substantial aim of building up a territorial monarchy -in Germany. He was distinguished among contemporary monarchs for his -preference of diplomacy to force, for his strong legal sense, and his -love of order. Like Edward I. of England and Philip IV. of France, he -marks the transition from mediæval to modern ideals and methods of -government. - -The merits of Charles IV.’s government in Bohemia have never been -contested. One of the first-fruits of his good [Sidenote: Bohemia under -Charles IV.] understanding with Clement VI. was the procuring of a papal -bull to erect Prague into a metropolitan see, whereas it had previously -been dependent on the Archbishop of Mainz. In 1348, while his affairs in -Germany were in their most critical condition, Charles laid the -foundations of the University of Prague, with a constitution modelled -upon that of the University of Paris, where the king himself had -studied. To Charles the Bohemian capital owes not only its university -and its archbishopric, but also its famous bridge over the Moldau, and -many of its most notable buildings. Much of his attention was given to -the promotion of commerce. He established a uniform coinage, provided -for the protection of highways, and lowered the tolls upon roads and -rivers. He projected a canal from the Moldau to the Danube, which was to -carry through Bohemia the traffic between Venice and the Hanseatic -League. Many of his measures were protective in the extreme. Every -foreign trader who crossed the Bohemian frontier was compelled to expose -his wares for sale in Prague; no foreigner could conclude a bargain -except through a native merchant; and all goods had to be sold by -Bohemian weight and measure. Short-sighted as such regulations may -appear in the present day, they were in accordance with the ideas of the -time, and they were not unsuccessful in attaining their end. From German -and Slavonic countries nobles, merchants, teachers and scholars flocked -to the capital of Bohemia; the members of the university were to be -counted by thousands before Charles’s death. - -Under this beneficent rule Prague promised to become the chief city of -Germany, and the balance of power and of civilisation was transferred -from the west to the east. Charles, undoubtedly, looked forward to -securing for the House of Luxemburg a position almost exactly similar to -that afterwards attained by the House of Hapsburg; and he trusted that -his descendants would enjoy, as the Hapsburgs did in later times, an -unbroken and quasi-hereditary succession to the imperial throne. And his -more sanguine schemes did not stop at this point. He founded in Prague a -cloister of Slavonic monks, collected from Bosnia, Servia, and Croatia, -whose task was to draw closer the bonds between Bohemia and the eastern -Slavs, and ultimately to pave the way for a union between the Latin and -Greek Churches. If this dream had been fulfilled, the Luxemburg House -might have founded a power greater than that of any Emperor, and -Bohemia, which has always been a triangular wedge thrust from the east -into the west, might have become a rivet between the two great divisions -of the Continent. - -In 1354 Charles IV. set out for Italy to receive the Lombard crown at -Milan, and the imperial crown in Rome. [Sidenote: Charles IV. in Italy.] -From the Ghibelline point of view his journey was ignominious, but as -throwing light upon Charles’s policy it was of great significance. He -refused to be drawn into the vortex of Italian politics, or to break his -treaty with the Pope. To the representations of the Ghibelline leaders, -as to the eloquent appeals of Petrarch, Charles turned a deaf ear. He -entered Rome to be crowned, paraded the streets in his imperial robes, -and then retired outside the walls to San Lorenzo. With as little delay -as possible, he hastened on his return journey. It was a deliberate -renunciation of the claim of the mediæval Emperors to rule in Italy. -Charles saw clearly that Germany had been ruined by the attempts of its -rulers to make their monarchy in Italy a practical force, and in the -interests of Germany he refused to imitate the folly of his -predecessors. His main object was the reconstruction of an orderly and -efficient authority in Germany, and that object could only be achieved -by resolutely cutting himself free from the entanglement of Italian -ambitions. - -It was to the task of reform in Germany that Charles devoted himself -immediately on his return to Germany, and his conferences with the diets -at Nürnberg in 1355 and 1356 resulted in the issue of the great -enactment with which his name will always be connected—the Golden Bull. -There were two great and pressing [Sidenote: Difficulties in Germany.] -problems which required solution. One very obvious cause of recent -disorders in Germany had been the disputed elections to the Empire, and -these were intimately associated with the uncertainty as to the rules of -election. It is true that tradition had decided that there should be -seven electors, and that certain sees and certain families had claims to -the right of voting. But the German practice of subdividing lands among -male heirs had given rise to great uncertainty as to which member of a -family should exercise this right. Thus the House of Wittelsbach was -split into two main branches, the one holding the Palatinate of the -Rhine, the other the duchy of Bavaria. By family agreement the -Wittelsbach vote was to be given alternately by the heads of the two -branches, but such an arrangement was certain to give rise to quarrels. -In 1314 the Saxon vote had been given on opposite sides by two rival -claimants, and the same thing had taken place in the elections of 1346 -and 1348. The prevention of similar disputes in the future was a primary -condition of peace and order in Germany, and was one of the main objects -of the Golden Bull. - -The second great and pressing difficulty in Germany was the danger of -the complete disruption of all political unity. There were innumerable -tenants-in-chief, electors, princes, knights and cities, held together -by nothing but common allegiance to a monarchy which had lost all -efficient authority. If no remedy could be devised, Germany must become -a mere geographical expression like Italy. The cities would become -independent republics, and desolating wars between them and their -princely neighbours would lead to incurable anarchy. In that case, the -border provinces must inevitably fall to the growing power of France. -Lyons was already gone; Dauphiné was practically lost. Provence and -Franche-Comté, though acknowledging imperial suzerainty, were subject to -French influence and destined to fall, with the Netherlands, under the -rule of a French dynasty. German ascendency would disappear, first in -the valley of the Rhone and then in that of the Rhine. - -Charles IV. was fully alive to these dangers. He had accompanied his -father to Italy in 1330, had acted for a time as his vicegerent, and had -then acquired an insight into Italian politics which profoundly -influenced his subsequent policy. It is hardly too much to say that his -guiding motive was to preserve Germany from the fate which nominal -subjection to imperial rule had brought upon Italy. And though he was -connected by relationship, education, and past alliances with the Valois -House of France, he was by no means blind to the dangers of French -aggression in the west. It was in the vain hope of checking the constant -falling away of border lands that in 1365 he went through the ceremony -of being crowned King of Arles, disused by his predecessors since -Frederick Barbarossa. - -On the subject of imperial elections, the provisions of the Golden Bull -are clear and precise, and they remained a [Sidenote: The Golden Bull, -1356.] fundamental law until the Holy Roman Empire ended its shadowy -existence in 1806. The number of electors is fixed at seven—viz. three -ecclesiastics, the Archbishops of Mainz, Köln, and Trier, and four lay -princes, the King of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the Duke -of Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg. The three ecclesiastical -electors are to be archchancellors of the three kingdoms: the Archbishop -of Mainz in Germany, the Archbishop of Köln in Italy, and the Archbishop -of Trier in Arles. The four secular electors are to hold the great -household offices: the King of Bohemia is chief cup-bearer, the Count -Palatine grand-seneschal, the Duke of Saxony grand-marshal, and the -Margrave of Brandenburg grand-chamberlain. The election of the Kings of -the Romans and future Emperors is to be held in Frankfort, and decided -by a majority of votes. The elected prince is to be crowned at Aachen, -and to hold his first diet at Nürnberg. The territories to which the -electoral dignity is attached are never to be divided, and the -succession is to be regulated by the rules of primogeniture among male -agnates. During a minority, the electoral vote and the administration of -the electoral provinces are to be intrusted to the nearest male relative -on the father’s side. The electors are to take rank before all other -princes; they are to have the royal rights of coining money and of final -jurisdiction without appeal. All confederations of subjects without the -leave of their territorial lord are prohibited, and the towns are -forbidden to grant their citizenship to _pfahlbürger_, or burghers -outside the walls, or to receive fugitive serfs to the shelter of their -walls and franchises. - -There is one omission in the Golden Bull which is as significant and -important as any of its direct provisions. The [Sidenote: The Papacy and -the Golden Bull.] papal claims to confirm or veto an election, and to -administer the Empire during a vacancy, were passed over in complete -silence. The great electoral resolutions of Rense were practically but -silently erected into an imperial law, and the election of future -Emperors was to be treated as a private affair of the German nation. -Innocent VI. did not hesitate to show his displeasure at the -promulgation of such a law by a prince who was regarded as the docile -creature of the Holy See. But Charles IV. showed a firmness worthy of -Edward I. or of Philip the Fair. When the papal nuncio tried to levy a -tenth of clerical revenues, Charles replied by demanding a reform of -ecclesiastical abuses and by threatening to confiscate Church property. -The Pope was forced to give way, and to abandon his opposition to the -Golden Bull. - -With regard to the practical results of the Golden Bull, historians are -unanimous. It erected an aristocratic federation [Sidenote: Results of -the Golden Bull.] in Germany in place of the older monarchy, and the -German constitution never lost the impress which it received in the -fourteenth century. The powers and privileges which the Bull conferred -upon the electors were inconsistent with the exercise of efficient -monarchical authority. And though the secular electors in 1356 were not, -with the exception of Charles himself, very powerful princes, yet it was -certain that the establishment of primogeniture and of indivisibility of -territories would before long give them a territorial power -proportionate to their elevated rank. - -But historians have misjudged Charles IV., partly because [Sidenote: -Motives of Charles IV.] they have fallen into the common error of -confusing the results of the Golden Bull with the intentions of its -author, and partly because they have paid insufficient attention to the -precise circumstances of the time in which he lived. Charles was -profoundly convinced—and it is difficult to maintain that he was -wrong—that the mediæval Empire was at an end, and that any attempt to -revive it would result in the ruin of Germany. The forces which he most -dreaded were the rising cities in the north and south, and the greater -territorial princes, such as the Hapsburgs and the Bavarian -Wittelsbachs. Both of these were weakened by the Golden Bull—the cities -by its actual provisions, and the princes by their definite exclusion -from the electoral vote, and by the virtual lowering of their rank which -was effected by the elevation of the electors. It is true that the -electors themselves received powers and privileges which might prove the -foundation of independence, but at the same time their interests were -enlisted on the side of unity. The Golden Bull gave them a grander -position as joint rulers of Germany than they could look forward to as -mere rulers in their own provinces. Thus it might reasonably be hoped -that they would resist the further progress of that disruption which had -already done so much harm to Germany. - -And while he provided this check upon growing disunion, Charles IV. had -no desire or expectation that the state of things recognised and -confirmed in the Golden Bull should be permanent. His intention was to -obtain for the House of Luxemburg such an overwhelming territorial -strength that he would secure to his successors a practically hereditary -claim to the imperial office, and also such a predominance in the -electoral college as would enable them to rule Germany through that -body. By gradually adding province after province to the family domain, -it might be possible in the end to build up a territorial monarchy like -that which existed in England and was in process of construction in -France. It is true that such a monarchy might be less imposing than the -wide-reaching claims of imperial suzerainty, but it would be infinitely -stronger and more advantageous to Germany. No single lifetime could be -long enough to effect such a work, and Charles’s direct heirs only -lasted for a single generation, and were themselves incapable of -following in their father’s footsteps. But such territorial power as was -afterwards gained in Germany by the Hapsburgs was, for the most part, -acquired by following the lines laid down by Charles IV., and in more -than one way the Hapsburgs may be regarded as the heirs of the House of -Luxemburg. - -It is this definite policy which gives to Charles’s territorial -ambitions an interest and a dignity which are lacking to the purely -selfish and aimless acquisitiveness of his [Sidenote: Territorial -acquisitions of Charles IV.] predecessor. In 1356 John, Duke of Brabant -and Limburg died, and his territories passed to his daughter and her -husband Wenzel, Duke of Luxemburg, Charles’s youngest brother. The -Emperor supported his brother against the rival claims of the Count of -Flanders, and obtained from the duchess and the estates of Brabant an -agreement that, in default of heirs, the provinces should fall to the -main line of Luxemburg. In 1363 occurred a very important crisis in the -family relationships of Germany through the death of Meinhard, the only -son of Margaret Maultasch and of Lewis of Bavaria, the eldest son of the -late Emperor (see p. 107). Meinhard’s death left vacant both Tyrol and -the duchy of Upper Bavaria. The Hapsburg claim to Tyrol, which had -failed in 1335, was promptly renewed by Rudolf of Austria. Rudolf was -one of the princes who were most indignant at the increased rank given -to the electors by the Golden Bull, and he had shown his irritation by -assuming the title of ‘archduke,’ which in the next century was -permanently adopted by the House of Hapsburg. Charles IV. seized the -opportunity to gain over so powerful a malcontent. He confirmed Rudolf -in possession of Tyrol, and at the same time concluded with him a treaty -of mutual inheritance by which, on the extinction of either House, the -other was to inherit all its lands. At the time, the House of Hapsburg -seemed nearer to extinction than that of Luxemburg; and, as a matter of -fact, the treaty was never actually carried out. But it is not a little -curious that within a century after the male line of Luxemburg had come -to an end, almost all the territories which it held in 1364 had passed, -in one way or another, into the hands of the Hapsburgs. - -Meanwhile a struggle had broken out as to the succession in Upper -Bavaria. By a treaty made in 1349 between the sons of Lewis the -Bavarian, that duchy ought now to have gone to Lewis the Roman and Otto, -in whose favour their elder brother Lewis had renounced the possession -of Brandenburg. But the second brother, Stephen of Lower Bavaria, -anticipated their claim and obtained his own recognition from the -estates of Upper Bavaria. The two margraves applied for assistance to -Charles IV., and promised him the succession to Brandenburg if they died -without heirs. This agreement ultimately took effect in 1373, when Otto, -the surviving margrave, was induced or compelled to cede Brandenburg to -the Emperor, who pledged himself to the estates that the union of -Brandenburg with Bohemia should be perpetual. Thus Charles acquired a -second electoral vote and a very notable increase of his territorial -power in northern Germany. About the same time he betrothed his second -son, Sigismund, to the daughter of Lewis the Great, King of Hungary and -Poland, and thus opened a prospect of adding these states to the now -enormous possessions of the Luxemburg House. - -These actual or prospective acquisitions could be of little permanent -value unless Charles could secure to his House the continued occupation -of the imperial office, and in 1374 he began to sound the electors on -the subject [Sidenote: Election of Wenzel.] of the election of his son -Wenzel, a boy of fifteen years old. But there were many difficulties in -the way. The Golden Bull made no provision for an election during the -lifetime of any occupant of the throne. The spirit, if not the letter, -of the law was against such a thing. There were also serious objections -to the election of a minor, and many princes were jealous of the -predominance already gained by the Luxemburgers. Charles, however, was -not very scrupulous in such a critical matter, even about the observance -of his own laws. He gained over the electors, but by the old -objectionable method of bribing them. He did not hesitate to appeal for -papal approval, thus reviving the pretensions which the Golden Bull had -practically abrogated. But his policy was successful in its immediate -aim. Wenzel was elected at Frankfort on June 16, and crowned at Aachen -on July 6, 1376. - -The election of Wenzel as King of the Romans was the last triumph of -Charles IV. His repressive attitude towards the cities had met with only -partial success. The great northern Hansa had conducted a successful war -against Waldemar III., one of the strongest of Danish kings, and in 1370 -had forced him to conclude a humiliating treaty at Stralsund (see p. -437). And in 1376 a new danger arose in the south. The Swabian towns -were disgusted at the sacrifice [Sidenote: The Swabian League.] of the -last imperial domains in their province to purchase electoral votes. -They renewed an old league under the leadership of Ulm, and refused to -recognise Wenzel’s election. At Reutlingen (May 14, 1377) the forces of -the league won a complete victory over their hated enemy, the Count of -Würtemburg. This was followed by a rapid extension of the confederation, -and Charles was too old and too weak to attempt its suppression. In -August, 1378, he authorised his son Wenzel to conclude a peace between -the towns and the princes, and to concede the right of union to the -former. Thus one of the provisions of the Golden Bull was abandoned -during Charles’s own lifetime. - -Nor was this the only blow which Charles experienced in his later years. -He had long struggled to put an end to the papal residence at Avignon, -which was a scandal to Europe and a serious injury in many ways to -German and imperial interests. He had succeeded in persuading Urban V. -to return to Rome in 1367, and had himself visited the Pope in the -Eternal City. But Urban was alienated by Charles’s refusal to take -active measures against the Ghibelline Visconti, and was easily induced -by his French cardinals to return to Avignon. The whole work had to be -begun again. At last, in 1377, Gregory XI. was persuaded to quit the -[Sidenote: The Great Schism.] banks of the Rhone and to take up his -residence in Rome. But he was meditating a second withdrawal from the -city when he was overtaken by death. The new election had to take place -in Rome, and the choice of the cardinals fell upon an Italian, Urban VI. -This seemed for the moment a conspicuous triumph for Charles IV. But -Urban’s violence alienated the French cardinals, who seceded from Rome -and elected a rival Pope, Clement VII. Clement naturally threw himself -upon French support, and fixed his residence at Avignon. Thus the return -to Rome, instead of putting an end to scandal, gave rise to the famous -schism in the Church which lasted for forty years. Charles IV. was -bitterly chagrined, and appealed to all the European princes to -recognise Urban and to resist the excessive and dictatorial power of -France. And there was some reasonable ground for such an appeal. A -brother of Charles V. of France was Duke of Burgundy, and the Duke’s -wife was the heiress of Flanders, Artois, and Franche Comté. Another -brother claimed the succession in Naples, and the King of Hungary and -Poland was a member of the older House of Anjou. The prince who was -naturally expected to resist this threatening danger to the balance of -states was Charles IV., who might have found it necessary to lead an -army against the French king and the Antipope. But on November 29, 1378, -just two months after the [Sidenote: Death of Charles IV.] outbreak of -the schism, death removed him from the scene of strife. - -Before his death, Charles IV.’s weakness for his children had led him -into an act which was ruinous to his most cherished schemes. The Golden -Bull had shown how clearly he appreciated the advantages to a state of -indivisibility and a strict rule of primogeniture. [Sidenote: Partition -of Luxemburg territories.] These advantages he deliberately threw away -in his own case. He even broke the solemn pledge which he had given -never to separate the marks of Brandenburg from Bohemia. He left Bohemia -and Silesia to his eldest son, Wenzel, while he transferred Brandenburg -to his second son, Sigismund, and formed a duchy in Lausitz for the -third son, John of Görlitz. Moravia was already in the hands of Jobst -and Prokop, the sons of Charles’s second brother, John Henry; while -Luxemburg was still held by the surviving brother, Wenzel, the husband -of the Duchess of Brabant and Limburg. The family possessions had -increased enormously since the days of Henry VII., but they were of -comparatively little value when scattered among so many hands. The House -of Luxemburg was never destined to hold the position imagined for it by -the greatest ruler it produced, Charles IV. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - RISE OF THE SWISS CONFEDERATION - - - The origin of Swiss independence—The Hapsburgs in Swabia—The Forest - Cantons—The League of 1291—Its Character—The Battle of - Morgarten—Luzern joins the League—Zürich under Brun joins the - League—Accession of Glarus—The League conquers Zug—Bern joins the - League—The Eight Cantons—Continued danger from Austria—Rudolf IV. in - Swabia—Leopold II., his brother, renews the war with the - Swiss—Battle of Sempach—Treaty of 1389. - -The Swiss Confederation has played a part in European [Sidenote: -Interest of Swiss history.] history wholly out of proportion either to -the area which it covers, or to the population which it includes. It is -placed in the midst of the western peoples of the Continent, on the -border where the Romance and German elements touch each other at the -most decisive political and strategic points. This geographical position -has made the continuance of Switzerland an international necessity. At -the same time, Swiss history offers to the contemplation of the -scientific historian the most perfect, as it has been the most durable, -of federal constitutions. And this confederation is the more unique and -important because it shows how common interests and dangers can hold -together communities, not only of different origin and institutions, but -also of differing race and language. The story of its origin is one of -the most fascinating episodes in the history of the fourteenth century. - -The beginnings of Swiss history have been obscured in two ways: by the -poetical myths which have gradually grown up, and by the theories which -have been spun in the imagination [Sidenote: Legends as to origin of -Swiss independence.] of patriotic antiquaries. The myths as to the -origin of Swiss independence have long enjoyed a world-wide fame, and it -has been reserved for the harsh criticism of the nineteenth century to -show that they had no real historical basis. The story of William Tell -shooting the apple on his child’s head has been proved to be an ancient -legend of the heroic sagas. The hoisting of the bailiff’s hat in the -market-place of Altdorf is an addition of quite recent origin. No -bailiff of the name of Gessler ever existed in the district; and if -there was a William Tell, which cannot be proved, he was of no political -importance whatever. Even the more probable and important story of -Fürst, Melchthal, and Stauffacher, and of their oath on the field of -Rütli, has also been ruthlessly demolished. If these men ever lived and -did the deeds for which they are renowned, it must have been in some -other place and in quite another relation. - -The antiquarian theories as to the origin of the Swiss people are quite -as baseless as the legends, and not nearly so interesting. They have -varied sometimes in their form, but their object has always been to show -that the Forest Cantons, the earliest members of the league, had some -special race origin and some peculiar independence, apart from the rest -of Germany. They were founded, it is said, by settlers from Norway and -Sweden, who left their homes for fear of losing their liberties, and -swore to maintain them in a foreign land. All such stories are -absolutely without foundation. Modern researches have proved, not only -that the Forest Cantons were members of the Empire like their -neighbours, but that various lords, spiritual and temporal, held -different rights over them at various times. Their constant effort was -to get rid of the authority of these feudal lords, and to vindicate a -position of direct dependence upon the Empire alone. It was this effort -which led to the first formation of a league. - -The Lake of Luzern, on the shores of which the original Swiss cantons -are situated, lies within the limits of the old duchy of Swabia. The -extinction of the line of dukes left a number of individuals and -corporations in Swabia without any intermediate lord between them and -the Emperor. But as the imperial authority declined, and especially -during the Great Interregnum, the chief families in Swabia set -themselves to reduce their weaker neighbours to subjection. The most -successful of these [Sidenote: The Hapsburgs in Swabia.] families was -that of Hapsburg, whose original estates were in the district of Brugg, -at the junction of the Aar and the Reuss. By the middle of the -thirteenth century the family had vastly extended their possessions. In -addition to their lands in the Aargau, they had large territories in the -Breisgau and in Elsass. Rudolf III., born in 1218, set himself to extend -his power by every possible means—by war, negotiation, and purchase. His -avowed object was to restore the territorial unity of Swabia under -Hapsburg rule. And if the old duchy had been revived, it would have been -difficult to intrust it to any other family. - -But against this aggressive policy was arrayed the desire for local -independence, of which the most successful champions were the villages -of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. [Sidenote: The Forest cantons.] Uri had -been granted in 853 by Lewis the German to the abbey of nuns in Zürich, -but in 1231 the inhabitants had obtained from Frederick II. an -acknowledgment of their independence of any power except the Emperor. -The other two cantons, without such explicit proofs, had claims which -were generally acknowledged to a similar position. The endeavour to -maintain this independence of direct rule must have brought the -villagers into collision with their powerful neighbour, the Count of -Hapsburg. For the moment the struggle was postponed by the news that -Rudolf III. had been elected King of the Romans in 1273. Thus he -obtained in his new capacity a suzerainty over the cantons, which they -were prepared to deny him as Lord of Swabia. The contest must have -seemed hopelessly unequal now that the Hapsburg Count could use his -imperial authority to support his dynastic ambition. But Rudolf’s -attention was diverted from local affairs by his struggle with Ottokar, -by the acquisition of Austria, and by the establishment of his family in -this new eastern possession. He never relinquished his original aims in -Swabia, but he was no longer able to concentrate his attention on their -achievement. The Hapsburg conquest of Austria was the first foundation -of Swiss independence. - -But the peasants by the Lake of Luzern showed a clear appreciation of -the danger that threatened them. In August, 1291, immediately after the -death of Rudolf, they [Sidenote: The original League of 1291.] drew up -the first league of which any record has been preserved. The document -itself is worth quoting:—‘Know all men that we, the people of the valley -of Uri, the community of the valley of Schwyz, and the mountaineers of -the lower valley, seeing the malice of the times, have solemnly agreed -and bound ourselves by oath to aid and defend each other with all our -might and main, with our lives and property, both within and without our -boundaries, each at his own expense, against every enemy whatever who -shall attempt to molest us, either singly or collectively. This is our -ancient covenant. Whoever hath a lord let him obey him according to his -bounden duty. We have decreed that we will accept no magistrate in our -valleys who shall have obtained his office for a price, or who is not a -native and resident among us. Every difference among us shall be decided -by our wisest men; and whoever shall reject their award shall be -compelled by the other confederates. Whoever shall wilfully commit a -murder shall suffer death, and he who shall attempt to screen the -murderer from justice shall be banished from our valleys. An incendiary -shall lose his privileges as a free member of the community, and whoever -harbours him shall make good the damage. Whoever robs or molests another -shall make full restitution out of the property he possesses among us. -Every one shall acknowledge the authority of a chief magistrate in -either of the valleys. If internal quarrels arise, and one of the -parties shall refuse fair satisfaction, the confederates shall support -the other party. This covenant, for our common weal, shall, God willing, -endure for ever.’ - -It is obvious from this simple document that the league, at its first -origin, is something more than a mere defensive [Sidenote: Character of -the League.] alliance. It regulates to a certain extent the punishment -for crime, probably because endless confusion would arise if different -penalties were enforced in each canton, and a criminal could fly from -one to the other. At the same time, there is no complete federal -government formed all at once. There is no mention of a joint assembly -to consider matters of common interest; nor is there any provision for a -common taxation for federal purposes. Each canton is to carry on war at -its own expense, and is to furnish, not a fixed contingent, but the -whole male population capable of bearing arms. The league was not the -work either of theorists or of experienced politicians, but was drawn up -by three village communities in the face of present danger, and future -difficulties were left to settle themselves. And the provision about -obedience to a lord proves that the object of the league was to guard -against oppression rather than to claim independence. But experience -soon proved that independence was the only safeguard against oppression. - -Limited as its aims were, the league could hardly have maintained itself -if Rudolf’s eldest son Albert had succeeded his father on the imperial -throne. And here we [Sidenote: The League confirmed.] may notice the -good fortune that attended the infant confederacy. If the Hapsburgs had -continued to be a mere Swabian family there is little doubt that they -would have been successful in enforcing their immediate sovereignty. The -election of Rudolf, and his acquisition of Austria, gave the cantons a -breathing space in which they could agree upon joint action for their -defence. The failure of the Hapsburgs to maintain the imperial dignity -was another piece of luck for the allies. It gave them powerful allies -and a pretext for adhering to their claim of direct dependence upon the -Empire. They reaped an immediate advantage from the election of Adolf of -Nassau on the death of Rudolf. Adolf, eager to weaken his rival, Albert -of Austria, at once confirmed the league of 1291, and promised it -imperial protection. But the fall of Adolf and the election of Albert -again put the confederates in a very dangerous position. It is to -Albert’s reign that the tyranny of bailiffs, like Gessler, is -attributed. But these stories have no contemporary authority. Albert -certainly appointed bailiffs by virtue of his imperial authority, but we -have no record that he appointed aliens, or that his bailiffs were -tyrannical. In fact, Albert, like his father, had his hands full with -imperial affairs, and had no time to devote himself to his interests in -Swabia. The league remained passive during his reign, and wisely gave -him no pretext for hostile interference. Had Albert’s son succeeded to -the Empire, the Forest Cantons would probably have been gradually -absorbed in the Hapsburg dominions. But here again their good fortune -came to their aid. After Albert’s death the imperial crown was withheld -from his House for several generations. The Luxemburg and Bavarian -Emperors were for the most part hostile to the Austrian dukes, and were -not unwilling to strengthen the opposition to them in Swabia. - -One of the first acts of Henry VII. was to grant to the league the most -ample confirmation of their sole dependence upon the Empire and complete -exemption from all foreign jurisdiction. In return for this they sent -three hundred soldiers to accompany the Emperor on his Italian -campaign—the first occasion on which Swiss troops served outside their -own country. In the struggle between Lewis the Bavarian and Frederick of -Austria the confederates naturally adopted the side of the former. -Leopold, Frederick’s brother, determined to punish the rebellious and -audacious peasants, as he called them. There is a legendary account of -the great battle between the opposing [Sidenote: Battle of Morgarten, -1315.] forces; but all that is known is that Leopold’s men-at-arms -allowed themselves to be attacked in a narrow valley at Morgarten, where -they had no room for evolution, and the Swiss, having first thrown them -into confusion by a shower of stones and other missiles, routed them at -the first down-hill charge. This is the first of the great fights which -showed the Swiss to be invincible on their own ground, and trained them -to become for a time the finest infantry in Europe. The victory was -celebrated by the formal renewal of the league at the village of -Brunnen; Lewis the Bavarian recognised the value of the service to his -cause by confirming the edict of Henry VII.; and by a treaty in 1318 the -Hapsburgs withdrew all claims to administrative authority within the -limits of the Forest Cantons. The league was now a recognised and -successful body to which its neighbours could look for aid in an -emergency. - -The nearest, and for that reason the most important, of these neighbours -was the town of Luzern, which had grown [Sidenote: Luzern joins the -League, 1330.] up in the territory and under the protection of the abbey -of Murbach. As the town grew in power and wealth, the direct ownership -of the abbey was broken off, but the monks retained in their hands the -appointment of chief magistrate until it was purchased from them by -Rudolf of Hapsburg. The buying up of similar rights was one of the chief -methods by which he sought to extend his ascendency in Swabia. From that -time Luzern had acknowledged some measure of subjection to the -Hapsburgs, and had aided them with men and money in their struggle with -Lewis the Bavarian. But the demands of their overlords became more and -more onerous, and growing discontent seems to have impelled the citizens -to seek the support of the neighbouring villages. On December 7, 1330, -Luzern was formally admitted to the league, and this completed the union -of the four Forest Cantons. - -There was in this no express defiance of the Hapsburgs, whose rights, -jurisdiction, and feudal prerogatives were expressly reserved in the -treaty, nor was any change made in the oligarchical government of -Luzern. But in time it was inevitable that the citizens should be -influenced by the independence and the democratic constitution of their -allies. The burgher nobles formed a conspiracy in 1343 to break off the -compact with the three original cantons. The legend tells that the plot -was overheard by a boy, who was discovered and pledged to secrecy. -[Sidenote: Revolution in Luzern.] He kept the letter of his promise by -telling the secret to a stove in a room where the butchers’ guild was -holding a meeting. The citizens were alarmed, and the conspirators -arrested; and the result was that not only did Luzern remain a member of -the league, but a new executive council was created of 300 members, -while the power of levying taxes, making war and concluding peace, was -vested in the whole community. Thus the exclusive oligarchy was -overthrown. - -Two other cities, Zürich and Bern, though farther distant than Luzern, -were destined to play a more prominent part in the history of the -league. Zürich was in the fourteenth century a free imperial city, and -owed no obedience to any intermediate lord. The government was a close -oligarchy, as the council consisted of thirty-six members, all of whom -belonged to the old burgher families. As long as their power remained -unshaken, there was little likelihood of any close connection with the -peasants of the original cantons. But Zürich, like so many other towns -at the time, underwent a revolution. The artisans, organised in their -own guilds, were stirred up to dispute the exclusive rule of the old -burghers. The leader of the revolution was Rudolf [Sidenote: Rudolf Brun -in Zürich.] Brun, one of the most remarkable demagogues of a century -which produced Rienzi, Marcel, and the Arteveldes. Brun was himself a -member of the ruling class, but sought to gratify his own ambition by -turning against it. In 1336 the political change was accomplished. The -members of the council were intimidated into flight, and a mass meeting -decreed that the government should be reformed, and that in the meantime -Brun should hold supreme power. Before long the new constitution was -promulgated. Brun was appointed burgomaster for life with the assistance -of a council of twenty-six. Thirteen of these were to be nominees of the -burgomaster—six nobles and seven plebeians; the other thirteen were the -tribunes of the guilds. For the next fifteen years Rudolf Brun was -practically despot in Zürich, but it was not until his authority was -seriously threatened that he had any inducement to ally himself with -such sturdy opponents of personal rule as the inhabitants of the Forest -Cantons. - -The undisguised despotism of Brun not unnaturally provoked a reaction in -Zürich, and the members of the dispossessed [Sidenote: Zürich joins the -League, 1351.] oligarchy were encouraged to intrigue for his overthrow. -They found zealous supporters among the nobles outside the walls, -especially in John of Hapsburg, Count of Rapperschwyl, a cousin of the -Austrian dukes. The story of the discovery of the plot is strangely -reminiscent of the similar incident in the history of Luzern. A baker’s -boy overheard the incautious conspirators, and informed his master. Brun -was warned, and the rising was ruthlessly suppressed. All citizens -suspected of disaffection were put to death, John of Hapsburg was -imprisoned, and his town of Rapperschwyl was razed to the ground. But -this act provoked the anger of the Austrian Hapsburgs, and to protect -himself against their threatened vengeance, Brun found himself compelled -to secure the alliance of the Forest Cantons. The agreement of May 2, -1351, is of great importance, as showing a marked progress towards -federation, and also because its provisions gave rise to many subsequent -difficulties. ‘We, the cantons of Zürich, Luzern, Uri, Schwyz, and -Unterwalden, do hereby enter into a firm and perpetual union: we engage -to assist each other with our lives and fortunes against all who shall -in any ways attempt to injure us in our honour, property, or freedom: -this we bind ourselves to perform at all times and in all places within -the Aar, the Thur, the Rhine, and Mount St. Gothard. Whenever the -council or community that calls for aid shall declare upon oath that the -case is urgent, each canton shall, without evasion or delay, and at its -own cost, send the demanded aid. In great emergencies, such as a distant -march or a long campaign, the cantons shall hold a congress at -Einsiedeln and there deliberate on the measures to be pursued. We, the -confederate cantons, solemnly reserve all the rights of the Holy Roman -Empire and its sovereign, and each of us his previous alliances. Each -canton may form new alliances, but not to the prejudice of the league. -We will jointly preserve the burgomaster and the constitution of Zürich. -Should (_quod Deus avortat_) any dissension arise between Zürich and the -Forest Cantons, the city shall send two good and wise men, and the -cantons two others, to Einsiedeln, and these four shall, on oath, decide -the difference: if their votes are equal, they shall chose a fifth -associate from any canton, and he shall give the casting vote.’ The -progress towards federalism is shown in the provisions for conference -and arbitration; while the diplomacy of Rudolf Brun is evident in the -clauses by which a canton is enabled to form separate alliances, and the -Forest Cantons are pledged to uphold the existing constitution of -Zürich. - -Meanwhile Albert the Lame of Austria, the last survivor of the numerous -sons of Albert I.,[8] was arming to avenge the injury done to his -kinsman and to vindicate Hapsburg rights in Swabia. In 1352 his troops -advanced to the siege of Zürich, and the neighbouring towns and villages -were called upon to send aid to the invaders. The people of Glarus, not -far from Zürich, were dependent upon the abbey [Sidenote: Accession of -Glarus, 1352.] of Seckingen, and the administration was in the hands of -a steward appointed by the abbess. The Counts of Hapsburg had acquired, -more than a century before, the position of advocate, or military -champion, of the abbey, and this gave them a claim to the feudal service -of the people of Glarus. But to the demands of Albert II. they replied -that they were only bound to serve in the interests of the abbey of -Seckingen, and refused to fight in a private quarrel of the duke. Albert -at once sent a body of troops to coerce Glarus, but the inhabitants -obtained the assistance of the Forest Cantons and repulsed them. The -result was the conclusion of a permanent league between Glarus and its -allies. The rights and revenues of both duke and abbess were expressly -reserved in the treaty, and the people of Glarus promised to make no new -alliances without the concurrence of the confederates. - -About the same time the league made its first conquest. Hitherto the -various members had joined of their own accord; but now the league took -the offensive, and to secure their own safety compelled the little town -of Zug to join them. Zug lies between Zürich [Sidenote: Conquest of Zug, -1352.] and the Lake of Luzern, and was occupied by an Austrian garrison. -The inhabitants of Schwyz marched to the walls and demanded its -surrender, declaring that they had no intention to diminish the -authority of the Duke of Austria or to change the constitution of Zug. -As no aid came from Albert II., the townsmen found it necessary to -submit, and were formally admitted to the league. - -The expedition of Albert was thus a complete failure, and the campaign -of 1352 was closed by a hollow treaty. All prisoners were to be -released, and all hostages [Sidenote: Treaty of 1352.] and plunder -returned. Zug and Glarus were to pay the duke their accustomed -allegiance. The confederates were pledged in the future to conclude no -alliance with Austrian vassals: nor were Luzern and Zürich to admit such -vassals to their citizenship. But all former alliances, immunities, and -established regulations were to remain in force. The terms were perhaps -intentionally ambiguous. The Austrian duke contended that they involved -the separation of Zug and Glarus from the league, while the confederates -held that the last clause entitled them to maintain the alliance. But -though the treaty itself was but a doubtful gain, it was followed by a -very great accession of strength to the league. A successful embassy was -sent to invite the adhesion of the powerful city of Bern, and a -[Sidenote: Bern joins the League, 1353.] treaty was arranged at the -beginning of 1353. The direct alliance is made with the three original -cantons; Zürich and Luzern being only indirectly involved, while Glarus -and Zug are not mentioned at all. ‘The Swiss of the three Forest Cantons -shall be assisted by Bern, whenever they shall be in need: and the -cantons in return undertake to defend the city of Bern, its burghers, -and all its property.... We, the Bernese, promise to assist Zürich and -Luzern, when required by our Swiss confederates: we, of Zürich and -Luzern, promise that whenever Bern shall be attacked and its council -shall send to the Forest Cantons for aid, we will at our own expense -immediately march to its assistance.’ - -The accession of Bern completes the number of the eight old cantons; and -the league had grown to these dimensions [Sidenote: The eight old -Cantons.] in just over sixty years, from 1291 to 1353. But it is obvious -that as yet there were little more than the elements of a federation. -There was no central government, and no supreme court of justice. The -allies stood on various and unequal terms with each other, and some were -not connected at all. Bern was not directly allied with Zürich or -Luzern, and not allied at all with Glarus and Zug. Glarus and Zug had no -connection with each other, and the former had made more submissive -terms than any other canton. Moreover, differences in constitution -prevented the various members of the league from regarding political -questions in the same light. Bern maintained its exclusive aristocracy, -Zürich and Luzern had adopted a mixed constitution, while the three -original cantons, with Zug and Glarus, were pure democracies, in which -every adult male had a share in political power. - -If all danger from the Austrian dukes had come to an end in 1353, it is -probable that this ill-cemented league would [Sidenote: Continued danger -from Austria.] have fallen to pieces. But as long as the Hapsburgs -remained great landholders in Swabia, their weaker neighbours were in -danger of absorption, and it was this which ultimately hardened the -league into a lasting federation. Albert II. was resolute to enforce his -interpretation of the treaty of 1352. In 1354 he demanded that Glarus -and Zug should renounce their alliance with the other cantons. The -league appealed to the Emperor, but Charles IV. was pledged to the -policy of discountenancing such associations, and he gave his support to -the Hapsburg claims. And Albert had another advantage in the -self-seeking policy pursued by Rudolf Brun, who was still supreme in -Zürich, and who was quite ready to make terms with Austria if he could -thereby strengthen his own position. The influence of Zürich nearly -induced the Forest Cantons to accept a treaty which would have involved -a surrender of the most vital points at issue, and it was only at the -last minute that the apparent treachery was discovered. The result was a -coolness between Zürich and the confederates, and the former went so far -as to conclude a separate treaty with the Austrian duke. Fortunately -Albert II. was too old and worn out to profit by this disunion, and just -before his death he concluded a truce for eleven years with the league, -leaving matters _in statu quo_ for the time. - -Albert the Lame died in 1358 leaving behind him four sons, who were born -after he had been married for nineteen years without issue, and when the -extinction of the main line of his House seemed imminent. Before his -death he made an arrangement that his territories should pass undivided -to the joint rule of his four sons. The second son, Frederick, died soon -after his father, and the third son, Albert, preferred the study of -philosophy to the cares of politics. The two active members of the -family were the eldest son, Rudolf, and the youngest, Leopold. -[Sidenote: Rudolf IV. in Swabia.] Rudolf married the daughter of Charles -IV., quarrelled with his father-in-law about the elevation of the -electors, and was only reconciled on being allowed to annex the province -of Tyrol (see p. 120). In his Swabian dominions he showed himself an -active and capable ruler. He retained the support of Rudolf Brun, to -whom he granted a pension and the title of privy councillor. He bought -up the territory of Rapperschwyl, thus thrusting in a wedge between the -lake of Zürich and the Forest Cantons. On pretence of aiding the -pilgrims to Einsiedeln, he built a magnificent wooden bridge over the -lake, which was regarded by contemporaries as one of the wonders of the -world. His real object was to get into his hands the control of the -chief highway between Italy and Germany. His restless activity would -certainly have brought him, sooner or later, into collision with the -Swiss, but in the midst of his schemes he died suddenly in 1365, when he -was only twenty-six years old. - -Of the two surviving brothers, Albert III. and Leopold, the latter had -been the confidant of Rudolf’s ambitious schemes, [Sidenote: Leopold II. -in Swabia.] and was eager to carry them out. With this object he induced -his brother to revive the practice of partition, and to content himself -with the duchy of Austria. Leopold received as his share Styria, -Carinthia, Tyrol, and the Swabian lands. It was to Swabia that he -devoted most of his attention. On every side he purchased territorial -and other rights. His aim was that of his great-grandfather: the -formation of a strong and united Swabian principality in Hapsburg hands. -In the pursuit of such an aim he was inevitably brought into collision -with the Swiss. - -One of Leopold’s most conspicuous successes was the obtaining from -Wenzel, the feeble successor of Charles IV., the office of imperial -advocate in Upper and Lower Swabia. He soon found himself involved in -grave difficulties. To make head against the Swabian league of towns, -the princes and knights were forced to form confederations among -themselves. In such a state of things local collisions were frequent, -and there seemed the possibility of a great war of [Sidenote: Renewal of -war.] classes. The Swiss naturally supported the Swabian League, and -Leopold, after a vain struggle to act as arbiter between the hostile -forces, found himself forced by Swiss aggression to throw himself on the -opposite side. The forces of the neighbouring nobles flocked to his -banner at Baden in Aargau, and as the Swabian League failed to send any -assistance to the Swiss, Leopold seemed to have good reason to expect a -complete and easy victory. But the Swiss, who had defiantly broken the -treaty of 1352, were conscious that the struggle was one for liberty or -subjection. Rudolf Brun was dead, and Zürich had returned to complete -harmony with the confederates. No effort was spared to collect forces, -and the [Sidenote: Battle of Sempach, 1386.] Swiss victory at Sempach, -July 9, 1386, was even more decisive, if more hardly won, than that of -Morgarten. Leopold himself, fighting with reckless ardour to redeem the -fortunes of the day, fell upon the field. His death virtually decided -the war. It is true that the Swiss had to fight and win another battle -at Näfels, before they could force their opponents to terms. But the -treaty of 1389 [Sidenote: Treaty of 1389.] was as complete as any Swiss -patriot of those days could desire. The sons of Leopold renounced all -feudal claims, direct or indirect, over Luzern, Glarus, or Zug. Thus -within a hundred years from the formation of the league of 1291, the -Swiss had succeeded in obtaining for the whole territory comprised in -the extended confederacy that position of dependence upon the Empire -alone, which had been the first aim of the Forest Cantons. - -Footnote 8: - - See Genealogical Table C, in Appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - ITALY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY, 1313-1402 - - - Guelfs and Ghibellines—Equality of parties leads to foreign - intervention—Lewis the Bavarian—John of Bohemia—League against - Mastino della Scala—Walter de Brienne in Florence—Rise of - mercenaries—Foreign and native Condottieri—Joanna I. of - Naples—Succession disputes in Naples—Rome and the Papal - States—Career of Rienzi—Cardinal Albornoz recovers the Papal - States—Return of the Popes to Rome and outbreak of the Great - Schism—Strife of classes and families in Florence—Rising of the - _Ciompi_—Revolution of 1382 and triumph of the oligarchy in - Florence—Rivalry of Venice and Genoa—War of Chioggia—The Visconti in - Milan—Successes of Gian Galeazzo Visconti—His death. - -The death of Henry VII. marks the failure of the last serious effort on -the part of a German king to carry out the ideal of [Sidenote: Guelfs -and Ghibellines.] Dante’s _De Monarchia_ by establishing an efficient -monarchy in Italy. A few years earlier the Papacy, which had done more -than any other power to thwart the imperial pretensions, had almost -deliberately weakened its authority by transferring its residence to the -banks of the Rhône. It seemed as if Italy might for a time be freed from -the rivalry of the two claimants to universal rule, whose quarrel had -done so much to cause discord and anarchy in the peninsula. But it is -one of the numerous anomalies of Italian history that the factions of -Guelfs and Ghibellines continue their feuds with the same vigour and -animosity as in the days when each had a substantial cause to fight for. -Yet beneath these feuds we can trace a growing undercurrent of political -interests and of selfish aggrandisement, which gradually led to the -absorption of the lesser states by their more powerful neighbours, and -ultimately to the formation of the five greater powers whose rivalry -fills the history of the next century. The example was set by Venice, -[Sidenote: Venetian policy.] whose geographical position removed her -from the main current of party strife, while her interests were more -strictly defined than those of any other state. In the east she had to -maintain and extend her trade and her influence against the rivalry of -Genoa; and she had also to face the serious problems raised by the -steady decline of the Eastern Empire and the constant aggressions of the -Turks. In the west she had not yet acquired any territory on the -mainland, but two pressing interests compelled her to keep a watchful -eye on the politics of Lombardy. She could not with safety allow any -continental power to obtain complete control of the Alpine passes -through which Venetian merchandise found its way to the markets of -Central Europe. Still less could she neglect the imperative need of -securing supplies of food. Built upon the small islands of the lagoons, -she could not possibly raise enough produce to feed her citizens, and -was necessarily dependent upon importations from eastern Lombardy or -Dalmatia. If a hostile power could cut off these supplies, Venice must -be speedily starved into surrender. This double interest forced Venice -to play a more prominent part in Italian politics than her isolated -position seemed to warrant, and in the end impelled her to join in the -scramble for territory on the mainland. - -With the exception of Venice, all the Italian states were more or less -involved in the strife of factions. In the south [Sidenote: Balance of -parties.] Robert of Naples, relying upon Papal and French support, still -held the Guelf leadership, and still aimed, like his grandfather, at -converting this leadership into a kingdom of Italy. But the Angevin -power was no longer what it had been in the days of Charles I. The -Sicilian Vespers had given Sicily to a hostile dynasty, and the Popes in -Avignon were less valuable allies than their predecessors in Rome. In -the north lay the main strength of the Ghibelline party. Despots, like -Matteo Visconti in Milan and Cangrande della Scala in Verona, were -rapidly overthrowing the republican independence of the Lombard cities, -and these men had no legal basis for their authority save their -appointment as imperial vicars. Between Naples and Lombardy lay the -Papal States and Tuscany. In the former, the Popes continued to employ -what authority they could wield through their legates on the Guelf and -Angevin side. But the decline of their direct authority led to the rise -of petty despots in cities which were nominally papal fiefs, and these -despots, desiring the maximum of independence for themselves, naturally -leaned towards Ghibellinism. In Tuscany there was also a marked -division. Florence was the head of a group of communes which retained -republican institutions and were ardently Guelf in sympathy. But Pisa, -also a republic, was equally resolute on the Ghibelline side. - -On the whole the two parties were so evenly matched in strength, that it -was difficult for either to resist the temptation of trying to turn the -balance in its own favour by [Sidenote: Foreign intervention in Italy.] -calling in foreign assistance. It is true that a number of writers, -including Sismondi, have represented the Guelfs as the national and the -Ghibellines as the anti-national party. But this view involves both a -misconception of the mediæval empire, and also the anachronism of -assuming a sense of nationality to exist in Italy at a time when no such -idea was possible. The only sentiment which could vie with devotion to -party was patriotism; but patriotism beyond the bounds of his own city -was as unknown to a citizen of Florence or Milan as it was to an -Athenian or a Spartan in the days of Greek independence. Robert of -Naples was as much a foreigner to a native of Lombardy or Tuscany as -Lewis the Bavarian, and the king of France was much more so. As long as -party spirit was the strongest force in Italy, we can trace a succession -of appeals for foreign intervention: and when party spirit finally gave -way to the rivalry of state with state, this intervention grew into -conquest and occupation. - -Henry VII. in the last struggle before his death had clearly and -correctly perceived that the key to the situation was in [Sidenote: -Struggle in Tuscany.] Tuscany, that if the Ghibelline cause could -triumph in that province the overthrow of the Guelfs might be -confidently expected. And not long after his death the desired state of -things seemed not unlikely to be realised. One of the most famous -adventurers of the age, Castruccio Castracani, who had risen to -prominence by his military ability, made himself lord of Lucca and there -became a formidable neighbour to Florence. In 1325 he reduced the -intermediate town of Pistoia, and defeated the Florentine forces at -Altopascio. So terrified were the Florentines that they resolved to -sacrifice their independence as the price of safety and the victory of -their party. They offered the lordship of the city to Robert of Naples, -who accepted it for his only son, Charles of Calabria. The progress of -Castruccio was checked, and the appearance of Neapolitan forces in -Tuscany impelled the Ghibelline leaders to call in the assistance of -Lewis of Bavaria (_vide_ p. 104). Lewis [Sidenote: Lewis the Bavarian in -Italy.] entered Italy in 1327, but his coming brought little real gain -to his allies. In Milan he imprisoned his host, Galeazzo Visconti, and -restored to the citizens a mockery of republican independence. Pisa, in -spite of her Ghibelline traditions, stood a month’s siege before she -would open her gates to a prince who might hand her over as a reward to -his chief supporter Castruccio Castracani. No attempt was made to attack -the Duke of Calabria in Florence, and Lewis hurried on to Rome. There he -was crowned emperor. John XXII. was deposed as a heretic, and an -Antipope was elected. Castruccio was formally created Duke of Lucca, -Pistoia, and Volterra. But the news came that the Florentines had -captured Pistoia by stratagem, and Castruccio had to hurry north for the -defence of his duchy. He was indignant that Lewis had given the lordship -of Pisa to the empress, and in defiance of imperial authority he took -measures to secure his own rule in the city. From Pisa he advanced to a -successful siege of Pistoia, but he died almost immediately after -(September 3, 1328) of a fever contracted in the trenches. - -The death of Castruccio and the humiliating failure of Lewis the -Bavarian, who was forced to evacuate Rome in the autumn of 1328, -deprived the Ghibellines of the advantages which they had secured in the -early part of the year. Lucca, which had threatened to subdue both -Florence and Pisa, became a prize for which many states and adventurers -contended. But the Guelfs did not profit as much as might have been -expected from the disasters of their opponents. Charles of Calabria, -having served the purpose of the Florentines by saving them from -Castruccio, died on November 9, 1328, and Florence recovered her -independence. Robert of Naples, profoundly discouraged by the death of -his only son, abandoned most of his ambitious projects and ceased to -interfere in the politics of northern Italy. Soon afterwards the emperor -found it necessary to leave Italy in order to look after his interests -in Germany. Before his departure he restored Milan to the rule of Azzo -Visconti, the son of the deposed Galeazzo, who had perished, like -Castruccio, of a disease contracted during the siege of Pistoia. - -The departure of Lewis and the inactivity of the Neapolitan king left -the parties in northern Italy to fight out their quarrels without -foreign aid. The Ghibellines had lost their short-lived ascendency in -Tuscany, but they were still omnipotent on the Lombard plain. By far the -most powerful Ghibelline prince at this time was [Sidenote: Power of -Mastino della Scala.] Mastino della Scala, who in 1329 had succeeded his -uncle Cangrande in the government of Verona. Cangrande, a typical -Italian despot in his combination of relentless cruelty with the -patronage of letters, had established a strong territorial power in -eastern Lombardy. He had forced Marsilio Carrara to govern Padua as his -lieutenant, while he had brought into direct submission the towns of -Vicenza, Feltre, Belluno, and Treviso, and was thus enabled to control -the most important eastern passes through the Alps. Mastino inherited -his uncle’s ambition with his territories, and on receiving an appeal -for aid from the Ghibelline exiles of Brescia, he eagerly seized the -pretext for laying siege to that city. This aggression led to the most -interesting and unique instance of foreign intervention in Italy. John -of Bohemia [Sidenote: John of Bohemia.] (_vide_ p. 18) happened to be at -the moment on the Italian borders at Trent, negotiating the marriage of -his second son with the heiress of Tyrol, Margaret Maultasch (_vide_ p. -107). He had never taken part in Italian politics, but he enjoyed a -brilliant reputation in Europe, and there was much in his position to -attract the attention of the Italians. He was known to be on the most -intimate terms with the Pope and the French king, both patrons of the -Guelf cause. At the same time, as the son of Henry VII., he had strong -claims on the allegiance of the Ghibellines. If any man could act as a -mediator in the party feuds of Italy, it was the head of the house of -Luxemburg. - -To King John the besieged Brescians appealed for assistance, and offered -in return the sovereignty over the city. [Sidenote: Successes of John in -Italy.] The prospect of a new field for adventure was more than John -could resist. He ordered levies to be collected in Bohemia, and warned -Mastino della Scala to desist from attacking a city which owned his -lordship. Mastino obeyed on condition that the Ghibelline exiles should -be restored; and this promise, to the great chagrin of the dominant -party in Brescia, the king fulfilled. On his entry into the city -(December 31, 1330) John announced that he would belong to no party, -that his one aim was to restore peace and justice, and that he hoped -that before long there would be no more Guelfs and Ghibellines. The -immediate effect of such unprecedented language was almost magical. The -Italians, exhausted with continual party warfare, welcomed as a -protecting angel the prince who promised impartiality. One after another -the cities of northern Italy, Bergamo, Cremona, Pavia, Vercelli, and -Novara, placed themselves under the rule of John of Bohemia. Even Azzo -Visconti, the powerful lord of Milan, found it advisable to acknowledge -the suzerainty of the king, and to accept the title of royal vicar. Soon -afterwards John’s dominions were extended southwards by the submission -of Parma, Reggio, Modena, and the unfortunate Lucca, which had been -tossed from hand to hand since the death of Castruccio Castracani. In -every case the exiles, of either faction, were allowed to return, and -the government was established without any regard to party divisions. -For a moment it seemed that the spontaneous action of the Italians -themselves might create the monarchy that had so long seemed an -impossible dream. - -But John’s success was too sudden to be lasting. Party enmities were too -deeply rooted to be torn up at the first [Sidenote: Opposition to John.] -effort. Men began to ask in whose name had he come; did he represent the -Emperor or the Pope? An appeal to these potentates produced only -negative answers. John XXII. was indignant with the king for restoring -the Ghibelline exiles in Guelf strongholds; Lewis was jealous that a -rival should succeed where he had failed. And John had enemies both in -Italy and outside. Mastino della Scala felt himself threatened by the -rise of a conterminous principality in Lombardy, and Florence was afraid -lest a power which extended so far as Lucca might endanger her own -independence. In the north the dukes of Austria and the kings of Poland -and Hungary formed a league against him, and John had to cross the Alps -for the defence of Bohemia. His absence only hastened the destruction of -a dominion that rested on too shallow a foundation to endure. If he had -succeeded for a moment in uniting Guelfs and Ghibellines under his rule, -a still more wonderful union was brought about for his overthrow. In -1332 the strange spectacle was seen of a close league of Florence and -Naples with Azzo Visconti, Mastino della Scala, and other Ghibelline -princes of the north. Mastino had already succeeded in capturing -Brescia, and Azzo had seized upon Bergamo and Vercelli. The rest of -John’s possessions were to be partitioned among the allies. Cremona was -to go to Visconti, Parma to Mastino, Modena to the house of Este, Reggio -to the Gonzagas of Mantua, and Lucca to the Florentines. - -John of Bohemia had succeeded in dividing the northern league, and had -proceeded to France and Avignon in order to secure the support of Philip -VI. and the Pope. He now hurried back to the aid of his son Charles, -whom he had left in charge of his Italian dominions. But he found that -he had no sufficient native support to [Sidenote: Collapse of his -power.] enable him to face the hostile coalition. The two parties whom -he had tried to conciliate were now united in opposition. He had few -real interests at stake in Italy, whither he had been mainly attracted -by the love of adventure. Instead of prosecuting the struggle, he sold -his prerogatives in each town to the highest bidder he could find, and -quitted Italy with his son in 1333. The episode is interesting as -throwing light on the character of John, and on the impulsive character -of the Italians, but in an indirect way it was of unforeseen importance. -The future emperor, Charles IV., never forgot the experience of Italian -politics which he had obtained during the two years in which he acted as -his father’s deputy, and one of the dominant influences which shaped his -subsequent policy in Germany (see chapter vi.), was a desire to save -that country from falling into the same condition as Italy. - -The chief gainers by the overthrow of John of Bohemia were the -Ghibelline leaders of the confederacy against him, [Sidenote: League -against Mastino della Scala.] and especially Mastino della Scala, who -not only took his own share of the plunder, but refused to give up -Lucca, which should have fallen to Florence. It was reckoned by -contemporaries that only one European prince, the king of France, drew a -larger revenue from his subjects than the lord of Verona. But the rapid -growth of his power only served to excite the enmity of his neighbours. -Venice was impelled by self-interest to attack a potentate who not only -dominated the district from which the republic drew its most available -supplies of food, but also commanded the all-important Alpine passes. -Florence was eager to punish the ill-faith which withheld from her the -coveted possession of Lucca. Marsilio Carrara was tempted by the -prospect of recovering the independent lordship of Padua, while Azzo -Visconti and the other Lombard despots welcomed the opportunity of -destroying the ascendency in Lombardy which for the last decade had been -enjoyed by the Scaligers. The result was the formation of a powerful -league which Mastino was unable to resist. In 1338 he was forced to -conclude a treaty which put an end to the preponderance of Verona in the -north. Venice received Treviso, with the adjacent territory, Castelbaldo -and Bassano, thus securing a land fertile in corn and cattle, and at the -same time access to the foot of the Alps. The Carrara dynasty was -established in Padua as a buffer between Venice and the growing power of -the Visconti, who seized Brescia and Bergamo. Only Verona and Vicenza -remained to the house of Scala. - -But the unfortunate Florentines were again duped of the reward which -should have attended their alliance with the Ghibelline princes. Lucca -was indeed ceded by Mastino for a money payment, but the Pisans -intervened to prevent such an addition to the dominions of their rivals. -In 1341 the Pisans defeated the forces of Florence, and in the next year -they obtained the surrender of Lucca. This disappointment was the last -of a series of disasters which weakened and discredited the government -of the _popolo grasso_ in Florence (_vide_ p. 32). In their chagrin the -citizens resorted to the expedient, so familiar in the mediæval history -of Italy, of intrusting a temporary dictatorship to a foreigner. Their -choice fell upon Walter [Sidenote: Walter de Brienne in Florence, 1343.] -de Brienne, who had previously been active in Florence as a follower of -Charles of Calabria. His ancestors had gained the duchy of Athens at the -time when the Fourth Crusade had given to western princes the dominion -of the eastern empire, and though his father had been forced to resign -in 1312, Walter still called himself Duke of Athens. The temporary -military and judicial authority intrusted to the duke failed to satisfy -his ambition, and he set himself to establish a permanent despotism in -Florence. It was not difficult for him to gain over the _grandi_ and the -lower classes, who were jealous of the monopoly of power claimed by the -wealthy burgesses. With their aid a parliament was convoked which -insisted on voting the signory to the duke for his life. But ten months -of arbitrary rule sufficed to disgust the most liberty-loving people in -Italy, and the nobles and lesser guilds combined with the greater guilds -to overthrow the despotism which had risen through the jealousy of -classes. Walter de Brienne ordered his hired horsemen to ‘course the -city,’ _i.e._ to gallop along the principal streets and disperse the -insurgents. But the citizens had erected barricades to bar the progress -of the cavalry, and the duke, besieged in the Palazzo Vecchio, was -compelled to abdicate. His fall was followed by concessions to the -_grandi_ who had taken an active part in the struggle. The Ordinances of -Justice [Sidenote: Constitutional changes.] (_vide_ p. 32) were -repealed, and the office of gonfalonier, whose original function was to -enforce the ordinances, was abolished. The government was to be -intrusted to twelve priors, three from each quarter of the city; and of -these three, one was to be a noble and two burghers. Other offices were -also thrown open to the nobles. But the old jealousy of the _grandi_ was -too deeply seated to allow this arrangement to be permanent. A rising of -the mob forced the four noble priors to quit the _palazzo_. The nobles -took up arms to defend their cause, but the civil strife was fatal to -the power of their whole class. The ordinances, and with them the office -of gonfalonier, were revived, and the only permanent result of the -crisis was the extension of political privileges to the _popolo minuto_, -or members of the lesser guilds. The number of priors was fixed at -eight, two from each quarter, and half the number were to belong to the -lesser guilds. The gonfalonier was to be chosen alternately from the two -classes of citizens. But while the exclusion of the noble class from -office was rendered permanent, some five hundred members of that class -were freed from its disabilities by being disennobled and ‘raised’ to -the rank of ordinary burghers. - -The martial spirit which enabled the Florentines to defeat the schemes -of the Duke of Athens, was by no means common in Italy at the time, and -did not endure long even in Florence. The fourteenth century witnessed a -change in the military system of [Sidenote: Rise of Mercenaries in -Italy.] Italy which was destined to exercise the most vital and lasting -effects upon the history of the peninsula. In the twelfth and thirteenth -centuries the military force of each state had consisted of the male -population of the state organised as a militia. The central -rallying-point of the army was the _carroccio_ or city standard, and the -regiments were arranged according to local divisions, or sometimes -according to the guild organisation of the city. Such a force was the -firmest security for the maintenance of political liberty. But when -despots began to overthrow republican independence in most of the -communes, their first aim was to disarm their subjects, and to procure -troops who had no natural sympathy with the native population. The -example was set by Frederick II., whose government of his southern -kingdom furnished in many ways a model for the imitation of later -rulers. In his struggle with the Popes he incurred great odium by taking -Saracens into his pay. The northern despots tried to secure their power -by enlisting foreign soldiers under their standard. Each of the -successive invasions of Henry VII., Lewis the Bavarian, and John of -Bohemia, left behind a number of German adventurers who were willing to -take Italian pay. These men were formed into body-guards by the Visconti -and other Italian despots, who were thus enabled to disarm their -subjects, and to trample on their liberties. And the republics which -retained their independence soon found it necessary to follow the -example of the princes. The mercenary troops were for the most part -heavy-armed cavalry, and the civic infantry were no match for them in -the open field. The republics would only have courted destruction by -continuing to employ a force which was inadequate for their defence. -Moreover, under the altered conditions of warfare, campaigns were much -longer than when the struggle was decided by a single contest between -the armed populace of two rival cities. The ordinary citizen could no -longer afford to sacrifice his time and his business to do work which he -might pay others to do for him. It was cheaper to be heavily taxed for -the maintenance of a hired force, than to leave the shop or the -counting-house for a protracted campaign. The Florentines soon adopted -the custom of employing mercenaries, and in 1351 commuted personal -service for a money payment. The Venetians, though they employed native -crews and native commanders in their fleet, always hired foreigners to -fight their battles on land. One result of the change was that infantry -was wholly superseded by heavy-armed cavalry, until the general use of -gunpowder, and the intervention of the great powers in Italy, brought -about another great change in the art of war. - -At first the mercenary troops in Italy were employed as the body-guard -of a tyrant, or as the standing army of a republic. But as the leaders -of these forces became conscious [Sidenote: Foreign Condottieri.] of -their power, they began to form independent armies, which might live at -the expense of the unwarlike natives, or might acquire wealth by letting -out their services to the highest bidder. The first notable instance of -such an army was in 1343, when a German, Werner, or, as the Italians -called him, Guarnieri, formed the Great Company. He levied contributions -on the states which he entered with his forces, and only occasionally -took part in the Italian wars. The same company, or another with the -same name, appears in 1353 under the command of Fra Moreale, who was -afterwards put to death by Rienzi. When the treaty of Bretigny put an -end for a time to the English wars in France, a new flood of foreign -adventurers poured into Italy, where they formed the White Company under -the famous Englishman, John Hawkwood or Giovanni Acuto. He was -distinguished among _condottieri_ for the fidelity with which he -performed his contracts, and the Florentines expressed their sense of -his services by giving him a tomb and a monument in the _Duomo_. - -In the earlier part of the fourteenth century the majority of the -mercenary soldiers and their commanders were foreigners; in the later -part of the century their place was to a large extent taken by native -troops and _condottieri_. As the smaller communes were gradually -deprived of liberty and of an independent political life by the -extension of the larger states, the more energetic and [Sidenote: Native -Condottieri.] ambitious citizens were only too glad to find an opening -for their activity in the career of arms. In 1379 the Company of St. -George, into which none but Italians were admitted, was founded by -Alberigo da Barbiano, a noble of Romagna. In this company were trained -Braccio and Sforza, the founders of the two great schools of Italian -commanders in the fifteenth century. That the native troops could be as -efficient as the foreigners whom they superseded was proved in 1401, -when a German army in the service of the Emperor Rupert was routed by an -Italian force which had been hired by the Duke of Milan. - -Whatever semblance of unity had been given to Italian history by the -continuance of party feuds disappeared altogether in the later part of -the fourteenth century, when party allegiance was finally subordinated -to the desire of each state for territorial aggrandisement. -Chronological arrangement becomes impossible, and all that can be done -is to briefly point out the most notable incidents in the history of the -greater states. It will be convenient to begin this survey with the -south of the peninsula, and to proceed northwards. - -The ambition of Robert of Naples had been moderated by the death of his -only son in 1328, and though he continued [Sidenote: Naples.] to support -the Popes in their quarrel with Lewis the Bavarian, he took very little -part in Italian politics in his later years. The subsequent history of -Naples turns for the most part upon dynastic rivalry, and demands an -accurate knowledge of genealogy.[9] Robert himself had succeeded his -father in 1309 to the exclusion of the stronger hereditary claim of his -nephew, Carobert of Hungary. Carobert died in 1342, leaving two sons, -Lewis, king of Hungary and afterwards of Poland, and Andrew. Robert, who -died in the following year, had no direct descendants except two -granddaughters, Joanna and Maria, the children of Charles of Calabria. -In the hope of averting strife with the Hungarian branch Robert, before -his death, arranged a marriage between Joanna and her cousin Andrew. -[Sidenote: Joanna I. and Andrew.] But this expedient failed to produce -the desired result. Joanna claimed the right of succession to her -grandfather, and wished to treat her husband as a mere prince-consort. -Andrew, however, insisted on the priority of his own claim as the male -representative of the eldest line. The quarrel was complicated by the -action of two descendants of Robert’s younger brothers, Lewis of -Taranto, who was suspected of being Joanna’s lover, and Charles of -Durazzo, who had married Maria, the queen’s younger sister. Both were -aspirants for the succession, and while Lewis sided with Joanna, Charles -encouraged the Hungarian prince to assert his claims. At last, in 1345, -Europe was scandalised by the news that Andrew had been murdered. -Suspicion rested from the first upon Joanna and Lewis of Taranto, whom -she subsequently married, though it is as difficult to furnish absolute -proof of their guilt as in the superficially similar case of Mary Stuart -and Bothwell. Lewis of Hungary, however, considered himself justified in -accusing Joanna of his brother’s murder, and took measures to exact -vengeance and, [Sidenote: Lewis of Hungary invades Naples.] at the same -time, to assert his own claim. His expedition was delayed for two years -by the intrigues of Pope Clement VI., by the struggle in Germany between -Lewis the Bavarian and Charles IV., and by the opposition of the -Venetians, always quarrelling with Hungary for the possession of -Dalmatia. It was not till the end of 1347 that Lewis was able to make -his way overland to Naples. Many of the nobles, including Charles of -Durazzo, rallied to his cause, and Joanna was forced to fly to Provence. -Lewis was crowned king of Naples, and one of his first acts was to put -to death Charles of Durazzo, nominally on a charge of complicity in -Andrew’s death, but probably because he might prove a dangerous -candidate for the throne. The outbreak of the Black Death and -difficulties in Hungary compelled Lewis to return northwards, and Joanna -seized the opportunity to attempt the recovery of her kingdom. To raise -money she sold Avignon to Clement VI., and it remained a papal -possession till its annexation to France in 1791. Joanna’s return to -Naples was followed by a desultory war with the Hungarian party. Lewis -returned to uphold his cause in 1350, but he found it practically -impossible to hold a kingdom so distant from Hungary, and in 1351 he -agreed to a treaty. The question of Joanna’s guilt was referred to the -Pope, and on his decision in her favour Lewis resigned the Neapolitan -crown, magnanimously refusing the money compensation which was offered -him by the papal award. - -For the next thirty years the history of Naples was comparatively -uneventful. Joanna married two more husbands [Sidenote: Succession to -Joanna I.] after the death of Lewis of Taranto, but had no children to -survive her. As she grew old the question of the succession became of -pressing importance. Her nearest relative was her niece, Margaret, the -daughter of her sister Maria and the Charles of Durazzo who had been put -to death in 1348. The latter’s brother, Lewis, had left a son, another -Charles of Durazzo, who, in 1370, married his cousin Margaret, and was -afterwards treated by Joanna as her heir. But in 1378 the Great Schism -in the Papacy began, and the queen and her nephew took opposite sides. -Joanna was the first and most ardent supporter of Clement VII., whereas -Charles of Durazzo, who had been trained and employed by his kinsman, -Lewis of Hungary, espoused the cause of Urban VI. The result was a -violent quarrel, and Urban encouraged Charles, in 1381, to take up arms -against Joanna instead of waiting for the succession. Determined to -disinherit her undutiful kinsman, and, at the same time, to gain the -support of France, Joanna offered to [Sidenote: The second House of -Anjou.] adopt as her heir Louis of Anjou, brother of Charles V. of -France. Louis could trace descent from the Neapolitan house, as his -great-grandfather, Charles of Valois, had married a daughter of Charles -II. of Naples. The offer was accepted, and from it arose the claim to -Naples of the second house of Anjou—a claim which distracted southern -Italy for a century, and ultimately passing to the French king, became -the pretext for the famous invasion of Charles VIII. in 1494. But for -the moment Joanna’s action brought her little good. Before aid could -come from France she was taken prisoner by Charles, and died in -captivity (May 22, 1382). The successful [Sidenote: Charles III. and -Louis I.] prince was crowned as Charles III. of Naples. His rival, Louis -of Anjou, seized one of Joanna’s dominions, the county of Provence, -which remained in the hands of his descendants. He also led a formidable -army to enforce his claim upon Naples, but he was not successful, and -died in 1385 without gaining more than the mere title of king. - -Charles III. was now firmly established in Naples, but the disturbances -in Hungary after the death of Lewis the Great induced him to assert a -claim to that kingdom. A momentary success was followed by his -assassination (February 24, 1386). Hungary fell into the hands of -Sigismund, and civil war broke out in Naples between the supporters of -Ladislas, [Sidenote: Ladislas and Louis II.] Charles III.’s son, and -Louis II. of Anjou, who inherited the claims of his father. There is no -need to trace the details of the struggle, which after many fluctuations -of success ended in the victory of Ladislas. For a few years in the next -century Ladislas was one of the most influential and active princes of -Italy. On his premature death in 1414, the crown of Naples passed to his -sister Joanna II., in whom the direct line of the original Angevin house -of Naples came to an end. - -It would be tedious, and perhaps impossible, to narrate in detail the -history of the Papal States during the residence of [Sidenote: Rome and -the Papal States.] the Popes at Avignon and the subsequent schism. Under -the strongest of the preceding Popes, there had never been any organised -central government in the territories which owned their sway. The Popes -had been the suzerains rather than the rulers of the States of the -Church. Every considerable city was either a republic with its own -municipal government, or was subject to a despot who had succeeded in -undermining the communal institutions. Even in Rome itself the bishop -could exercise little direct authority. Over and over again, the -turbulence of the citizens had driven successive Popes to seek a refuge -in some smaller town. In fact, the Romans might easily have shaken off -papal rule altogether but for two considerations. The Popes drew so much -wealth from Latin Christendom that they could afford to levy very light -taxes upon their immediate subjects. And the Romans gained enormous -indirect profit from the crowds of pilgrims and wealthy suitors who were -constantly drawn to the papal court. It is true that this profit was -diverted to Avignon in the fourteenth century, but though this was a -great grievance to the Romans, it was a reason for demanding the return -of the Popes rather than for making the separation permanent. The -government of Rome was in theory republican, but nothing survived from -the ancient republic except its memory and its disorder. A Senate had -been revived in the twelfth century only to prove a complete failure, -and the name of Senator had come to be applied to a temporary -magistrate, who was sometimes elected by the citizens but more often -nominated by the Pope. A central board of thirteen officers, one from -each _rione_ or district of the city, was intrusted with the municipal -administration, but it had little real authority. Every other commune in -Italy had found it necessary to restrict or abolish the privileges of -the feudal nobles. But in Rome the Colonnas, the Orsini, and other noble -families enjoyed the most lawless independence and treated the citizens -with the utmost contempt. The brawls of their retainers filled the -streets with disorder, and it was dangerous for the townspeople to -resist any outrage either on person or on property. The Popes had rarely -been successful in checking the lawlessness of the barons, and now that -the Pope was at a distance from Rome all restraint upon their licence -seemed to be removed. - -It was in these circumstances that a momentary revival of order and -liberty was effected by the most extraordinary adventurer of an age that -was prolific in adventurers. [Sidenote: Rienzi.] Cola di Rienzi was born -of humble parents, though he afterwards tried to gratify his own vanity -and to gain the ear of Charles IV. by claiming to be the bastard son of -Henry VII. A wrong which he could not venture to avenge excited his -bitter hostility against the baronage, while the study of Livy and other -classical writers inspired him with regretful admiration for the glories -of ancient Rome. He succeeded in attracting notice by his personal -beauty and by the rather turgid eloquence which was his chief talent. In -1342 he took the most prominent part in an embassy from the citizens to -Clement VI., and though he failed to induce the Pope to return to Rome, -which at that time he seems to have regarded as the panacea for the -evils of the time, he gained sufficient favour at Avignon to be -appointed papal notary. From this time he deliberately set himself to -raise the people to open resistance against their oppressors, while he -disarmed the suspicions of the nobles by intentional buffoonery and -extravagance of conduct. On May 20, 1347, the first blow was struck. -Rienzi with a chosen band of conspirators, and accompanied by the papal -vicar, who had every interest in weakening the baronage, proceeded to -the Capitol, and, amidst the applause of the mob, promulgated the laws -of the _buono stato_. He himself took the title [Sidenote: The ‘good -estate.’] of Tribune in order to emphasise his championship of the lower -classes. The most important of his laws were for the maintenance of -order. Private garrisons and fortified houses were forbidden. Each of -the thirteen districts was to maintain an armed force of a hundred -infantry and twenty-five horsemen. Every port was provided with a -cruiser for the protection of merchandise, and the trade on the Tiber -was to be secured by a river police. - -The nobles watched the progress of this astonishing revolution with -impotent surprise. Stefano Colonna, who was [Sidenote: Rienzi’s triumph -and fall.] absent on the eventful day, expressed his scorn of the mob -and their leader. But a popular attack on his palace convinced him of -his error, and forced him to fly from the city. Within fifteen days the -triumph of Rienzi seemed to be complete, when the proudest nobles of -Rome submitted and took an oath to support the new constitution. But the -suddenness of his success was enough to turn a head which was never of -the strongest. The Tribune began to dream of restoring to the Roman -Republic its old supremacy. And for a moment even this dream seemed -hardly chimerical. Europe was really dazzled by the revival of its -ancient capital. Lewis of Hungary and Joanna of Naples submitted their -quarrel to Rienzi’s arbitration. Thus encouraged, he set no bounds to -his ambition. He called upon the Pope and cardinals to return at once to -Rome. He summoned Lewis and Charles, the two claimants to the imperial -dignity, to appear before his throne and submit to his tribunal. His -arrogance was shown in the pretentious titles which he assumed, and in -the gorgeous pomp with which he was accompanied on public and even on -private occasions. On August 15, after bathing in the porphyry font in -which the Emperor Constantine had been baptized, he was crowned with -seven crowns representing the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost. His most -loyal admirer prophesied disaster when the Tribune ventured on this -occasion to blasphemously compare himself with Christ. And Rienzi’s -government deteriorated with his personal character. It had at first -been liberal and just; it became arbitrary and even treacherous. His -personal timidity made him at once harsh and vacillating. The heads of -the great families, whom he had invited to a banquet, were seized and -condemned to death on a charge of conspiracy. But a sudden terror of the -possible consequences of his action caused him to relent, and he -released his victims just as they were preparing for execution. His -leniency was as ill-timed as his previous severity. The nobles could no -longer trust him, and their fear was diminished by the weakness which -they despised while they profited by it. They retired from Rome and -concerted measures for the overthrow of their enemy. The first attack, -which was led by Stefano Colonna, was repulsed almost by accident; but -Rienzi, who had shown more cowardice than generalship, disgusted his -supporters by his indecent exultation over the bodies of the slain. And -there was one fatal ambiguity in Rienzi’s position. He had begun by -announcing himself as the ally and champion of the Papacy, and Clement -VI. had been willing enough to stand by and watch the destruction of the -baronage. But the growing independence and the arrogant pretensions of -the Tribune exasperated the Pope. A new legate was despatched to Italy -to denounce and excommunicate Rienzi as a heretic. The latter had no -longer any support to lean upon. When a new attack was threatened, the -people sullenly refused to obey the call to arms. Rienzi had not -sufficient courage to risk a final struggle. On December 15 he abdicated -and retired in disguise from Rome. His rise to power, his dazzling -triumph, and his downfall were all comprised within the brief period of -seven months. - -For the next few years Rienzi disappeared from view. According to his -own account he was concealed in a cave in the [Sidenote: Rienzi in -exile.] Apennines, where he associated with some of the wilder members -of the sect of the Fraticelli, and probably imbibed some of their -tenets. Rome relapsed into anarchy, and men’s minds were distracted from -politics by the ravages of the Black Death. The great jubilee held in -Rome in 1350 became a kind of thanksgiving service of those whom the -plague had spared. It is said that Rienzi himself visited the scene of -his exploits without detection among the crowds of pilgrims. But he was -destined to reappear in a more public and disastrous manner. In his -solitude his courage and his ambition revived, and he meditated new -plans for restoring freedom to Rome and to Italy. The allegiance to the -Church, which he had professed in 1347, was weakened by the conduct of -Clement VI. and by the influence of the Fraticelli, and he resolved in -the future to ally himself with the secular rather than with the -ecclesiastical power, with the Empire rather than with the Papacy. In -August 1351 he appeared in disguise in Prague and demanded an audience -of Charles IV. To him he proposed the far-reaching scheme which he had -formed during his exile. The Pope and the whole body of clergy were to -be deprived of their temporal power; the petty tyrants of Italy were to -be driven out; and the emperor was to fix his residence in Rome as the -supreme ruler of Christendom. All this was to be accomplished by Rienzi -himself at his own cost and trouble. Charles IV. listened with some -curiosity to a man whose career had excited such universal interest, but -he was the last man to be carried away by such chimerical suggestions. -The introduction into the political proposals of some of the religious -and communistic ideas of the Fraticelli gave the king a pretext for -committing Rienzi to the Archbishop of Prague for correction and -instruction. The archbishop communicated with the Pope, and on the -demand of Clement VI. Charles agreed to hand Rienzi over to the papal -court on condition that his life should be spared. In 1352 Rienzi was -conveyed to Avignon and thrust into prison. He owed his life perhaps -less to the king’s request than to the opportune death of Clement VI. in -this year. - -The new Pope, Innocent VI., was more independent of French control than -his immediate predecessors. The French king was fully occupied with -internal disorders, and with the English war. Thus the Pope was able to -give more attention to Italian politics, which were sufficiently -pressing. The independence and anarchy of the Papal States constituted a -serious problem, but the danger of their subjection to a foreign power -was still more serious. In 1350 the important city of Bologna had been -seized by the Visconti of Milan, and the progress of this powerful -family threatened to absorb the whole of the Romagna. Innocent -determined to resist their encroachments, and at the same time to -restore the papal authority, and in 1353 he intrusted [Sidenote: -Albornoz in Italy.] this double task to Cardinal Albornoz. Albornoz, -equally distinguished as a diplomatist and as a military commander, -resolved to ally the cause of the Papacy with that of liberty. His -programme was to overthrow the tyrants as the enemies both of the people -and of the Popes, and to restore municipal self-government under papal -protection. His attention was first directed to the city of Rome, which, -after many vicissitudes since 1347, had fallen under the influence of a -demagogue named Baroncelli. Baroncelli had revived to some extent the -schemes of Rienzi, but had declared openly against papal rule. To oppose -this new tribune, Albornoz conceived the project of using the influence -of Rienzi, whose rule was now [Sidenote: Rienzi’s return and death, -1354.] regretted by the populace that had previously deserted him. The -Pope was persuaded to release Rienzi from prison and to send him to -Rome, where the effect of his presence was almost magical. The Romans -flocked to welcome their former liberator, and he was reinstalled in -power with the title of Senator, conferred upon him by the Pope. But his -character was not improved by adversity, and his rule was more arbitrary -and selfish than it had been before. The execution of the _condottiere_, -Fra Moreale, was an act of ingratitude as well as of treachery. Popular -favour was soon alienated from a ruler who could no longer command -either affection or respect, and in a mob rising Rienzi was put to death -(October 8, 1354). But his return had served the purpose of Albornoz. -Rome was preserved to the Papacy, and the cardinal [Sidenote: Recovery -of the Papal States.] could proceed in safety with his task of subduing -the independent tyrants of Romagna. Central Italy had not yet witnessed -the general introduction of mercenaries, and the native populations -still fought their own battles. The policy of exciting revolts among the -subject citizens was completely successful, and by 1360 almost the whole -of Romagna had submitted to the papal legate. His triumph was crowned in -this year, when, by skilful use of quarrels among the Visconti princes, -he succeeded in recovering Bologna. - -But the successes of Albornoz appeared more like the conquests of a -foreign power than the restoration of a legitimate authority. The long -residence in Avignon had alienated Italian sympathies from [Sidenote: -Return of the Popes to Rome.] the Papacy. The Visconti embarked in open -war with the Popes after the fall of Bologna, and they had many -advantages on their side. The ecclesiastical thunders which had -frightened Lewis the Bavarian into submission had no terrors for Italian -princes. When Bernabo Visconti received a bull of excommunication from -the Pope, he forced the legates to eat the parchment and the leaden -seal. It was evident that nothing but a return to Italy could render -permanent the restored secular authority of the Popes. Urban V., who -succeeded Innocent VI. in 1362, was induced by the arguments of Albornoz -and the personal influence of Charles IV. to disregard the prejudices of -the cardinals, and in 1368 he entered Rome, where he was joined by the -emperor. But Urban was soon discouraged by the death of Albornoz, and -the obvious weakness of imperial support. He had no natural interests in -Italy, which was a foreign country to him, and he found Rome quite as -uncomfortable a place of residence as it had been represented. In 1370 -he embarked for Marseilles, and returned to Avignon. His departure had -the most disastrous results. Papal authority was repudiated by the -cities of Romagna, and the Visconti hastened to take advantage of the -altered conditions. Even Gregory XI., who had been chosen by the -cardinals as the least likely candidate to quit Avignon, found it -necessary to follow his predecessor’s example and return to Italy. But -his experience in Rome convinced him that the enterprise was hopeless, -and his departure was only prevented by his death (March, 1378). The -choice of an Italian, Urban VI., as his successor was a partial -concession to the violence [Sidenote: The Schism, 1378-1418.] of the -Roman mob. On the first pretext the French cardinals deserted their -nominee, and the election of a rival Pope, Clement VII., inaugurated the -Great Schism which lasted for forty years. During this period the -temporal authority of the Papacy was again annihilated, and it was not -till the Council of Constance had restored unity in 1418 that its -revival could once more be seriously undertaken. - -The history of Florence in the fourteenth century is filled with a -continuous struggle of classes and families for political [Sidenote: -Florence.] ascendency. Though the details of the struggle are -complicated and wearisome, it is necessary to pay some attention to its -general character in order to understand the conditions under which the -later authority of the Medici grew up. The expulsion of the Duke of -Athens had been followed by a settlement by which the _grandi_ were -excluded from political power, which was to be shared between the -members of the greater and the lesser guilds. But as time went on, and -the memory of previous disasters was effaced, the _popolo grasso_ began -to aim at the [Sidenote: Class jealousies.] recovery of their former -preponderance in the city. To propose a direct change of the -constitution might provoke a rising of the artisans, so it was decided -to obtain the desired end by indirect methods. A law of 1301, of which -it was forbidden to propose the revocation under heavy penalties, -decreed that a Ghibelline, or any man suspected of not being a true -Guelf, was to be incapable of holding office. For the carrying out of -this law there grew up the practice of _ammonizio_, which has been -called the ostracism of Florence. If a charge of Ghibellinism were -brought against a man, and supported by six witnesses, who swore to -public report, the priors were bound to admonish the accused, and any -person thus admonished (_ammonito_) was excluded from office. His name -was not placed in the bags, or if it were already included, it was put -on one side when drawn out and another name drawn in its place. This -party device was now employed by the wealthy burghers to recover a -monopoly of power for their class. By systematically bringing a charge -of Ghibellinism against the members of the lesser guilds who were likely -to obtain office, their exclusion could be effected without any open -assertion of disqualification. In carrying out this policy the -plutocrats were aided by the organisation of the _parte Guelfa_ (_vide_ -p. 35), which was the stronghold of oligarchical interests within the -republic. The accusations were managed by the captains of the _parte_, -and they could always find the necessary six witnesses. The pretext for -so strict an enforcement of the law against Ghibellinism was found in -the two Italian visits of Charles IV. in 1353 and 1368, though the -emperor did nothing whatever to excite the alarm of the Guelfs. - -No sooner had the wealthy burghers won their victory by the abuse of -what should have been a legal proceeding, than they were divided by the -family quarrel of the Albizzi and the Ricci. Both families belonged to -the _popolo grasso_, and [Sidenote: The Albizzi and Ricci.] their feud -had at first none of the political significance which came to be -associated with it. In fact, the Ricci were the first to urge the harsh -enforcement of the anti-Ghibelline laws, hoping to discredit their -opponents, who came originally from the Ghibelline town of Arezzo. But -the Albizzi succeeded in gaining the support of the _parte Guelfa_, and -were thus enabled to turn the tables on their rivals. The _ammonizio_ -was as useful a weapon against the Ricci faction as against the _popolo -minuto_. By 1374 the Albizzi and their supporters had got the government -into their hands. But the indiscreet violence of their proceedings -provoked serious opposition. The _ammoniti_, constantly increasing in -number, became more and more formidable. The desire for office, such a -passion among the Florentines, was not merely due to ordinary ambition, -but also to the fact that the taxes were assessed by the arbitrary will -of the state officials. The dominant faction, however, failed to -appreciate the dangers that confronted them, and in seven months of 1377 -more than eighty persons were admonished. This recklessness brought -about their ruin. In May 1378, Salvestro de’ Medici, who belonged to the -Ricci party, was drawn as gonfalonier. The bags were so depleted that -the possibility of his selection was foreseen, but his attachment to -Guelf principles was so well known that it was considered unsafe to -accuse him. In his second month of office he proposed a law to lessen -the power of the _parte Guelfa_, and to facilitate the recovery of civic -rights by the _ammoniti_. As the scheme met with opposition in the -council, one of Salvestro’s supporters, Benedetto Alberti, called the -people to arms, and the law was carried under the pressure of mob -violence. The result was an unforeseen revolution. The Ricci had been -driven by common grievances into an alliance with the lesser guilds, but -the [Sidenote: Rising of the Ciompi, 1378.] demand for redress was taken -up by the _Ciompi_, the lowest class of all. They were influenced, not -so much by the wish to obtain political power as by the desire to extort -better terms from their employers. Their movement was half revolution -and half strike. The rising of the mob, which speedily passed beyond the -control of those who had called in its aid, might have destroyed the -foundations of the state but for the action of a poor wool-comber, -Michel Lando, who was raised to the office of gonfalonier by the -accident of popular caprice. He succeeded in suppressing disorder, while -he satisfied the more rational demands of his own class. A number of new -guilds were formed of artisans who had hitherto been unorganised. Of the -eight priors, three were to be taken from the _arti maggiori_, three -from the _arti minori_, and two from the new guilds. After effecting -this settlement, Lando, with a modesty as rare as the untaught -statesmanship he had displayed, resigned his office. His retirement left -the chief power in the hands of the party which had started the -movement, but had been unable to control its course. Salvestro de’ -Medici had disappeared from public life. Though he was only a distant -relative of the later Medici, his career served to associate the family -name with the popular cause, and to give them a cue for the policy they -afterwards pursued. The leadership of his party fell into the hands of a -triumvirate, consisting of Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and -Giorgio Scali. Alberti was a fairly moderate politician, but his two -associates were ambitious demagogues, who imitated the abuses of the -Albizzi, and employed the _ammonizio_ to rid [Sidenote: -Counter-revolution in 1382.] themselves of their personal enemies. The -inevitable reaction set in in 1382. A hostile _signoria_ came into -office, and a servant of Giorgio Scali was arrested on a charge of -bearing false witness. Strozzi fled from the city, but Scali, trusting -in the favour of the mob, determined to resist. His attempt to rescue -his servant was a failure, and he himself was seized by the priors. The -populace would not rise on his behalf, and he was put to death. A -counter-revolution undid all the changes of 1378. A _balia_ constituted -by a parliament abolished the new guilds, and decreed that the priors -should be chosen, four from the greater, and four from the lesser -guilds. The gonfalonier was always to belong to the former, who thus -secured a majority in the signory. The Albizzi and other exiles were -recalled to the city. - -For the next fifty years after 1382, Florence was ruled by an -ever-narrowing oligarchy. First, the greater guilds [Sidenote: -Oligarchical rule in Florence.] recovered a practical monopoly of -office. Later, certain members of these guilds obtained such complete -ascendency that the government almost ceased to be a republic, and thus -the way was prepared for the absolutism of the Medici. In 1387 Benedetto -Alberti, the most blameless of the leaders in 1378, was driven into -exile. A new _squittinio_ filled the bags with the names of partisans of -the dominant faction. A separate bag was formed for the chief leaders of -the faction, and two priors were to be drawn from among them (_Priori -del Borsellino_). Six of the priors were to belong to the greater -guilds, and only two to the lesser. In 1393 Maso Albizzi, the leader of -the oligarchy, held the office of gonfalonier, and further measures were -taken to strengthen its supremacy. If a gonfalonier were drawn who was -displeasing to the rulers, another was to be drawn in his place, though -the former was to remain one of the priors. Three priors instead of two -were to be taken from the _borsellino_, or special bag. The signory was -allowed to raise troops, and to levy taxes for their payment, without -having to obtain the consent of the councils. These measures provoked a -rising among the artisans. The rioters repaired to the house of Vieri de -Medici, and invited him to lead them against the Albizzi. Vieri, who was -a kinsman of Salvestro de’ Medici, refused the offer of the mob, and the -movement was suppressed. In 1397 another rebellion, in which two members -of the Medici family were concerned, was also put down, and the rule of -the dominant oligarchy was more firmly established than ever. - -The great characteristic of this period of oligarchical government is -the activity and aggressiveness of the republic [Sidenote: Growth of -Florentine dominions.] in its external relations. Before 1342 Florence -had acquired the rule of considerable territories beyond the limits of -its own _contado_, but most of these dominions were lost in the -disturbances which accompanied the expulsion of the Duke of Athens. The -great service which the oligarchy rendered to Florence was the recovery -of its ascendency in northern Tuscany. Prato, Pistoia, Volterra, San -Miniato, and several lesser towns were acquired between 1350 and 1368. -In 1387 the important town of Arezzo was sold to the Florentines by -Enguerrand de Coucy, who had held it as the lieutenant of Louis of -Anjou. For some years after this the growth of Florence was checked by a -desperate war against the encroachments of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who -threatened to unite Tuscany and Lombardy under his rule. It was in this -war that Sir John Hawkwood commanded for Florence against the Milanese -_condottiere_, Jacopo del Verme. After Hawkwood’s death in 1394, the -republic was for a time in serious danger. To save their independence, -the Florentines took the unusual step of appealing for German -assistance, and urged the Elector Palatine, Rupert, who had been elected -king of the Romans in opposition to Wenzel of Bohemia, to make war -against the lord of Milan. The defeat of the German army at the battle -of Brescia left Florence in greater straits than ever, when the sudden -death of Gian Galeazzo in 1402 not only saved the Florentines from -Milanese aggression, but enabled them to resume their policy of -expansion. Within the next twenty years Pisa, Cortona, and Livorno had -been added to the dominions of Florence. - -In northern Italy the fourteenth century witnessed the final struggle -between the two great maritime republics, [Sidenote: Venice and Genoa.] -Venice and Genoa. Ever since the beginning of the Crusades they had been -rivals for commercial and political ascendency in the Levant. At first -the advantage had been on the side of the Venetians, and the diversion -of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 to attack the Eastern Empire had given -them a dominant position in the islands and coasts of the Ægean. But the -Genoese had their revenge in 1261, when they aided to overthrow the -Latin Empire, and to establish Michael Palæologus in Constantinople. As -a reward for their services they received the suburb of Pera with the -fortress of Galata, whence they could dictate to the occupants of the -imperial throne. The control of the straits enabled them to assume a -virtual monopoly of the trade of the Black Sea, and their port of Caffa -in the Crimea became one of the most flourishing cities in the east. -Pisa, which had once been the equal or even the superior of Genoa, lost -all maritime importance after the battle of Meloria (1284). For the next -century Venice and Genoa contended on fairly equal terms. In wealth and -maritime power they were evenly matched. Genoa had most of the northern -trade that passed through the Black Sea and Constantinople; but Venice, -which retained possession of Negropont, Crete, and other islands, had -the advantage in the other two channels of eastern trade, through Asia -Minor and Egypt. Genoa, however, was ready to seize any opportunity of -contesting this southern trade with her rival. The occupation of Chios -gave her a valuable port in the Ægean. Cyprus, which became an important -commercial centre after the fall of Acre (1291), was the scene of many -conflicts between the two republics. The people and the ruling house of -Lusignan were in favour of Venice, but the Genoese went to war to secure -their interests, and the seizure of Famagusta in 1373 gave them for some -time the upper hand in Cyprus. On the African coast they also succeeded -in establishing trade settlements. Farther west, the Genoese had several -things in their favour. The occupation of Corsica gave them a great -addition of maritime strength, though their dispute with Aragon for the -possession of Sardinia exposed them to the enmity of the Catalans, who -ranked after Venice and Genoa as the third naval power in the -Mediterranean. On the mainland the mountains which confined Genoa to a -narrow strip of coast, and prohibited territorial expansion, served also -to protect her from continental enemies. Venice, on the other hand, ever -since the war with Mastino della Scala had given her territories on the -mainland, was exposed to the hostility of her neighbours, especially the -kings of Hungary and the lords of Padua. If these states were allied -with Genoa, Venice ran the risk of being cut off from supplies both by -sea and land. As against this balance of strength in east and west, -there was one important difference between the two states which -ultimately turned the scales decisively in favour of Venice. By the -beginning of the century she had built up a constitution which, whatever -its narrowness and other defects, had the supreme merit of stability. -The so-called conspiracy of Marin Falier, which led to the execution of -the Doge in 1355, only served to prove the strength of the edifice which -he proposed to attack, and the impotence of the chief magistrate to -resist the Council of Ten. Genoa, on the other hand, was one of the most -turbulent and factious of Italian cities. For a long time the leaders of -these domestic feuds were the four noble houses of Doria, Fieschi, -Spinola, and Grimaldi, who disguised their family jealousies under the -names of Ghibelline and Guelf. In 1339 the Genoese, weary of their -factions, adopted for their chief magistracy the title of Doge, and -conferred it by acclamation upon an eminent citizen, Simone Boccanegra. -After the fashion of Florence and other Tuscan communes, the nobles were -disqualified from holding political office. But in Genoa the remedy -proved wholly illusory. The nobles continued to command the military and -naval forces of the republic, and were thus enabled to retain their -predominance in the state. The offices, which they could not hold -themselves, were conferred upon their plebeian adherents, as the Adorni -and Fregosi, who for a long time succeeded each other in the dogeship -according to the fluctuations of power among their noble patrons. As -Commines tells us, ‘the nobles in Genoa could appoint a doge, though -they could not hold the office themselves.’ Thus Genoa continued to be -distracted by factions, and when the citizens sought a brief interval of -repose, the only method by which they could secure it was to sacrifice -their liberty to a foreign ruler—sometimes to Milan, and sometimes to -France. - -The attempt of the Genoese merchants at Caffa to exclude the Venetians -from the lucrative free trade with the Tartars led to numerous quarrels -in the Black Sea, and [Sidenote: War of Venice and Genoa, 1350-5.] -ultimately to open warfare between the two states. Venice secured the -support of John Cantacuzene, the Greek emperor, who disliked Genoese -dictation at Pera, and of Peter of Aragon, who was contending with Genoa -for the possession of Sardinia. In 1352 Niccolo Pisani, with a powerful -fleet of Venetian, Greek, and Catalan vessels, sailed to attack Pera, -which was defended by the Genoese admiral, Paganino Doria. In the narrow -waters of the Bosphorus the allies were unable to make full use of their -numbers, and a furious storm threw their vessels into such disorder that -they did more harm to each other than to the enemy. Pisani was forced to -retire, but Doria, though victorious, had suffered such losses that he -was superseded by Antonio Grimaldi. In 1353 the Aragonese, who had fewer -interests in the Levant than their allies, insisted upon transferring -hostilities to the coast of Sardinia. In the open water off Cagliari the -Venetians and Catalans gained a complete victory, and Grimaldi with -difficulty escaped to carry the news of this crushing disaster to Genoa. -Pisani was too weakened by the encounter to venture a direct attack upon -Genoa, but the Genoese were so panic-stricken that they offered the -lordship of the city to Giovanni Visconti, in order to gain the aid of -Milan. Venice replied to this move by an alliance with the opponents of -Milan on the mainland, but the struggle continued to be fought out at -sea. Paganino Doria, restored to the command after Grimaldi’s defeat, -once more carried the war into eastern waters. Pisani, after an -uneventful campaign in 1354, had retired into winter quarters at -Portolungo on the coast of the Morea, under the shelter of the island of -Sapienza. There the Venetians were surprised by Doria, and their fleet -was completely annihilated (November 4, 1354). The battle of Sapienza -was the most decisive engagement of the struggle. It was followed by the -conspiracy and death of Marin Falier, and the Venetians were so -discouraged by the combination of external defeat and domestic treason -that they concluded peace with Genoa in 1355. All demands for -concessions in the Black Sea were abandoned, and Genoa retained its -superiority in the northern trade. - -For the next twenty years the two republics remained at peace with each -other. Genoa succeeded in throwing off the Milanese yoke in 1356, with -the result that the factions resumed their quarrels. Venice became -involved in a war with Lewis the Great of Hungary (1356-8), in which -Dalmatia was lost and Treviso was only retained with difficulty. This -was followed by a revolt in Crete which was put down (1364), and by -almost continuous quarrels with Francesco Carrara of Padua. These events -forced the Venetians to maintain a policy of peace in the east. Even the -war of 1373 in Cyprus, which subjected that island to the suzerainty of -Genoa, failed to provoke more than a verbal protest from Venice. But -events in the Eastern Empire at last drove the two republics to resume -hostilities. John Palæologus had promised to Venice the rocky island of -Tenedos, which commanded the entrance to the Hellespont. The Genoese, -regarding this as threatening their security in Pera, organised a palace -revolution in Constantinople, and seated Andronicus on the throne in -place of his father. In return for this aid the usurper ceded Tenedos to -his allies. But the governor of the island refused to recognise the -authority of Andronicus, and handed his charge over to the Venetians. -This was the immediate occasion for war. Vettor Pisani, in 1378, -defeated the Genoese fleet off Cape Antium, and cleared the Adriatic of -[Sidenote: War of Chioggia, 1378-81.] the pirates who plundered Venetian -commerce. The winter he spent in the harbour of Pola, and was still -there when he was confronted by Luciano Doria in command of another -Genoese force (May 7, 1379). In the battle which followed Pisani was -completely defeated, and was sentenced by the indignant Venetians to six -months’ imprisonment and exclusion from any command for five years. -Pietro Doria, the successor of Luciano who had been killed in the -engagement, led the victorious fleet to the lagoons of Venice. The town -of Chioggia, which commanded one of the main entrances from the open -sea, was taken after an obstinate defence, and the way was opened to -Venice itself. A prompt attack would probably have been successful, but -Doria preferred the slower and surer method of a blockade. In this he -reckoned upon the aid of Francesco Carrara, who eagerly welcomed the -opportunity of humbling the formidable republic, and undertook to -prevent the transit of supplies from the mainland. Never had the -Venetians been in such a strait, but the courage of the citizens rose to -meet the danger. Every vessel in Venetian waters was equipped and -manned, and Vettor Pisani, the idol of the sailors, was released from -prison to assume the chief command. Messengers were sent eastwards to -recall Carlo Zeno, who had been despatched to the Levant at the -beginning of the war with the second Venetian fleet. Meanwhile Pisani -undertook the defence of Venice, and gradually drove the Genoese back to -their stronghold of Chioggia. There he determined to shut them in by -blocking the main outlets to the sea. Ships full of stones were sunk in -the channels of Brondolo, Chioggia, and Malamocco, and thus the -blockaders were in their turn blockaded. But Pisani’s force was hardly -strong enough to maintain the blockade during the storms of winter. If -reinforcements came from Genoa he would be forced to retire, and Venice -would once more be in imminent danger. So conscious were the Venetian -leaders of the risk of ultimate defeat that they even discussed the -possible abandonment of their islands and the transference of the -republic to Crete. On the 1st of January 1380 sails were seen in the -distance, but as they approached they proved to be the long-expected -fleet of Zeno. This sealed the fate of the Genoese in Chioggia. Every -effort to force a passage, or to cut a canal through the low-lying -barrier between them and the sea, was foiled by the vigilance of the -besiegers, and on June 24 the whole of the Genoese force was compelled -to capitulate. - -By the fall of Chioggia Venice secured a magnificent and permanent -triumph over her great Italian rival. The naval [Sidenote: Decline of -Genoa.] power of Genoa never recovered from the blow which it then -received, and commercial superiority could only be maintained by -maritime ascendency. Chagrined at such a sudden change from anticipated -triumph to humiliating defeat, distracted by domestic feuds, and -perpetually endangered by the aggressive policy of Milan, the Genoese -sought to escape from their troubles by accepting the suzerainty of -Charles VI. of France, and admitting a French governor into the city -(1396). For the next century Genoa enters into history mainly as an -object of contention between France and Milan, and the greatness of the -republic perished with its independence. - -But Venice had to pay more than one heavy penalty for her success. In -the east the war of the two republics had been [Sidenote: Venice after -the War.] suicidal. In their mutual jealousy they had completely lost -sight of their common interest in upholding the Eastern Empire against -the Turks. The struggle between Venice and Genoa was among the chief -causes of the rapid growth of the Ottoman power, which was destined to -be fatal to both the contending states. The more Venice gained in the -east by the decline of Genoa the more she stood to lose to the advancing -Turks; and nearer home the struggle was costly to Venice. By the peace -of Turin, in 1381, she had to confirm the cession of Dalmatia to -Hungary, to resign the island of Tenedos, which had been the occasion of -the war, and to give up Treviso and all other possessions on the -mainland of Italy. All that she had gained in the contest with the -Scaligers was lost again. It is true that Treviso was ceded to Leopold -of Hapsburg in order to disappoint Francesco Carrara, whose -aggrandisement would be much more dangerous to Venice. But Leopold had -too much to engage his attention in Germany to be keenly interested in -Italian territories. Five years later he sold Treviso, with Feltre and -Ceneda, to Carrara, who thus obtained that control over the approaches -to the Alpine passes which had driven Venice to make war on Mastino -della Scala. For the second time Venice was forced by the same danger to -take an active part in the politics of northern Italy. There was one -obvious method of humbling the house of Carrara, and that was to invite -the intervention of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who required the annexation -of Padua to complete his supremacy in Lombardy. On the other hand, such -a policy involved the equally obvious danger that the lord of Milan -would prove a far more formidable neighbour than the lord of Padua. To -understand the course of action adopted by Venice in this dilemma it is -necessary to turn to the history of Milan. - -At the beginning of the fourteenth century the lordship of Milan was -disputed by two families, the della Torre and the [Sidenote: The -Visconti in Milan.] Visconti. The supremacy of the latter was -established in 1312 when Henry VII. conferred the title of imperial -vicar upon Matteo Visconti. Of Matteo’s numerous family four sons -deserve mention: Galeazzo, Lucchino, and Giovanni, who all ruled in -Milan, and Stefano, who died in 1327 without obtaining power, but whose -children subsequently came to govern. Galeazzo, the eldest son, who -succeeded his father in 1322, was deposed by Lewis the Bavarian in 1327, -and died in the following year at the siege of Pistoia. His son Azzo -recovered, in 1329, the sovereignty of Milan, and the tide of imperial -vicar. He proved a successful ruler, and by joining in the successive -leagues against John of Bohemia and Mastino della Scala, he extended his -authority over the greater part of central Lombardy. On his early death -in 1339 his uncle Lucchino succeeded to the lordship over Milan, -Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Lodi, Piacenza, Vercelli, Novara, and a less -complete sovereignty over Pavia. To these dominions Lucchino added Parma -in 1346, and Tortona, Alessandria, and Asti in 1347. On the west these -territories were bounded by the dominions of the Marquis of Montferrat -and the Count of Savoy; while on the east they were separated from -Venice and the States of the Church by the possessions of four tyrants -of lesser power—the Gonzagas in Mantua, the house of Este in Ferrara, -the della Scala in Verona and Vicenza, and the Carrara in Padua. On the -death of Lucchino in 1349 his dominions passed to his younger brother -Giovanni, who had entered the Church, and had received from Benedict -XII. the archbishopric of Milan. In spite of his ecclesiastical position -Giovanni did not scruple to aggrandise himself at the expense of the -Papacy. In 1350 he induced the Pepoli, who had made themselves lords of -Bologna, to cede that city to him. This advance from Lombardy into -central Italy made a profound impression on contemporaries, and -completely altered the position of the Visconti. It marked the beginning -of a prolonged quarrel with the Papacy, and it alarmed Florence and the -Tuscan communes for their independence. In 1353 the defeat of Genoa in -her naval war with Venice led to the temporary submission of the -Ligurian republic to Milanese rule. This was the last great triumph of -the militant archbishop, who died suddenly in 1354. - -The house of Visconti was now represented by the three sons of Stefano: -Matteo, Bernabo, and Galeazzo. They agreed to divide their uncle’s -dominions between them, but to keep the two chief cities of Milan and -Genoa under their joint rule. Matteo, who was vicious and debauched even -[Sidenote: Bernabo and Galeazzo Visconti.] beyond the standard of the -Visconti, was assassinated by order of his brothers in 1355, and Bernabo -and Galeazzo divided his share between them. On the whole their joint -rule was wonderfully harmonious, though in later life they fell rather -apart and adopted different residences—Bernabo in Milan and Galeazzo in -Pavia. Few pictures are more repulsive than that which has been handed -down of the domestic government of the two brothers. In the midst of -lavish profusion and ostentatious patronage of men of letters, they -ruled their subjects with a rod of iron. State criminals, instead of -immediate execution, were publicly tortured for forty days according to -a fixed daily programme. The game laws were enforced with atrocious -severity even for those days. A peasant who had killed a hare was given -to Bernabo’s hounds to be devoured by them. Yet these bloodthirsty -despots, belonging to an upstart family and without any recognised or -legal title in their dominions, were allowed to ally themselves by -intermarriage with the greatest dynasties in Europe. They were the -richest rulers of their time, and their wealth induced even kings to -shut their eyes both to the cruelty of their rule and to their ignoble -origin. Bernabo married his daughter Verde or Virida to the Leopold of -Hapsburg who afterwards fell in the battle of Sempach. Galeazzo obtained -for his son, Gian Galeazzo, the hand of Isabella, daughter of John of -France, with the county of Vertus in Champagne; and his daughter -Violante was married to Lionel of Clarence, the second son of Edward -III. of England. - -In spite of these alliances, which gave to the Visconti a unique -position among the despots of northern Italy, the [Sidenote: Milanese -reverses.] rule of the two brothers was by no means uninterruptedly -successful. Genoa revolted in 1356 and recovered its freedom. Cardinal -Albornoz, who was engaged in restoring papal authority in the Papal -States, organised a league among the northern despots, the Gonzagas, the -della Scala, the Marquis of Montferrat, and all who were jealous of -Visconti ascendency. Pavia recovered its independence for two years -under the encouragement of a republican monk, Jacopo Bussolari, but was -compelled to surrender to Galeazzo in 1359. Asti, Novara, Como, and -other western towns were for a time wrested from Visconti rule by the -Marquis of Montferrat. A more serious loss was that of Bologna. Giovanni -d’Oleggio, who had been appointed governor of the city by Giovanni -Visconti, refused to acknowledge the authority of the latter’s nephews. -When Bernabo endeavoured to compel his submission in 1360, Oleggio -baulked him by surrendering Bologna to Albornoz. The successes of the -papal legate and the return of Urban V. to Rome seemed for a moment to -render hopeless any extension of the rule of the Visconti beyond the -limits of Lombardy. But Albornoz died in 1368, Urban returned to Avignon -in 1370, and a general revolt in Romagna against papal rule restored to -the Visconti the advantages which for a moment they had lost. It was -not, however, Bernabo Visconti who profited by these changes, but a new -and more famous member of the family. - -In 1378—an eventful year in Italian history—Galeazzo Visconti died, -leaving his share of the family dominions to his only son, Gian -Galeazzo. Fearing the ambition [Sidenote: Gian Galeazzo Visconti.] of -Bernabo, who might well desire to provide for his numerous children at -his nephew’s expense, the young prince ruled in Pavia with such -ostentation of piety and moderation that his uncle deemed him a harmless -simpleton. Having thus disarmed all suspicion, Gian Galeazzo decoyed his -uncle from Milan to a friendly interview, consigned him to a prison -which he never left alive, and reunited the territories of Bernabo with -his own (1385). To the cruelty and unscrupulousness of his predecessors, -Gian Galeazzo added a dogged resolution and a capacity for intrigue -which enabled him to attain a height of power beyond their most sanguine -dreams. Personally he was so timid that a sudden sound excited a terror -which he could not conceal. But his lack of courage—an unusual defect -among Italian tyrants—proved no bar to his ambition. His wealth enabled -him to attract to his service most of the ablest _condottieri_ of the -age, and to purchase from them a fidelity which was quite uncommon. -Himself the husband of a French princess, he drew closer the connection -with France by marrying his daughter, Valentina, to Charles VI.’s -brother, Louis of Orleans (1389). The bride not only brought to the -Orleans family the town of Asti as her dowry, but also an eventual claim -to the succession in Milan which was fraught with most momentous -consequences to Europe. A few years later Gian Galeazzo succeeded in -removing one great defect in the dignity of the Visconti by obtaining -from Wenzel, king of the Romans, the formal creation in his favour of a -hereditary duchy of Milan (1395). - -The great ambition of Gian Galeazzo Visconti was to found a kingdom of -northern Italy, and circumstances were [Sidenote: His schemes.] so -extraordinarily favourable that he very nearly succeeded in gaining his -object. The two great Guelf powers, Naples and the Papacy, might -naturally be expected to oppose such a design. But the Papacy was in the -throes of the Schism, and Naples was the scene of civil strife between -the two houses of Anjou. Of the three leading republics whose -independence was directly threatened, Genoa was powerless. Florence was -hampered by the jealousy of Siena, Perugia, and other communes in -Tuscany and Romagna, while Venice had for the moment more immediate -enemies than Milan, and might be bribed to aid in their destruction. The -empire was in the feeble hands of Wenzel, France in the equally feeble -hands of Charles VI., and both princes were allied with the Visconti. -There seemed to be hardly any danger either of foreign intervention or -of efficient resistance in Italy. - -The first task which Gian Galeazzo undertook was the reduction of -eastern Lombardy. A quarrel between Francesco Carrara and Antonio della -Scala gave him his opportunity. [Sidenote: Conquest of Verona and -Padua.] He offered his aid to both princes, but ultimately concluded a -treaty with Carrara in 1387 by which Verona was to go to himself and -Vicenza to Padua. Both cities were easily taken by Gian Galeazzo’s -troops, and the once famous house of della Scala was ruined. But the -lord of Milan kept Vicenza as well as Verona, and Carrara perceived too -late that he had only hastened his own downfall. Venice was eager to -punish the neighbour who had done all he could for her destruction in -the wars both with Hungary and with Genoa. In spite of the obvious -danger of aggrandising Milan, Venice agreed to a partition of the -territories of Carrara. Resistance to such a combination was hopeless; -Padua was compelled to surrender to Milanese rule, and Treviso and the -marches were handed over to Venice (1388). The supremacy of Gian -Galeazzo in Lombardy was now uncontested. The remaining princes of -Savoy, Montferrat, Mantua, and Ferrara, were all, for one reason or -another, his humble vassals. - -In 1389 Gian Galeazzo was free to turn his attention to Tuscany and -Romagna, where his ambition seemed to be equally favoured by internal -dissensions. Siena, Perugia, and a number of petty lords in Romagna -[Sidenote: War with Florence, 1390-2.] joined in a league against -Florence, whose fall would have assured the supremacy of Milan. But the -Florentine oligarchy served the republic faithfully in this hour of -danger. Sir John Hawkwood was taken into the service of Florence, and -the Count of Armagnac was bribed to bring a body of French troops to aid -the republic. Visconti had engaged the most eminent Italian leaders, -Jacopo dal Verme, Facino Cane, and others, and the numerical superiority -of their troops might have gained an ultimate victory. Armagnac was -defeated and slain, and this disaster compelled Hawkwood, who had -invaded Lombardy as far as the Adda, to conduct a difficult and -hazardous retreat. But the balance was turned against Milan by a wholly -unexpected reverse in the north. The younger Francesco Carrara, who had -been imprisoned with his father after the fall of Padua, succeeded in -escaping. After hairbreadth escapes and the most romantic wanderings -over Europe, he succeeded in getting supplies of money from Florence and -of men from Bavaria. With a small body of followers he entered Padua by -the bed of the Brenta in June 1390. The citizens welcomed his return, -and the rule of Milan was overthrown. This revolution in Padua was a -great blow to Gian Galeazzo. It compelled him to withdraw part of his -forces from Tuscany, and in 1392 he decided to postpone his southern -enterprise and to conclude a treaty. Padua was left in the hands of -Francesco Carrara on condition of paying tribute to Milan; Florence was -to abstain from intervention in Lombardy, and Gian Galeazzo from -intervention in Tuscany. - -The treaty of 1392 was followed by a few years of troubled peace, broken -by only a brief renewal of hostilities in 1397, which was ended by -another treaty in 1398. During these years Gian Galeazzo continued to -prosecute his schemes by diplomacy and intrigue. [Sidenote: Successes of -Gian Galeazzo.] In 1394 a revolution was effected in Pisa and the -lordship of the city acquired by Jacopo d’Appiano, who was notoriously -in the pay of Milan. Five years later, Appiano’s son completed the -bargain by handing over Pisa to Gian Galeazzo in return for the -principality of Piombino. Genoa only escaped a similar fate by a -voluntary submission to France in 1396. Siena in 1399, Perugia and -Assisi in 1400 sought to escape the disorders of faction by accepting -the rule of Milan. Everywhere republican liberties seemed destined to -give way to the advance of despotism. Paolo Guinigi, with the help of -Milanese gold, made himself lord of Lucca in 1400, and in the next year -Giovanni Bentivoglio became the master of Bologna. Slowly but surely the -coils were being drawn round Florence, and the league which she had -formed for the defence of liberty was wholly broken up. Hawkwood had -died in 1394, and no leader of equal merit could be found except in the -service of Milan. A momentary prospect of relief was offered when the -princes of Germany in 1400 deposed the incapable Wenzel and gave the -kingship of the Romans to the Elector Palatine, Rupert III. Rupert -undertook to invade Italy and to crush the upstart ruler of Milan whom -his rival had raised to the rank of duke. But the German troops were no -match either in skill or in discipline for the mercenaries of Italy, and -were utterly routed at Brescia by Jacopo dal Verme (October 24, 1401). -The last hope of Florence disappeared when Giovanni Bentivoglio, who had -turned against Milan, was compelled to surrender, and the Bolognese -welcomed the substitution of a foreign for a native despot (July, 1402). -But death intervened to thwart an [Sidenote: His death in 1402.] -ambition which human opposition had failed to check. On September 3, -1402, Gian Galeazzo was carried off by the plague at the age of -fifty-five. The kingdom of northern Italy perished with the man who had -practically created it. - -Footnote 9: - - See Genealogical Table I, in Appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - THE SCHISMS IN THE PAPACY AND EMPIRE, 1378-1414 - - - Decline of German Monarchy—Dangers to Germany—Policy of Charles - IV.—Return of the Papacy to Rome and election of Urban - VI.—Election of Clement VII. and beginning of the Schism—The - German towns and their hostility to the nobles—Weakness of - Wenzel—The town-war—Peace of Eger—The Succession to Hungary and - Poland—The Jagellon House is established in Poland, and - Sigismund in Hungary—Opposition to Wenzel in Germany—Troubles in - Bohemia—France and the Schism—Meeting of Wenzel and Charles - VI.—A Schism is created in the Empire—The idea of a General - Council—Negotiations between the rival Popes—Europe and the - Schism—The Council of Pisa—The Triple Schism—Alexander V. and - his successor John XXIII.—Death of Rupert of the Pale—Election - of Sigismund—Jobst—Death of Jobst—Second election of - Sigismund—Sigismund and Pope John XXIII.—Summons of the Council - of Constance. - -With the year 1378 begins a period of anarchy and confusion -characteristic of the decay of an old organisation, and the inevitable -precursor of a new system. In that year died Gregory XI. and Charles -IV., the representatives of secular and ecclesiastical authority as -conceived in the Middle Ages. Of the two claimants to universal rule, -the Papacy and the Empire, the former was immeasurably the stronger. It -possessed a large revenue and an admirable administrative system. The -Empire had neither. Its claims to rule over Christendom were no longer -acknowledged. Even in Italy its suzerainty was recognised as a legal -form, but in actual politics little regard was paid to it. And the -German monarchy had fallen with the grandiose and unreal dignity to -which it was attached. The imperial domains had been seized or -squandered. The central administration and jurisdiction were hardly -existent. Such authority as the king [Sidenote: Decline of German -monarchy.] possessed rested upon the territorial powers which he held -independently of his kingship. His nominal vassals—ecclesiastics, lay -princes, knights and cities—enjoyed practical independence. If they -quarrelled with each other, they fought the quarrel out as if they had -been independent states. If the Emperor intervened, it was as a partisan -rather than as an arbiter. There was no parliamentary organisation, as -in England, where the interests of the various estates could find -effective expression. There was no overwhelming national sentiment, such -as was created by the Hundred Years’ War in France, to enable the -monarchy to gain ascendency and to crush rival pretensions. - -The dangers of this growing disunion were sufficiently obvious in the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It seemed [Sidenote: Dangers to -Germany.] almost inevitable that Germany would lose all semblance of a -state, and that as it fell to pieces foreign powers would seize upon the -fragments. In the south-east the Turks were gradually establishing -themselves on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire, and threatened to -advance up the valley of the Danube into the heart of southern Germany. -Further north a powerful Slav kingdom was erected in Poland under the -House of Jagellon, whose mission seemed to be to annihilate the progress -which German influences had effected by means of the Teutonic knights. -The Slav kingdom of Bohemia, which under the House of Luxemburg had -become almost the capital of Germany, revolted against the rule and the -religion of its kings, and the Hussite victories revealed more clearly -than any other single event the rottenness and impotence of the existing -system in Germany. In the north, the Union of Kalmar brought the three -Scandinavian states under a single ruler, and threatened to deprive the -German Hansa of the ascendency in northern waters which Lübeck and its -associates had gained by their victory over Waldemar III. of Denmark. In -the south, the Swiss Confederation was tending to free itself from even -nominal dependence on the Empire, and there were other leagues in Swabia -and on the Rhine which were not unlikely to follow its example. In the -west, German weakness had already allowed France to swallow a great part -of the old kingdom of Arles, and though France was for a time crippled -by the war with England and by internal dissensions, a new and more -pressing danger was created by the rapid growth of the Valois dukes of -Burgundy, who absorbed one imperial fief after another, and at one time -almost succeeded in building up a middle kingdom along the Rhine, which -would have excluded Germany from all real influence on the development -of western Europe. - -Charles IV., the greatest ruler of the fourteenth century, had clearly -grasped both the dangers of the situation and [Sidenote: Policy of -Charles IV.] the only remedies which could be applied. Either Germany -must be organised as a federation which should combine some measure of -local independence with joint action for common interests, or a single -family must collect such an aggregate of territories in its hands as -might become the nucleus of a new territorial monarchy. Charles had kept -both expedients before him. He had laid the foundations of a federal -organisation by conferring corporate powers and privileges upon the -electors. At the same time he had made the Luxemburg family the -strongest in Germany, and had placed it in a position to do for Germany -what the Capets had done for France. It is a common error to maintain -that Charles IV.’s policy was a complete failure; that what he meant to -be a temporary expedient proved permanent, while his ultimate aims were -never achieved. It is true that a territorial monarchy was not -established, and that such unity as Germany has since possessed has been -federal rather than monarchical. But what really held Germany together -from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century was not the federal system, -but the territorial power of the house of Hapsburg. And that territorial -power was, in the main, founded by Charles _IV._ It is as the heirs of -the Luxemburg family that the Hapsburgs assumed their unique position in -Germany. Charles IV. achieved more lasting results than he has been -credited with, but the fruits of his policy were gathered by others than -his own descendants. - -One very obvious source of weakness to Charles IV. had been his failure -to control the ecclesiastical system, owing to the residence of the -Popes at Avignon. [Sidenote: Return of the Papacy to Rome.] Charles -himself had gained the German monarchy to some extent as the papal -nominee; but he had found it necessary to resist papal intervention in -Germany as long as that intervention was dictated by a foreign power. It -was obviously Charles’s duty and interest to restore the Papacy to Rome, -where alone it could exercise impartial authority. He had induced Urban -V. to transfer his residence to Rome, but his hopes had been -disappointed by the Pope’s speedy return to the banks of the Rhône. Once -again his influence had been successful, and in 1377 Gregory XI. had -left Avignon for the Eternal City. But both Pope and cardinals found -Rome too turbulent to be an agreeable abode, and they were preparing for -another flitting when the death of Gregory compelled the conclave to -meet for a new election within the Vatican. The mob surrounded the -palace and demanded the choice of a Roman Pope. The majority of the -cardinals were Frenchmen, but they were divided among themselves, and -they were afraid of the violence of the citizens. As a compromise, they -chose a Neapolitan, the archbishop of Bari, [Sidenote: Election of Urban -VI., 1378.] who took the name of Urban VI. So little confidence had the -cardinals that their decision would please the people, that they escaped -in disguise and left the news of the election to become known gradually. -This fact is sufficient to prove that the election was not altogether -compulsory, and as soon as the mob had shown itself acquiescent, the -cardinals were unanimous in acknowledging Urban. - -But this unanimity was very short-lived. Urban VI. had never been a -cardinal, and was personally unknown to most of his electors. He proved -to be a man of violent temper and rough manners, eager to exercise his -unexpected authority, and reckless of opposition or advice. The -cardinals, who had hoped for a pliant and grateful tool, found -themselves confronted with a master who announced that he would begin -the reform of the Church with its chief dignitaries. He silenced -remonstrances by the rudest sarcasms, and declared that he would never -return to Avignon. Disappointed and indignant, many of the cardinals -quitted Rome for Anagni. Encouraged by the support of France and Naples, -they declared that Urban’s election was invalid on account of the -intimidation of the mob, and on September 20, 1378, proceeded to elect -Robert of Geneva, a militant ecclesiastic who had succeeded Cardinal -Albornoz as commander [Sidenote: Election of Clement VII.] of the papal -troops in Italy. The Antipope assumed the name of Clement VII., and his -election commenced a schism in the Church which lasted for forty years. - -Charles IV. had watched these events in Italy with the greatest chagrin. -He gave unhesitating support to Urban VI., and urged the European -princes to resist the revival of French dictation in the Church. But his -death on November 29 removed the one statesman who might possibly have -checked the progress of the schism. His son and successor, Wenzel, -pursued his father’s policy, but he was too young, and, as it proved, -too incapable, to exercise the same influence. He threatened Joanna I. -of Naples with the imperial ban if she did not give up the cause of -Clement; and this threat was the more formidable because the Neapolitans -themselves favoured their fellow-countryman Urban. But the only result -was to aggravate the schism. Finding that residence on Neapolitan soil -was no longer safe, Clement VII. and his [Sidenote: The schism in the -Church, 1378-1417.] cardinals left Italy for Avignon. There Clement was -secure of French support, and before long he was also recognised by the -Spanish kingdoms, Castile, Aragon, and Navarre. Germany, England, and -most of the northern kingdoms gave their allegiance to Urban VI., and -after his death to his successors, Boniface IX. (1389-1404), Innocent -VII. (1404-5), and Gregory XII., elected in 1405. Clement VII. lived -till 1394, when he was succeeded by a Spaniard, Peter de Luna, who took -the name of Benedict XIII. - -The schism in the Church was by no means the only difficulty which -Wenzel had to face. In Germany, as in [Sidenote: The German towns.] -other countries, the feudal system, in which social and political -relations depended upon the tenure of land, had been modified by the -growth of towns, whose interests lay in industry rather than in -agriculture, while their desire to maintain peace conflicted with the -military habits and traditions of the noble landholders. In England and -in France the monarchy had advanced its own interests by taking the -rising towns under its patronage and by aiding the growth of municipal -self-government. At one time, under Lewis the Bavarian, a similar policy -had seemed possible in Germany. At the diet of Frankfort in 1344 the -speaker of the town deputies had used the memorable words: _civitates -non possunt stare nisi cum imperio: imperii lesio earum est destructio_. -But Charles IV., guided by his experiences in Italy, had distrusted the -towns: he had suspected them of aiming at independence rather than the -strengthening of the monarchy: and in the Golden Bull he had -deliberately opposed the development of the towns while he had conceded -great powers to the electors. But his policy in this respect had not -been altogether successful even during his own lifetime. The Hanse towns -in the north had risen to the zenith of their power in 1370, and Charles -had found it politic to conciliate them by a personal visit to Lübeck. -In the south the Swabian League had been formed under the leadership of -Ulm, had defeated the warlike Count of Würtemburg, and had compelled the -old emperor to allow them the right of union, of which they had been -deprived by the Golden Bull. - -The death of Charles IV. and the accession of the feeble and -self-indulgent Wenzel enabled the towns to take bolder measures. In 1381 -an alliance was concluded at [Sidenote: Hostility of towns and nobles.] -Speier between the Swabian League and the towns on the Rhine; and its -object was not merely mutual defence, but ‘to scourge and punish their -mutual enemies.’ The league thus formed contained seventy-two towns, and -could supply a military force of ten thousand men-at-arms. And this -force was by no means their only or their most effective weapon. By -granting a modified form of citizenship (_Pfahlbürgerthum_), they -annexed whole villages in their neighbourhood, thus depriving the lords -at once of subjects, revenue, and territory. If the landholder tried to -recover his loss, he only devastated his own property, while the -offending citizens were safe within walls that until the general use of -gunpowder were almost impregnable. It was no wonder that the princes -resented the growth of a power which seemed likely to rival their own. -But the class which was most immediately threatened by the towns was -that of the knights or lesser tenants-in-chief. Their chief occupations -were warfare and pillage, and the towns were resolute in putting a stop -to practices which ruined their trade. Single-handed the knights were -powerless against the civic forces, and they were driven to form -leagues, such as the famous League of the Lion, for their own defence. -There was little love lost between the knights and the princes, but -class prejudices and associations tended to draw them together against a -foe whom they both detested and contemned. The materials were prepared -for a great war of classes in Germany. - -Wenzel had neither the ability nor the experience to enable him to deal -successfully with such a problem, and his attention was also occupied by -family affairs in the east and by the quarrel in the Church. His only -expedient was to form associations for the maintenance of the peace in -which both princes and cities should be included. By this means he -succeeded in postponing but not in preventing a war. The quarrel of -Leopold of Hapsburg with the Swiss precipitated matters. The Swiss -confederation differed from the Swabian and Rhenish leagues in that it -included village communities of peasants as well as towns. When in 1385 -an alliance with the Swabian League was proposed, the original forest -cantons refused to take any part in the matter, and only the towns, -Bern, Zürich, Zug and Luzern were parties to the compact. The battle of -Sempach was won mainly by the peasants, and the Swabian towns sent no -assistance. But the fall of Leopold of Hapsburg, the champion of -princely interests, was hailed as a triumph by the towns, and had the -natural effect of increasing their pride and pretensions. In 1387 the -war which had been on the verge of outbreak since 1379 at last began. -There was little that was notable in the actual hostilities, except -their extent. The [Sidenote: The town war, 1387-9.] war was merely a -simultaneous explosion of the numerous feuds which had often been waged -before between a noble and a too powerful town. As long as the citizens -stood on the defensive, they were successful, and the armies of the -princes and knights were repulsed from their walls. Emboldened by these -successes, they determined to leave their walls and to invade the -territories of their old enemy, Eberhard of Würtemburg. But the German -towns had no such soldiers as the peasants of the Alps, and no such -geographical advantages as the Swiss had. In the open field their forces -were cut to pieces by the feudal cavalry. On August 24, 1388, the united -troops of the Swabian League suffered a severe defeat at Döffingen. The -weakness of their position was now apparent. They could resist -aggression, but they could not themselves take the offensive. The -Rhenish towns were defeated with great loss at Worms, and Nürnberg, the -latest and the most important recruit of the Swabian League, was reduced -to submission by the Burggraf. - -But the triumph of the nobles was incomplete. Though they had been -victorious in the field, they were as unable as before to carry on siege -operations. Their defensive strength enabled the towns to negotiate the -peace of Eger (1389) [Sidenote: Peace of Eger, 1389.] on fairly equal -terms. By this treaty all leagues and unions were to be abrogated on -both sides. All future disputes between the towns and the nobles were to -be settled by arbitration. For this purpose four commissioners were -appointed in Swabia, Franconia, Bavaria, and the Rhenish provinces. Each -commission was to consist of four nobles, four citizens, and a president -to be appointed by the Emperor. It is obvious that the towns, though -defeated, had not been wholly unsuccessful, and had secured a position -of equality with their opponents. But the real importance of the war is -the discredit which it cast upon the monarchy. Wenzel had been unable -either to prevent the war or to influence its course. And the -organisation created for the maintenance of the peace was a local and -representative organisation, in which the central authority had little -more than a nominal share. - -While Germany was convulsed with the town war, the House of Luxemburg -had made an important territorial acquisition in the east. Lewis the -Great, king of Hungary and Poland, the head of the original House of -Anjou in Naples, had died in 1380. He left a widow, Elizabeth, and two -daughters, Maria and Hedwig. In spite [Sidenote: Succession in Hungary -and Poland.] of the natural prejudices against female rule, he had -induced his subjects to recognise his daughters’ claim to the -succession. If they were passed over, the nearest male heir was Charles -of Durazzo,[10] who was engaged in a struggle for the crown of Naples -with Louis of Anjou, brother of Charles V. of France. Maria, the elder -of the two daughters, was betrothed to Sigismund, the second son of -Charles IV. She was accepted by the Hungarians, and Sigismund was eager -that his future wife should also gain the crown of Poland. But the -Poles, influenced by the growing Slav sentiment, were unwilling to -continue the connection with Hungary or to accept a German ruler. They -insisted upon electing the younger sister Hedwig, and upon choosing a -husband for her. Hedwig was sent to Poland in 1385, and in the next year -was married to Jagello, prince of Lithuania, who was baptized as a -Christian under the name of Ladislas. The union of Poland and Lithuania -under the Jagellon house founded a powerful Slav state to the north-east -of Germany, and led to the downfall of the Teutonic Knights, who could -no longer claim to conduct a crusade when their foes had accepted -Christianity (see p. 459). - -Meanwhile Sigismund, disappointed in Poland, came near to losing Hungary -as well. Elizabeth, the late king’s widow, [Sidenote: Sigismund’s -accession in Hungary, 1387.] unwilling to surrender authority to an -ambitious son-in-law, tried to break off Maria’s engagement, and to -bring about a marriage with a French prince. But her schemes were -suddenly checkmated by a revolt of the Hungarian nobles, who offered the -crown to Charles of Durazzo, now established on the throne of Naples. -Charles accepted the offer, and landed in Dalmatia in 1385. This -unexpected danger forced Elizabeth to appeal for assistance to -Sigismund, whose long-delayed marriage was hastily solemnised in October -1385. The bridegroom hurried off to raise troops for the defence of his -wife’s crown, and among his expedients for gaining money he pawned a -great part of Brandenburg to his cousin Jobst of Moravia. Meanwhile -events in Hungary moved with kaleidoscopic rapidity. Charles of Naples, -after having apparently secured his kingdom, was assassinated by the -emissaries of Elizabeth in February 1386. Elizabeth recovered authority -in her daughter’s name, and at once quarrelled with her son-in-law, -whose assistance seemed to be no longer needed. But the nobles of -Croatia determined to avenge the death of Charles. They seized Elizabeth -and Maria, and carried them off to the fortress of Novigrad. When the -fortress was besieged, the former was put to death, and Maria was -threatened with the same fate. In the general anarchy, the Hungarian -nobles determined to offer the crown to Sigismund, who was crowned in -1387, and soon afterwards succeeded in effecting his wife’s release. His -accession added a new province to the Luxemburg possessions, and at the -same time founded the dynastic connection between Hungary and Bohemia -which still exists. - -The acquisition of Hungary did nothing to strengthen the position of the -House of Luxemburg in Germany, while it increased the jealousy with -which its overgrown territories were regarded. The western princes, -representing the original German duchies of Bavaria, Franconia, and -Swabia, resented the transference of power to a dynasty whose -possessions lay mostly in the east, and some of them outside Germany -altogether. The House of Wittelsbach, from whose hands Charles IV. had -snatched the imperial dignity, were the foremost in raising this outcry -of the west against the east. And the malcontents were not [Sidenote: -Opposition to Wenzel in Germany.] without more serious grounds of -complaint. Wenzel had done nothing to terminate the ecclesiastical -schism. His feeble and vacillating conduct during the town war had -disgusted the princes; and after the peace of Eger he had practically -withdrawn from German politics, and had left the kingdom in a state of -anarchy. Even in the east he incurred difficulties and humiliations -which brought discredit upon his person and his office. - -Charles IV. had had two sources of strength which his successor entirely -lacked. He could rely upon the enthusiastic loyalty of the Bohemians, -and he was the undisputed head of the Luxemburg family. Neither of his -brothers had ever ventured to oppose his will. But under Wenzel Bohemia -enjoyed neither the prestige nor [Sidenote: Troubles in Bohemia.] the -good government which had endeared Charles to his subjects, while there -was a growing feeling that it was degrading to a Slav people to be ruled -by a German prince and by German methods. The sentiment of race which -had led Poland to unite with Lithuania under Jagello was beginning to be -powerful in Bohemia, in spite of its long and intimate association with -Germany. Wenzel himself was not personally unpopular. The very -coarseness of his character and manners, which degenerated in time into -brutish gluttony and drunkenness, seems to have evoked a rude sympathy, -at any rate among the lower classes. But his reckless passion led him -into gross political blunders, his unconcealed contempt alienated the -clergy, while his patronage of unworthy favourites exasperated the -nobles. A series of disorderly revolts began in 1387, and followed each -other in rapid succession. And Wenzel’s kinsmen, instead of assisting -the head of their house, rather added to his embarrassments. The evil -genius of the family was his cousin, Jobst of Moravia, a man who -anticipated the Italians of the next century in his selfish cunning and -his complete disregard of moral rules. Jobst had already gained -Brandenburg by trading on the pecuniary difficulties of Sigismund, and -he hoped by discrediting Wenzel to obtain for himself the Bohemian and -the imperial crowns. In 1394 he was at the head of a baronial revolt, in -which Wenzel was seized and imprisoned by the rebels. The most loyal -member of the family, John of Görlitz, who succeeded in releasing his -brother, was treated by Wenzel with gross ingratitude, and died in 1396, -not without grave suspicions of poison. Sigismund, though absorbed in -the pursuit of his own ends, was less cynically selfish than Jobst, and -showed some regard for the dignity and interests of his house. But he -was prevented from giving Wenzel any real assistance or guidance by the -necessity of defending his own kingdom of Hungary against the Turks. In -1396 he led a large crusading army to be cut to pieces by the forces of -Bajazet I. on the field of Nicopolis. But for the advance of the Tartars -under Timour, eastern Europe would have been at the mercy of the -victorious sultan. - -The scandals in Bohemia and the quarrels among the Luxemburg princes -seem to have convinced the western princes that Wenzel was as little to -be feared as respected. He had given them a new grievance in 1395 by -granting the title of Duke of Milan and thus raising to princely rank -the aggressive Ghibelline leader in northern Italy, Gian Galeazzo -Visconti. And three years later he gave them a pretext for throwing off -their allegiance by his action with regard to the [Sidenote: France and -the schism.] schism in the Church. From the first the University of -Paris, then by far the most influential university in Europe, had set -itself against a schism which the French government had done much to -bring about. At first the king had silenced the university, but -gradually he had come to share its views. France found it extremely -expensive to support a schismatic Pope who had little but French -contributions to look to for the maintenance of himself and his court. -Popular sympathy was cooled when a Spaniard, Peter de Luna, was chosen -to succeed the French Pope Clement VII. Under the guidance of the -university leaders, Pierre d’Ailly and Jean Gerson, Charles VI. and his -ministers determined to end the schism by ‘the way of neutrality,’ -_i.e._ by withdrawing allegiance from the two rival Popes, and thus -forcing them to abdicate, when a new election could restore unity to -Christendom. To give effect to this scheme, it was necessary to secure -simultaneous action on the part of the supporters of the Roman Pope -Boniface IX., and of these the most exalted was the King of the Romans. -Wenzel seems to have inherited some of the traditional attachment to -France of the Luxemburg [Sidenote: Meeting of Wenzel and Charles VI.] -dynasty, and he had quarrelled with Boniface about the appointment of an -Archbishop of Mainz. The two kings, the one a confirmed drunkard and the -other subject to fits of insanity, met at Rheims in 1398 to discuss the -most pressing problem of the age. Their personal intercourse cannot have -been very edifying. On one occasion Wenzel was invited to a banquet with -the French king, and when the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri came to escort -the guest, they found that he had already dined, and was lying under the -table in a drunken sleep. But the interview resulted in a more or less -formal agreement that France should extort the resignation of Benedict, -while Wenzel was to do the same by Boniface. - -The Elector Palatine had already warned Wenzel that if he withdrew his -allegiance from the Pope who had confirmed his title, his subjects would -no longer be bound [Sidenote: Schism in the Empire, 1400.] to him. The -interview at Rheims had the effect of hurrying the execution of a plan -which had been for some time in contemplation. Boniface IX., though -careful to avoid committing himself to the conspiring princes, was not -unwilling to checkmate Wenzel by encouraging his opponents in Germany. -Of the seven electors, two, representing Bohemia and Brandenburg, -belonged to the Luxemburg house, while the Duke of Saxony held aloof. -The other four, whose territories bordered on the Rhine, met in 1400 at -Lahnstein, decreed the deposition of Wenzel, and elected one of their -own number, the Count Palatine, Rupert III. But the Rhenish electors, -like the recalcitrant cardinals in 1378, had no power to enforce their -decree of deposition, and the only result of their action was to create -a schism in the Empire side by side with the schism in the Church. - -Rupert was a far wiser ruler and a far better man than his rival, and if -to his other virtues he had added the slightest military capacity, he -might have gained a complete triumph. Wenzel continued to quarrel with -[Sidenote: The rival Kings of the Romans.] his brother and his cousins, -and during a revolt in Hungary Sigismund was for five months a prisoner -in the hands of his barons. If Ladislas of Naples had not been occupied -in his contest with Louis II. of Anjou, he might have enforced the -claims of the House of Durazzo to the Hungarian crown, as his father had -done in 1385. But the difficulties of the Luxemburg princes were not -enough to enable Rupert to profit by them. He invaded Bohemia, and -actually reached Prague, where Jobst and the malcontent nobles offered -him their support. But at the first slight reverse he withdrew, and his -opportunity was lost when Sigismund escaped from captivity and came to -govern Bohemia for his incompetent brother. Then Rupert tried to obtain -an indirect triumph by crushing Wenzel’s _protégé_, Gian Galeazzo -Visconti. He hoped thus to restore German influence in Italy, which the -two last Luxemburg rulers had allowed to decay, and also to receive the -imperial crown from the gratitude of Boniface IX. Florence and all the -opponents of the Milanese despot promised to aid him with men and money. -But his Italian expedition was even more unsuccessful than his invasion -of Bohemia. His army was utterly routed by the mercenary forces of Gian -Galeazzo under the walls of Brescia (October 21, 1401), and he returned -to Germany the laughing-stock of Europe. His failure encouraged Wenzel -to plan a journey to Italy to obtain his long-delayed coronation, and -Sigismund undertook to escort him. Boniface IX., who was now committed -to the cause of Rupert, sought to foil the scheme by urging Ladislas of -Naples to an invasion of Hungary, which proved unsuccessful. But the -project was perforce abandoned on the news of the death of Gian Galeazzo -(September 3, 1402). From this time the rival Kings of the Romans -abstained from direct attacks on each other, and contented themselves -with their respective obedience, the one in the west and the other in -the east. Germany was so accustomed to dispense with any active exercise -of the royal authority that the schism created little excitement and -less inconvenience. - -The schism in the Church was far more important to Europe, though the -chief actors were hardly more imposing than the rival emperors. The -position of the Papacy was necessarily shaken by the contentions of two -old men, each claiming to exercise divine authority, and each cursing -the other with human petulance. The religious were shocked by such a -spectacle: the irreligious laughed and mocked. A contemporary remarks -that for a long time Christians had had an earthly god who forgave their -sins, but now they have two such gods, and if one will not forgive their -sins, they go to the other. The prolonged scandal forced men to change -their conception of papal power, and to contend that such power does not -exist for its own ends, but for the sake of the whole Church. If -therefore that power is grossly abused, it is the right and even the -duty of the Church to interfere on behalf of its suffering [Sidenote: -The idea of a General Council.] members. Hence arose the conciliar idea, -which dominates all other ecclesiastical conceptions in the first half -of the fifteenth century. The Church, as represented by a General -Council, is superior to the head, as the whole body is superior to any -member. This idea found its main support in the Universities, especially -in Paris, Oxford, and Prague. The schism in the Empire and the -prominence of the University of Paris enabled France to take the -foremost place in urging the summons of a Council to put an end to -ecclesiastical anarchy. France had already adopted a policy of -neutrality in 1398, and had gone so far as to besiege Avignon and to -make Benedict XIII. a prisoner. But a reaction had set in when no other -power followed the example of France, and the Orleanist party, in -opposition to the Duke of Burgundy, had espoused the cause of Benedict. -In 1402, to the great chagrin of the University of Paris, France -returned to its allegiance, and Benedict, released from his captivity, -journeyed to the coast of Provence and opened negotiations with his -rival in Rome. The last two Roman Popes, Innocent VII. and Gregory XII., -had only been elected on the express condition that they would resign as -soon as their opponent did the same. Gregory XII. went so far as to make -an agreement [Sidenote: Negotiations between the two Popes.] with -Benedict, by which the two Popes pledged themselves to create no new -cardinals, and to meet together at Savona in 1407. The agreement was -probably insincere on Gregory’s part, and at any rate there were -powerful influences at work to prevent its execution. Gregory XII. might -be old and unambitious, but his relatives were eager to profit by his -elevation, and he was too feeble to disregard their wishes. And Ladislas -of Naples, who had become almost supreme at Rome under Innocent VII., -had his own interest in prolonging the schism. A Roman Pope with a rival -at Avignon was bound to support him against the Angevin claimant to -Naples: but a new Pope, chosen at Savona under French influence, would -be sure to espouse the cause of Louis of Anjou. None of the princes of -Europe wished France to recover the ascendency in Church matters which -it had enjoyed from 1305 to 1378, yet this would probably be the result -if France were allowed to take the lead in terminating the schism. So -the negotiations between the two Popes remained ludicrously futile. -Gregory came as far north as Lucca, and Benedict as far south as -Spezzia, yet they could not agree to meet. ‘The one,’ said Leonardo -Bruni, ‘like a land animal, refused to approach the sea; the other, like -a water-beast, refused to leave the shore.’ - -But Europe was not prepared to allow its interests to be any longer -sacrificed by the selfish procrastination of two aged priests. In France -Benedict’s chief supporter, the Duke of Orleans, had been removed by -assassination in 1407, and Charles VI. was induced by the University to -withdraw his allegiance once more. Benedict replied by a bull of -excommunication against the French bishops, but the bull was burned, on -the proposal of the University. This boldness convinced Benedict that he -could no longer trust in France, and he fled to Perpignan, in his native -state of Roussillon. But meanwhile an important event had taken place in -Italy. [Sidenote: The Cardinals desert the Popes.] The cardinals who had -supported the respective Popes shared the general disgust at the -obstinate refusal of their masters to fulfil their oft-repeated pledges. -Though the Popes had never met, they had come near enough to allow their -cardinals to confer together. The result was that most of them abandoned -the Popes, put themselves under Florentine protection, and summoned a -General Council to meet at Pisa. - -The European states were invited to approve the action of the cardinals -by sending delegates to Pisa. The support of [Sidenote: The attitude of -Europe.] France was assured, and England readily agreed to acknowledge -the Council. The Spanish kingdoms, on the other hand, remained passively -loyal to Benedict XIII., and Germany was divided. Wenzel, who had never -done anything to carry out the policy of neutrality which he had -promised France to adopt in 1398, agreed to support the Council on -condition that his title as King of the Romans was formally recognised. -But Rupert, although many of his chief supporters were inclined to -favour the cause of the cardinals, remained obstinate in his allegiance -to the Roman Pope. Within Italy, Ladislas of Naples showed his -determination to enforce his own interests by occupying Rome with his -troops. The two Popes, threatened with general desertion, made a tardy -effort to conciliate public opinion by each summoning a council of his -own. But very few prelates could be induced to attend, and the Council -of Pisa only gained in importance by comparison with these -_conciliabula_. - -At Pisa the Council was opened on March 25, 1409. The [Sidenote: The -Council of Pisa, 1409.] delegates present may be divided into two -parties. The majority, including the cardinals who had summoned the -assembly, desired merely to end the schism and to restore the old -organisation in the Church. But some of the more enlightened -ecclesiastics, such as d’Ailly and Gerson, wished to take advantage of -an exceptional opportunity, and to effect such reforms in the Church as -would render similar scandals impossible in the future. Thus the -programme of the Council came to be divided into the _causa unionis_ and -the _causa reformationis_. It was agreed to take the more pressing -question of unity first, but to conciliate the reformers it was given to -be understood that the Council should not separate until it had -considered the reformation of the Church, both in its head and its -members. After this matters proceeded without any hurry, but without any -conflict of opinion. Charges against the two Popes were drawn up and -publicly read. Gregory and Benedict were cited to appear and answer -before the Council. After the third summons they were declared -contumacious, and deprived of their usurped office and dignity. It is -noteworthy that the Popes were not deposed simply on the ground of -public advantage, or because they were not canonically elected; but -distinct charges were brought against them, and the Council claimed the -right to impose the punishment of deposition. It was a novel spectacle -for Europe to see the principles of constitutional government applied in -the Church as they had been enforced in the English state in the cases -of Edward II. and Richard II. With the ground cleared by the decree of -deposition, the cardinals proceeded to a new election, and after eleven -days’ deliberation, their choice fell upon the Archbishop of Milan, who -took the name of Alexander V. (June 26, 1409). The question of reform -was adroitly postponed for the consideration of a new council which was -to meet in 1412, and the Council of Pisa was dissolved on August 7, -1409. - -The Council broke up under the impression that it had accomplished at -any rate the most important part of its programme. But it was soon -evident that the schism was as far from an end as ever. Neither Gregory -nor Benedict would acknowledge the legality of the Council and its -proceedings: and indeed it was not hard to question [Sidenote: The -triple schism.] the legality of proceedings that were undoubtedly -revolutionary and without precedent. The Council had no coercive power -to enforce its edicts, and as long as the Popes could find any princes -interested in supporting them, so long they would cling to their titles. -The only difference that the Council had made was that, whereas before -there had been two rival Popes, there were now three. The pontificate of -[Sidenote: Alexander V.] Alexander V. only lasted ten months. During -that period he succeeded in recovering Rome from Ladislas, but only by -reviving civil war by the recognition of Louis of Anjou’s claim to -Naples. His only ecclesiastical measure was a bull which endeavoured to -settle an old quarrel in favour of the mendicant orders. Alexander -himself was a Franciscan, and he recognised the full rights of the -friars to receive confession and to administer the sacraments. The bull -provoked a storm of opposition from the parish clergy, whose rights were -infringed by the intruding friars, and from the University of Paris, -always at war with the Franciscans. The University, which had so -recently welcomed the Pope’s election, now expelled all mendicants, and -demanded that they should renounce the privileges conferred upon them by -the bull. In the midst of this general disapproval, Alexander V. died -(May 8, 1410), and the cardinals elected as his successor the clerical -_condottiere_, Baldassare [Sidenote: Election of John XXIII.] Cossa, who -took the name of John XXIII. The new Pope had rendered great services in -the protection of the Council and the recovery of Rome, and he seemed to -be the only man who could be trusted to resist the threatening power of -Ladislas of Naples. But he had no pretensions to piety, or even to -respectability, and the elevation of a licentious soldier to the highest -ecclesiastical dignity was in itself a scandal to Christendom almost as -great as the schism itself. - -The apparent failure of the Council of Pisa seemed to bring discredit -upon its supporters and to justify the action of those who had held -aloof. But Rupert was not able to profit by any improvement this might -[Sidenote: Death of Rupert.] have made in his position, as he died on -May 18, 1410, a few days after Alexander V. His death forced upon the -western electors the problem of a new election, and ten years’ -experience had so fully convinced them of the difficulty of overthrowing -the House of Luxemburg, that no candidate outside that house seems to -have been considered. There were now three surviving Luxemburg princes: -Wenzel, who still claimed to be King of the Romans; Sigismund, who had -gained a considerable reputation by the success of his recent rule in -Hungary; and the ambitious Jobst, who had added Brandenburg and Lausitz -to his inheritance in Moravia, and was now the chief adviser of his -cousin in Bohemia. On the great question of the Church these princes had -taken opposite sides: Wenzel and Jobst had acknowledged the Council, -while Sigismund had never withdrawn his allegiance from Gregory XII. The -four Rhenish electors, who alone had voted in the election of Rupert, -were equally divided on the same question. The Archbishop of Trier and -the Elector Palatine were adherents of the Roman Pope, while the -Archbishops of Mainz and Köln supported Alexander V. and his successor. -As none of them were inclined to stultify their action in 1400 by -recognising Wenzel, the ecclesiastical differences decided their votes. -The electors of Mainz and Köln were in favour of Jobst, and the other -two were inclined to support Sigismund. - -Sigismund was the first to bring forward his claims, and he had much to -recommend him. He had compelled Bosnia to submit to his rule: the -Servians acknowledged the suzerainty of Hungary; and he had reduced -[Sidenote: Election of Sigismund.] the greater part of Dalmatia, always -inclined to set up a Neapolitan prince. Thus he could offer Germany the -most efficient protection against the Turks, while as heir to Bohemia he -seemed the only man who could mediate in the growing hostility of -Germans and Slavs. As he could not come to Germany in person, he -intrusted his cause to Frederick of Hohenzollern, Burggraf of Nürnberg, -who had saved his life at the battle of Nicopolis, and had since become -his most intimate adviser. But in spite of Sigismund’s distinguished -reputation, his chances of election seemed small if he could only secure -two votes, and if Jobst gave the Brandenburg vote in his own favour. To -get rid of this difficulty Sigismund determined to repudiate the bargain -by which Brandenburg had been pledged to his cousin, and to claim and -exercise the vote himself. He appointed Frederick of Hohenzollern to act -as his proxy: and on September 1, 1410, the latter appeared with the -four Rhenish electors at Frankfort. This last move on Sigismund’s part -found his opponents unprepared. Jobst had made up his mind to stand by -the cause of Wenzel and to secure his own election on his cousin’s -death. He and Rudolf of Saxony had declined to attend the meeting on the -ground that there was no vacancy. The electors of Mainz and Köln did all -they could to delay matters, but on September 20 the Elector Palatine -and the Archbishop of Trier refused to wait any longer. Punctiliously -fulfilling all the customary forms, they examined and approved the -powers of the Burggraf of Nürnberg, and declared Sigismund to be -unanimously elected. By the letter of the Golden Bull the election was -incontestably valid, and even the doubtfulness of his claim to -Brandenburg could hardly be urged against it. - -But Sigismund’s opponents had numbers on their side, and were eager to -atone for the blunder they had made in allowing a march to be stolen -upon them. Jobst induced [Sidenote: Election of Jobst.] Wenzel to make -an agreement by which the latter was to be recognised as Roman Emperor, -and in return confirmed Jobst in the possession of Brandenburg and -promised to give the Bohemian vote in favour of his election as King of -the Romans. In October Frankfort witnessed a new election. Five -electors, either in person or by proxy, gave their votes in favour of -Jobst of Moravia. Thus for the second time events in the Empire copied -the example of those in the Church. The first schism between two rival -Popes had been followed by a schism between two rival Kings of the -Romans. In 1409 a third Pope was added, and the next year witnessed the -unique spectacle of three princes of the same family each claiming the -highest temporal dignity on earth. There could be no clearer proof of -the unsuitability of mediæval conceptions to the conditions of Europe in -the fifteenth century. - -The triple schism in the Empire was, however, of short duration. -Sigismund was preparing to attack his rival, when [Sidenote: Death of -Jobst.] Jobst suddenly died on January 12, 1411. His removal rendered -possible an agreement between the two brothers. Sigismund recovered his -inherited fief of Brandenburg, and intrusted its administration to -Frederick of Nürnberg. Moravia was annexed to the Bohemian crown, and -has never since been severed from it. As regards the imperial dignity, -Wenzel agreed to give his own vote for Sigismund, as he had given it the -previous year to Jobst, on condition that his own title should be -recognised and that he should have a prior claim to be made emperor. The -support of the Archbishops of Mainz and Köln Sigismund purchased by -changing his attitude on the Church question and abandoning the cause of -Gregory XII. On July 21, 1411, a third election took place at [Sidenote: -Second election of Sigismund.] Frankfort, when the five votes which had -been given for Jobst were unanimously registered in favour of Sigismund. -The Elector Palatine and the Archbishop of Trier took no part in the -matter, as they refused to cast a slur on the legality of their previous -election. - -Sigismund was now to all intents and purposes the only King of the -Romans, as Wenzel made no attempt to busy [Sidenote: Sigismund and John -XXIII.] himself with anything but Bohemian affairs. In his new capacity -Sigismund displayed the bustling activity and the readiness to turn from -one great scheme to another which had always characterised him. He began -by making war on the Venetians, who had encroached upon Dalmatia. When -this war was ended by a truce in 1413, he entered Italy to reconquer -Lombardy from the Visconti. But he found the power of Filippo Maria too -strongly established to be easily overthrown, and he was about to retire -when fortune threw another and more distinguished enterprise in his way. -John XXIII. had succeeded to his predecessor’s alliance with Louis II. -of Anjou and to the war with Ladislas of Naples. The defeat of the -Neapolitan king at Rocca-Secca (May 19, 1411) induced him to conclude a -treaty by which he was to abandon Gregory XII. and John was to desert -the Angevin cause. But Ladislas had more ambitious aims than merely to -secure his position in Naples. He desired to build up a kingdom of -Italy, and for this purpose to seize upon the States of the Church which -lay between him and the northern principalities and republics. No sooner -had John XXIII. disbanded his mercenary forces than Ladislas resumed -hostilities, occupied Rome, and drove the Pope to find refuge in -Florence. In this strait John looked eagerly round for support, and the -most obvious ally was Sigismund, who had his own reasons for checking -the aggrandisement of Ladislas. But Sigismund would only give his -assistance on condition that the Pope should summon a new Council to -some German city in order to put an end to the schism. John saw clearly -the danger of such a proceeding to his own position, and strove to alter -the place of meeting to some town south of the Alps. Sigismund, however, -stood firm, the Pope’s difficulties were pressing, and at last a formal -summons was issued for a Council [Sidenote: Summons of the Council of -Constance.] to meet at Constance on November 1, 1414. Before the dreaded -date arrived, the death of Ladislas (August 6) freed the Pope from his -most immediate difficulties and caused him to repent of his too hasty -acquiescence. Sigismund had apparently gained a signal triumph. He had -ousted the French monarchy from the lead of the reforming movement in -Europe, and if he could conduct the Council to a successful issue, he -would have done much to restore the prestige both of the imperial -dignity and of the German kingship. Men were reminded of the days when -the early emperors, Otto the Great and Henry III., had dominated the -Church as well as the State. - -Footnote 10: - - See Genealogical Table I, in Appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER X - THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT AND THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE, 1409-1418 - - - Questions before the Council of Constance—The Hussite Movement—Its - Political Aspect—Exodus of Germans from Prague—Hus at the Council of - Constance—Parties at Constance—Hus imprisoned—Attacks on John - XXIII.—His flight—Triumph of Sigismund—Deposition of John XXIII.—The - Council during Sigismund’s absence—Sigismund’s journey—Dissensions - in the Council—Election of Martin V.—Dissolution of the Council. - -The Council of Constance, like that of Pisa, had two very [Sidenote: -Questions before the Council of Constance.] obvious questions to -consider: (1) the restoration of unity; and (2), if the reforming party -could have its way, the reform of the Church in its head and members. -But circumstances forced the Council to consider a third question, which -had never been even touched in the discussions at Pisa. This was -reformation in its widest sense: not merely a constitutional change in -the relations of Pope and hierarchy, but a vital change in dogma and -ritual. This question was brought to the front by the so-called Hussite -movement in Bohemia. The fundamental issues involved were those which -have been at the bottom of most subsequent disputes in the Christian -Church. How far was the Christianity of the day unlike the Christianity -to be found in the record of Christ and His Apostles? And the -difference, if any, was it a real and necessary difference consequent on -the development of society, or was it the result of abuses and -innovations introduced by fallible men? The orthodox took their stand -upon the unity and authority of the Church. The Church was the true -foundation of Christ and the inheritor of His spirit. Therefore what the -Church believed and taught, that alone was the true Christian doctrine: -and the forms and ceremonies of the Church were the necessary aids to -faith. The reformers, on the other hand, looked to Scripture for the -fundamental rules of life and conduct. Any deviation from these rules, -no matter on what authority, must be superfluous, and might very -probably be harmful. - -The Hussite movement was older than Hus, and it was [Sidenote: The -Hussite movement.] partly native and partly foreign in its origin. The -first impulse to religious reform is to be found, in Bohemia as in -England, in the dissensions between the parish clergy and the mendicant -orders. The latter, being in immediate dependence upon the Papacy, were -not subject to the ordinary authority of the bishops, and soon learned -to consider themselves superior to the parish clergy. The bishops -usually supported their own dependants, while the friars often found a -powerful ally in the Pope. One result of this long-standing quarrel was -that the people learned to question the authority of their -ecclesiastical superiors. Wherever it is necessary or possible to take -one of two sides, a certain amount of thought and independence is called -into exercise by the choice. This first questioning spirit among the -Bohemians was taken advantage of by a series of reforming teachers in -the fourteenth century, of whom the best known are Konrad Waldhäuser, -Milecz of Kremsier, and Mathias of Janow. These men attacked the -degradation of the Church, the vices of monks and friars, the wealth and -worldliness of the higher clergy. But it was not until the rise of Hus -that there was any system in the demand for reform, or any cohesion -among the reformers. And the systematic teaching of Hus was for the most -part derived from the great English teacher, John Wyclif. It was a rule -in the University of Prague that Bachelors of Arts might not deliver -their own lectures, but must expound the teaching of distinguished -professors either of Prague, Paris, or Oxford. The marriage of Anne of -Bohemia, Wenzel’s sister, with Richard II. led to considerable -intercourse between England and Bohemia. Many Bohemian students, notably -the friend and disciple of Hus, Jerome of Prague, completed part of -their course in Oxford, and returned to their native land carrying with -them Wyclif’s treatises, or the record and recollection of his oral -teaching. Wyclif, like the Bohemian reformers, had begun by quarrelling -with the friars and denouncing the vices of the clergy. The disputes -with the Avignon Popes had led him on to attack the extreme claims of -papal authority: and gradually he had come to question some of the most -prominent dogmas of the Church, notably that of transubstantiation. Hus -was at first reluctant to accept all the conclusions of Wyclif, but he -advanced step by step in the same direction, and in the end it was as -the avowed disciple of the English reformer that he became the leader of -a religious party in Bohemia. - -But it is important to remember that the Hussite movement had a secular -as well as an ecclesiastical side. Bohemia [Sidenote: Political aspect -of the Hussite movement.] was a Slav state, and for centuries there had -been a conflict between Slavs and Germans. At one time the Slavs had -advanced along the southern shores of the Baltic almost as far as the -North Sea. But, harassed by the attacks of the Magyars, they had been -unable to hold their own, and had gradually been subdued or driven -eastwards by German influences, represented by the Dukes of Saxony, the -Margraves of Brandenburg, the Hanseatic League, and finally the -crusading order of the Teutonic Knights. At the end of the fourteenth -century this steady eastward advance of the Germans met with a severe, -and to some extent a permanent, check. No doubt the chief agency in -effecting this was the success of the Jagellon kings of Poland in their -war with the Teutonic Order. But the Hussite movement belongs to the -same Slav reaction, and for a time contributed almost as directly as -Polish victories to assure the successful resistance of the Slavs. Hus -himself, born of humble parentage in the village of Husinec, was -profoundly imbued with popular sympathies, and lost no opportunity of -identifying himself and his teaching with the national cause. And in -this aim he was served by events in the University of Prague, where he -early rose to a distinguished position. Founded in the days of Bohemian -ascendency under Charles IV., the University had from the first -attracted a large number of German teachers and students, and had become -far larger and more distinguished than any purely German university. -Like the Paris University, on which it had been modelled, it was divided -into four nations—Bohemians, Poles, Bavarians, and Saxons. After the -foundation of a Polish university at Cracow, the Polish nation at Prague -had come to be composed mainly of Germans from Silesia, Pomerania, and -Prussia. Thus to all intents and purposes the University was composed of -two nations, Germans and Bohemians, of whom the former had three times -as much power as the latter. In all questions which were decided by the -vote of the nations, the Germans had three votes to one, and as offices -went in rotation to the four nations, they had three turns to the -Bohemian one. As the divergent interests of Slavs and Germans became -accentuated by political and religious differences, the inferiority of -the Bohemians in their own University became more and more of a -grievance. It was on religious questions that the quarrel was most -embittered. The majority of the orthodox party in the University -consisted of Germans, and they denounced the growth of Wycliffite -heresy. A German teacher brought forward a number of propositions which -had been attributed to Wyclif and condemned by a Synod in London. In -spite of the opposition of Hus and his Bohemian supporters, the majority -in the University voted that the doctrines were heretical, and -prohibited their teaching. Wenzel, who was at this time supporting the -rebellious cardinals, was anxious that his intervention should not be -weakened by the charge of the prevalence of heresy in his dominions, and -was at first inclined to support the majority. But when he applied to -the University for their approval of the Council of Pisa, he found the -Bohemians ready to acquiesce, while the Germans were mostly on the side -of the Roman Pope. At this moment the so-called ‘contest of the three -votes’ was at its height, and Hus had adroitly come forward as the -champion of the cause of his fellow-countrymen. In the hope of -forwarding his ecclesiastical policy, Wenzel was induced to intervene in -the University quarrel. In January 1409 he issued an edict that -henceforth the Bohemians should have three votes and three turns in -office, while the foreign nations were only to have one between them. -The Germans protested vigorously, and as they failed to obtain redress, -determined to leave Prague. The roads were crowded with the emigrants, -and it was reckoned that on one day two thousand Germans took their -departure. - -The exodus of the Germans from Prague is an important [Sidenote: Exodus -of the Germans from Prague.] historical event. For sixty years Prague -had been the capital of Germany, partly as the residence of the Emperor, -and partly as the seat of the leading University. With the students had -come German traders, who had made Prague a commercial as well as an -intellectual centre. All this came to a sudden end in 1409. Prague lost -its prominence among German towns. Other universities were strengthened -by the addition of the exiles from Bohemia; and a large number of them -founded a new university at Leipzig. Germany received a great -intellectual impulse, which was strengthened rather than weakened by the -loss of a general centre. And for Bohemia the consequences were no less -important. The German element in the country received a blow which was -fatal to its further development for two centuries. At the same time the -great dam which had hitherto impeded the spread of the new religious -doctrines was removed. The rapidity with which the people received the -Wycliffite or Hussite teaching shows not only that the soil was already -well prepared for the seed, but also the strength of the national -antipathy to foreigners. - -With the departure of the Germans, all opposition to the recognition of -the Council of Pisa by Bohemia came to an end. But the religious dispute -was as far from a settlement as ever. Although the people were inclined -to regard Hus as the champion of the national cause, there was still a -large orthodox party among the upper classes, and the clergy were -resolutely opposed to doctrinal reform. Alexander V. issued a bull -ordering the Archbishop of Prague to put down heresy, and Wyclif’s -writings were publicly burned. Hus appealed from the Pope ill-informed -to the Pope when he should be better informed. In 1412 the quarrel was -envenomed. John XXIII. had proclaimed a crusade against Ladislas of -Naples, and endeavoured to raise money by the sale of indulgences. Hus -protested against such an iniquity as vigorously as did Luther a century -later, and the papal bull was burned in the public square. Riots broke -out in Prague, and Bohemia seemed to be on the verge of civil war. -Wenzel could only obtain a temporary truce by persuading Hus to retire -for a time into the country. Meanwhile Sigismund had succeeded in -inducing John XXIII. to summon a General Council, and anxious to pacify -his future kingdom, he invited Hus to attend. The reformer’s friends -warned him of the danger he would run in accepting the invitation, but -Hus was eager to state his opinions before an assembly of Christendom, -and on receiving a promise of [Sidenote: Hus invited to Constance.] a -personal safe-conduct from Sigismund, he arrived in Constance on -November 3, 1414. - -The Council of Constance is one of the most notable [Sidenote: The -Council of Constance.] assemblies in the history of the world. In the -number and fame of its members, in the importance of its objects, and -above all, in the dramatic interest of its records, it has few rivals. -It is like the meeting of two worlds, the old and the new, the mediæval -and the modern. We find there represented views which have hardly yet -been fully accepted, which have occupied the best minds of succeeding -centuries: at the same time, the Council itself and its ceremonial carry -us back to the times of the Roman Empire, when Church and State were -scarcely yet dual, and when Christianity was co-extensive with one -united Empire. At Constance all the ideas, religious and political, of -the Middle Ages seem to be put upon their trial. If that trial had ended -in condemnation, there could be no fitter point to mark the division -between mediæval and modern history. But the verdict was acquittal, or -at least a partial acquittal; and the old system was allowed, under -modified conditions, a lease of life for another century. It must not be -forgotten that there were great secular as well as ecclesiastical -interests involved in the Council. Princes and nobles were present as -well as cardinals and prelates. The Council may be regarded not only as -a great assembly of the Church, but also as a great diet of the mediæval -empire. - -The man who had done more than any one to procure the summons of the -Council, and whose interests were most closely [Sidenote: Parties at -Constance.] bound up in its success, was Sigismund, King of the Romans -and potential Emperor. He was eager to terminate the schism, and to -bring about such a reform in the Church as would prevent the recurrence -of similar scandals. But his motive in this was not merely disinterested -devotion to the interests of the Church. He wished to revive the -prestige of the Holy Roman Empire, and to gratify his own personal -vanity, by posing as the secular head of Christendom and the arbiter of -its disputes. More especially he wished to restore the authority of the -monarchy in Germany, and to put an end to that anarchic independence of -the princes, of which the recent schism was both the illustration and -the result. In pursuing this aim he was confronted by the champions of -‘liberty’ and princely interests, who were represented at Constance by -the Archbishop of Mainz and Frederick of Hapsburg, Count of Tyrol. The -archbishop, John of Nassau, had been prominent in effecting and -prolonging the schism in the Empire. He was a firm supporter of John -XXIII., and had no interest in attending the Council except to thwart -the designs of the king, whom he had been the last to accept. Frederick -of Tyrol was the youngest son of that Duke Leopold who had fallen at -Sempach in the war with the Swiss. Of his father’s possessions Frederick -had inherited Tyrol and the Swabian lands, and the propinquity of his -territories made him a powerful personage at Constance. His family was -the chief rival of the House of Luxemburg for ascendency in eastern -Germany, and he himself seems to have cherished a personal grudge -against Sigismund. To these enemies Sigismund could oppose two loyal -allies, the Elector Palatine Lewis, who had completely abandoned the -anti-Luxemburg policy pursued by his father Rupert, and Frederick of -Hohenzollern, the most prominent representative of national sentiment in -Germany, who had already given in Brandenburg an example of that -restoration of order which he wished Sigismund to effect throughout his -dominions. - -Of the clerical members of the Council the most prominent at the -commencement was the Pope John XXIII. He had been forced by his -difficulties in Italy to issue the summons, but as the time for the -meeting approached he felt more and more misgiving. His one object was -to maintain himself in office; but he was conscious that neither -Sigismund nor the cardinals would hesitate to throw him over if he stood -in the way of the restoration of unity. He therefore allied himself with -Sigismund’s opponents, the Elector of Mainz and Frederick of Tyrol, and -spared no pains to bring about dissension between Sigismund and the -Council. - -The assembled clergy may be divided roughly into two parties: the -reformers, and the conservative or ultramontane [Sidenote: Clerical -parties.] party. The reformers were not in favour of any radical change -in the Church. They were if anything more vehemently opposed than their -antagonists to the doctrines of Wyclif and Hus. Such reform as they -desired was aristocratic rather than democratic. They had no intention -of weakening the authority of the Church; but within the Church they -desired to remove gross abuses, and to strengthen the hierarchy as -against the Papacy. Their chief contention was that a General Council -has supreme authority, even over the Pope, and they wished such councils -to meet at regular intervals. By this means papal absolutism would be -limited by a sort of oligarchical parliament within the Church. The -conservatives, on the other hand, consisting chiefly of the cardinals -and Italian prelates, had no wish to alter a system under which they -enjoyed material advantages. Their object, as it had been at Pisa, was -to restore the union of the Church, but to defeat, or at any rate -postpone, any schemes of reform. - -The Council was opened on November 5, but the meeting was only formal, -and no real business was transacted for a month. Meanwhile Hus had been -followed to Constance by the representatives of the orthodox party in -Bohemia, who brought a formidable list of charges against the reformer. -John XXIII. at once saw in this an opportunity for embroiling the -Council with Sigismund. Adroitly keeping himself in the background, he -allowed the cardinals to take the lead in the matter. They summoned Hus -to appear before them, and in spite of his protest that he was only -answerable to the whole Council, they committed [Sidenote: Hus -imprisoned.] him to prison. The news that his safe-conduct had been so -insultingly disregarded reached Sigismund as he was starting for -Constance after the coronation ceremony at Aachen. He arrived on -Christmas day, and at once demanded that Hus should be released. The -Pope excused himself, and threw the blame on the cardinals. To the -king’s right to protect his subject the cardinals opposed their duty to -suppress heresy. In high dudgeon, Sigismund declared that he would leave -the Council to its fate, and actually set out on his return journey. The -Pope was jubilant at the success of his wiles. But Sigismund’s friends, -and especially Frederick of Hohenzollern, urged him not to sacrifice the -interests of Germany and of Christendom for the sake of a heretic. This -advice, and the feeling that his personal reputation was staked on the -success of the Council, triumphed. Sigismund returned to Constance, and -Hus remained a prisoner. From this moment John XXIII. began to despair. - -The Pope’s position became worse when the Council, copying the procedure -of the universities, began to discuss matters, [Sidenote: Attacks on -John XXIII.] not in a general assembly, but each nation separately. This -deprived John of the advantage which he hoped to gain from the numerical -majority of Italian prelates attending the Council. Four nations -organised themselves: Italians, French, Germans, and English. Over the -last three John XXIII. had no hold whatever. To his disgust they treated -him, not as the legitimate Pope, whose authority was to be vindicated -against his rivals, but as one of three schismatic Popes, whose -retirement was a necessary condition of the restoration of unity. When -he tried to evade their demand, they brought unanswerable charges -against his personal character, and threatened to depose him. He tried -to disarm hostility by declaring his readiness to resign if the other -Popes would do the same. His promise was welcomed with enthusiasm, but -neither Sigismund nor his supporters were softened by it. In spite of -the vehement protests of the Elector of Mainz that he would obey no Pope -but John XXIII., the proposal was made to proceed to a new election. -John had to fall back upon his last expedient. If he departed from -Constance he might throw the Council into fatal [Sidenote: The Pope’s -flight.] confusion: at the worst he could maintain himself as an -Antipope, as Gregory and Benedict had done against the Council of Pisa. -His ally Frederick of Tyrol was prepared to assist him. Frederick -arranged a tournament outside the walls, and while this absorbed public -interest, the Pope escaped from Constance in the disguise of a groom, -and made his way to Schaffhausen, a strong castle of the Hapsburg count. - -For the moment John XXIII. seemed not unlikely to gain his end. -Constance was thrown into confusion by the news of [Sidenote: Triumph of -Sigismund.] his flight. The mob rushed to pillage the papal residence. -The Italian and Austrian prelates prepared to leave the city, and the -Council was on the verge of dissolution. But Sigismund’s zeal and energy -succeeded in averting such a disaster. He restored order in the city, -persuaded the prelates to remain, and took prompt measures to punish his -rebellious vassal. An armed force under Frederick of Hohenzollern -succeeded in capturing not only John XXIII. but also Frederick of Tyrol. -The latter was compelled to undergo public humiliation, and to hand over -his territories to his suzerain on condition that his life should be -spared. No such exercise of imperial power had been witnessed in Germany -since the days of the Hohenstaufen, and Sigismund chose this auspicious -moment to secure a powerful supporter within the electoral college by -handing over the electorate of Brandenburg to Frederick of Nürnberg -(April 30, 1415). He thus established a dynasty which was destined to -play a great part in German history, and ultimately to create a new -German Empire. - -The unsuccessful flight of John XXIII. not only enabled Sigismund to -assume a more authoritative position in the Council and in Germany: it -also sealed his own fate. The Council had no longer any hesitation -[Sidenote: Deposition of John XXIII.] in proceeding to the formal -deposition of the Pope (May 29, 1415). As the two Popes who had been -deposed at Pisa had never been recognised at Constance, the Church was -now without a head. But instead of hastening to fill the vacancy, the -Council turned aside to the suppression of heresy and the trial of Hus. -On three occasions, the 5th, 7th, and 8th of June, Hus was heard before -a general session. No point in his teaching excited greater -animadversion than his contention that a priest, whether Pope or -prelate, forfeited his office by the commission of mortal sin. With -great cunning his accusers drew him on to extend this doctrine to -temporal princes. This was enough to complete the alienation of -Sigismund, and after the third day’s trial he was the first to pronounce -in [Sidenote: Execution of Hus.] favour of condemnation. The last -obstacle in the way of the prosecution was thus removed, and Hus was -burned in a meadow outside the city walls on July 6, 1415. - -With the death of Hus ends the first and most eventful period of the -Council of Constance. Within these seven or eight months Sigismund and -the reforming party, thanks to [Sidenote: The Council during Sigismund’s -absence.] the division of the Council into nations, seemed to have -gained a signal success. Sigismund had purchased his triumph by breaking -his pledge to Hus, and for this he was to pay a heavy penalty in the -subsequent disturbances in Bohemia. But for the moment these were not -foreseen, and Sigismund was jubilantly eager to prosecute his scheme. -Warned by the experience of its predecessor at Pisa, the Council of -Constance was careful not to put too much trust in paper decrees. John -XXIII. was not only deposed, but a prisoner. Gregory XII. had given a -conditional promise of resignation, and had so few supporters as to be -of slight importance. But Benedict XIII. was still strong in the -allegiance of the Spanish kingdoms, and unless they could be detached -from his cause there was little prospect of ending the schism. This task -Sigismund volunteered to undertake, and he also proposed to avert the -impending war between England and France, to reconcile the Burgundian -and Armagnac parties in the latter country, and to negotiate peace -between the King of Poland and the Teutonic Knights. It would indeed be -a revival of the imperial idea if its representative could thus act as a -general mediator in European quarrels. The Council welcomed the offer -with enthusiasm, and showed their loyalty to Sigismund by deciding to -postpone all important questions till his return. And this decision was -actually adhered to. During the sixteen months of Sigismund’s absence -(July 15, 1415, to January 27, 1417) only two prominent subjects were -considered by the Council. One was the trial of Jerome of Prague, which -was a mere corollary of that of Hus, and ended in a similar sentence. -The other was the thorny question raised by the proposed condemnation of -the writings of Jean Petit, a Burgundian partisan who had defended the -murder of the Duke of Orleans. The leader of the attack upon Jean Petit -was Gerson, the learned and eloquent chancellor of the University of -Paris. But so completely had the matter become a party question, and so -great was the influence of the Duke of Burgundy, that the Council could -not be induced to go further than a general condemnation of the doctrine -of lawful tyrannicide; and Gerson’s activity in the matter provoked such -ill-will that after the close of the Council he could not venture to -return to France, which was then completely under Burgundian and English -domination. - -It is impossible to narrate here the story of Sigismund’s [Sidenote: -Sigismund’s journey.] journey, though it abounds with illustrations of -his impulsive character and of the attitude of the western states -towards the imperial pretensions. It furnished conclusive proofs, if any -were needed, that however the Council, for its own ends, might welcome -the authority of a secular head, national sentiment was far too strongly -developed to give any chance of success to a projected revival of the -mediæval empire. As regards his immediate object, Sigismund was able to -achieve some results. He failed to induce Benedict XIII. to abdicate, -but the quibbles of the veteran intriguer exhausted the patience of his -supporters, and at a conference at Narbonne the Spanish kings agreed to -desert him and to adhere to the Council of Constance (December 1415). -But Sigismund’s more ambitious schemes came to nothing. So far from -preventing a war between England and France, he only forwarded an -alliance between Henry V. and the Duke of Burgundy, and though he may -have done this in the hope of forcing peace upon France, the result was -to make the war more disastrous and prolonged. - -When Sigismund reappeared in Constance (January 27, [Sidenote: -Dissensions in the Council.] 1417), he found that the state of affairs -both in Germany and in the Council had altered for the worse. Frederick -of Tyrol had returned to his dominions and had been welcomed by his -subjects. The Archbishop of Mainz had renewed his intrigues, and an -attempt had even been made to release John XXIII. With the Elector -Palatine, formerly his loyal supporter, Sigismund had quarrelled on -money matters, and it seemed possible that the four Rhenish electors -would form a league against Sigismund as they had done against Wenzel in -1400. Still more galling was his loss of influence in the Council. The -adhesion of the Spanish kingdoms had been followed by the arrival of -Spanish prelates, who formed a fifth nation and strengthened the party -opposed to reform. The war between England and France had created a -quarrel between the two nations at Constance, and the French deserted -the cause they had once championed rather than vote with their enemies. -Sigismund could only rely upon the English and the Germans: and the -question which agitated the Council was one of vital importance. Which -was to come first, the election of a new Pope, or the adoption of a -scheme of ecclesiastical reform? The conservatives contended that the -Church could hardly be said to exist without its head; that no reform -would be valid until the normal constitution of the Church was restored. -On the other hand, it was urged that no reform was possible unless the -supremacy of a General Council was fully recognised; that certain -questions could be more easily discussed and settled during a vacancy; -that if the reforms were agreed upon, a new Pope could be pledged to -accept them, whereas a Pope elected at once could prevent all reform. -Party spirit ran extremely high, and it seemed almost impossible to -effect an agreement. Sigismund was openly denounced as a heretic, while -he in turn threatened to imprison the cardinals for contumacy. But -gradually the balance turned against the reformers. Some of the leading -German bishops were bribed to change their votes. The head of the -English representatives, Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, died at the -critical moment, and the influence of Henry Beaufort, the future -cardinal, induced the English nation to support an immediate election. -It was agreed that a new Pope should be chosen at once, and that the -Council should then proceed to the work of reform. But the only -preliminary concession that Sigismund and his party could obtain was the -issue of a decree in October 1417, that another Council should meet -within five years, a second within seven years, and that afterwards a -Council should be regularly held every ten years. - -For the new election it was decided that the twenty-three cardinals -should be joined by thirty delegates of the Council, six from each -nation. The conclave met on November 8, and three days later their -choice [Sidenote: Election of Martin V., Nov. 11, 1417.] fell upon -Cardinal Oddo Colonna, who took the name of Martin V. Even the defeated -party could not refrain from sharing in the general enthusiasm at the -restoration of unity after forty years of schism. But their fears as to -the ultimate fate of the cause of reform were fully justified. Soon -after his election Martin declared that it was impious to appeal to a -Council against a papal decision. Such a declaration, as Gerson said, -nullified the acts of the Councils of Pisa and Constance, including the -election of the Pope himself. In their indignation the members made a -strong appeal to the Pope to fulfil the conditions agreed upon before -his election. But Martin had a weapon to hand which had been furnished -by the Council itself. It was the division into nations that had led to -the fall of John XXIII., and it was the same division into nations that -had ruined the prospects of reform. The Pope now drew up a few scanty -articles of reform, which he offered as separate concordats to the -French, Germans, and English. It was a dangerous expedient for a Pope to -adopt, because it seemed to imply the separate existence of national -churches; but it answered its immediate purpose. Martin could contend -that there was no longer any work for the Council to do, and he -dissolved it in May 1418. He set out [Sidenote: Dissolution of the -Council, May, 1418.] for Italy, where a difficult task awaited him. -Papal authority in Rome had ceased with the flight of John XXIII. in -1414. Sigismund offered the Pope a residence in some German city, but -Martin wisely refused. The support of his own family, the Colonnas, -enabled him to re-enter Rome in 1421. By that time almost all traces of -the schism had disappeared. Gregory XII. was dead: John XXIII. had -recently died in Florence: Benedict XIII. still held out in his fortress -of Peniscola, but was impotent in his isolation. - - - - - CHAPTER XI - THE HUSSITE WARS AND THE COUNCIL OF BASEL, 1419-1449 - - - Sigismund and Germany—Hussite parties in Bohemia—Crusades against - the Hussites—Bohemian victories—Bohemia and Poland—Attempted - reforms in Germany—The Crusade of 1427—Reforms of 1427—The Crusade - of 1431—Summons of the Council of Basel—Its procedure—Its quarrel - with Eugenius IV.—His submission—The Compacts with Bohemia—Civil - war in Bohemia—Battle of Lipan—Sigismund acknowledged king of - Bohemia—The Council of Basel and reforms—Divisions within the - Council—Negotiations with the Greeks—Quarrel of the Pope and - Council—Council of Ferrara or Florence—Attitude of France and - Germany—The Pragmatic Sanction—Deposition of Eugenius IV.—Election - of Felix V.—The Council’s prestige declines—Triumph of Eugenius - IV.—Reconciliation of Germany to Eugenius IV.—Close of the Council - of Basel—Failure of the Conciliar Movement. - -The ultimate failure of the reforming party at Constance had [Sidenote: -Sigismund and Germany.] ruined all Sigismund’s schemes for the -restoration of monarchical authority in Germany. Ready as he was to form -magnificent projects, he was equally easily discouraged and turned -aside. After quitting the Council he devoted himself to personal and -dynastic interests, to the defence of Hungary against the Turks, and to -the enforcement of his claim to succeed in Bohemia. Germany and German -interests he abandoned almost as completely as his brother had done. The -result was a gradual rupture of the friendship that had hitherto existed -between himself and Frederick of Brandenburg. The latter had made it his -life’s task to restore unity to Germany, in order to save that country -from internal dissolution and foreign attack. The desertion of Sigismund -from what had been a common cause forced him to change his means, but -not his end. Hitherto he had striven to unite Germany under the -monarchy, but that was impossible when the king would not undertake to -govern. Frederick was forced to scheme for a federal union of Germany -which should be independent of, and perhaps hostile to, the monarchy. -And the necessity of some such union was made more and more manifest by -events in Bohemia. - -In Bohemia the news of Hus’s death had provoked a storm of indignation, -and had intensified the national sentiment of hostility to Germany. -Sigismund was regarded [Sidenote: Hussite parties in Bohemia.] with -special loathing as a perjured traitor as well as a party to a murder. -Even the sluggish Wenzel shared the sentiments of his subjects. He -bitterly reviled his brother for breaking his safe-conduct, ordered that -no Bohemian should henceforth appear before a foreign tribunal, and -showed special favour to the party which demanded vengeance for Hus’s -death. Under the leadership of Nicolas of Husinec, lord of the village -where Hus had been born, and of John Ziska, already known as a capable -military leader, the Hussites made great strides towards ascendency in -Bohemia. The chief doctrine which they advanced was the communion in -both kinds. They held that laymen were entitled to receive the cup in -the sacrament as well as the priests, and hence, as a religious party, -they received the name of Utraquists. But though they were united in -this contention, and also in common hostility to Germany and German -influences, there were important divisions among the Hussites. The -moderate party, or Calixtines, were in favour of a gradual reform, and -wished to separate political from religious questions. They were also -called Pragers, because they were strongest in the capital and in the -University of Prague. In 1420 their demands were formulated in the ‘four -articles of Prague,’ which became the avowed creed of the party. These -were: (1) complete liberty of preaching; (2) the communion in both kinds -for all Christians; (3) the exclusion of priests from temporal affairs -and the holding of property; (4) the subjection of clergy to secular -penalties for crimes and misdemeanours. But side by side with the -Calixtines was a radical and democratic party, known as the Taborites. -Like the Lollards in England, they mixed up social and religious -questions, and advocated republican and even communistic theories. - -The death of Wenzel in 1419 added a new element of bitterness to the -quarrel between the Hussites and the [Sidenote: Crusades against the -Hussites.] champions of orthodoxy. The obvious heir to the crown was -Sigismund, the only surviving male of the Luxemburg house. But Sigismund -was regarded as peculiarly responsible for Hus’s death, and as the -representative of all that was foreign and anti-Bohemian. It was -inevitable that his claim should be resisted, or only accepted on very -stringent conditions. At the moment Sigismund was engaged in a Turkish -war, and left the government in the hands of Wenzel’s widow. But as soon -as possible he patched up a truce with the Turks, and prepared to take -possession of his new kingdom. Frederick of Brandenburg urged him to -adopt a conciliatory policy, to play off one party against the other, -and to gain over the moderates by a few concessions in religious -matters. But Sigismund was eager to secure the support of the Pope, who -was resolutely opposed to any tampering with heresy; and most of his -German advisers urged that any concessions to his subjects would make -them haughty and disobedient in the future. The counsel of Frederick of -Brandenburg was rejected, and in March 1420 Martin V. published a -crusade against the Hussites. A German army was to be raised to -prosecute the religious war. No decision could have been more -disastrous. Party divisions in Bohemia were at once reconciled, and all -classes joined in maintaining a national resistance against a common -foe. And this resistance [Sidenote: Bohemian victories, 1420-22.] was -completely successful. Ziska proved to be a general of the first rank. -Not only did he give to his troops the cohesion and discipline of a -standing army, but he introduced innovations which mark an epoch in the -history of mediæval warfare. Especially prominent is the excellence of -his artillery, and the use which he made of his baggage-waggons. These -were formed into a sort of movable fortress, equally formidable both for -defence and aggression. The German armies opposed to him were the feudal -levies, collected from various states, bound together by no common -interests or enthusiasms, and recognising no common discipline or -authority. In three successive campaigns—1420, 1421, and 1422—the -Germans were routed and driven from Bohemia, until at last the mere -rumour of Ziska’s approach was sufficient to drive his enemies into -disorderly and panic-stricken flight. A contemporary says that the -Germans were inspired with such a loathing for heretics that they could -not bring themselves to strike them, or even to look them in the face. - -After the failure of the third crusade in 1422, Bohemia was left to -herself for five years. Nicolas of Husinec had died in 1421, Ziska was -carried off by the plague in 1424, and the leadership of the militant -party passed to a general of hardly less ability, Prokop. With the -removal of external danger, the bond which had held parties together was -broken, the old divisions and quarrels reappeared, and the country was a -prey to the horrors of civil war. An attempt was made to identify the -common interests of the Slav race in opposition to Germany by offering -the crown to [Sidenote: Bohemia and Poland.] Ladislas of Poland. But -Ladislas was afraid of compromising his position by an alliance with -heretics, and though his nephew Korybut was for a time sent into -Bohemia, the opportunity of forming a powerful Slav monarchy on the -frontier of Germany was allowed to slip. - -Meanwhile the humiliation of successive and crushing defeats had made a -profound impression in Germany. The battle of Brescia (_v._ p. 196) had -already shown the weakness of German arms; but the failure to crush the -Hussites proved that the military and political systems of Germany were -equally [Sidenote: Attempted reforms in Germany.] rotten. The more -patriotic of the princes, like Frederick of Brandenburg, were driven to -consider the necessity of some drastic reform. The restoration of -monarchical authority was the most obvious remedy for disorder, but the -general distrust of Sigismund put that out of the question. The old -alliance of the Hohenzollerns with the Luxemburg kings had now come to -an end. In 1422 Albert III., the last of the Ascanian electors of -Saxony, died, leaving no obvious heir. His only daughter was married to -the eldest son of the Elector of Brandenburg. A few years earlier -Sigismund would have welcomed the opportunity of increasing the -territorial and political influence of his chief supporter in Germany. -But things had changed since the Council of Constance, the Hohenzollern -claims were disregarded, and the vacant electorate was conferred by -Sigismund upon Frederick of Meissen, the founder of the Wettin line in -Saxony, which rules there in the present day. This marks the final -rupture between Sigismund and the Elector of Brandenburg; and in -attempting to reform the constitution of Germany the latter found -himself in opposition to his former patron. In 1422 it had been proposed -at a diet at Nürnberg to raise a mercenary army in place of the feudal -troops, and to defray the expense by levying a general imperial tax of -one per cent., ‘the hundredth penny,’ as it was called. But this project -was foiled by the opposition of the towns, who feared that they would -have to pay the money while the princes would pocket it. In 1424 the -electors formed a close league among themselves, and practically assumed -to act as if they were the joint heads of a federation. Sigismund was -furious at this open disregard of his authority, and prepared to go to -war against Frederick of Brandenburg and his associates. Hostilities had -actually broken out, when the news arrived that the Hussites, who had -hitherto been content with standing on the defensive, were invading the -neighbouring German provinces. The Pope was roused by this to make new -efforts for the success of a crusade, and he [Sidenote: The fourth -crusade, 1427.] appointed Cardinal Beaufort, the uncle of Henry VI. of -England, to act as papal legate. At the same time another attempt was -made to strengthen the military organisation of Germany. At a diet at -Frankfort (April 1427) the old mode of levying troops was abandoned, and -it was agreed that one out of every twenty adult males should be chosen -by lot. In this way it was hoped to eradicate the provincial jealousies, -which had hitherto been a fatal source of discord. Frederick of -Brandenburg was to act as commander-in-chief. But the financial -difficulty was still in the way. None of the proposed taxes could be -carried, and at last they had to fall back upon the tenths granted by -the Pope and a poll-tax on the Jews. The army collected was the largest -that had yet been employed in the war; but the result was all the more -ignominious. On the news that Prokop and his dreaded Taborites were at -hand, the crusaders fled in headlong confusion. On the frontier they -were met by Cardinal Beaufort, who implored them to return, and in his -rage tore the imperial standard to pieces, and trampled it underfoot. -But it was all in vain, and the legate was swept away with the -panic-stricken mob. - -This was the most ignominious reverse yet experienced, and under the -impression which it produced a new diet at [Sidenote: Reforms of 1427.] -Frankfort hastened to adopt the most far-reaching reforms. A regular -income-tax was imposed, and a general poll-tax graduated according to -rank. The revenue thus derived was to be collected by local delegates, -and paid to the central power. But this central power was not the German -monarchy. The two commanders-in-chief, Cardinal Beaufort and Frederick -of Brandenburg, were to be aided by a council of nine, consisting of one -nominee of each of the six electors, and three representatives of the -imperial towns. This body was authorised to raise fresh troops, or to -levy additional taxes. Such an arrangement amounted to a practical -deposition of Sigismund, whose authority was transferred to this new -federal council. But the reform was little more than a paper scheme. The -forces of disunion were too strong to be readily overcome. Much of the -money remained unpaid, and in consequence the troops could neither be -raised nor equipped. Frederick of Brandenburg was forced to fall back -upon the policy of negotiation which he had always favoured. He saw -clearly that every invasion of Bohemia strengthened the extreme party, -and that the only prospect of settlement lay in gaining over the -moderates to the German side. But the negotiations were foiled by the -irresolution of Sigismund, the discord among the German princes, and the -obstinacy of the Pope. Cardinal Beaufort was ordered to lead a new -crusade in 1429, but he found it necessary to disarm domestic opponents -by sending the troops he had raised to serve in France. Martin V. was -furious but impotent. In 1430 he appointed a new legate, Cardinal -Cesarini, in [Sidenote: Fifth crusade, 1431.] place of Beaufort, and in -1431 a German army was at last collected on the principles laid down in -1427. In August it crossed the frontier, and encamped under the walls of -Tauss. But on the news of Prokop’s approach, the old panic set in, and -the troops fled in confusion. With the so-called battle of Tauss the -fifth crusade, the last effort to crush the Hussite by force of arms, -came to an end. The war had lasted twelve years, and had given -convincing proofs of the evils of provincial disunion, but it had come -two centuries too late to inspire the Germans with a sense of national -duties and interests. From this time the only hope of restoring peace in -eastern Europe lay in the proceedings of the General Council, which had -already been summoned to meet at Basel. - -One of the most important decrees of the Council of Constance had -provided for the sequence of future councils; and [Sidenote: Summons of -the Council of Basel, 1431.] though Martin V. looked upon the -arrangement with profound mistrust, he dared not wholly disregard it. -The first of these assemblies met in 1423, first at Pavia and then at -Siena. It was attended only by Italian prelates, who were easily -manageable, and it was dissolved without passing any important -enactments except that its successor was to meet in 1431 at Basel. As -the time approached Martin began to be filled with dread of another -Council beyond the Alps. But the condition of Europe was too disturbed, -and the danger too great of allowing Bohemian heresy to spread, for him -to run the risk of alienating Germany by changing the place of meeting. -On February 1 he ordered the Council to meet on March 4, and appointed -Cardinal Cesarini to preside as his representative. On February 20 -Martin V. died, leaving his successor Eugenius IV. to face the dangers -and difficulties which he foresaw. - -Very few prelates appeared in Basel at the appointed date; but the -defeat of the Germans at Tauss suddenly gave great importance to the -Council, as offering the only prospect of the conclusion of peace. In -September Cesarini arrived from Bohemia, and from this time numbers -rapidly increased. The first matter for consideration [Sidenote: -Procedure of the Council.] was the method of procedure. It was decided -to abandon the division into nations, which had been tried at Constance, -on the ground that national jealousy weakened the unity of the Council. -Instead, the Council was to be divided into four deputations, composed -of representatives from each nation. Each deputation was to consider a -separate subject: (1) the restoration of peace; (2) matters of doctrine -and faith; (3) the reform of the Church; (4) the general business of the -Council. When a matter had been discussed in a deputation, it was to be -brought before the whole Council, and votes were to be taken by -deputations. If they were equally divided, the deputations were to be -re-formed, and the question debated afresh. A committee of twelve was -formed to arrange the division into deputations, and to decide on the -right of any individual to take part in the Council. From the first this -committee took a very broad view in this matter, and the result was that -the Council soon began to assume a democratic character. At Constance -the great prelates and university dignitaries had been the dominant -force: at Basel power tended to fall into the hands of the mass of the -clergy. - -The most pressing business of the Council was to negotiate with the -victorious Hussites, and under the influence of Cesarini it was decided -to invite the Bohemians to send delegates to Basel. This gave the -greatest umbrage in Rome, where the dangers from Bohemia were less -keenly felt, and the prejudice against any dealings [Sidenote: Quarrel -with Eugenius IV.] with excommunicated heretics was strongest. Eugenius -IV., who was much less prudent and statesmanlike than his predecessor, -determined to check such dangerous proceedings at the outset. On -December 18, 1431, he issued a bull dissolving the Council, and -summoning another to meet in eighteen months at Bologna. The bull -dropped like a bomb-shell in the peaceful deliberations of Basel, where -no thought of the possible displeasure of the Pope had been entertained. -But after the first feeling of dismay, it was resolved to resist. -Cesarini was profoundly convinced that the dissolution of the Council -would result in the complete alienation of Germany and the triumph of -the Hussite heresy, and he wrote an earnest letter to explain his views. -Sigismund and all the princes whose interests demanded peace were -inclined to support the Council, which was thus emboldened to make a -firm stand against the Pope. In February 1432 it was decided that a -General Council could not be dissolved without its own consent; and in -April the Pope and cardinals were ordered to present themselves at Basel -within three months. A new schism seemed likely to break out, not as -before between rival heads of the Church, but between the Church itself -and its head. The contest was between parliamentary and despotic -authority, and it was as difficult in the Church as in the State to -reconcile their rival pretensions. - -In the end the Pope was forced to give way, partly by the pressure of -secular interests, and partly by the difficulties in which he was -involved in Italy. In 1432 Sigismund came to Rome to receive the -imperial crown from the Pope, and [Sidenote: Submission of the Pope.] -refused to abandon the cause of the Council, which he hoped might secure -his tardy recognition in Bohemia. In 1433 the partiality of Eugenius for -his native city of Venice involved him in a quarrel with Filippo Maria -Visconti. The mercenary troops of Milan, aided by the Colonnas, whom -Eugenius sought to abase from the position Martin V. had given them, -laid siege to Rome, and the Pope could only save himself from -imprisonment by an ignominious flight to Florence. In these -circumstances he could hardly hope for a victory over the recalcitrant -Council, and in December 1433 he abandoned the unequal contest. He -declared the Council of Basel to be a lawful œcumenical council, and -confirmed its decrees. - -The papal recognition came in time to give increased importance and -authority to the Council’s negotiations with [Sidenote: The Compacts -with Bohemia.] the Bohemians, which had been carried on without -interruption during the quarrel with Eugenius. Bohemian deputies, -including Prokop himself—as redoubtable a theologian as he was a -general—had been admitted to Basel at the end of 1432, and had carried -on for three months a disputation with the speakers of the Council. The -basis of discussion was supplied by the four articles of Prague, and, -thanks to the conciliatory temper of Cesarini, the controversy had -rarely gone beyond the decencies of orderly debate. No definite -agreement was arrived at at Basel, but it was agreed that delegates from -the Council should in their turn proceed to negotiate with the diet at -Prague. There, after infinite labour, a rudimentary compromise was -arranged in what are called the _Compactata_. On the great question of -the cup the Council had to give way, and the Bohemians and Moravians -were to be allowed to receive the communion in both kinds. Liberty of -preaching was nominally conceded, but it was added that priests must be -ordained by their ecclesiastical superiors, and that the authority of -bishops must be obeyed. Clergy were to be punished for crimes ‘according -to the law of God and the ordinances of the fathers.’ On the question of -clerical property the Council gained the day. The right of the Church to -possess and administer heritable property was fully recognised, and it -was declared sacrilege for a layman to interfere with it. - -The _Compactata_ were very far from being an authoritative treaty, but -their importance lies in the fact that they secured [Sidenote: Civil war -in Bohemia.] the approval of the nobles and moderate party in Bohemia, -who had long desired the restoration of peace and order. The Taborites -and the army, on the other hand, were resolute in condemning the -proposed terms, and the quarrel developed into open war. At Lipan, in -April [Sidenote: Battle of Lipan, 1434.] 1434, the Taborites found -themselves confronted by men who had learned tactics in the same school -as themselves. They were enticed from their waggon-fortress by a feigned -flight, while a troop of cavalry cut off their retreat. Prokop himself -was slain, and the army, which had been so long the terror of Europe, -was almost wholly cut to pieces. With the downfall of the extreme party -the chief difficulty in the way of the restoration of the monarchy was -removed. But the nobles were not prepared for an unconditional -submission to Sigismund. They demanded, among other things, a complete -amnesty and the exclusion [Sidenote: Sigismund acknowledged in Bohemia.] -from office of all who refused to receive the communion in both kinds. -Sigismund found it necessary to at any rate feign compliance, and in -August 1436 he made his formal entry into Prague. As a European question -the Hussite movement may be regarded as having come to an end. Not that -Bohemia was really pacified, or that the doctrines of Hus had been -abandoned, but all danger of any general adoption of these doctrines in -central Europe had disappeared. As long as the Hussites were supported -by the forces of national enthusiasm they had been irresistible: their -defeat was due to their own dissensions. - -In 1434 the Council of Basel was at the height of its power and -reputation. Eugenius IV. had been forced to recognise its authority. Its -negotiations with the Bohemians had not [Sidenote: Reforming activity of -the Council.] indeed produced a definite treaty, but they had resulted -in dividing the moderate from the extreme party, and the defeat of the -latter had brought a peaceful settlement within measurable distance. -Encouraged by these successes, the Council undertook with energy the -task of reforming the Church. A series of decrees show how strong was -the dislike of the despotic rule of the Papacy. Papal reservations, by -which the right of patrons to appoint to benefices were evaded, was -declared illegal. The establishment of diocesan and provincial synods -was recommended. Appeals from the decision of a bishop to Rome were -forbidden. But these measures were surpassed in boldness by an edict of -June 1435, which forbade the payment of annates, or the first year’s -revenue of a bishopric or benefice. This threatened to deprive the Pope -of his chief source of revenue, and provoked a violent outcry from the -cardinals and officials of the Curia. But Eugenius IV., still an exile -from Rome, did not feel strong enough to resist. He accepted the decree, -only asking that some compensation in the way of national contributions -should be given him. This pusillanimity encouraged the Council to -further attacks on the papal power. The unrestricted right of the -chapters to elect bishops was confirmed: all papal commendations were -done away with: appeals from a General Council to the Pope were declared -to be heretical. - -The extreme measures of the Council were fatal to its unity. It was felt -that many of the decrees were inspired by French and German antipathy to -Italian preponderance in the Church. At the same time the numerical -[Sidenote: Divisions in the Council.] majority of the lower clergy was -regarded with growing mistrust by the bishops and other dignitaries. -Reforms might begin with the Papacy, but were not likely to stop there. -Cesarini and other moderate men, who had supported the Council as long -as the Bohemian negotiations were at a critical stage, were now inclined -to rally to the cause of the Pope. This growing papal party found an -active and unscrupulous leader in the Bishop of Taranto, whose aim was -to bring about an irreconcilable quarrel between the Pope and the -Council. On the other side, the reforming and anti-Italian party was -headed by the Cardinal Archbishop of Arles, a prelate of unquestioned -piety and learning, but a resolute antagonist of the Papacy and perhaps -a personal enemy of Eugenius IV. On the same side was a man destined to -play an important part in the history of the Council and of Christendom, -Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini. He was a native of Siena who had come to -Basel in the suite of the Bishop of Fermo, and had since acted as -secretary to various prelates. He had made a name for himself by his -oratorical powers, the purity of his Latin style, and his diplomatic -ability. He had attached himself to the reforming party, but no one -suspected him of having any firm convictions, and those who knew his -easy and pleasure-loving nature can have had little expectation that he -would one day rise to the headship of the Church. Between the two -extreme parties at the Council was a moderate section, headed by a -Spaniard, John of Segovia, but it was neither numerous nor important. - -The quarrel within the Council and the growing hostility between the -Council and the Pope were both brought to a [Sidenote: Negotiations with -the Greeks.] head by the negotiations with the Greeks. The eastern -Emperor, John VI., though not actually at war with the Ottoman Turks, -felt that they were closing round him on every side, and that an attack -on Constantinople was before long inevitable. In his despair he appealed -for the assistance of western Europe, and was prepared to purchase it by -sacrificing the independence of the Greek Church. The idea of uniting -the Eastern and Western Churches had long been cherished by the Popes, -and Eugenius IV. was the more eager to take the matter up as it offered -the prospect of a triumph over the hated Council of Basel. But the -Greeks were fully aware of the divisions in the Western Church, and sent -envoys to the Council as well as to the Pope. Hence arose an eager -competition as to which should gain control of the negotiations. The -Council offered to send a fleet to bring the Greek prelates to the -coast, and to pay all the expenses of their stay at Basel. To raise the -money necessary for the fulfilment of these promises, the Council -usurped a papal prerogative and issued indulgences to those who would -contribute to the union of the Churches. Eugenius, on his side, issued a -memorial to the princes of Europe, in which he enumerated the misdeeds -of the Council, and promised to undertake the reform of the Church with -the aid of another Council, which for the sake of the Greeks would be -held in some Italian city. - -Meanwhile the Greek question had provoked violent disputes in Basel. The -papal legates proposed that for the convenience of the Greeks they -should adjourn either to Florence or to Udine in the territories of -Venice. The moderate party suggested Pavia, [Sidenote: Open quarrel -between Pope and Council.] as being less dependent upon the Pope, and -this received the support of Æneas Sylvius, who was beginning to veer -round to the papal side. But the extreme party would not hear of either -proposal. The Archbishop of Arles moved that the Council should remain -at Basel or, if the Greeks preferred it, should adjourn to Avignon. The -debates were marked by the most unseemly behaviour, and it was with -difficulty that the reverend fathers could be restrained from laying -violent hands upon each other. The motion of the anti-papal party was -carried by more than three-fifths of the Council; but the next morning -it was discovered that this had been abstracted, and that the decree of -the papal minority, duly signed and sealed, had been put in its place. -This audacious piece of trickery was attributed to the Archbishop of -Taranto, and so great was the indignation against him that he found it -advisable to flee to Italy, where he was rewarded by Eugenius with the -cardinal’s hat. And the anger of the majority was not diminished when -they learned that the Greeks had been persuaded to accept the papal -invitation to attend a Council in Italy. The Council was driven to the -most extreme measures to try and discredit the Papacy. In July 1437 the -Pope and cardinals were summoned to appear at Basel within sixty days to -answer the charges brought against them. On October 1 Eugenius was -pronounced contumacious for not having obeyed the summons. The Pope, on -his side, had issued a bull (September 18) dissolving the Council at -Basel, and summoning an assembly to meet at Ferrara in order to effect -the union of the Churches. There was no longer any room in Basel for -partisans of the Papacy, and by the beginning of 1438 Cesarini and all -who were frightened by the extreme measures of the Council had crossed -the Alps. - -Eugenius presided at the Council which met at Ferrara in 1438 and on the -outbreak of the plague was transferred to [Sidenote: Council of Ferrara -or Florence, 1438-9.] Florence. Months were spent in futile debates on -the differences between the two Churches. By far the most prominent -subject of discussion was the great _filioque_ controversy. The Latin -Church had added these words to the original wording of the creed as -fixed at the Council of Nicæa, while the Greek Church had never adopted -them. The other differences which gave rise to debate were the use of -leavened or unleavened bread in the sacrament, the doctrine of -purgatory, and the papal supremacy. The Greek Church, as the petitioning -body, was ultimately forced to accept, without being convinced, the -Roman views on all four questions. A decree for the union of the two -Churches was drawn up, and Eugenius thought he was celebrating the -crowning triumph of the Papacy (July 6, 1439). But, as far as actual -results went, the triumph was premature. The Greeks at home refused to -accept the decision of their representatives, and clamoured that they -had been betrayed. Nor did John VI. gain any aid to make up for the -unpopularity he had incurred. Western Europe was fatally divided against -itself, and paid little heed to the safety of Constantinople. The union -of the Greek and Latin Churches remained a mere document. - -The quarrel between the Pope and the Council of Basel had become -irreconcilable when the latter was deserted by all the adherents of -Eugenius, and when Cesarini was succeeded [Sidenote: Attitude of France -and Germany.] as president by the Archbishop of Arles. The result of the -quarrel could only be decided by the adhesion of the secular states to -one side or the other. The two states to which the Council chiefly -looked for support were Germany and France, the countries from which -most of the remaining members were drawn. But these two states, instead -of warmly espousing the cause of the Council, seemed rather inclined to -take advantage of the schism to establish their own ecclesiastical -independence. In 1438 a synod of French clergy accepted the [Sidenote: -Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 1438.] famous Pragmatic Sanction of -Bourges, the foundation of the liberties of the Gallican Church. This -measure adopted, in the special interests of France, most of the decrees -against the papal power which had been carried in the Council as -applying to the whole Church. France was beginning to recover from the -prolonged wars with Burgundy and England, and the Pragmatic Sanction -offered the supreme advantage of checking the drain of French wealth to -fill the coffers of the Pope. In Germany Sigismund had died in 1437, and -the electors and leading princes began by adopting a policy of strict -neutrality between the Council and the Papacy. But the policy adopted by -France offered temptations both to lay and clerical princes, and a diet -at Mainz drew up what was practically the German equivalent of the -Pragmatic Sanction [Sidenote: Pragmatic Sanction of Mainz, 1439.] of -Bourges. Annates were to be abolished, papal reservations and provisions -forbidden, provincial and diocesan synods organised. The conception of -national churches, which had been encouraged by Martin V.’s concordats -at Constance, seemed in 1439 to be strong enough to rend the Church in -pieces. - -The loss of temporal support and the apparent success of the rival -assembly in Italy did not soothe the temper of the councillors at Basel. -In spite of the vigorous opposition of the moderate party, they -proceeded to accuse Eugenius IV. of heresy and schism, and by a decree -of June 25, 1439, he [Sidenote: Deposition of Eugenius IV., 1439.] was -formally deposed. It was now determined to proceed to a new election. As -the Archbishop of Arles was the only cardinal at Basel, it was decided -that he should be aided by thirty-two delegates from the Council. The -task of election was a difficult one, as the poverty of the Council made -it necessary to choose a Pope who could afford to defray his own -expenses. At the fifth scrutiny it was found that twenty-six votes had -been given for the Duke of Savoy, who was declared Pope, with the name -[Sidenote: Election of Felix V.] of Felix V. From the first he -disappointed the hopes of his electors. Although he had been living in -retirement since the death of his wife and had amassed a considerable -treasure, he had no intention of maintaining himself and the Council -from his private funds. He demanded that he should receive a revenue as -Pope, and the Council was forced to go back on its own decrees and to -grant him a fifth of ecclesiastical revenues for a year. This measure -was certain to alienate all who had supported the Council in the hope of -diminishing clerical taxes, and as a matter of fact the tax was only -paid within the territories of Savoy. From all points of view the -election was a very disadvantageous step. It disgusted those who had -hoped for a substantial [Sidenote: Declining prestige of the Council.] -measure of reform from the Council of Basel. As long as the dispute was -between a General Council and the Pope, there were certain principles at -stake which might induce men to give energetic support to one side or -the other. But by its last act the Council had merely revived a personal -schism, of which Europe was already profoundly weary. The Council of -Basel continued to exist for nine years after the election of Felix V., -but every year its numbers and its influence steadily declined. Even the -Antipope quarrelled with the assembly to which he owed his appointment. -In 1444 Felix quitted Basel and took up his residence at Lausanne. - -The ultimate victory of Eugenius IV. was assured by the mistakes of his -opponents. It only remained for him to [Sidenote: Triumph of Eugenius -IV.] complete his triumph by securing the support of the temporal powers -of Europe. While he resided in Florence his legates succeeded in -restoring the papal supremacy in Rome, and in 1443 he was able once more -to return to his capital city. He was careful to avoid the mistakes in -Italian politics which had cost him so dear in 1433. Even his -arch-opponent, Filippo Maria Visconti, was gained over to his side. The -recognition of France was purchased by the countenance which the Pope -gave to the Angevin cause in Naples. But when the Neapolitan war ended -in the victory of Alfonso of Aragon, Eugenius adroitly changed sides -without forfeiting the French allegiance. He had thus put an end to all -serious opposition in Italy. England and the Spanish kingdoms took -little interest in the schism, and had no motive for supporting Felix V. -There remained Germany, which had openly declared for a policy of -neutrality. Until the German king and princes could be gained over, the -revival of papal authority was incomplete. The task of effecting the -reconciliation of Germany was undertaken and accomplished by one man, -Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini. - -The kingship of the Romans was transferred on the death of Sigismund to -his son-in-law, Albert of Austria. But Albert died within two years of -his elevation, and in 1440 the choice of the electors fell upon another -Hapsburg, Frederick _III._, Duke of Styria and Carinthia, and guardian -in Austria of Albert’s infant son, Ladislas Postumus. As soon as -Frederick had settled family affairs in the east, he came to Germany in -1442 [Sidenote: Reconciliation of Germany to the Roman Pope.] to receive -the crown at Aachen and to consider the question of the schism. Envoys -from Basel and from Eugenius IV. had already appeared before the German -diet, but their exhaustive arguments had not led to any decision, and -the neutrality was still observed. In 1442 Frederick III. visited Basel, -and there took into his service Æneas Sylvius. The latter was convinced -that the cause of Council and Antipope was hopeless, and determined to -win his own pardon and advancement by rendering some conspicuous service -to Eugenius IV. His diplomacy was as successful as it was unscrupulous. -By 1445 he had succeeded in arranging terms between his master and the -Pope. Frederick undertook to restore Germany to its obedience to Rome; -and Eugenius in return promised to give him the imperial crown, to allow -him the nomination to certain bishoprics and benefices, and to grant him -a substantial bribe from the ecclesiastical revenues. It was a -disgraceful treaty, and in spite of the secrecy with which it was -negotiated, it became known that some such agreement was being made. The -German princes were indignant at what they considered a betrayal, and -were resolute to vindicate their own independence of their elected king. -The electors of Trier and Köln, together with a number of electoral -princes, determined, as a protest against Frederick’s conduct, to adhere -to Felix V. Thus the policy of neutrality was abandoned, and Germany was -split into parties on the question of the schism. To make matters worse, -Eugenius IV., emboldened by his treaty with the King of the Romans, -issued a bull in February 1446 declaring the Archbishops of Köln and -Trier to be deprived of their sees as heretics and traitors. This rash -act seemed to make reconciliation impossible. But Æneas Sylvius was -equal to the occasion. The electors issued the most extreme demands: -that the Pope should withdraw his bull against the two archbishops, that -he should confirm the Pragmatic Sanction of 1439, acknowledge the -supremacy of General Councils, and summon a new council to meet in -Germany in 1447. Æneas Sylvius journeyed to Rome, where he persuaded -Eugenius to restore the two archbishops, and to return a moderate answer -to the electoral demands. Then he proceeded to Germany as papal envoy, -bribed the Archbishop of Mainz to desert the electoral league, and did -not hesitate to alter the wording of the papal answer in order to -conciliate German pride. By these means he avoided an open rupture, and -induced the diet at Frankfort to agree to terms, in spite of the -protests of the Archbishops of Köln and Trier. Then Æneas Sylvius -hurried back to Rome, with envoys from the diet, in order to explain and -justify his conduct to the Pope. He found Eugenius IV. on his death-bed, -and it was necessary to hasten matters in order to avoid the -complications that might arise with a new election. A provisional -concordat was patched up. A new council was to meet in some German town, -but only if the German princes were agreed. The supremacy of a council -was recognised, but in the most general terms, so as to avoid any -reference to the assembly at Basel. The Pragmatic Sanction and the -suspension of annates were temporarily confirmed, until some final -arrangement could be agreed upon. These terms were accepted by Eugenius -on February 23, 1447, and four days later he died. His successor was the -famous scholar and collector, Thomas of Sarzana, who took the name of -Nicolas V. He was wise enough to follow the recent policy of his -predecessor in German affairs. Æneas Sylvius returned to Germany to -complete his work. The malcontent princes were gained over by separate -negotiations. When the obstinate Archbishop of Trier was induced to -acknowledge Nicolas V., opposition in Germany was at an end. The final -concordat was arranged in 1448, and was based upon the provisional terms -of the previous year. The clauses about the Council were accepted as -they stood, but on the other points the Pope gained substantial -advantages. Annates were restored, and the restrictions which had been -placed upon papal patronage by the Pragmatic Sanction were for the most -part repealed. - -It only remained to get rid of the moribund Council of Basel. A few -bishops from Savoy and some clergy of humble [Sidenote: End of the -Council of Basel, 1449.] rank were the only members left. Frederick III. -sent an order for the dissolution of the Council to the civic -magistrates. The exiled members proceeded to Lausanne, and there, by the -mediation of France, made terms with the Papacy. Felix V., who had never -received the homage of a temporal sovereign, resigned the papal title in -exchange for the cardinal’s hat. The Archbishop of Arles returned to his -see, where he was universally beloved. He died in 1450, and in the next -century was canonised by Clement VII. - -With the Council of Basel ended the conciliar movement for reform, which -had resulted from the scandal of the great [Sidenote: Failure of the -Conciliar Movement.] schism. It had failed, not from any lack of honest -purpose, or from the blunders of its adherents, but because it was out -of harmony with the conditions of the age. A few centuries earlier it -might have been possible to reform the Church, and at the same time to -retain its unity. But by the fifteenth century such a scheme was too -late. Political division had advanced so far as to bring with it -ecclesiastical divisions. The sentiment that was recognised in the -concordats of Martin V. and asserted in the Pragmatic Sanctions of -Bourges and Mainz, was stronger than the theory of the supremacy of a -general council over the Pope. The Reformation of the sixteenth century -was a series of national revolts against papal domination, and it owed -its success to its harmony with political conditions and interests. - -The failure of the conciliar movement brought with it a revival of papal -authority. The reaction which had commenced under Martin V. seemed to be -complete under Nicolas V. The great jubilee which was held in Rome in -1450 was a fitting celebration of the papal triumph. But it proved to be -only a Pyrrhic victory. The Papacy learned neither wisdom nor toleration -from the trials through which it had passed. While continuing to trample -on the spirit of individual freedom, the Popes, in their greed for -temporal dominion, gave rise to scandals far more glaring from the moral -point of view than the senile bickerings of the schism. The Protestant -revolution more than avenged the defeat of the Councils of Constance and -Basel. - - - - - CHAPTER XII - MILAN AND VENICE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, 1402-1494 - - - Disruption of the duchy of Milan after the death of Gian Galeazzo - Visconti—Venice acquires Eastern Lombardy as far as the Adige—Wars - between Venice and Sigismund—Filippo Maria Visconti restores the - duchy of Milan—Wars between Venice and Milan—Venetian frontier - extended to the Adda—Death of Filippo Maria—Venice and Francesco - Sforza—Peace of Lodi—Deposition and death of Francesco - Foscari—Venice and the Turks—Treaty of Constantinople—War with - Ferrara—Acquisition of Cyprus—Decline of Venice—Francesco Sforza in - Milan—His relations with France—Galeazzo Maria Sforza—His - assassination—Regency of Bona of Savoy—Ludovico il Moro—His - relations with Naples—Calls in Charles VIII. of France. - -The anarchy in the duchy of Milan, which followed the death of Gian -Galeazzo Visconti in 1402, illustrates at once [Sidenote: Disruption of -the duchy of Milan.] the ability of its founder and the difficulties -which he had succeeded in overcoming. He left his dominions to his two -legitimate sons, Gian Maria and Filippo Maria, who were to rule in Milan -and Pavia respectively under the guardianship of their mother. But the -widowed duchess, Caterina, proved wholly unable to wield the power which -her husband left in her hands. The _condottieri_, who had shown such -unwonted loyalty to Gian Galeazzo, seized the opportunity to carve out -principalities for themselves. In nearly every city of Lombardy the -lordship was seized by some adventurer, who sought to make himself -independent. In Milan itself the cruelties with which Caterina sought to -put down disorder provoked an insurrection. The duchess was imprisoned -and poisoned (1404), and Gian Maria was intrusted with the government -under the guidance of a council of citizens. But Gian Maria carried the -cruelty and debauchery of his predecessors to the verge of insanity. The -only use which he made of his power was to gratify his monstrous -passions by the torture of his fellow-creatures. At last some semblance -of order was restored by Facino Cane, one of the most eminent generals -in the service of Gian Galeazzo. On the death of his employer he had -made himself master of Alessandria, Tortona, and other western towns. -Later he had assumed the regency for Filippo Maria in Pavia, and he now -reduced Gian Maria to similar submission. This authority he held till -his death, when the Milanese nobles, rather than allow Gian Maria to -recover the government, assassinated that youthful monster in 1412. - -These disorders in Lombardy naturally led to the loss of the southern -acquisitions of Gian Galeazzo. The hostility [Sidenote: Losses in -Romagna and Tuscany.] of Pope Boniface IX. had to be bought off by the -restoration of Bologna and Perugia to the papal states (1403). Siena -recovered its republican liberties in 1404, and Paolo Guinigi maintained -his rule in Lucca as an independent prince. Pisa, the most important of -the Milanese conquests, had been bequeathed by Gian Galeazzo to a -bastard son, Gabriele Maria. But Gabriele, finding himself unable to -face the double danger of Pisan rebellion and Florentine attack, became -the vassal of France in order to gain the aid of Marshal Boucicault, the -French governor in Genoa. Within a year, however, he had quarrelled with -his suzerain: the policy of France ceased to be hostile to Florence: and -so the strange spectacle was seen of Boucicault and Gabriele, in mutual -enmity, selling their sovereign rights to Florence, while the Pisans -repudiated the authority of both and reclaimed their old independence -(1405). The Florentine oligarchy was prompt to seize the opportunity -that had long been looked for, and a strict blockade forced Pisa to -surrender after an obstinate resistance of many months (October 9, -1406). By the reduction of the rival republic, Florence took the first -great stride towards the formation of the later grand duchy of Tuscany. - -But the most notable result of the temporary decline of Milan was the -permanent establishment of Venetian dominion in Eastern Lombardy, an -event fraught with the most momentous consequences both for Venice -[Sidenote: Venice acquires Verona and Padua.] and for Italy. Francesco -Carrara, who had recovered Padua in 1390, and had been allowed to retain -it under tribute to Milan (see p. 180), was one of the first princes to -take advantage of Gian Galeazzo’s death to obtain both freedom and -aggrandisement. In alliance with the surviving members of the house of -della Scala he seized Verona, and then got rid of his allies in order to -keep his conquest to himself (1404). From Verona he advanced to the -siege of Vicenza, but the citizens offered the lordship to Venice, while -the duchess Caterina, beset with difficulties in Milan, also appealed -for aid to the maritime republic. This double invitation, together with -the traditional enmity to the Carrara family, overcame any reluctance on -the part of the Venetians. They agreed to aid the duchess on condition -that all Milanese territory to the east of the Adige should be ceded to -them. Caterina accepted the terms, hard as they were, and in June 1404 -Venice declared war against the lord of Padua. Vicenza opened its gates -to the Venetians, and in the course of 1405 both Verona and Padua were -compelled to surrender to superior forces. Francesco Carrara was carried -off to die in a Venetian prison. - -Venice had now recovered and enormously extended the territories she had -lost in the war of Chioggia. Not only [Sidenote: Venice at war with -Sigismund.] Treviso, Feltre, and Belluno, but Bassano, Verona, Vicenza, -and Padua acknowledged her sway. And before long she was in possession -of another province, Dalmatia, which she had gained from Hungary, and -lost again in the previous century. Pope Boniface IX., engaged in a -quarrel with Sigismund of Hungary, had stirred up Ladislas of Naples to -revive his father’s claim to the Hungarian crown (see pp. 154 and 191). -In 1402 Ladislas had landed at Zara in Dalmatia, and was crowned king by -the papal legate. But his early success was followed by reverses, and, -discouraged by the memory of his father’s fate, Ladislas returned to -Naples. But he was not unwilling to cause annoyance to his successful -rival, and in 1409 he sold his rights in Dalmatia to Venice. This led to -a prolonged war with Sigismund, who in 1411 was recognised as king of -the Romans, and desired to gain distinction and authority in Italy. In -1411 his troops occupied Feltre and Belluno, but they were defeated in -the open field by Carlo Malatesta in the service of Venice. In 1413 a -truce put an end to hostilities for a time, and Sigismund was enabled to -concentrate his attention on ecclesiastical questions and the council of -Constance. But the possession of Dalmatia was still a subject of -dispute, and war was renewed in 1418. Sigismund, however, was occupied -with the difficulties which the execution of Hus had excited in Bohemia, -and Venice met with little efficient opposition. By 1421 the province of -Friuli and almost the whole of the Dalmatian coast were subject to -Venetian rule. - -Meanwhile important events had taken place in Milan. On the murder of -his elder brother, Filippo Maria Visconti [Sidenote: Filippo Maria -Visconti.] had emerged from the obscurity in which he had previously -lived, and showed himself not unfitted to fill his father’s place. With -even greater personal cowardice, which induced him to conceal himself -almost entirely from human vision, he combined the same subtle powers of -intrigue, and the same ability to discover and make use of military -talent in others. Only two defects of character prevented him from -achieving the same measure of success as had fallen to Gian Galeazzo. He -was less resolute in the pursuit of his ends, and momentary -discouragement led him at times to relinquish an object when it was -almost within his grasp. And his inveterate habits of suspicion involved -him not infrequently in serious danger by driving into opposition the -men who were capable of rendering him the most valuable services. It was -impossible to be loyal to a prince who distrusted a victorious general -even more than he dreaded to hear of a defeat. - -The first act of Filippo Maria was to marry the widow of Facino Cane, -although she was twenty years older than himself. By this means he -acquired Alessandria, Tortona, Novara, and Vercelli, and also the -control of Facino’s numerous and disciplined [Sidenote: He restores the -duchy of Milan.] troops. With their aid he made himself master of Milan -and avenged his brother’s death. Once secure in his position, he did not -scruple to rid himself of his elderly benefactress, whose age rendered -her an unsuitable spouse. In the attack upon Milan he had noted the -courage and conduct of Francesco Carmagnola, who took his name from the -village near Turin where he had been born. He raised the Piedmontese -soldier to the command of his army, and employed him to reduce to -submission the cities which had formerly owned his father’s sway. One -after another the despots who had usurped authority since the death of -Gian Galeazzo were compelled to surrender, and by 1421 the duchy of -Milan extended from Piedmont in the west to the line of the Adige in the -east. Even Genoa, which had freed itself from French rule in 1411, was -forced after a prolonged struggle to acknowledge the suzerainty of -Filippo Maria. - -Thus Venice, at the very moment of her successful expansion eastwards, -found herself confronted on her western border by a prince who could -advance weighty claims to the most valuable of her recently acquired -dominions. The republic was thus called upon to [Sidenote: Parties in -Venice.] solve one of the most serious problems of her whole history. -Hitherto power on the mainland had come to her in the course of events; -it had been the product of her obvious interest in protecting her trade -routes and the sources of her supply of food. There had not as yet been -any deliberate going out of her way to seek for territories. But her -most pressing interests were now secured, and the question at once arose -whether she could or would stop at the point which she had reached in -1421. Upon this question were formed the two great parties which divided -Venice during the remainder of the century. The Doge, Tommaso Mocenigo, -who held office from 1414 to 1423, urged the maintenance of the _status -quo_ as the only means of retaining that maritime supremacy which was -essential for the defence of the overwhelming interests of Venice in the -east. To enter into Italian politics as the avowed rival of Milan for -ascendency in Lombardy would inevitably result in handing over the -Levant to the Turks. And if Venice lost her commerce, she would find -territorial dominion, which she could only gain and keep by employing -hired foreigners in place of her own citizens, a very unsatisfactory -source either of wealth or of political greatness. On the other hand, -many of the younger nobles, headed by Francesco Foscari, laid stress -upon the undoubted interests of Venice on the mainland, and upon the -certainty that the duke of Milan would never abandon his claims to -Verona and Padua. They contended with vehemence that the western -frontier as it stood was hopelessly insecure, that a state must either -advance or lose ground, and that aggression is often the only means of -defence. But the policy of this party was really inspired less by these -arguments, sound as they were in some respects, than by the instinctive -greed for territory which had become the guiding motive of the great -Italian states. - -The difference between the two parties was brought to a head in 1423 by -the appearance of successive embassies [Sidenote: Appeals from -Florence.] from Florence to demand aid against the duke of Milan. -Filippo Maria had resumed his father’s schemes of aggression in Tuscany -and the Romagna. Florence was forced into war to defend her -independence, and her troops suffered one defeat after another. Nothing -but the intervention of the great northern republic seemed likely to -arrest the duke’s progress, and the appeals to Venice became more and -more pressing. The first embassy in 1423 had been repulsed by the -influence of Mocenigo, but he had died later in the year, and his place -was filled by the election of his opponent, Foscari. Still, parties in -Venice were too evenly balanced to admit of a decisive intervention in -the war, and the Florentine envoys proceeded from prayers to threats. If -Venice would give no aid, Florence would seek her own safety by joining -with Milan. ‘When we refused to help Genoa, she made Visconti lord of -the city; if you refuse to help us, we will make him king of Italy.’ At -the critical moment the Florentine appeal was reinforced by the arrival -of Carmagnola, who had incurred the jealous suspicion of Filippo Maria, -and had been driven in disgrace from his service. His announcement that -the duke would never be satisfied till he had driven the Venetians from -Lombardy, and the prospect of utilising so distinguished a general -against his former employer, turned the scale in favour of Foscari and -his party. At the end of 1425 it was decided to join Florence in open -war against the duke of Milan. - -The struggle opened with notable successes for Venice. Brescia was taken -in 1426, and in December Filippo Maria confirmed its cession by a formal -treaty. But the treaty was only a device to gain time and to collect -forces. In 1427 hostilities were renewed, [Sidenote: War between Venice -and Milan.] and three of the most famous _condottieri_ of the -day—Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino, and Carlo Malatesta—commanded -the forces of Milan. But Carmagnola gained a brilliant victory at Macalo -(October 11), and in 1428 Visconti again made peace by handing over -Bergamo in addition to Brescia. Thus in two campaigns the Venetian -frontier had been extended from the Adige to the Adda. But Filippo Maria -could hardly remain satisfied with an arrangement which brought his -enemies within striking distance of Milan itself. In 1431 the war was -renewed, and Carmagnola was induced by lavish payments and promises to -remain in the service of Venice. The republic had now to face the -difficulties and dangers of employing mercenary soldiers. From the first -the practice had been adopted of sending two native nobles to the camp -as _proveditori_. Nominally they were responsible for the commissariat, -but their real function was to keep a jealous watch on the conduct of -the general. Carmagnola had already incurred the suspicion of his -employers. Except in the battle of Macalo he had taken little personal -part in the war, and had shown himself more solicitous of his own -interests than of those of Venice. He had released his prisoners without -ransom, in accordance with the etiquette of his profession, and had -openly conducted an independent intercourse with the duke of Milan. It -seemed that he had no wish to go too far in crushing a prince whom he -had formerly served and might serve again. Still, as long as their arms -were successful, the Venetian oligarchy had kept their fears and -suspicion to themselves. But in 1431 came a series of reverses. -Francesco Sforza won a victory at Soncino, and the Venetian fleet on the -Po was destroyed through the failure of Carmagnola to come to its -support. Failure was taken as a proof of treachery, and the Council of -Ten determined to inflict an exemplary punishment. - -They acted with characteristic duplicity and decision. Carmagnola was -invited to Venice to discuss the next campaign, and his distrust was -removed by a triumphal reception. But he was hurried from the palace -[Sidenote: Execution of Carmagnola.] to prison, and a secret trial -resulted in his condemnation and death (May 5, 1432). In the picturesque -history of the _condottieri_ of the fifteenth century the execution of -Carmagnola is one of the most famous episodes. He had done nothing that -was not in accordance with the traditions of his craft, but one state at -any rate ventured to give striking proof that she would not allow -independence to her hired defenders. It was a dangerous dilemma from -which Venice sought to extricate herself. A too eminent and successful -general might endanger her freedom, but it was difficult in the future -to induce the ablest men to serve a state which was ready to exact such -rigorous penalties. - -The war continued for nine years after Carmagnola’s death. Florence was -allied with Venice, and thus the attention of Filippo Maria was engaged -in Tuscany as well as in Lombardy. This diversion was the salvation of -Venice, which was more than once on the verge of losing not only -Brescia, but also Verona. Fortunately for her, too, her rule was more -lenient than that of Milan, and her subjects were resolutely in favour -of their new against their former master. The struggle was complicated -by the action of Francesco Sforza, who throughout played his own game -and joined one side or the other as his private interest dictated. His -desire was to force Filippo Maria to give him the hand of his natural -daughter, Bianca, and to make this marriage the foundation of a -principality in Lombardy. He was at last successful in attaining his -end. The long siege of Brescia was raised by his intervention on behalf -of Venice, and a peace in 1441 secured to Venice the possession of -Brescia and Bergamo. In the same year Venice expelled the ruling house -of Polenta from Ravenna, and took possession of that city, a step which -brought the republic southwards towards the states of the Church and -prepared the way for a prolonged struggle with the papacy. - -Filippo Maria had been compelled to give his daughter with the lordship -of Cremona and Pontremoli to Francesco Sforza, but he dreaded and -disliked his son-in-law and schemed to effect his ruin. Sforza, however, -showed himself as adroit an intriguer as the duke. He defeated Niccolo -Piccinino and his two sons, and induced Venice and Florence to renew -their war with Milan. At the head of the army of the republics he -reduced his father-in-law to such straits that he must concede all -demands. Just as he was prepared to desert his employers [Sidenote: -Death of Filippo Maria.] in order to earn the succession to Milan as his -reward, the news arrived of Filippo Maria’s death (August 13, 1447). - -With Filippo Maria the male line of the Visconti came [Sidenote: -Succession in Milan.] to an end. There were three possible claimants -through females—Sforza through his wife, the duke of Orleans through his -mother Valentina Visconti, and Frederick of Styria through his -grandmother Virida Visconti. But none of these claims had any legal -validity, as the investiture by Wenzel had only recognised male -succession. The citizens of Milan, not unnaturally, deemed that -despotism was at an end and restored a republican government. These -events excited the keenest interest in Venice. For more than twenty -years the Venetians had been engaged in almost continuous war with -Milan, but since 1428 they had not gained a square yard of territory in -Lombardy. Foscari and his followers urged that advantage should be taken -of the confusion following Visconti’s death to establish Venetian -ascendency, and they carried the day. It was a fatal decision from the -point of view of the policy which they advocated. If the republic of -Milan had been allowed to establish itself, the result within a few -years would have been the alienation and revolt of the subject cities, -and in the troubled waters Venice could have fished with great advantage -to herself. But the hasty attack on the part of the Venetians forced the -newly formed republic to throw itself into the arms of the person who -was most dangerous both to Milanese independence and to Venetian -ambition. Francesco Sforza undertook to defend Milan against Venice, and -he showed equal promptness and ability. He destroyed the Venetian fleet -on the Po at Casalmaggiore and defeated their army with great loss at -Caravaggio. The Venetians, having made one false step, tried to redeem -it by doing still worse. They made a treaty with Sforza, by which he -[Sidenote: Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, 1450.] pledged himself to -hand over to them Crema and the Ghiara d’Adda on condition that they -would not oppose his designs. The wily general now turned his victorious -troops against his employers, who were wholly unprepared to cope with -such unexpected treachery. One city after another had to open its gates, -and in 1450 Milan surrendered and acknowledged its conqueror as duke. -Now the Venetians could realise the folly of their conduct. They had -found it hard enough to cope with Milan under the rule of the cowardly -Visconti, but they could have no chance of extending their rule in -Lombardy if the duchy were allowed to pass to the first soldier of the -age. They determined by a strenuous effort to overthrow Sforza before he -had securely established his authority. But they were unsuccessful in -the war which ensued, and the tragic news of the fall of Constantinople -compelled them to turn their attention from Italy to their imperilled -interests in the east. A peace was patched up with Milan at Lodi in -1454. Venice resigned her recent acquisitions, and her western frontier -was restored to the same limits as in 1428. - -For half a century the history of Venice had been closely bound up with -that of Milan through their mutual rivalry for territorial expansion in -Lombardy. With the peace of Lodi this intimate connection ceased for -forty years. As long as the Sforza dynasty was secure in Milan, Venice -could not hope to do more than retain Brescia and Bergamo. And for a -time her interests in Lombardy were thrust entirely into the background -by the necessity of facing the absorbing problem of Turkish advance in -the east. The policy of Foscari, so gloriously attractive in the days of -Carmagnola’s early successes, had ended in disastrous failure. Men -forgot the annexation of Bergamo and Brescia, and remembered only that -Crema had been lost, and that while they were fighting for it -Constantinople had fallen. For some time the party hostile to the doge -had found a way of attacking him through the person of his son. Jacopo -Foscari had been condemned in 1445 for taking bribes and sentenced to -exile. Two years later the prayers of his father obtained leave for his -return. But in 1450 one of the judges [Sidenote: Deposition and death of -Foscari.] who had imposed the original sentence was murdered. Jacopo -Foscari was denounced to the Ten; and although there was no real -evidence against him, and torture failed to extract a confession, he was -again exiled. Conscious of his innocence, he made strenuous efforts to -escape, and was imprudent enough to correspond with the Turks and with -Francesco Sforza. On a charge of treason the exile was brought to -Venice, again subjected to terrible torture, and sent back to Candia, -where he died in 1457. These events shook the reason of the aged doge, -and his neglect of his official duties induced the Ten to demand his -abdication. Even the Venetians, trained by the constant fear of -denunciation to suppress their feelings, could not help murmuring as the -old man descended the steps of the palace. A few days later Foscari -died, listening, it is said, to the bells which announced the election -of his successor. He had served the state loyally, if mistakenly, for -thirty-four years, he had raised Venice to a lofty position among the -powers of Italy, and he met with the ingratitude which the instinct of -self-preservation impelled the Venetian oligarchy to show towards every -individual who exercised a commanding influence on the destinies of the -republic. - -While these events were going on at home, Venice was keenly interested -in Eastern affairs. Now that Constantinople [Sidenote: Venice and the -Turks.] had fallen, it was no longer possible to pursue the old policy -of bolstering up the Eastern Empire as a buffer between the Turks and -Venetian possessions. Two alternative courses were open to the republic. -She might take the place of Constantinople and become the bulwark of -Christendom against the infidel. Or she might endeavour to secure the -continuance of Venetian commerce in the east by making an advantageous -treaty with the conquerors. The heroic policy was advocated by Foscari, -the more cautious and selfish policy by his opponents, and the declining -credit of the doge enabled them to carry the day. In April 1454 a treaty -was concluded with Mohammed II. On payment of a yearly tribute, the -Venetians were allowed to retain their ports and other possessions in -the east, and to continue their Levant trade in temporary security. A -district in Constantinople was assigned for the residence of Venetian -merchants under a Venetian bailiff. It was no small argument in favour -of this treaty that it enabled Venice to strike another blow at her old -rival Genoa. The Genoese had for some time aided the Turks in various -ways, and had received the promise of special trade privileges as their -reward. But the Sultan found it cheaper to buy off the hostility of a -possible foe than to pay the stipulated price for services already -rendered. - -For a few years Venice profited by the treaty of 1454, and abstained -from giving aid to the struggling Christian populations, either of the -Balkan provinces or of Greece. But the Turkish conquests were too -extensive and rapid not to awaken serious misgivings. In spite of the -famous relief of Belgrad by Hunyadi, Servia was reduced, and Wallachia -and Bosnia were overrun without serious resistance. Only Albania, under -the heroic Scanderbeg, succeeded by desperate efforts in prolonging its -independence, and in extorting terms from the Sultan. It was more -alarming to the Venetians when the Turkish armies crossed the isthmus -into the Morea, and equipped a fleet for the conquest of Lesbos and the -other islands in the Ægean. The most strenuous opponents of war had to -admit the uselessness of a paper treaty to restrain a conqueror so -unscrupulous as Mohammed II. At this juncture, Pope Pius II. was making -strenuous efforts to rouse the princes of Western Europe to a crusade -against the Turks. Venice was convinced that the further maintenance of -peace was impossible; and if the pope could secure them allies in the -name of religion, their prospects of success would be improved. But -these hopes of assistance were doomed to disappointment, when, in 1464, -Pius proceeded to Ancona to welcome and bless the crusading host. The -Venetian fleet was the only efficient force which Christendom had -furnished in response to the demand of its ecclesiastical chief. - -The war which Venice waged for sixteen years against overwhelming odds -is by no means the least heroic episode [Sidenote: Turkish war, -1463-79.] in the history of the republic. Occasionally, as when Niccolo -Canale failed to save Negropont in 1470, the Venetian commanders -hesitated to act with decision in the service of a state which allowed -little freedom to its subordinates, and was apt to punish failure as if -it were treason. But, on the whole, the war was waged with equal courage -and conduct. It could, however, have but one result. Mohammed II. -employed all the resources of Turkish diplomacy to prevent any coalition -of Italian powers, and Venice was not so popular that other states were -likely to deplore or to share her misfortunes. It is true that -Scanderbeg was induced to break his treaty with the Sultan, and to admit -Venetian garrisons into his fortresses of Kroja and Scutari. But -Scanderbeg died at the beginning of 1467, leaving the guardianship of -his son and his dominions to his ally. This proved to be a fatal -bequest. After the reduction of the Morea, a Turkish force entered -Albania and laid siege to Scutari. The fortress was heroically defended -by Antonio Loredano, Mohammed was engaged in Asia Minor, and the siege -had to be raised. But the triumph was only temporary. In 1478 Albania -was again invaded. Kroja was taken, and Scutari, though it repulsed all -attempts to storm the walls, was closely blockaded. Venice was worn out -with her prolonged and exhausting efforts, and in 1479 the peace of -Constantinople brought the war to a close. Venice gave up Scutari, -Kroja, Negropont, Lemnos, and her possessions in the Morea, but was -allowed to retain her Levant trade and her quarter in Constantinople on -payment of 150,000 ducats down and a yearly tribute of 10,000 ducats. -Two years later, the death of Mohammed II. and the accession of a -feebler sultan, freed the republic from immediate danger in the east. - -The disasters of the Turkish war had a demoralising effect upon Venice. -In her eastern dominions the more ambitious and enterprising of the -Venetian nobles had found scope for an ability and an energy that at -home would be regarded with suspicion. These men had now to turn their -attention to Italian politics, and they urged the state to seek -compensation for losses in the Levant at the expense of its neighbours. -From this time the policy of Venice became far more openly grasping and -selfish than it had ever been before, and the enmities thus provoked -ultimately led to the league of Cambray. Aggression in Lombardy was -still blocked by the Sforza dynasty, and it was therefore necessary to -find some weaker power to attack. A quarrel with Ferrara about the -manufacture of salt gave the desired pretext, and Venice joined with the -turbulent pope Sixtus IV. in an alliance against Ercole [Sidenote: War -with Ferrara, 1482-84.] d’Este. Ferrara was powerless against such a -combination, and the Venetian forces seized Rovigo and the adjacent -territory. But an act of such unprovoked aggression excited the -misgivings of the other states; and Naples, Milan, and Florence formed a -league to maintain the balance of power against the attempts of Venice -and the papacy to disturb it. Alfonso of Calabria, who enjoyed an -unmerited reputation for military skill, advanced to the aid of Ferrara, -Sixtus deserted an ally who had obviously no regard for papal interests, -and Venice was compelled to conclude the peace of Bagnolo in 1484, by -which Rovigo was retained, but all other conquests were restored. - -About this time Venice had the good fortune to make an acquisition in -the east, which was some set-off against her losses to the Turks. The -last king of Cyprus, James of Lusignan, had married a Venetian lady, -Catarina Cornaro. In order to exalt her to sufficient rank, the republic -of Venice had formally adopted her as a daughter of the state. The next -year, 1473, the king died, and Venice at once interfered as paternal -guardian [Sidenote: Venice acquires Cyprus.] of the widow and her -posthumous child. For some years Catarina ruled under Venetian -protection and control, but in 1488 she was half induced, half compelled -to abdicate, and the banner of St. Mark was hoisted in Famagusta. -Catarina Cornaro was allowed to retain the title of queen, and lived in -considerable magnificence at Asolo till the outbreak of war in 1508 -drove her to seek a refuge in Venice, where she died in 1510. - -But the insatiable greed of the Venetians for territory was by no means -appeased by the annexation of Cyprus, which [Sidenote: Venetian greed of -territory.] could not long be retained except under tribute to the -Turks. It was to Italy that the ambition of the republic was mainly -directed, and the Ferrarese war had taught her more than one lesson. If -her western boundary was to be extended, the Sforzas must be driven from -Milan; if territory was to be gained in the south, the triple league for -the maintenance of the balance of power must be broken up; and, above -all, the house of Aragon in Naples must be punished for its action in -1483, and rendered powerless for the future. How could these ends be -achieved? One solution of the problem offered itself in 1493, and that -was the intervention of a foreign state. A number of Neapolitan nobles, -driven into exile by the merciless rule of Ferrante and Alfonso, came to -Venice for advice as to how they might best overthrow the Aragonese -despots. The senate advised them to invite Charles VIII. of France to -claim Naples as representing the house of Anjou. The advice was taken, -and the invitation was acted upon in 1494. The motives of Venice are -perfectly obvious. A French invasion would weaken the house of Aragon; -it would dislocate the league of the great powers; and in the -disturbance which would follow, Venice, isolated and secure herself, -could sell her assistance for the price of ports in Apulia, which would -complete her ascendency in the Adriatic. Nor was this all. A French -prince—Louis of Orleans—was a claimant to the duchy of Milan. If the -French once entered Italy, this claim was sure to be advanced against -the Sforzas, and the dynasty, which had so long blocked any advance -towards Cremona or Milan, might be overthrown, or at any rate reduced to -comparative impotence. The reckoning was equally cold-blooded, selfish, -and astute. The immediate aims were achieved. After the first successes -of Charles VIII. Venice turned against France and received Otranto, -Brindisi, and other ports in Apulia, as a reward for helping to restore -the Aragonese line in Naples. The duke of Orleans, on becoming Louis -XII. of France, attacked Ludovico Sforza and purchased the alliance of -Venice by ceding Cremona and the Ghiara d’Adda. The fall of Cæsar Borgia -enabled Venice to annex a considerable part of the papal states, and -there was no Italian league to interfere. But Nemesis overtook -[Sidenote: Decline of Venice.] the republic a few years later, when -every state which had been at any time despoiled, combined to attack the -common enemy. The ruin of Venice, however, was not the work of the -league of Cambray, but of causes which she could not control. No -treaties with the Turks could keep the Levant trade as open as it had -been, and the people on the Atlantic seaboard set to work to find an -independent route to the east. In 1486 Bartholomew Diaz rounded the -Cape, and in 1498 Vasco da Gama continued the voyage to India. For three -centuries and a half the Mediterranean ceased to be the great highway of -commerce, and became merely a considerable inland sea. The marvellous -prosperity of Venice ceased with the conditions which had given rise to -it. - -Until the invasion of Charles VIII. brought Venice and Milan once more -together, there had been little direct connection between the two states -since the treaty of Lodi gave leisure to Francesco Sforza to secure his -position [Sidenote: Francesco Sforza in Milan.] in his newly acquired -duchy. In this task he was as successful as he had been in the -unscrupulous methods by which he rose to power. From the first he -determined to sink the _condottiere_ in the prince. Peace, and not war, -became the primary object of his policy. With Cosimo de’ Medici he was -already on the most friendly terms, and as long as he or his descendants -retained their power no opposition was to be feared from Florence. -Venice had received a sharp lesson, and her attention was diverted to -the east. The popes had enough to do to maintain their recently -recovered authority in the papal states. The only other important state -in Italy was Naples. As a military leader Sforza had played a prominent -part in Neapolitan politics. He had been the champion of the house of -Anjou, and when the victory ultimately rested with Alfonso of Aragon, -Sforza had been deprived of his estates in Apulia and the Abruzzi. But -as duke of Milan, Francesco was eager to be on good terms with the king -of Naples. All his interests were now opposed to the Angevin claim on -Naples, which might easily be allied with the Orleanist claim to Milan. -A double marriage was arranged to cement the alliance between Naples and -Milan. Alfonso’s grandson, another Alfonso, was betrothed to Ippolita, -Sforza’s daughter, and one of Sforza’s sons was to marry Alfonso’s -granddaughter. When Alfonso’s death, in 1458, was followed by a renewed -attempt of the Angevins to gain Naples, Sforza gave his cordial support -to Ferrante, the natural son of the late king, and materially aided him -in defending his throne. - -It was extremely fortunate for Francesco Sforza that his alliance with -the house of Aragon did not lead to a serious breach with France, which -had recovered the [Sidenote: Relations with France.] suzerainty of Genoa -in 1458. It was from Genoa that John of Calabria sailed to Naples in -1460 to maintain the cause of his father Réné, and one of the most -notable acts of Sforza in thwarting the Angevin pretensions was his -encouragement of a successful revolt of the Genoese in 1461. At this -critical moment Charles VII. of France died, and his successor, Louis -XI., not only had no love for the Anjou princes, but was an avowed -admirer and imitator of Francesco Sforza. The result was a treaty in -1464, by which the town of Savona and all French claims to Genoa were -ceded to the duke of Milan, and later in the year Sforza succeeded in -subjecting the Ligurian republic to his rule. When Louis XI. was hard -pressed in 1465 by the League of the Public Weal, Sforza not only sent -his eldest son with a considerable force to attack the duke of Bourbon, -he also repaid his obligations by the celebrated advice to Louis that he -should divide his enemies by conceding their demands and then reduce -them separately. French history tells how triumphantly the king followed -the counsel of his chosen model. - -The government of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, who succeeded in Milan without -opposition on his father’s death in March [Sidenote: Galeazzo Maria -Sforza, 1466-76.] 1466, was comparatively uneventful. The external -relations were maintained by Simonetta, who had been secretary to -Francesco, and remained in office under the son, on the same lines as -under the previous duke. The connection with France was drawn closer by -Galeazzo’s marriage with Bona of Savoy, the sister-in-law of Louis XI. -It is true that for a moment the growing power of Charles the Bold -attracted Milan to an alliance with Burgundy in 1475. But on the news of -the duke’s first reverse at the battle of Granson, Galeazzo hastened to -return to the French alliance. The wanton cruelty of Galeazzo’s rule in -Milan illustrates the demoralising effect of unbridled power upon a weak -and passionate nature. To the love of bloodshed, which had characterised -so many of the Visconti, he added a lustful debauchery which outraged -the honour of the noblest families of Milan. Against a lawless despotism -the only remedy is rebellion, and the revival of classical learning -tended to glorify tyrannicide by parading the examples of Brutus and of -Harmodius and Aristogiton. Three young nobles—Girolamo Olgiati, whose -sister Galeazzo had dishonoured, Carlo Visconti, and Andrea -Lampugnani—determined to win eternal fame by the murder of the tyrant. -Sacrilege had little terrors for Italians, and Galeazzo Maria fell -beneath their daggers in the Church of St. Stephen (December 26, 1476). -But the mass of the citizens were too accustomed to subjection to -espouse the cause of the rebels. Two of the assassins were slain on the -spot, and Olgiati was executed after suffering horrible tortures, which -he endured with the stoicism of an ancient Roman. - -Galeazzo Maria Sforza left an only son, Gian Galeazzo, who was only -eight years old. He was immediately acknowledged as duke of Milan, under -the regency of his mother, [Sidenote: Regency of Bona of Savoy.] Bona of -Savoy, but the real government rested in the hands of Simonetta. The -latter succeeded in overcoming the first difficulties that the regency -encountered. A rising in Genoa was suppressed, and the brothers of the -late duke, who wished to oust their sister-in-law, were driven into -exile. But in 1479 wholly unexpected problems arose. Francesco Sforza -had leant on the alliance of Florence and Naples, and as long as those -two states were on friendly terms Simonetta pursued the same policy. The -conspiracy of the Pazzi, however, involved Florence not only in a -quarrel with Pope Sixtus IV., but also in a war with Naples. Bona of -Savoy, under Simonetta’s guidance, clung to the Florentine alliance, and -prepared to send forces to aid Lorenzo de’ Medici. Ferrante of Naples -determined to prevent the intervention of Milan. He stirred up a new -rebellion in Genoa, which succeeded in expelling the Milanese garrison -from the citadel. At the same time, he urged the uncles of the young -duke to resume their attack on the regency of Bona. Aided by divisions -in the government, the brothers contrived to secure their return to -Milan and to overthrow Simonetta, who was put to death at Pavia (1480). -Ludovico il Moro, the eldest surviving son of Francesco Sforza, now -succeeded without serious difficulty in prosecuting his schemes. The -young duke was declared of age in order to terminate his mother’s -regency, and Ludovico carried on the government in his nephew’s name. - -The circumstances under which Ludovico had obtained his power seemed to -bind him closely to Ferrante [Sidenote: Ludovico il Moro.] of Naples, -who was now reconciled with Lorenzo de’ Medici, so that the triple -alliance was restored, and was able to interfere decisively in the war -of Ferrara (see above, p. 257). The young Gian Galeazzo was married to -Isabella, the daughter of Alfonso of Calabria, and granddaughter of -Ferrante. All would have been well if Ludovico’s ambition had been -satisfied with actual rule. But he was resolved to supplant his nephew -in the duchy, and if necessary to get rid of him by foul means. Such a -scheme was certain to meet with the determined opposition of the rulers -of Naples; and Ludovico, without venturing upon an open rupture, sought -for means to protect himself from their hostility. The first sign of -growing mistrust was visible in the war of Ferrara, when the -half-hearted action of Ludovico allowed Venice to escape with -comparatively favourable terms in the treaty of Bagnolo. Matters became -worse when Isabella of Naples openly complained to her father and -grandfather of the way in which her husband was treated by his uncle. -Even more bitter was her ill-feeling when Ludovico married Beatrice -d’Este, and a personal jealousy grew up between the nominal and the real -duchess. Isabella was furious that she should be compelled to live in -poverty and semi-captivity while her rival was the centre of a -magnificent court. - -The rulers of Naples naturally espoused the cause of Isabella and her -husband, and Ludovico was conscious that an open quarrel could not be -long delayed. It was necessary for him to strengthen his position by -alliances, either within Italy or without. Venice was not a power that -could be trusted to act unselfishly in support of Milan. Florence was -the oldest ally of the house of Sforza, but Lorenzo de’ Medici died in -1492, and his son Piero showed a perilous inclination to prefer the -Neapolitan cause to that of Ludovico. In his despair Ludovico made up -his mind to turn to France. He had already established [Sidenote: -Ludovico calls in the French.] a connection with France when, after -reducing Genoa once more to submission to Milan, he agreed in 1490 to -hold the city under the suzerainty of the French king. In 1493 he -discovered that the Neapolitan exiles, acting on the advice of Venice, -were urging Charles VIII. to attack Naples. Ludovico sent an embassy to -support this appeal and to promise his co-operation. He had no -expectation or desire that the French should conquer Naples, but he -wished to have a French army between Milan and the southern kingdom -while he established himself as duke in the place of his nephew. When -once France had served his purpose, he was confident of his ability to -rid himself and Italy of an ally who was no longer needed. But cunning -as Ludovico was, he overreached himself. It is true that Gian Galeazzo -died at the required moment, that Ludovico became duke with an imperial -investiture, which no previous Sforza had received, and that the French -invasion prevented any opposition on the part of Naples. But among the -Frenchmen who entered Italy was Louis of Orleans, who seized the -opportunity to assert his claim to the duchy of Milan as the descendant -of Valentina Visconti. Ludovico succeeded for the time in defeating the -duke, who was not well beloved by Charles VIII. But a few years later -Louis himself became king of France, and one of his first enterprises -was the expulsion of the Sforzas from Milan. Ludovico had ample time to -repent of his short-sighted policy in calling in French aid while he lay -a prisoner in the castle of Loches, where he died in 1510. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII - NAPLES AND THE PAPAL STATES IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY - - - The Papal States during the Schism and Ladislas of Naples—Martin V. - returns to Rome—Succession question in Naples—Troubles of Eugenius - IV.—War in Naples between Réné of Anjou and Alfonso of - Aragon—Victory of Alfonso V.—Last years of Eugenius IV.—Nicolas - V.—Calixtus III.—Death of Alfonso V. of Naples—Pius II.—Congress of - Mantua—War in Naples between Ferrante and John of Calabria—Death of - Pius II. at Ancona—Paul II.—Sixtus IV. and his nephews—War with - Florence—Relations with Ferrara and Venice—Disorders in - Rome—Innocent VIII.—Rising against Ferrante in Naples—Election of - Alexander VI.—His alliance with Naples. - -Boniface IX. was the ablest and most successful of the Roman popes -during the Schism. The impotence into which [Sidenote: The Papal States -and Ladislas of Naples.] the temporal authority of the papacy had fallen -may be judged by the fact that Boniface found it advisable or necessary -to sell the vicariate, _i.e._ the right to exercise authority in the -Pope’s name, to the despots who had usurped lordship in the various -cities. Yet this very sale, though it seemed to legalise acts of -violence and rebellion, brought with it some advantages besides filling -the Pope’s coffers. The purchase of rights was in itself an -acknowledgment that the Pope possessed them, and this could be employed -some day against the purchasers. And in several ways Boniface directly -increased his power. He induced the citizens of Rome, always as greedy -of papal wealth as they were jealous of papal rule, to invite him to -take up his residence in his capital on terms which ruined the -foundations of republican liberties. He aided Ladislas of Naples to gain -his final victory over Louis II. of Anjou in 1399 (_vide_ p. 155), and -Ladislas repaid his obligation by helping the Pope to suppress -formidable risings of the Roman barons. On the death of Gian Galeazzo -Visconti, he succeeded in recovering for the papacy the towns of -Bologna, Perugia, and Assisi, which had fallen under the sway of the -duke of Milan. But Boniface bequeathed to his successors one very -serious difficulty. Ladislas of Naples, who owed his crown to papal -support, conceived the plan of extending his kingdom at the expense of -the papacy, and even of reducing the papal states under his personal -rule. His first attempt to stir up rebellion in Rome, in order that he -might intervene for his own profit in the struggle, resulted in the -expulsion of Innocent VII. and the sack of the Vatican, but the citizens -hastened to come to terms with the Pope when they discovered that the -only alternative to his rule was subjection to Naples (1405). Another -opportunity offered itself in 1407, when Gregory XII. left Rome in order -to simulate willingness to confer with Benedict XIII. for the closing of -the schism. Ladislas had no wish that the schism should end, not only -because its continuance facilitated his schemes of aggression, but also -because it strengthened his position in Naples. The movement for union -had its chief strength in France, and any successful intervention of -France in Italy would lead to a new attempt to gain Naples for the -younger house of Anjou. In 1408 Ladislas seized Rome, and practically -made himself master of the papal states. But to some extent his plan -miscarried. Gregory XII., it is true, pleaded events in Rome as a reason -for avoiding a conference, but his cardinals deserted him and joined -with those of Benedict to hold a council at Pisa (_vide_ p. 199). The -attempt of Ladislas to disperse the Council by invading Tuscany was -foiled by the resistance of Florence, and the Assembly proceeded to -depose the two existing popes and to elect Alexander V. Baldassare -Cossa, the papal legate in Bologna, who combined the training and habits -of a _condottiere_ with the office of cardinal, undertook the task of -recovering Rome and of punishing the prince who still adhered to the -cause of Gregory XII. Rome was captured at the beginning of 1410, but -Alexander V. died in May, and the all-powerful Cossa was elected to -succeed him as John XXIII. The new pope entered Rome in triumph in 1411, -and his first act was to despatch a powerful army under Braccio, Sforza, -and other famous generals, to support the cause of Louis of Anjou in -Naples. A great victory was won at Rocca-Secca (May 19, 1411), but the -delay of the conquerors enabled Ladislas to rally his forces, and before -long to gain the upper hand. Louis II. abandoned the enterprise in -despair. Attendolo Sforza deserted to the side of the Neapolitan king, -and John XXIII. made peace with his enemy in 1412, the one abandoning -the cause of Gregory XII., the other promising to disown the duke of -Anjou. But Ladislas had no intention of observing the peace. As soon as -his preparations were completed, he again marched upon Rome in 1413, and -drove John XXIII. in hasty and undignified flight to Florence. This -crushing disaster forced the Pope into those appeals for aid to -Sigismund, which ultimately led to the summons of the Council of -Constance and to his own ignominious deposition. But in August 1414, -before the Council had begun its session, Ladislas died, leaving his -crown to his sister, Joanna II., and the scheme of subjecting the papal -states to Naples perished with him. The citizens of Rome expelled Sforza -and his troops from the city, and welcomed the return of a papal legate. - -When unity was at last restored to the Church by the election of Martin -V., the new Pope had a very cheerless prospect [Sidenote: Martin V., -1417-1431.] before him. His obvious task was to restore to the papacy -some measure of the authority and influence which had been forfeited by -its experiences during the last hundred years. To do this he must find a -residence in which he would be more secure than his recent predecessors -from the dictation of secular rulers. Sigismund urged him to reside in -some German city, and the French would have welcomed him to Avignon. But -Martin, himself a Roman by birth, refused to find a home except in the -ancient capital of the world. Rightly or wrongly, he decided that -temporal dominion in a state of his own was necessary to secure the -independence of the Pope, and that to attain this he must recover and -consolidate the papal provinces in Italy. The whole history of the -papacy during the fifteenth century was moulded by this decision. The -popes became more and more absorbed in the extension of their temporal -power, even when their spiritual authority was weakened by it. Nepotism -and other evils were the result of this devotion to secular interests, -and a revolt of outraged and alienated opinion became inevitable. - -But Martin had many difficulties to overcome before he could carry out -his intention of taking up his abode in Rome. [Sidenote: Martin returns -to Rome.] The departure of John XXIII. to Constance had left the papal -states in the condition of anarchy which had become chronic. Neapolitan -influence was still strong, but the policy of Naples was no longer -directed by the strong will of Ladislas. His sister and successor, -Joanna II., was devoid of political capacity, and abandoned herself to -sensual indulgence and the guidance of favourites. Through her -incompetence the chief influence over the destinies of Naples was -allowed to fall into the hands of the two great _condottieri_, Braccio -da Montone and Attendolo Sforza, who had been brought into rivalry by -their connection with Neapolitan affairs during the previous reign. -Braccio, who had quarrelled with Ladislas, and joined John XXIII., had -been left by that Pope as governor of Bologna. After the departure of -his employer he seized his native city of Perugia and set himself to -carve a private principality out of the states of the Church. In 1417 he -actually made himself master of Rome, and was besieging the castle of -St. Angelo, when Sforza was despatched from Naples to compel his -retirement. These events forced Martin V. on his accession to ally -himself with Joanna and Sforza, and a treaty was arranged in 1419 by -which Naples was to restore all that had been occupied in the papal -states. But a quarrel between Joanna and Sforza deprived this treaty of -all importance, and Martin determined to coerce and distract Naples by -encouraging internal feuds in that kingdom. As Joanna was childless, the -question of the succession to a crown [Sidenote: Succession question in -Naples.] which had already been so hotly disputed was certain to give -rise to difficulties. Louis II. of Anjou, the rival of Ladislas, had -died in 1417; but his eldest son, Louis III., was eager to enforce his -father’s claim and to purchase the support of the papacy. Martin V. and -Sforza declared their recognition of Louis as heir to the kingdom. But -Joanna, indignant at this attempt to force a successor upon her, turned -to a family whose rivalry with her own dynasty was older than that of -the younger house of Anjou. Alfonso of Aragon had become king of Sicily -in 1409, and was not likely to refuse the prospect of a notable increase -of his power in the Mediterranean by the acquisition of Naples. He -eagerly accepted the offer of Joanna to adopt him as her heir, and he -induced Braccio to enter his service in order to oppose Sforza. Thus -civil war was kindled in Naples, and its outbreak gave the Pope the -opportunity for which he had been waiting. Leaving Florence, where he -had resided since his departure from Constance, he made his way to Rome -in September 1420. There he set himself to put an [Sidenote: Rule of -Martin V.] end to disorders and to strengthen the foundations of papal -rule. The exhaustion of the combatants in Naples, and the successive -deaths of Braccio and Sforza in 1424, freed him from the danger of any -intervention from the south. Alfonso abandoned the contest for a time, -and Joanna agreed to recognise the claim of Louis of Anjou to be -regarded as her successor. Perugia and the other territories of Braccio -returned on his death to their allegiance to the Pope. In Rome itself -Martin had one source of strength in the support of his own family of -Colonna, though their advancement to places of dignity and importance -was certain to create difficulties for his successor. Once secure in his -temporal dominions, the Pope was free to turn his attention to the -general affairs of the Church. The first council which he was bound to -summon by the decrees of Constance met at Siena, and was adroitly -managed so as to avoid any further limitation of papal authority. By -putting himself at the head of the movement to crush the Hussites, and -by appointing a papal legate to lead the armies against the heretics, -Martin tried to recover for the papacy the position which it had enjoyed -in the time of the great crusades of the Middle Ages. But the crusading -spirit was dead in Europe, and the successive victories of the Bohemians -not only frustrated his designs, but also compelled him to summon a -Council to meet at Basel shortly before his own death on February 20, -1431. - -Eugenius IV., who was unanimously elected to succeed Martin V., had a -troubled pontificate of sixteen years. He [Sidenote: Troubles of -Eugenius IV.] at once set himself to deprive the Colonna family of the -predominance which they had acquired in Rome through the favour of his -predecessor; but he could only accomplish this by an alliance with the -Orsini, and he thus revived the old feuds among the Roman barons which -it was the interest and the duty of the popes to check. Very soon after -his accession he engaged in a bitter quarrel with the Council of Basel, -and he completely failed in his endeavour to detach Sigismund from the -cause of the Council as the price of conferring the imperial crown upon -that prince. To make matters worse, he allowed his sympathies with his -native city of Venice to involve him in a quarrel with Filippo Maria -Visconti of Milan. In 1433 the climax of his misfortunes seemed to be -reached, when a combination of Milanese hostility with domestic -discontent drove him to fly in disguise from Rome, and to seek refuge in -Florence. These accumulated disasters compelled him to adopt a humbler -tone towards the Council of Basel, which was conducting negotiations -with the Bohemians as if its authority completely superseded that of the -Pope. - -About this time the succession dispute in Naples gave rise to a -prolonged war. Louis III. of Anjou died in 1434, but [Sidenote: War of -Angevins and Aragonese in Naples.] Joanna made a new will in favour of -his younger brother Réné of Provence. Soon afterwards the queen herself -died, on February 2, 1435. Alfonso V. at once came forward to assert his -own claims against those of Réné, and the Neapolitan baronage was -divided into the factions of Anjou and Aragon. It was impossible for the -papacy to remain neutral in a struggle which so intimately concerned its -own interests. Eugenius began by claiming the kingdom as a fief which -had lapsed to its suzerain on the extinction of the line of papal -vassals. But he soon dropped this claim and reverted to the normal -policy of supporting the Angevin candidate. At first, events seemed to -turn decisively in favour of Réné. A Genoese fleet, fighting on his -side, won a great naval victory off the island of Ponza, in which -Alfonso himself was taken prisoner. But in a personal interview with -Filippo Maria Visconti, who claimed the captive by virtue of his -suzerainty over Genoa, Alfonso convinced him that it would be impolitic -either to strengthen the papacy which was allied with Venice, or to -establish French influence in Southern Italy. By these arguments he not -only secured his own release, but also laid the foundations of a durable -alliance between his own dynasty and the dukes of Milan. From this time -the fortunes of war turned steadily in favour of the Aragonese party, -though it was not till 1442 that Réné finally abandoned the contest, and -Alfonso V. was formally recognised as king of Naples. His accession -reunited for a time the crowns of Naples and Sicily, which had been -separated since the Sicilian Vespers in 1282 (see p. 25). - -So far Eugenius had met with little but failure and disappointment. He -gained an apparent victory over the Council of Basel when he induced the -Greeks to conduct the negotiations for a union of eastern and western -churches at a rival council which met first at Ferrara, [Sidenote: Later -years of Eugenius IV.] and later in Florence. But the treaty which was -settled at the Council was repudiated by public opinion in Greece, and -the Pope gained little real advantage from the parade of negotiations -which proved abortive. Yet the later years of his pontificate were more -successful than seemed likely from the beginning. Rome did not long -enjoy the republican liberty which the citizens claimed to have -recovered on the Pope’s departure. The warlike Cardinal Vitelleschi -succeeded by 1435 in reducing the capital to submission. So successful -were the rigorous and cruel measures of the legate that Eugenius -suspected him of a design to establish his own power in the papal -states. In 1440 Vitelleschi was imprisoned and died, either from poison -or from the wounds he received in the struggle with his captors. -Scarampo, who took his place, maintained his authority by the same means -as his predecessor had employed. In 1443 Eugenius was able to quit -Florence and to return to Rome in perfect security. He gained the -alliance of Naples by recognising the title of Alfonso V. But his -greatest triumph was the inauguration of the negotiations with Germany, -through the medium of Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, which led to the -failure and humiliation of the Council of Basel. The final treaty was -practically concluded, though still unsigned, when Eugenius died, on -February 23, 1447. - -Thomas of Sarzana, who succeeded to the papacy as Nicolas V., had -already won a considerable reputation as a [Sidenote: Nicolas V., -1447-1455.] student of ancient literature. Though he was rather a -diligent collector of manuscripts and works of art than an original -scholar, his patronage made Rome for a time the centre of humanist -culture. His greatest work was the foundation of the Vatican library. As -a politician Nicolas showed less ability and interest than as a student, -but he was a sincere lover of peace, and he was able to maintain the -position which Eugenius had won in his later years. He concluded the -concordat with Germany, which put an end to the revolt originating with -the Council of Basel, and the Council itself came to an ignominious end -in 1449. In 1450 Nicolas celebrated the restoration of unity, and -conciliated the Roman people, by a grand jubilee which brought the -wealth of Europe to the eternal city. In spite of this general -rejoicing, the next year witnessed a famous conspiracy against the -secular authority of the Pope. Stefano Porcaro was a Roman noble who had -won the favour of Nicolas by his devotion to ancient literature. But -these studies led Porcaro, as they had previously led Rienzi, to an -enthusiastic admiration of republican liberty. When he endeavoured to -inspire the people with his opinions he was banished by the Pope to -Bologna. Thence he returned secretly to Rome and organised a plot to -imprison the Pope and cardinals, and to restore the republic, with -Porcaro as tribune. More than four hundred persons were engaged in the -scheme, and the number proved fatal to secrecy. Porcaro and nine of his -followers were imprisoned in the castle of St. Angelo and executed -without trial. After an interval of a few days harsh measures were -resumed, and a number of suspected persons shared the same fate. This -severity extinguished the last active desire to restore Roman liberty. -Papal rule was strengthened by the failure of the plot; but Porcaro’s -name, like that of Rienzi, lived long in the affections of the people. -No sooner was this crisis passed than the news came that Constantinople -had been taken by Mohammed II. in 1453. The empire had long ceased to -possess any general authority in Europe, but the papacy still claimed to -represent that unity of Christendom, whose disappearance had rendered -such a catastrophe possible. It was upon the papacy, therefore, that the -chief discredit fell of so notable a triumph for the infidel. But -Nicolas V. had no ability to cope with such a vast problem as was -involved in the union of the jarring interests of European states for -the purpose of joint resistance to the Turks. Unable to devise any -practical scheme, he gave himself up to despair, lamented that fate had -raised him from a private station, and died in 1455. - -After the death of Nicolas V. the choice of the cardinals fell upon -Alfonso Borgia, who took the name of Calixtus III. [Sidenote: Calixtus -III., 1455-1458.] He was a native of the Aragonese province of Valencia, -and had been rewarded with the cardinalate for services rendered to the -papacy in negotiations with Alfonso V. Although over seventy years of -age, Calixtus showed creditable energy in urging the princes of Europe -to war against the Turks, and he had the consolation of hearing of the -signal victory of John Hunyadi, when Mohammed II. was repulsed from the -walls of Belgrad in 1456. But the pontificate of Calixtus is mainly -noteworthy for the elevation of a relative who was destined to involve -the papacy in the gravest scandals. Nepotism was a natural result of the -secular aims of the fifteenth century popes. As long as the popes had -been the active heads of Christendom their energies were fully employed -in carrying out a great task. But they were now little more than -temporal princes, and their position differed from that of other princes -in the impossibility of transmitting their power to a dynasty, and in -the brief period of rule which was possible for men elected in advanced -years. Hence there was a serious temptation to the popes to aggrandise -their relatives at the expense of the Church or of neighbouring princes, -and thus to confer those advantages upon their family which a secular -prince could bring about by the normal action of hereditary succession. -Calixtus had three nephews, the sons of a sister and a man called -Lenzuoli. These young men were allowed to take the maternal name of -Borgia, and their interests were vigorously forwarded by their uncle. -Two were appointed cardinals, to the great scandal of the College and of -Roman opinion; and one of these, Rodrigo Borgia, became the notorious -Pope Alexander VI. The third nephew received the title of duke of -Spoleto, and the offices of Gonfalonier of the Church and prefect of -Rome. - -Before the death of Calixtus important events had taken place in Naples. -Alfonso V., after the prolonged war which secured him the throne, had -enjoyed a singularly peaceful reign. The personal charm which had -enabled him to gain over Filippo Maria Visconti also served to win the -affection of his subjects; and his court was rendered famous not only by -its magnificence, but also by the eminence of the scholars who were -attracted to Naples by royal patronage. But Alfonso’s death, in June -1458, threatened a revival of dynastic struggles in southern Italy. As -he had no lawful issue, his hereditary kingdoms of Aragon and Sicily -passed to his brother, John II. But Alfonso claimed the right to dispose -of Naples as a private acquisition of his own, and bequeathed the -kingdom to his illegitimate son, Ferrante. The Neapolitans themselves -were not at first inclined to resent an arrangement which freed them -from a connection with Aragon and Sicily which might be regarded as -subjection. But it was obvious that the accession of a bastard would -encourage the house of Anjou to revive its claim, while the legitimate -line in Aragon could always assert the same right to Naples which had -been vindicated by Alfonso himself. It was therefore of great importance -to Ferrante to obtain recognition from the Pope, who claimed to be -suzerain of Naples, and he had some right to demand it with confidence -from Calixtus, who was born a subject of Aragon. But the Pope, whether -he remembered the traditional Angevin alliance of the papacy, or whether -he sought in the spoils of Naples for new means of advancing his -nephews, refused to recognise Ferrante, and claimed to dispose of the -kingdom as a vacant papal fief. Before, however, he could make any -efficient opposition to the new king, he was removed by death on August -6, 1458. - -The choice of the cardinals now fell upon the most remarkable Pope of -the century, Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who adopted the Virgilian -epithet of Pius as his papal [Sidenote: Pius II., 1458-64.] name. In his -youth Æneas Sylvius had lived a gay and not too decorous life. The -author of the novel of _Euryalus and Lucretia_, and the confidant of the -amours of princes, he had first achieved political distinction at the -Council of Basel. There his literary and oratorical ability had given -him a position of recognised eminence; but when the cause of the Council -began to decline, he had entered the service of Frederick III., and had -played by far the most prominent part in effecting a reconciliation -between Germany and the papacy. For these services he had been rewarded -by Nicolas V. with the bishopric of Siena, his native city, and by -Calixtus III. with the cardinal’s hat. Raised to the papacy, he set -himself to destroy the last traces of conciliar opposition to Roman -supremacy, and with this object in view he strained every nerve to put -himself at the head of a great crusading movement against the Turks. His -career is full of strange contradictions, and the contrast has often -been drawn between his unscrupulous youth and early manhood and the -austere enthusiasm which he displayed as Pope. He himself was fully -sensible of the incongruity, and in his famous recantation he urged his -hearers to cast away Æneas and take Pius in his place: _Æneam rejicite, -Pium accipite_. - -As peace was absolutely necessary for any action against the Turks, the -first act of Pius was to reverse the policy of his predecessor, and to -recognise Ferrante as _de facto_ king of Naples, though he was careful -to avoid any formal decision on the question of legal right. In 1459 he -summoned a congress of Western princes to meet at [Sidenote: Congress of -Mantua.] Mantua, in the confident hope that his eloquence would prove as -effective as that of Peter the Hermit in the eleventh century. On the -appointed date the Pope and his personal followers found themselves -alone in Mantua. After a month’s anxious delay, some ambassadors and a -few German and Italian princes appeared, and the Congress was declared -open. But the Pope soon discovered that his hopes had been far too -sanguine; and after much eloquence had been expended in invectives -against the Turks, the Congress broke up without achieving anything. -There is no need to seek far for the causes of the failure of the -Mantuan Congress. The growth of nations, with separate and often -conflicting interests of their own, had destroyed all the conditions -which had rendered possible the crusades of the Middle Ages. There were -also special causes at the time which rendered it difficult for Pius II. -to gain any real support for his schemes. The French were angry with the -Pope for having prejudiced the Angevin claims to Naples by his -recognition of Ferrante. Pius replied to the remonstrances of the French -envoys by attacking the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges; and though he -might claim a dialectical victory, such discussions were not conducive -to a good understanding with France. Even Frederick III., the old patron -of Æneas Sylvius, was at this time dissatisfied with the Pope for -refusing to support his claims to the Hungarian crown, which had gone to -the son of John Hunyadi, Mathias Corvinus. In Germany there were still -traces of that spirit of opposition to the papacy which had been both a -cause and a result of the conciliar movement; and Pius II. chose this -moment to exasperate the German princes who shared these opinions by -issuing from Mantua the bull _Execrabilis_, by which he condemned as -detestable heresy any future appeal from the bishop of Rome to a general -council. - -Just at this very time there broke out the war in Naples, which the Pope -had endeavoured to avert. The Neapolitan [Sidenote: War in Naples.] -barons revolted against the harsh rule of Ferrante, and appealed for aid -to the house of Anjou. Réné le Bon was unwilling to quit his luxurious -life in Provence; but his son John, titular duke of Calabria, was at -once more capable and more ambitious. From Genoa, which was at this time -under French suzerainty, John sailed to the Neapolitan coast, and was -speedily joined by a large number of partisans. Hostilities in Naples -were fatal to the crusading schemes of Pius II. In spite of his desire -to avoid a quarrel with France, he could not withdraw his support from -Ferrante, and he was further attached to the Aragonese cause by the -influence of Francesco Sforza, who feared that an Angevin triumph in the -south might encourage the duke of Orleans to advance a claim to Milan. -But in spite of the aid of the Pope and of Sforza, the cause of Ferrante -did not at first prosper. John gained an important victory at Sarno on -July 7, 1460; and his general, Jacopo Piccinino, also succeeded in -defeating the Aragonese forces. But in the next year there was a very -decided turn of fortune. The death of Charles VII. gave the French -throne to Louis XI., who was ill disposed towards his Angevin relatives, -while he was a warm admirer of Francesco Sforza. Genoa had already -repudiated the French control, and before long Louis agreed to transfer -his claims over Genoa to the duke of Milan. Thus John of Calabria, who -had brought with him few men and little money, was deprived of the -prospect of aid from France. His Neapolitan supporters began to desert -him after his first reverse in 1462, and in 1464 John was compelled to -abandon the enterprise as hopeless and return to France. His brief but -adventurous career is full of incident. He sought to punish Louis XI. -for his desertion by joining the League of the Public Weal. When that -war was over, he carried on his quarrel with the house of Aragon by -joining the Catalans in their revolt against John II. In that quarrel he -met his death in 1469. Four years later his only son, Nicolas, also -died, and the male descendants of Réné of Provence came to an end. The -house of Anjou was now represented only by Réné himself; by his -daughters, Yolande and Margaret, who had married respectively Frederick -of Vaudemont and Henry VI. of England; and by his brother’s son, Charles -of Maine. Of the two daughters, Margaret had lost her only son, Edward, -at Tewkesbury in 1471; but Yolande had a son, called Réné after his -grandfather, who was engaged in defending the duchy of Lorraine against -the attacks of Charles the Bold of Burgundy. When the old Réné died in -1480, he disinherited this grandson, who was then his only descendant, -in favour of his nephew Charles of Maine, with the further provision -that on the extinction of the latter’s line the inheritance should pass -to the French crown. In the next year Charles of Maine died without -children, and by virtue of this will Provence and Bar were seized by -Louis XI. At a later date Charles VIII. was induced to found upon his -succession to the house of Anjou a claim to the crown of Naples, which -inaugurated a new epoch, not only in the relations between France and -Italy, but also in the international politics of Europe. - -During the war in Naples Pius II. had despaired of a crusade, and with -characteristic ingenuity and self-confidence he devised a new scheme for -securing the victory of the cross over the crescent. The eloquence which -had failed to arouse the princes of Europe might prove more successful -with their heathen opponent. He drew up and despatched a lengthy epistle -to Mohammed II., urging him to become a Christian, and promising on that -condition to confirm him in possession of the eastern empire, as his -predecessors had given the empire of the west to Charles the Great. As -far as we know the Sultan returned no answer to this unique proposal. -But the pacification of Naples by the victory of Ferrante, and the -growing uneasiness of Venice at the continuance of Turkish aggression in -Greece and the Archipelago, encouraged the Pope to resume his more -warlike plans. In 1463 he concluded an alliance with the Venetians and -Mathias Corvinus of Hungary. He renewed his exhortations to a general -crusade, and declared his intention of leading it in person. In 1464 he -went to Ancona, which had been fixed for the meeting of the crusading -forces. Again the aged Pope met with a bitter disappointment. The only -crusaders at Ancona were a few adventurers who had nothing to lose, and -hoped to make their profit out of the papal treasures. At last, on -August 12, the Venetian fleet approached the harbour, and Pius was -carried to the window to witness its entry. This effort was [Sidenote: -Death of Pius II. at Ancona.] his last, and two days later he died, -straining his eyes eastward, and with his last breath urging the -prosecution of the crusade. The poignant contrasts of his career were -conspicuous to the last. Æneas Sylvius, careless, light-hearted, and -untroubled by moral scruples, had faithfully represented the new epoch -in which he lived. Pius II., enthusiastic, gloomy, and passionate, seems -to be the ghost risen from the Middle Ages, which were dead. - -The pontificate of Paul II. was short and comparatively uneventful. He -belonged to the Venetian family of the [Sidenote: Paul II., 1464-71.] -Barbi, and his election seemed likely to cement that alliance between -the papacy and the maritime republic on which Pius II. had ultimately -relied for resistance to the Turkish advance. But Paul acquiesced -without much protest in the failure of his predecessor’s plans; and by -urging Hungary into war with the heretical George Podiebrad of Bohemia, -he rendered impossible even a league of eastern princes against the -infidel. Paul’s name is also associated with a so-called persecution of -the humanists, because he imprisoned some members of the Roman academy -who had talked vaguely and irresponsibly of a restoration of the -republic. But it is absurd to treat a simple measure of internal police -as evidence of a definite and far-reaching policy, or as marking a -reaction from the patronage of letters by Nicolas V. The whole episode -has attracted more attention than it deserves through the interested -emphasis of the chronicler, Platina, who has exaggerated both his own -sufferings and his own importance. Paul II. was a true Pope of the -Renaissance, looking at affairs from an intellectual rather than from a -spiritual point of view, and exulting both in his own handsome figure, -which led him to desire the name of Formosus, and in the beauty of the -jewels and carvings of which he was an industrious and intelligent -collector. But he was free from the grosser vices and crimes which have -given notoriety to his successors. - -The name of Sixtus IV. might well have been handed down to posterity as -typifying the extreme degradation in which the [Sidenote: Nepotism of -Sixtus IV.] papacy was involved in this century by its absorption in -temporal interests, but that the bolder and more picturesque crimes of -Cæsar Borgia have secured that pre-eminence for the pontificate of -Alexander VI. The aims and actions of Sixtus were those of a secular -prince, and display that cynical disregard of moral considerations which -has been portrayed as the characteristic of the age in the pages of -Machiavelli. No previous Pope had ventured to show so reckless a -determination to use his office for the advancement of his relatives, -and to employ his relatives as a means of strengthening the temporal -power of the papacy. Three of his nephews were the sons of his brother, -Raffaelle della Rovere. The eldest, Lionardo, was made prefect of Rome, -and was married to a natural daughter of Ferrante of Naples. Giuliano -della Rovere, the most capable and vigorous of the family, was raised by -his uncle to be cardinal of San Pietro ad Vincula. After playing a -prominent part as the opponent of the two succeeding popes, he gained -the tiara himself as Julius II. The third son, Giovanni, succeeded -Lionardo as prefect of Rome, and Sixtus obtained for him the hand of -Joanna, daughter of Federigo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino, a marriage -which in the next generation gave the duchy to a della Rovere dynasty. -But the Pope’s most lavish favours were conferred upon the two sons of a -sister, Piero and Girolamo Riario. Piero was made a cardinal at the age -of twenty-five, and received so many preferments, including the -archbishopric of Florence, that he drew a princely revenue from the -Church. He only lived three years after his uncle’s accession, but -during that time he succeeded in startling Europe by the stories of the -extraordinary pomp and debauchery on which he squandered his wealth. The -promotion of Girolamo Riario, a layman, was effected within the papal -states, and had more lasting results. The papal treasure was employed to -purchase for him the lordship of Imola; he was married to Caterina, a -natural daughter of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, and on the extinction of the -Ordelaffi in 1480 his uncle’s support gained for him the city of Forli -with the title of duke. The whole policy of the Pope was directed for -years to the aggrandisement of a youth who proved no more worthy of his -elevation than his brother had been. In 1488 the people of Forli rose -and murdered him, and only the heroism of his widow secured for a time -the continuance of his dynasty. - -The obvious intention of the Pope to extend his temporal power and to -abuse it for the aggrandisement of his nephew excited the misgivings of -the neighbouring states, and especially of Florence, which was at this -time under the guidance of Lorenzo de’ Medici. In order to remove this -obstacle from their way, Sixtus and Riario organised the famous -conspiracy of the Pazzi for the overthrow of the Medici rule. The Pope -asserted his ignorance of any scheme of assassination, but he must have -known that success could hardly be achieved without bloodshed, and his -denial of complicity was a merely formal attempt to save the credit of -the holy see. The plot very narrowly missed its aim: Giuliano de’ Medici -was killed in the cathedral of Florence, but Lorenzo escaped with a -severe wound, and the chief conspirators, including the archbishop of -Pisa, fell victims to the popular fury. Enraged at the failure of his -scheme, Sixtus excommunicated the Florentines for laying violent hands -upon a dignitary of the Church, and formed a league with Ferrante of -Naples for the overthrow of the republic. The disorder in Milan -following the death of [Sidenote: War with Florence.] Galeazzo Maria -Sforza, and the fact that Venice was still engaged in the Turkish war, -deprived Florence of her natural allies, and in 1479 the city was -exposed to serious peril. Lorenzo de’ Medici, however, not only averted -the danger, but dexterously employed it to strengthen his authority. At -considerable personal risk, he undertook a journey to Naples, and -succeeded in negotiating a peace with Ferrante. Sixtus was at first -inclined to continue the war; but the occupation of Otranto by a Turkish -force in 1480 constituted such a serious menace to Italy, that the -obstinate Pope was forced to come to terms with his opponents and to -withdraw the bull of excommunication against Florence. - -The Turkish invasion compelled Ferrante of Naples and his son Alfonso to -withdraw their troops from Tuscany, and [Sidenote: Relations with -Ferrara and Venice, 1482-84.] to concentrate their attention on the -recovery of Otranto. Fortunately for Italy, the death of Mohammed II. on -May 3, 1481, and a dispute as to the Turkish succession, led to the -withdrawal of the invaders, and enabled the Neapolitan rulers to claim a -military triumph which they had done little or nothing to bring about. -But the alliance between Naples and the papacy had been completely -annulled, and Sixtus, as restless as ever, did not scruple to form a new -coalition, which was destined to have momentous results to Italy. Venice -had concluded the treaty of Constantinople with the Turks in 1479, and -was eager to obtain upon Italian soil compensation for its losses in the -east. Hence arose in 1482 an unscrupulous and unprecedented alliance -between the papacy and Venice for the spoliation of Ercole d’Este of -Ferrara. The danger to the balance of power in Italy led to the -formation of a hostile coalition between Naples, Florence, and Milan. -Sixtus IV. soon discovered that he had gained nothing by his change of -allies. Venice had seized the district of Rovigo from Ferrara, but had -obviously no intention of handing over any share of the spoils to -Girolamo Riario. At the same time, Neapolitan troops entered the papal -states and threatened Rome, and there was a risk that the misdeeds of -the papacy might result in the meeting of another general council. The -Pope, whose policy was entirely selfish, did not hesitate to avert the -danger by a sudden and complete change of front. In 1483 he made peace -with Naples and Ferrara, excommunicated the Venetians for disturbing the -peace of Italy, and prepared to seize the cities which Venice had -acquired within the papal dominions. But his restless greed was again -doomed to disappointment. Venice adroitly ended the war by the treaty of -Bagnolo, in which the only loser was the unfortunate duke of Ferrara, -and Sixtus was chagrined to find that he had gained absolutely nothing -by his ill-faith. Soon afterwards he died on August 12, 1484, and -contemporary lampoons declared that he died of peace. - - ‘Nulla vis potuit sævum extinguere Sixtum: - Audito tantum nomine pacis, obit.’ - -In Rome itself the pontificate of Sixtus IV. had been as turbulent as -his foreign relations. The great families, and especially the Colonnas, -had opposed the advancement of the Pope’s nephews, and had thus drawn on -themselves the wrath of Sixtus. A long civil war ensued, [Sidenote: -Disorders in Rome.] in which the barons allied themselves with the -foreign enemies of the Pope, at one time with Florence, at another with -Naples or with Venice. In this war Sixtus displayed all his cold-blooded -cruelty and treachery. The stronghold of his enemies was the castle of -Marino, which was surrendered by Lorenzo Colonna on condition that he -should be restored to his family. Sixtus fulfilled his promise by -sending them his corpse. The mother appeared at the papal court, and -producing her son’s head, exclaimed, ‘See how a Pope keeps faith!’ It -was a graphic picture of the terrible degradation of Rome by the Pope’s -abandonment of spiritual aims for temporal ambition. Directly the Pope’s -death was known, the Colonnas headed a rising which sacked the palaces -of the Riarios and drove their adherents from Rome. - -The character of Innocent VIII. has been painted by some historians in -blacker colours than it deserves. It is true that [Sidenote: Innocent -VIII., 1484-92.] he was the first Pope who recognised his own children, -but they seem to have been born before he took orders, and his devotion -to them did not involve him in such scandals as disgrace his predecessor -and his successor. The principality of Anguillara was purchased for his -son, Franceschetto Cibo, but the latter was more interested in gaining -money than power, and his first act after his father’s death was to sell -his territories to Virginio Orsino. Innocent himself had little capacity -and little interest in politics. He spent great part of his time in a -state of lethargy, which not infrequently gave the appearance of death. -Among those who exercised a dominant influence over the feeble Pope was -Lorenzo de’ Medici, who married his daughter Maddalena to Franceschetto -Cibo, and as a part of the bargain, obtained the cardinal’s hat for his -second son, Giovanni, at the age of fourteen. It was under Innocent -VIII. that the Medici obtained that position at the papal court which -enabled them to produce two almost successive popes, Leo X. and Clement -VII., and enabled these popes to use the power of the Church to suppress -the liberties of their native city. - -By far the greatest difficulty of Innocent VIII.’s pontificate was -connected with Naples. Ever since the withdrawal of [Sidenote: Rising of -Neapolitan barons.] John of Calabria in 1464, the bastard house of -Aragon had enjoyed undisputed possession of the Neapolitan throne. -Jacopo Piccinino, the _condottiere_, who had been formidable in the -previous struggle, was enticed to Naples by Ferrante with the aid of -Francesco Sforza, and was treacherously put to death in 1465. At the -time of his alliance with Sixtus IV. against Lorenzo de’ Medici, -Ferrante had succeeded in reducing his tribute to his papal suzerain to -the annual gift of a white horse. The freedom from external danger -enabled the king to make the royal authority despotic, and to annul the -independence of the feudal nobles. His son, Alfonso of Calabria, gained -an undeserved military reputation by the withdrawal of the Turks from -Otranto, and from that time was associated with his father in the -government. Under his influence the royal rule became even more -tyrannical and oppressive, and in 1485 the barons determined to rebel. -Innocent VIII., who desired to extort the old tribute from Naples which -his predecessor had commuted, espoused their cause, and Venice, always -hostile to the house of Aragon, gave secret assistance. It was decided -to revive the Angevin pretensions, and Réné of Lorraine, the grandson of -Réné le Bon, was invited to come to Italy as a claimant of the crown for -which his ancestors had so long contended. But the rebellion ended in -complete failure. Neither Florence nor Milan would consent to such a -disturbance of the normal relations of Italy as would be involved in -French intervention. The military force of the Neapolitan rulers was -overwhelming, and Alfonso, for the second time, led an army against -Rome. To complete the disasters of the Pope and his allies, Réné of -Lorraine, who was engaged in prosecuting a hopeless claim upon Provence -at the French court, allowed the opportunity of gaining Naples to slip -from his hands. But the mere threat of a French invasion was enough to -induce Ferrante and Alfonso to come to terms. The Pope was bought off by -the restoration of the former tribute, and the Neapolitan barons, -deprived of all hope of assistance, submitted on the understanding that -a full amnesty should be granted to them. The promise was broken with -that cynical disregard of good faith which marked the politics of Italy -in the fifteenth century. The nobles who returned to Naples were -imprisoned, and were never again seen alive. The sole survivors were -those who preferred to remain in exile rather than trust the rulers whom -they had endeavoured to depose. These men eagerly watched for an -opportunity which might enable them at once to avenge the death of their -associates and to regain their own confiscated territories. In 1493 they -were at last enabled to act. The death of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and the -growing alienation of Ludovico Sforza from Naples, removed some of the -chief securities for peace in Italy. By the advice of Venice the -Neapolitan exiles petitioned for the intervention, not of the duke of -Lorraine, but of the French king, Charles VIII. Before any final -decision had been come to at the French court, Ferrante had died on -January 25, 1494, and Alfonso II. was left to face the danger of which -his own violence and misrule had been the principal cause. - -Innocent VIII. had not lived to witness this new crisis in the history -of Naples. His death in 1492 had been followed by a very important -election. The most prominent candidates for the suffrages of the -conclave were Ascanio Sforza, the brother of Ludovico, and Giuliano -della Rovere, the nephew of Sixtus IV. But neither could obtain the -requisite majority, and in the end Ascanio Sforza was bribed to support -the candidature of the wealthiest of the Roman cardinals, Rodrigo -Borgia, a nephew of Calixtus III. The well-known fact that he had -several natural children, born to him not only since he was a priest, -but since he had been a cardinal, seems to have been completely -disregarded. [Sidenote: Election of Alexander VI.] A lavish expenditure -of money and promises secured his election, and he assumed the title of -Alexander VI. The first great problem which the new Pope had to solve -concerned the approaching struggle in Naples. In spite of his -obligations to Ascanio Sforza, and his antagonism to the Orsini, who -were closely connected at this time with the house of Aragon, Alexander -allowed himself to be drawn in 1493 into an alliance with Ferrante, and -on his death he recognised the title of Alfonso II. The French invasion, -which the Pope was thus pledged to resist, threatened the papacy for -some time with serious dangers; but in the end it proved one of the -chief circumstances which enabled Alexander himself, and afterwards -Julius II., to erect the temporal power upon firmer foundations than any -of their predecessors had been able to construct. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV - FLORENCE UNDER THE MEDICI - - - The period of oligarchical rule in Florence—Maso and Rinaldo degli - Albizzi—Niccolo da Uzzano—The opposition and Giovanni de’ Medici—War - with Filippo Maria Visconti—The _Catasto_—Unsuccessful attack upon - Lucca—Expulsion of the Medici—Fall of the Albizzi, and return of - Cosimo de’ Medici—Character and methods of Cosimo’s rule—Luca Pitti - and the _coup d’état_ of 1458—Cosimo’s foreign policy—Piero de’ - Medici and his opponents—Victory of Piero—Accession of Lorenzo de’ - Medici—Approximation to monarchy—Alienation of Naples, and quarrel - with Sixtus IV.—Conspiracy of the Pazzi—War in 1478 and 1479—Lorenzo - goes to Naples—Conclusion of peace—Constitutional changes in - 1480—Lorenzo’s later years—Importance of his death—Reckless conduct - of the younger Piero. - -The leaders of the Florentine democracy paid a heavy penalty for their -momentary triumph in 1378. A violent [Sidenote: Oligarchical rule in -Florence.] reaction in 1382 restored the oligarchy under the leadership -of the Albizzi, and for the next fifty years the curious machinery of -the civic constitution was carefully manipulated to secure the -ascendency of the dominant faction. Although it is by no means the most -famous, there can be no doubt that this is one of the most successful -periods in Florentine history. Under the resolute guidance of a close -oligarchy, Florence maintained a heroic struggle against the -encroachments of Gian Galeazzo Visconti until his death in 1402 saved -the city from almost inevitable submission. When the Milanese dominions -fell to pieces, Florence seized the opportunity to gain a great prize; -and the city of Pisa, which commanded the mouth of the Arno, was in 1406 -compelled to surrender after an obstinate resistance (see p. 244). Then -followed a long war with Ladislas of Naples, in the course of which -Florence acquired the important town of Cortona. And in 1421 the -commercial interests of the city were strengthened by the purchase from -Genoa of a second port—Livorno. - -For a long time the active leader of the victorious faction and the most -influential politician in Florence was Maso degli Albizzi, a nephew of -the Piero degli Albizzi who had been so prominent in the party strife of -the fourteenth century (see p. 164). Maso had returned from exile in -1382, and at various times held most of the chief offices of the state. -While he was gonfalonier in 1393 harsh measures were taken to complete -the defeat of the democrats. But, apart from the severity shown to the -unfortunate Alberti and their supporters, Maso showed himself a wise and -tolerant ruler. When he died in 1417, his place was, to some extent, -taken by his eldest son, Rinaldo, who displayed great industry and -integrity, but less prudence and insight than his father. The almost -hereditary prominence of these two men did much to accustom the -Florentines to that disguised despotism which was afterwards established -by the Medici. But the Albizzi never enjoyed such undivided ascendency -as was held by Cosimo and Lorenzo de’ Medici. At least as influential a -leader as Rinaldo was Niccolo da Uzzano, who is frequently spoken of by -contemporaries as the head of the party. He seems to have been a sincere -enthusiast for aristocratic rule, and it was greatly due to his -influence that the Albizzi were prevented from making themselves -absolute masters of the city. His reputation for wisdom and insight was -deservedly high, and his death in 1432 proved a fatal blow to the party -in whose counsels he had always been on the side of moderation. - -In spite of the services which it rendered to the state, the -oligarchical government did not succeed in averting discontent and -hostility. The strongest political sentiment among the Florentines was -the love of equality, which found practical expression in the system of -filling offices by lot. This love of equality was more outraged by the -domination of a clique of ruling families than it would have been by the -government of a single despot. The lesser guilds and the lower classes -resented their virtual exclusion from office; and many wealthy citizens, -who had incurred the displeasure of the dominant faction, found -themselves equally left in the cold. Moreover, the militant foreign -policy of the government was extremely expensive; and the burden of -taxation, as was always the case in Florence, fell more heavily upon the -opponents than upon the supporters of the government. Gradually the -cause of the opposition came to be more and more identified with the -house of Medici. The action of Salvestro de’ Medici in 1378 had -identified the name with the popular cause, though he did not personally -profit by its short-lived victory. In 1393, when the severe measures of -Maso degli Albizzi provoked a popular rising, it was to Vieri de’ -Medici, a kinsman of Salvestro, that the mob appealed for guidance, and -it was his moderate advice which checked the rebellion. But it was a -member of another branch of the family—Giovanni de’ Medici—who, in the -second decade of the fifteenth century, came to be regarded as the -leader of those who disapproved of the conduct of affairs by the ruling -party. Giovanni was a banker and money-changer, and was so successful in -his business that he became the richest citizen in Florence, if not in -Italy. He employed his wealth in extending his popularity, though he was -extremely careful to avoid any action which might give the government a -handle against him. In 1421 he was drawn as gonfalonier, and Niccolo da -Uzzano wished to cancel the appointment as dangerous. But Giovanni’s -hold on the people, and especially on the lesser guilds, made such a -step perilous, and his two months of office passed uneventfully. -Giovanni de’ Medici died in 1429, leaving two sons—Cosimo, afterwards -the ruler of Florence, and Lorenzo, whose descendants in the sixteenth -century became grand-dukes of Tuscany. - -As long as the oligarchical government was successful, there was little -prospect of its overthrow, but from 1421 its credit steadily declined. -The reunion of the [Sidenote: War with Filippo Maria Visconti.] Milanese -territories under Filippo Maria Visconti constituted a serious menace to -Florence, and the imperative duty of self-defence compelled the republic -to embark once more in a desperate struggle for existence. In 1424 the -Florentine army, under Pandolfo Malatesta, was defeated with great loss -in the battle of Zagonara. A despairing appeal was made to Venice for -assistance, and the intervention of Carmagnola saved Florence from -annihilation. But the spoils of victory were monopolised by Venice, and -the aggrandisement of their ally was by no means popular with the -Florentines. The power of the oligarchy had rested upon the success of -their foreign policy, and alarming discontent was the inevitable result -of an unsuccessful war. Two important measures were resorted to in the -hope of restoring the prestige of the dominant faction. The heavy -expenses of the war had called attention to the old grievance of -arbitrary taxation, and in 1427 a reform was introduced to provide a -more [Sidenote: The Catasto of 1427.] equitable basis of assessment. -According to Machiavelli, the acceptance of the _Catasto_, as it was -called, was due to the influence of Giovanni de’ Medici. Every citizen -was to report to the gonfalonier of his district his whole income from -every source; and concealment was to be punished by confiscation. From -fixed capital the income was to be estimated at seven per cent. These -reports were to be collected into four books, one for each quarter of -the city; and henceforth the assessment of taxation was to be determined -by them instead of depending upon a man’s political position and -opinions. As wealth fluctuated rapidly in a mercantile community, a new -_catasto_ was to be made every three years. It was a notable sacrifice -on the part of the ruling clique, and probably tended to weaken their -unanimity, but it helped to pacify public opinion for a time. Rinaldo -degli Albizzi now came forward with a new scheme for restoring the -credit of his party. Ever since the days of [Sidenote: Attack upon -Lucca, 1430.] Castruccio Castracani, the annexation of Lucca had been a -darling object of Florentine ambition. Lucca was, at this time, ruled by -one of its own citizens—Paolo Guinigi—who had sided with Milan in the -recent war. Rinaldo proposed to treat this as a pretext for attacking -Lucca. It was in vain that Niccolo da Uzzano pointed out the risks of -the enterprise. Giovanni de’ Medici was dead, and his son Cosimo -supported the proposal of Rinaldo. His conduct on this occasion has -exposed him to the suspicion that he foresaw the failure of the -enterprise, and was willing to ruin his opponent even at the expense of -the state. War was declared in 1430, and Rinaldo degli Albizzi was -appointed one of the commissioners to superintend the siege of Lucca. -The enterprise was as unsuccessful as it was unjust, and its failure was -ultimately fatal to the party in power. Rinaldo, unjustly accused of -peculation, threw up his command in disgust. The duke of Milan was drawn -into the war, and the two most famous _condottieri_ of the day—Francesco -Sforza and Niccolo Piccinino—were employed in his service. After -suffering serious reverses in the field, the Florentines were glad to -accept the mediation of the emperor Sigismund, and in 1433 peace was -made, leaving things as they were before the war. - -But no treaty could restore the previous conditions within the city. -Niccolo da Uzzano had died in 1432, and his death [Sidenote: Expulsion -of the Medici, 1433.] deprived his party of their strongest support, -while it removed the moderating influence on their conduct. Cosimo de’ -Medici was at once more ambitious and less cautious than his father, and -he and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were now avowed rivals for ascendency. The -latter, conscious of his growing weakness, determined to have recourse -to violence. In September 1433, when the signoria was composed of -Rinaldo’s adherents, Cosimo de’ Medici was summoned to appear before the -magistrates, and was imprisoned while his fate was deliberated upon. For -some time it was generally expected that he would be put to death. But -the wealth which his father had collected stood him in good stead, and -his judges were not proof against corruption. The majority decided for a -milder sentence. Cosimo was banished for ten years to Padua, and his -brother Lorenzo for five years to Venice. Most of their prominent -adherents shared their exile, and the Medici were declared incapable of -holding any office in Florence. - -The victory of Albizzi seemed to be assured when Cosimo went into exile -in October 1433. The ordinary machinery of a Florentine _coup d’état_ -had been set in motion. The people had been convened in the piazza, and -had approved the appointment of a _balia_ or revolutionary committee. -But by a strange oversight on the part of so experienced a partisan, -Rinaldo had failed to obtain for this committee the right of refilling -the bags with the names of candidates for office. The result was that -the weakness of his position was only slightly modified. His own party -was divided and inclined to be mutinous because the _catasto_ was not -abolished. And the alienation of public opinion by military failures -could only be removed by some conspicuous success. In 1434 Florence -became involved in a war in Romagna between Filippo Maria Visconti and -the Pope. Again her troops were defeated in the field, and her ally, -Eugenius IV., driven from Rome by the Colonnas, was forced to seek a -refuge within her walls. In this moment of depression the accident of -lot resulted in the formation of a signoria in September 1434, which was -favourable to the Medici. Rinaldo [Sidenote: Recall of the Medici, -1434.] in his turn was summoned before a hostile magistracy, and he came -accompanied by eight hundred armed men. But he lost the favourable -opportunity for overawing his opponents by consenting to an interview -with Eugenius IV., who had offered his mediation. This delay proved -fatal. The _popolo minuto_ took up arms and surrounded the piazza; while -the signoria called in armed peasants from the country. The parliament -created a _balia_ in the interests of the party, which had for the -moment the upper hand. The Medici and Alberti families were recalled and -declared eligible for office. Rinaldo degli Albizzi with his son and -about seventy partisans were banished from Florence, and few of them -ever returned to their native city. Cosimo de’ Medici, who was in Venice -when the news of this sudden revolution reached him, re-entered Florence -on October 6, 1434. For the next three centuries the history of Florence -is bound up with the history of the house of Medici. - -The ascendency which the dramatic events of 1433 and 1434 gave to Cosimo -de’ Medici was not only retained [Sidenote: Character of Medicean Rule.] -during his life, but became for a time a hereditary possession. Yet it -is impossible to point to any great apparent change in the constitution. -The old magistracies and councils continued to exist and to fulfil their -former functions. Cosimo was extremely careful to avoid any outward -signs of despotism. He continued to live in his former residence; and -nothing in his dress or his manner of life distinguished him from his -fellow-citizens. Like his defeated rival, he surrounded himself with a -sort of body-guard of allied families, whose interests he skilfully -identified with his own. To all appearance this was as much an oligarchy -as the government which it had displaced. The difference is to be found -in two points. On the one hand Cosimo was enabled, partly by his wealth, -and partly by his extensive foreign connections, to exercise a far -stronger control over his adherents and over the state than either Maso -or Rinaldo degli Albizzi had ever been able to wield. And, on the other -hand, the influential families who rose to power under Cosimo did not -represent the domination of a class as the rule of the Albizzi had done. -The Medici never forgot that they owed their original rise to their -championship of democratic equality; and they were careful to avoid any -unnecessary collision with the prejudices of the mob. Even a disguised -despotism must aim at the obliteration of classes, and this can be -clearly traced in the policy of Cosimo. He transferred several families -from the lesser to the greater guilds, and thus obscured a distinction -which had been at one time of supereminent importance. And he even -procured the repeal of the disqualifications against the old nobility on -which the foundations of the historic municipality had been built. - -It is not difficult to trace the methods by which Cosimo maintained the -power which had fallen into his hands. He had two primary objects to -attain: he must prevent [Sidenote: Methods of Cosimo’s Government.] the -more important offices from falling into the hands of malcontents, and -he must diminish their number by bringing home to them the hardships and -dangers of opposition and the rewards that were to be gained by loyalty. -Cosimo boasted of the humanity of his rule, and he was always careful to -intrust to his followers the initiation of harsh proposals. But his -policy was really one of proscription. The Albizzi and their allies were -treated with the greatest severity. Not only were they banished, but -their place of exile was constantly changed, and they were hunted about -Italy like wild beasts. It was no wonder that their patriotism gave way -to a desire for revenge, and they joined the duke of Milan against their -native city. But the battle of Anghiari in 1440 destroyed all hope of -success, while their treason gave a pretext for more merciless -treatment. The financial administration was employed to the same ends. -The _catasto_ of 1427 was abolished, and the system of arbitrary -assessment was revived. This enabled Cosimo to reward his adherents and -to punish malcontents. Giannozzo Mannetti, a harmless student, whose -only offence was his popularity, was called upon to pay taxes to the -amount of 135,000 florins, and could only avoid ruin by going into -voluntary exile. It was a common saying that Cosimo employed the taxes, -as northern princes used the dagger, to rid himself of his opponents. - -For the regulation of offices Cosimo employed the revolutionary -machinery which was in theory the ultimate enforcement of popular -sovereignty. The _balia_ which had recalled the Medici in 1434 had -received from the parliament full power to reform the state. Every five -years this power was renewed—in 1439, 1444, 1449, and 1454. The most -important act of the _balia_ was the appointment of ten _accoppiatori_ -to superintend the filling of the bags with the names of those who were -eligible for office. This was in itself a fairly ample assurance that no -opposition to the Medici could be anticipated from the magistracy; and -to make it doubly sure, the names of the gonfalonier and priors were -selected every two months by the _accoppiatori_. They were made, as the -phrase went, not by lot, but by hand. But as time went on, this -prolonged departure from normal procedure gave rise to grumbling; and as -there were good reasons for avoiding at the moment any appearance of -disunion in the city, Cosimo determined to yield. In 1455 the _balia_, -which had been renewed the year before, was abolished, and the practice -of drawing the names of the signoria was revived. The concession was -more apparent than real; for the bags had only recently been refilled, -and three years would elapse before a new _squittinio_ would be -necessary. For that time the ascendency of the Medici party was secure, -and before it had elapsed measures might be taken to prolong it. But -that the revival of liberty was of some moment is proved by the proposal -in the signoria of January 1458 to restore the _catasto_. Cosimo’s -partisans urged him to employ energetic measures to defeat a scheme -which attacked their own pockets. But he was not unwilling to teach them -how dependent they were upon his support, and he allowed the system of -strict and impartial assessment to be revived. - -There was one very obvious danger to which such a government as that of -Cosimo de’ Medici was exposed. Jealousy and ill-will might arise among -his intimate associates. It was his deliberate policy to place them in -prominent positions, and they were perforce intrusted with the secrets -of his administration. One or more of them might seek to use their -experience for their own advancement and to free themselves from the -control of their patron. This danger was partially realised in Cosimo’s -later years, and serious difficulties arose from the same source in the -time of his son. In 1458 it had become a grave question how far the -revival of republican freedom should be allowed to go. The death of -Alfonso of Naples removed one great motive for continuing the -conciliatory policy of the last three years; and the appointment to the -gonfaloniership of Luca Pitti, one of the oldest and closest of Cosimo’s -adherents, gave the opportunity for decisive action. After careful -precautions had been taken to control the avenues to the piazza and to -impress the mob, a parliament was convened by the ringing the great bell -of the Palazzo Publico. A _balia_ [Sidenote: Coup d’état of 1458.] of -350 citizens, together with the existing signoria, was endowed with full -authority. _Accoppiatori_ were appointed to fill the bags, and a -permanent committee, the _Otto di Balia_, received the control of the -civic police. By a curious irony it was announced to the people that the -priors should henceforth be called, not _priori delle arti_, but _priori -della Liberta_. The name was chosen, says Machiavelli, to designate what -had been lost. - -But in this revolution to confirm the previous revolution Cosimo had -carefully abstained from taking any active share. In the eyes of the mob -the victorious politician [Sidenote: Luca Pitti.] was Luca Pitti, who -seemed to himself, as to others, to overshadow his employer. Puffed up -with ambition, he began to build the magnificent palace on the southern -side of the Arno, which, afterwards the residence of the grand-dukes of -Tuscany, and now the shrine of one of the greatest picture galleries in -the world, has done more than any political achievement to preserve to -posterity the name of its founder. Cosimo was probably convinced that -little real danger was to be dreaded from Luca Pitti, and he made no -attempt to alter or correct the popular impression. As long as his -influence was really unimpaired he cared little who had the appearance -and pomp of supremacy. - -As a great banker, Cosimo de’ Medici was an important personage in many -foreign courts, quite apart from his [Sidenote: Cosimo’s Foreign -Policy.] political position in Florence. With very notable dexterity he -played his two parts so as to make each improve the other. He employed -his financial relations to strengthen his hold upon the strings of -Florentine policy, and he utilised his political influence to increase -his business and his profits. It is in foreign affairs far more than in -domestic administration that he showed himself to be the real ruler of -Florence. He inherited from the Albizzi a struggle against Filippo Maria -Visconti and an alliance with Venice. As long as the duke of Milan -threatened the independence of Florence, and especially when he espoused -the cause of the exiled Albizzi, Cosimo could not safely depart from the -traditional policy of Florence. But the death of Filippo Maria in 1447 -and the establishment of a republic in Milan gave him more scope for -originality. He had to choose between the aggrandisement of Venice in -Lombardy, which must have been the inevitable result of the maintenance -of the Milanese republic, and the erection of a military power in Milan -which should hold Venice in check. Without any hesitation he decided for -the latter alternative, and the later history of Italy was vitally -influenced by his choice. The financial and other aid which he received -from Florence was one of the most potent factors in enabling Francesco -Sforza to obtain the lordship of Milan in 1450, and to conclude the -treaty of Lodi with Venice in 1454. - -Another hardly less momentous question for Italy arose after the death -of Alfonso V. of Naples, when in 1460 the Angevin claim was revived in -antagonism to Ferrante. Although Florence was closely allied with France -by her Guelf traditions and her commercial interests, Cosimo was -resolute in his support of Ferrante and in urging Francesco Sforza to do -the same. Again his attitude helped to turn the scale in a struggle -where, for a time, the balance was undecided. He just lived to hear of -the retirement of John of Calabria, which secured the bastard house of -Aragon from serious attack for the next thirty years. By his action in -these two great crises Cosimo must be regarded as the real author of -that triple alliance between Naples, Milan, and Florence, of which his -grandson in later years made such a masterly use. - -Cosimo’s death in 1464 left the headship of the family to his only -surviving son, Piero, who was already middle-aged [Sidenote: Piero de’ -Medici and his opponents.] and in feeble health. The five years during -which he survived his father are chiefly noteworthy because they -witnessed the great split in the Medicean party, which careful observers -must have seen for some time to be inevitable. Four of the most -prominent associates of Cosimo—Luca Pitti, Diotisalvi Neroni, Angelo -Acciaiuoli, and Niccolo Soderini—were unwilling to give to the son the -deference which they had shown to the father. Luckily for the Medici, -their unanimity did not go far. The first three were actuated by motives -of personal ambition, which might easily lead them to quarrel with each -other, while Niccolo Soderini was an enthusiast for democracy, and had -no desire to humble Piero in order to exalt another in his place. Neroni -was the ablest of the leaders, but he was lacking in personal courage, -and preferred to employ intrigue and constitutional methods rather than -violence. It was only gradually that two parties were organised in -avowed opposition to each other. The anti-Medicean party received the -nickname of the Mountain, because the great palace of Luca Pitti was -rising on the hill of San Giorgio. The residence of the Medici stood on -level ground to the north of the Arno, and hence Piero’s adherents were -known as the Plain. - -The first trial of strength took place in 1465, when the opposition made -a bid for popularity by proposing to abolish the _balia_ of 1458 and to -restore the constitutional method of filling offices by lot. Piero was -too cautious to oppose such a measure, and it was carried with virtual -unanimity. In November the first draw took place, and Niccolo Soderini -became gonfalonier. Disunion among the leaders prevented any use being -made of the advantage which chance had given them, and Soderini went out -of office at the end of December without having effected any further -change in the constitution. In the next year the party strife was -extended to foreign politics. Venice had never forgotten or forgiven the -part which Florence had played in establishing the Sforzas in Milan. Now -that Francesco was dead and succeeded by the more reckless Galeazzo -Maria, there was some possibility of evicting a dynasty which was a -perpetual bar to Venetian expansion in Lombardy. But to overthrow the -Sforzas it was first necessary to overthrow the Medici. And so the -leaders of the Mountain made overtures to Venice, regardless of the -consideration that a complete reversal of foreign policy might damage -the interests of Florence. The Venetians were too cautious to commit -themselves to an alliance with a faction which might fail, and moreover -they had the Turkish war on their hands. But there was a secret -understanding that if Piero de’ Medici were got rid of, either by the -dagger or by a revolution, his opponents would be aided by troops under -Bartolommeo Coleone, a _condottiere_ in the pay of Venice, and Ercole -d’Este, brother of the duke of Ferrara. - -Piero knew enough of these schemes to induce him to draw closer the -alliance with Milan and Naples which his [Sidenote: Crisis of 1466.] -father had bequeathed to him. His elder son, Lorenzo, received his first -experience of diplomacy by being sent on an embassy to Ferrante. The -news that Ercole d’Este had advanced in the direction of Pistoia brought -matters to a crisis. Piero hurried to Florence from his villa at -Careggi, and is said to have escaped an ambush on the way through the -vigilance and acuteness of Lorenzo. Galeazzo Maria Sforza was invited to -send troops to the assistance of Florence, and the peasants from the -Medici estates were armed and brought into the city. On the other side -Niccolo Soderini collected two hundred men who were kept in arms in the -Pitti palace. Civil war seemed inevitable, but by a tacit agreement -active violence was postponed till the new signoria was drawn at the end -of August. Fortune or skill favoured the Medici, and a gonfalonier and -priors devoted to their interests took up office on September 1. On the -next day the great bell called the people to a parliament in the piazza. -The armed adherents of Piero commanded every entrance, and the -dissentients who obtained admission were too few or too timid to make -themselves heard. A numerous _balia_ was proposed by the signoria and -approved by acclamation. For the next ten years the priors were to be -made by hand. Neroni, Acciaiuolo, and Niccolo Soderini were banished. -Luca Pitti, who had been bribed or persuaded to desert his associates, -was allowed to remain, but his ostentation had made him unpopular, and -he spent the rest of his life in harmless insignificance. His gigantic -palace remained unfinished till it was completed by the Medici in the -next century. - -There still remained the danger of foreign intervention. Neroni, who had -been banished to Sicily, defied the decree and repaired to Venice. It -was decided to carry [Sidenote: Failure of the anti-Mediceans.] out the -scheme which had been arranged in the previous year. Bartolommeo Coleone -was to conduct in the interest of the exiles what was ostensibly a -private enterprise. He was joined in the spring of 1467 by Ercole d’Este -and several of the smaller princes of Romagna. Neapolitan and Milanese -auxiliaries were sent to the aid of Florence, whose forces were under -the supreme command of Federigo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino. Italy -watched with eager interest the progress of the campaign, which was -conducted with the punctilious precision so dear to the professional -soldier of Italy. There was a great deal of marching, but very little -fighting and very little execution. The armies never came anywhere near -Florence, whose fate was supposed to be at stake, and no decisive -advantage was gained by either side. But this was in itself decisive -enough. It was sufficient for the Medici to avoid defeat; the exiles -could hope for nothing unless they gained a great victory. In 1468 peace -was negotiated by Pope Paul II., leaving matters _in statu quo_. The -exiles lost all hope of returning to Florence. Niccolo Soderini died in -Germany in 1474; Neroni lived in Rome till 1482; Angelo Acciaiuoli -entered a Carthusian monastery in Naples. - -The struggle of 1466 and 1467 removed any possible doubt as to the -position of the Medici. The whole aim of the opposition and their -supporters had been to effect their overthrow, and the attempt had -failed. They were undistinguished by any title, but they were as -obviously the rulers of Florence as if they called themselves dukes or -counts. This was made clear after the death of Piero de’ Medici on -December 3, 1469. Tommaso Soderini, Niccolo’s brother, who had remained -faithful during the recent crisis, convened a _pratica_ or [Sidenote: -Accession of Lorenzo.] informal meeting of the principal citizens. He -proposed that Lorenzo de’ Medici, who was only twenty-one, and therefore -below the legal age for holding any magistracy in the republic, should -be invited to exercise the power that had been wielded by Cosimo and -Piero. A deputation was chosen to carry the offer, which Lorenzo -accepted after a becoming show of hesitation. - -Lorenzo’s conduct shows that he was fully conscious of the altered -position which events had enabled him to assume. Hitherto the Medici had -been content to intermarry with Florentine families, and thus to -recognise their equality of rank. But Lorenzo, as a prince, must seek a -foreign bride, and he married Clarice Orsini, a daughter of the famous -family of Roman nobles. Though his own tastes led him to show an -interest in art and literature, and to encourage [Sidenote: -Constitutional changes.] the amusements of the people, he was also -inspired by the wish to establish a court on the lines which had become -familiar in the principalities of Italy. In their intercourse with -Lorenzo the Florentines showed a deference and even a servility which -would have been deemed wholly out of place in the days of Cosimo and -Piero. This growth of a monarchical element within the republic is -probably the explanation of the numerous and obscure constitutional -changes which were made or attempted in the early years of Lorenzo’s -administration. Their essential object was to secure absolute control of -appointments to the signory. In 1470 it was proposed that the -_accoppiatori_ should be chosen every year by a new college of -forty-five, consisting of men who had discharged this function since the -return of the Medici in 1434. The scheme was denounced as an attempt to -subject the city to forty-five tyrants, and failed to pass the council -of a hundred. In the next year, however, the same object was attained in -a different way. The existing _accoppiatori_ were associated with the -sitting members of the signoria as a permanent committee, and the names -which they proposed were to be carried in the Hundred by a bare -majority, instead of by the usual majority of two-thirds. In the same -year the legislative functions of the old councils of the people and of -the commune were suspended for ten years. It is difficult to estimate -the precise significance of these and other changes, but their general -effect was to narrow the circle of families among whose members the more -important offices circulated. This was certain to excite -dissatisfaction; and among the malcontents we find the Pazzi, an old -noble family which had devoted itself to commerce, and now became rivals -of the Medici in business as well as in politics. - -Events proved that discontent within Florence was not very formidable, -unless it was reinforced by [Sidenote: Foreign policy.] difficulties in -foreign relations. Lorenzo had been brought up by his grandfather to -regard Milan and Naples as the normal allies of Florence, Venice as a -dangerous rival of Florence and a resolute opponent of the Medici -ascendency, and the papacy as a variable force depending on the -idiosyncracies of rapidly changing popes, and requiring to be very -carefully watched. Lorenzo had learned the lesson, but with the egotism -and self-sufficiency of youth he was not disinclined to attempt a few -experiments on his own account. If he could establish friendly relations -with the papacy and with Venice, he might make his own position stronger -than ever, and might pose as mediator and almost as arbiter in the -relations of the Italian states. On the election of Sixtus IV. in 1471, -Lorenzo went in person as Florentine envoy to carry the usual -congratulations. He returned not only with a confirmation of his banking -privileges in Rome, but with the lucrative appointment of receiver of -the papal revenues. At the same time he opened negotiations with Venice, -which led in 1474 to the embassy of Tommaso Soderini and the conclusion -of an alliance between Venice, Milan, and Florence. - -But these new connections were dearly purchased by the alienation of -Naples. Ferrante regarded Venice as the inveterate enemy of his kingdom -and his family. As long as the Medici had identified their interests -with his own he had been eager to uphold [Sidenote: Alienation of Naples -and quarrel with Sixtus IV.] their power in Florence. But a good -understanding of Milan and Florence with Venice threatened Naples with -isolation, and Ferrante must seek support elsewhere. Sixtus had already -allowed the Neapolitan tribute to be commuted for a formal gift; and as -the ties between Naples and the papacy were drawn closer, a coolness -grew up between Sixtus and Lorenzo. The origin of the quarrel is to be -found in the opposition of Florence to the aggrandisement of Girolamo -Riario (see p. 282). Lorenzo refused to find the money for the purchase -of Imola, and the Pope transferred the post of receiver-general from the -Medici to the Pazzi. The dispute was speedily embittered. Sixtus -appointed Francesco Salviati to the archbishopric of Pisa without -consulting Lorenzo, and in defiance of his wishes. The Florentines, on -their side, refused to admit the archbishop to his see; they supported -the Vitelli in Citta di Castello, and in many ways showed an inclination -to thwart the Pope’s schemes in Romagna. For some time, however, the -dispute did not seem likely to lead to serious results. But the death of -Galeazzo Maria Sforza in 1476, and the obvious weakness of the -government of the regent, Bona of Savoy, encouraged the opponents of the -Medici to bolder acts than they would have contemplated when Milan could -give efficient support to Florence. In 1477 Girolamo Riario and -Francesco Pazzi began to discuss in Rome [Sidenote: Conspiracy of the -Pazzi.] how to overthrow a family which stood in the way of both of -them. By the beginning of 1478 the main outlines of the conspiracy had -been agreed to. Francesco Salviati and Jacopo Pazzi, the head of the -family in Florence, had agreed to take part in the plot. It was -understood that the Pope and the king of Naples would give active -support, but they took no responsibilities for the actual means by which -the desired end was to be attained. Assassination was a recognised -weapon in Italian politics, and it was obviously difficult to effect a -revolution in Florence without it. Sixtus IV. might plead that he was -ignorant of this part of the design, but morally the plea is worthless. -If the Medici government had been unpopular in Florence, it might have -been possible to organise a rebellion and to overthrow them by means of -a parliament. But there was no widespread discontent in the city, and -the Pazzi had no strong following among either the lower or the wealthy -classes. It was decided, therefore, to kill Lorenzo and his brother -Giuliano, and to trust to the resultant confusion and foreign -intervention. A number of hired mercenaries, headed by Giovanni Battista -da Montesecco, were engaged to carry out the two immediate objects—the -murder of the brothers and the seizure of the magistrates. It says much -for the fidelity of the plotters that no one was found to betray the -design, in spite of the discouragement caused by unavoidable delays. The -great practical difficulty arose from the necessity of assassinating -Lorenzo and Giuliano at the same moment, for fear that one might receive -warning from the fate of the other. And unless both were removed, the -plot would end in failure. At last the desired opportunity was offered -by a banquet which the Medici gave in honour of Cardinal Raffaelle -Riario, a great-nephew of the Pope. But Giuliano was too unwell to -attend, and the time and place had to be altered. On Sunday, April 26, -1478, the two brothers were to be present at divine service in the -cathedral, and the elevation of the host was to be the signal to the -assassins. This gave rise to an unexpected difficulty. Montesecco, who -had undertaken to slay Lorenzo, refused to commit sacrilege by shedding -blood in a church, and two priests were chosen to take his place. But -the priests, though they did not share the scruples, also lacked the -strength and skill of the soldier. As the little altar bell tinkled, -Giuliano was struck down, and Francesco Pazzi dealt the final deathblow. -But Lorenzo was only wounded in the shoulder, and in the confused -scuffle which followed he succeeded in escaping to the sacristy, where -his friends closed the bronze doors in the face of the murderers. -Elsewhere the conspirators were equally unsuccessful. Archbishop -Salviati, who had gone to the Palazzo to superintend the seizure of the -gonfalonier and priors, excited suspicion by his obvious agitation, and -was seized with several of his followers. Jacopo Pazzi headed a -procession through the streets with shouts of ‘Liberty,’ but the people -raised the counter-cry of ‘Palle! Palle!’ in favour of the Medici, and -the leaders of the demonstration were carried by the mob to the Palazzo. -On the arrival of the news that Giuliano de’ Medici was dead, Francesco -Pazzi, the archbishop of Pisa, and several other prisoners were promptly -hanged from the windows. Vindictive severity was shown to the Pazzi and -their allies. Guglielmo Pazzi, who had married Lorenzo’s sister, was the -only member of the family who escaped. The two priests who had taken -refuge in a monastery were dragged from their sanctuary by the mob and -barbarously murdered. Montesecco had left Florence, but he was captured, -and after giving evidence which implicated the Pope in the conspiracy, -was executed. One of the murderers succeeded in reaching Constantinople, -but even there the vengeance of the Medici was able to reach him. He was -handed over by Mohammed II., and brought back to Florence, where in 1479 -he shared the fate of his accomplices. - -Within Florence all danger was at an end. The cowardly nature of the -attack rallied public opinion to the Medici; and [Sidenote: War with -Naples and the Papacy.] the death of a brother, who had hitherto enjoyed -the larger share of popular favour, served to exalt the survivor and to -remove from his way a possible rival. The fate of the conspirators was a -striking object-lesson to future malcontents. But Lorenzo’s signal -triumph only exasperated the foreign enemies whom his reckless policy -had alienated. He had broken up the triple alliance, in which Florence -served as a link between Milan and Naples, and had divided Italy into a -northern and a southern league. These were now brought into collision by -the failure of the Pazzi conspiracy. Both Sixtus IV. and Ferrante of -Naples had good reasons for desiring the overthrow of Lorenzo, and these -reasons were multiplied now that success had made him more formidable. -The Pope, urged on by Girolamo Riario, and infuriated by the execution -of an archbishop and the murder of priests, called upon the Florentines -to banish Lorenzo, who was to be made the scapegoat for the crime of his -opponents. The citizens refused to give up their leader, and published -the confession of Montesecco. Sixtus laid the city under an interdict, -and prepared for war. The papal troops under Federigo da Montefeltro and -a Neapolitan army under Alfonso of Calabria marched into southern -Tuscany, where the adhesion of Siena gave the invaders a convenient base -of operations. Florence appealed to her allies, and obtained assistance -from Milan under Gian Jacopo Trivulzio, and from Venice under Galeotto -Pico of Mirandola. Ercole d’Este was appointed commander-in-chief for -the republic. Great hopes were also entertained of the intervention of -France, and Louis XI. despatched Philippe de Commines to Italy to try -what diplomacy could effect in favour of Lorenzo de’ Medici. - -In 1478 Florence made a creditable resistance against superior forces. -The fortification of Poggio Imperiale blocked the Val d’Elsa, the most -vulnerable approach to [Sidenote: Campaigns of 1478 and 1479.] the city; -and when the disappointed invaders turned eastwards to the valley of the -Chiana, they had only completed the preliminary operation of taking -Monte San Savino when winter put an end to operations. But in the -campaign of 1479 fortune turned decisively against the Florentines. A -revolution in Milan, which was dexterously organised by Ferrante, not -only compelled the withdrawal of the Milanese troops; but by -substituting the rule of Ludovico Sforza for that of Bona of Savoy, -detached Milan for a time from the Florentine alliance. The Turkish -attack on Scutari, which reduced Venice to such straits that it was -necessary to make the peace of Constantinople, and to refrain from any -vigorous action in Italy, was also attributed by contemporary suspicion -to the wily suggestions of the Neapolitan king. Worst of all, France -would not take action. A few hundred French lances would have been worth -far more than the threat of a general council which the Pope knew would -not be carried out. Florence found herself isolated and exposed to a -crushing attack. The plague broke out within the walls, Poggio Imperiale -was stormed, and nothing but the ponderous tactics of a mercenary army -saved the city from the necessity of an ignominious surrender. Lorenzo -de’ Medici was in a very difficult position. In a sense the city was -enduring these sufferings and risks on his behalf, and the loyalty of -the citizens might give way under an intolerable strain. He sought and -found a way out of the dilemma by an enterprise which his adherents and -apologists have agreed to consider [Sidenote: Lorenzo goes to Naples.] -heroic. In December 1479 he set out on an embassy to Naples. The fate of -Jacopo Piccinino was sufficiently recent to convince people that it was -dangerous to trust to the good faith of Ferrante, yet it is difficult to -believe that Lorenzo undertook the journey without some fairly -substantial assurance that there was less risk in it than appeared on -the surface. After all, Ferrante had originally been the cordial friend -of Lorenzo; and although he had since then taken offence, he might be -appeased by a renewal of the old understanding. Events had proved that -it was not worth while to alienate Naples in order to establish better -relations with Venice, and Lorenzo was quite willing to do penance for -his blunder. And the alliance between Naples and the Pope did not rest -upon very substantial foundations. Lorenzo could point out that Sixtus -only cared for the aggrandisement of his nephew, that he was already -preparing to expel the Ordelaffii from Forli in order to give a duchy to -Girolamo, and that a strong secular power in the papal states was by no -means likely to benefit Naples. There was an ultimate argument in the -relations of the Medici with France. The revival of the Angevin claim -was a perpetual nightmare to Ferrante and his son, and it might well -prove that the house of Aragon would find in a Florentine alliance a -substantial bulwark to their throne. At all events, whether hazardous or -not, the enterprise was successful. Lorenzo returned to Florence in 1480 -with a treaty of [Sidenote: Conclusion of peace, 1480.] peace. It was -not, of course, a very glorious agreement: the southern districts of -Florentine territory were ceded to Siena, the allies in Romagna were -left at the mercy of the Pope, and there was no provision for the -restoration of the northern fortress of Sarzana, which had been seized -during the war by the Fregosi of Genoa. But anything was better than the -continuance of the war, and Lorenzo was hailed as the saviour of the -state. It is true that there was a momentary reaction, when it was found -that the Neapolitan forces were in no hurry to quit Tuscany, and that -Alfonso was apparently taking advantage of party feuds in Siena to -maintain a permanent foothold in the province. But the Turks intervened -to checkmate any such design, and the occupation of Otranto compelled -Alfonso and his troops to retire for the defence of their own territory. -Even the obstinate Pope was forced to give way by the danger from the -infidel. Sixtus ceased to insist that Lorenzo should make another more -humiliating, and perhaps more perilous journey to Rome, and withdrew the -interdict which he had launched against Florence for venturing to punish -ecclesiastics for a flagrant crime. - -The conspirators had failed, and foreign enemies had failed, to -overthrow the Medici, and their failure necessarily strengthened the -dynasty against which these strenuous [Sidenote: Constitutional changes -in 1480.] attacks had been directed. In 1480 Lorenzo was able to carry -through vital changes in the constitution which for the rest of his life -secured his authority against serious attack. It is noteworthy that no -use was made of the parliament, as on previous occasions, when -revolutionary decrees had to be enacted. The proposals were made by the -signoria and carried in the ordinary way through the three councils. A -constituent body of thirty was nominated by the signory. These were to -appoint a ‘greater council’ of two hundred and ten members, afterwards -enlarged to two hundred and fifty-eight, who were to act as a temporary -_balia_, having power to legislate and to control the filling of the -bags with the names of suitable candidates for office. In order to -secure a wide distribution of influence, no family, except two specially -named, was to have more than three members on the council. By a far more -important provision the thirty were to nominate another forty, and with -them were to constitute a permanent Council or Senate, known as the -Seventy. The Seventy held office for life, and filled vacancies by -co-optation. From among them were to be chosen the two important -executive committees—the _Otto di Pratica_, who took the place of the -occasional committees of eight or ten whom it had been usual to appoint -in time of war, and the _Otto di Balia_, who superintended the police of -the city. The institution of the Seventy did not abolish any of the old -magistracies and councils; these still continued as a means of rewarding -supporters and flattering men’s love of importance. But it placed side -by side with them what Florence had not for a long time possessed, a -permanent machinery of government, and thus supplied the stability, the -want of which had been the chief cause which raised the Medici to their -anomalous and ill-defined position in the state. It was inevitable that -the Seventy, with its two standing committees, should gradually draw -into its hands the real power which could never be effectually employed -by officials who changed every two months. - -The troubles of the last three years had taught Lorenzo a lesson which -he never forgot. The prompt punishment which followed his youthful -errors in statecraft had been [Sidenote: Lorenzo’s later years.] an -invaluable training to him. For the next twelve years the internal -history of Florence is absolutely uneventful, a fact which is itself the -best evidence of the capacity of its ruler. Freed from the fear of -domestic opposition, Lorenzo could concentrate his attention on external -affairs, and he became the foremost statesman in Italy. Reverting to the -sound traditions which his grandfather had handed down, he maintained an -alliance with Naples on the one side, and with Milan on the other, and -was thus enabled to check the aggressive tendencies of Venice and the -papacy, and at the same time to avert the danger of foreign -intervention. In the war of Ferrara (1482-84) he was an active member of -the coalition which saved the house of Este from annihilation, though he -was chagrined that the interested defection of Ludovico Sforza enabled -Venice not only to escape well-deserved punishment, but also to retain -the polesina of Rovigo. In 1485 a more serious difficulty arose when the -Neapolitan rebels, backed up by Innocent VIII., endeavoured to revive -the Angevin claims. Florence had no love for the house of Aragon, and -was closely connected by many ties with France. Fortunately, the appeal -was made to Réné of Lorraine instead of to Charles VIII., and so Lorenzo -could support the cause of Ferrante without any overt breach of the -French alliance. And while engaged in these questions of high policy, -Lorenzo never lost sight of the immediate interests of Florence. He took -advantage of party feuds in Siena to procure the restoration of most of -the territories which had been ceded in 1480. And he not only recovered -Sarzana from Genoa, but he added to it the neighbouring fortresses of -Pietrasanta and Sarzanella, thus giving to Florence a strong frontier on -the ridge of the Apennines, which, if properly garrisoned, would have -enabled the republic to check the invasion of Charles VIII. - -In Lorenzo’s last years a new and momentous political problem was -created by the growing alienation between Naples and Milan. Ludovico -Sforza could not carry out his designs upon his nephew’s duchy without -incurring [Sidenote: Importance of Lorenzo’s death.] the hostility of -Ferrante and Alfonso; and upon Florence, as the middle state of the -league, devolved the responsibility of mediating between her two allies. -It was a task which required all Lorenzo’s tact, experience, and -patience, and it may be doubted whether even he could have ultimately -succeeded in averting a collision. It is just possible, however, that -consummate prudence on the part of Florence might have prevented French -intervention in Italy, and in that case the whole course of European -history might have been altered. But in 1492, when the fate of Italy was -trembling in the balance, Lorenzo died; and his death at this critical -moment must be ranked with those other events—the discovery of America, -the conquest of Granada, and the election of Alexander VI.—which make -1492 one of the most memorable years in the history of Europe. - -Enough has been said of the Florentine constitution to show that the -power of the Medici did not rest upon very solid foundations. They had -no military force [Sidenote: Recklessness of Piero de’ Medici.] behind -them; none of the ordinary securities on which a despotism must rely for -its permanence. They ruled, partly because they supplied an element of -stability, which the civic constitution notoriously lacked, partly -because they maintained the credit and the influence of the state in -Italy and in Europe, but mainly because they had managed to conciliate -the interests and the allegiance of a majority of the citizens. But if -the Florentines once felt that their own interests and the security of -the republic were endangered by the ascendency of the Medici, that -ascendency must inevitably fall. And this was precisely the impression -which Piero, Lorenzo’s eldest son, set himself to produce. Discarding -all pretence of civic equality, he indulged in the airs and pretensions -of a prince born in the purple. And while his haughtiness disgusted the -mass of the citizens, he made no effort to retain the support of the -prominent families with whom his father had lived on familiar terms. But -his most fatal blunder was in foreign relations. His mother was an -Orsini, and his wife was an Orsini, and under the influence of his -foreign relatives he abandoned the mediating position of Lorenzo, and -allied himself unconditionally with the rulers of Naples. This action -had a double result. It completed the exasperation of the Florentines, -who had never loved the Neapolitan alliance even when their trust in the -wisdom of Cosimo or Lorenzo had convinced them that it was to their -interest to adhere to it. And it drove Ludovico Sforza into that -desperate appeal to France which was the immediate cause of Charles -VIII.’s invasion. When the French came, Piero showed himself to be -pusillanimous as well as incompetent. He took no steps to hold the -defensible passes of the Apennines against the invaders; and when they -had reached Pisa, he sought to disarm their hostility by a more ruinous -surrender than the most extreme supporter of a French alliance would -have advocated. The patience of the citizens was exhausted; and Piero’s -flight was followed by the expulsion of his family and the restoration -for a few troubled years of republican independence in Florence. - - - - - CHAPTER XV - BURGUNDIANS AND ARMAGNACS IN FRANCE, 1380-1435 - - - Minority of Charles VI.—The princes of the lilies—Risings in - Paris—Intervention in Flanders—Battle of Roosebek and death of - Philip van Artevelde—Rule of the _Marmousets_—Insanity of Charles - VI.—Rivalry for the government—Philip the Bold of Burgundy—Louis of - Orleans—John the Fearless—Murder of Orleans—Outbreak of civil - war—The _Cabochiens_ in Paris—Victory of the Armagnacs in 1413—Henry - V. invades France—Battle of Agincourt—Armagnacs retain their - ascendency in France—English successes in Normandy—Burgundians seize - Paris—Murder of John the Fearless—Treaty of Troyes—War in Northern - France—Deaths of Henry V. and Charles VI.—John of Bedford and - Charles VII.—Divided allegiance of France—Humphrey of Gloucester and - Jacqueline of Hainault—Quarrels at the court of Charles VII.—Philip - the Good acquires territories in the Netherlands—Siege of - Orleans—Successes of Jeanne Darc—Her capture and death—Character of - the War—Quarrel of Bedford and Burgundy—Treaty of Arras and death of - Bedford. - -The death of Charles V. in 1380 ushered in one of the most disastrous -periods in the history of France. The young [Sidenote: Minority of -Charles VI.] Charles VI. was only eleven years of age, and the -government fell into the hands of his uncles, the dukes of Anjou, Berri, -and Burgundy, and their brother-in-law, the duke of Bourbon. These men -represented the new class of royal nobles, or princes of the lilies, and -it was soon evident that their interests were those of their caste, and -not those of the monarchy with which they were connected by blood. Their -conduct was characterised by the same selfish love of independence as -had been displayed by the older feudal nobles, whose lands had fallen to -them by inheritance, marriage, or royal grant. It was a momentous fact -for France that the power of the crown was wielded just at this time by -men who desired not to advance that power, but merely to abuse it for -their own profit and that of their fellow-nobles. Everywhere feudalism -was fighting a final and desperate struggle to maintain itself against -the [Sidenote: Feudalism and its opponents.] forces which were destined -to effect its overthrow. In Germany the Swabian towns were engaged in -war with the nobles, and the Swiss were preparing for the struggle in -which they won their great victory of Sempach. In England social -discontent was encouraged and organised by the teaching of Lollard -priests, and the year 1381 witnessed the famous upheaval which is -usually associated with the picturesque episode of the Kentish leader, -Wat Tyler. In Flanders the citizens of Ghent were heading a rebellion -against their count, Lewis de Mâle; and though the latter succeeded in -detaching Bruges from the league of towns, he found the militia of Ghent -more than a match for his feudal levies, and was compelled to appeal for -assistance to his suzerain, the French king. It is important to remember -that these movements were connected by more than the accident of -occurring at the same time. News travelled more rapidly in the -fourteenth century than it had done in earlier times, and a -consciousness of common class interests was beginning to unite men of -different countries, as common religious interests united them two -centuries later. Events in Germany and England, and still more events in -Flanders, influenced opinion and action in France. The burghers of Paris -and other towns had not forgotten their temporary triumphs in 1356 and -1357, and in 1380 the general unrest in western Europe gave them a new -stimulus to action just at a time when the change of government made -their grievances more intolerable. - -Even under Charles V. the burden of taxation had excited indignant -murmuring, and on his deathbed the [Sidenote: Risings in Paris.] wise -king had promised that the recent imposts on the sale of commodities -should be abolished. But Charles’s brothers needed money for their own -purposes; and the eldest, Louis of Anjou, was so greedy, that he stole -the crown jewels and the treasure which Charles had amassed for his son. -An order was issued that the taxes should be collected in spite of the -promised relief. Paris rose in revolt, and an ordinance was extorted -from the terrified regents that all taxes imposed since the reign of -Philip IV. should be withdrawn. Peace was purchased for a year by this -concession; but at the beginning of 1382, while the regents were engaged -in suppressing a rising in Rouen, an attempt was again made to collect -the tax on sales. The mob rose in arms, and their most common weapon -gave them the name of _Maillotins_, or the hammerers. The streets were -barricaded, and again the government yielded. In May 1382 an amnesty was -promised to the rebels, who showed their gratitude by a civic gift of a -hundred thousand francs. - -This treaty was the last act of the duke of Anjou, who had hitherto been -the guiding spirit in the regency. His one aim had been to collect funds -for an expedition to Italy, and in this year he set out for Naples to -enforce his claim against Charles of Durazzo (see p. 154). His departure -left the chief power in the hands of Philip of Burgundy, who had bought -off his elder and incapable brother, the duke of Berri, by handing over -to him the wealthy province of Languedoc. Hitherto the French Government -had refused to give any assistance to the count of Flanders, who was -reduced to great straits by a victory of the Gantois outside [Sidenote: -Intervention in Flanders.] the walls of Bruges (May 2, 1382). Philip van -Artevelde, the son of Jacob van Artevelde, was now more powerful than -his father had ever been. He was not only supreme in Ghent, but he -claimed to be _ruwaert_ or regent of the whole of Flanders. After his -victory he proceeded to lay siege to Oudenarde, the last stronghold of -the court and the Flemish nobles. If the town were allowed to fall, the -triumph of the burghers would be complete. There was sufficient evidence -of intercourse between Ghent and Paris to excite the misgivings of a -French ruler, and, moreover, the duke of Burgundy had a strong personal -interest of his own in the matter. He was the son-in-law, and his wife -was the heiress of Lewis de Mâle. It was imperative that he should -strike a blow on behalf of an authority that might before long be his -own, and the French nobles were eager to suppress a civic revolt which -set such a bad example to their own vassals. A large feudal force was -collected to advance to the relief of Oudenarde, and the young king -himself, who was keenly interested in military affairs, accompanied the -army in person. Filled with the confidence inspired by their recent -victory, the Flemings [Sidenote: Battle of Roosebek.] quitted their -strong position and advanced to attack a stronger and better-armed force -than their own. On the field of Roosebek they were enveloped by the -converging wings of the French army, and were almost annihilated. The -corpse of Philip van Artevelde was found at the bottom of a heap of the -slain. A prompt advance must have resulted in the capture of Ghent, but -the French were satisfied with their success, and soon afterwards -withdrew. The chief sufferers were not the defeated Flemings, but the -_Maillotins_ of Paris. The victorious army was irresistible on its -return. Most of the leaders of the recent rebellion suffered death. The -gates of the city were thrown down, and its municipal liberties were -abolished. - -With the suppression of the bourgeoisie all opposition to the regents -seemed to be at an end. But in 1388 occurred a dramatic revolution which -is a strange parallel to contemporary events in England. Charles VI. -declared himself to be of age, dismissed his uncles to [Sidenote: Rule -of the Marmousets.] their estates, and intrusted the Government to men -who had been trained in the service of his father. For the next four -years these _Marmousets_ or parvenus, as the nobles scornfully called -them, ruled with equal capacity and moderation. Suddenly, in 1392, came -another extraordinary change in the course of events. One of the ablest -of the royal ministers was the Constable, Olivier de Clisson, a follower -and fellow-countryman of Bertrand du Guesclin. An attempt was made to -assassinate him in the streets of Paris, and the would-be murderers -sought refuge with the duke of Brittany, who had a quarrel of his own -with the Constable. Charles VI. was furious, and led an army towards -Brittany to exact vengeance. But his health was already [Sidenote: -Insanity of Charles VI.] undermined by precocious debauchery and the -premature possession of power. On the journey he became so violently -insane that he had to be kept in forcible restraint. He lived for thirty -years after this, but never recovered the complete control of his -faculties, though he had intervals of comparative lucidity. As a rule he -was worst in the hot weather of summer and autumn, and recovered to some -extent in the colder months of winter and early spring. It would -probably have been better for France if his insanity had been complete -and permanent, as in that case it would have been necessary to make -regular provision for the regency. As it was, the government was still -carried on in the king’s name; but it was notorious that even when he -was at his best he had lost all strength of will, and was the obedient -slave of whoever had control of his person at the time. These conditions -led to that struggle for the exercise of power which brought such -innumerable woes to France in the next half century. - -The duke of Burgundy was with the king at the time of the seizure, and -took prompt advantage of it to recover the authority which he had been -compelled to relinquish [Sidenote: Origin of party feuds.] four years -before. By so doing he excited the bitter animosity of Louis of Orleans, -the king’s younger brother, who clamoured that he was ousted from his -proper position by his uncle. From this rivalry arose in the course of -time the famous factions of Burgundians and Armagnacs, whose quarrels -distracted France and rendered the country an easy prey to the foreign -invaders. It would be useless and wearisome to trace in detail the -frequent fluctuations of success and failure, but it is important to -form a clear idea of the position of the two antagonists, and of the -interests which became involved in their disputes. - -Philip the Bold or the Rash (_le Hardi_) was the youngest and favourite -son of King John, and had been taken prisoner with his father at -Poitiers. To reward his bravery [Sidenote: Philip of Burgundy.] and -devotion John gave him the duchy of Burgundy when it fell in to the -Crown in 1361 on the death of Philip de Rouvre. But the greatness of the -house was mainly due to a lucky marriage. Charles V. procured for his -brother the hand of Margaret, the only child of Lewis de Mâle, count of -Flanders, Artois, Nevers, Rethel, and Burgundy. When Lewis died, in -1383, these territories came through his wife to Philip, who became at -once one of the wealthiest and most powerful princes in Europe. The -object of Charles V. in promoting this marriage had been to connect -these fiefs, and especially Flanders, more closely with France. The -ultimate result was precisely the reverse; the connection of Burgundy -with France was weakened. Commercial interests tended to sever Flanders -from France and to attach it to England (see p. 71). These interests -proved stronger than feudal and family ties. Instead of Flanders -following Burgundy, Burgundy followed Flanders. Thus, although the duke -of Burgundy was the first peer of France, and as count of Flanders was -doubly a peer, yet he found himself more and more detached from France, -and impelled to play the part of a foreign and independent prince. It is -important to remember that part of Flanders and Franche Comté, or the -county of Burgundy, were imperial fiefs, and had no legal connection -with France. As time went on this non-French element in the position of -the house of Burgundy was destined to be greatly extended. In 1385 an -important double marriage was concluded with the Wittelsbach count of -Holland, Hainault, and Zealand, the son of Lewis the Bavarian (see p. -108). The son of Count Albert, afterwards William VI. (1404-1417), was -to marry Philip’s daughter, Margaret; while Philip’s eldest son, John of -Nevers, was to marry Albert’s daughter, another Margaret. It was to -strengthen this alliance, which two generations later brought these -Wittelsbach possessions to the house of Burgundy, that Philip negotiated -the marriage of Charles VI. to a princess of another branch of the -Wittelsbach house, Isabel of Bavaria—a marriage that was fraught with -anything but blessing to France. Another imperial fief, Brabant, which -was held by the aunt of Philip’s wife, passed in 1406 to his second son, -Antony, and ultimately to the main Burgundian branch. This gradual -absorption of adjacent provinces by the Valois dukes gave to what came -to be known as the Netherlands, or the Low Countries, their first -semblance of political unity. - -The young Louis of Orleans was, in territorial power and prospects, -quite insignificant by the side of his uncle and rival. His great -ambition was to redress this [Sidenote: Louis of Orleans.] obvious -inequality. At every opportunity he induced his brother to alienate -domain-lands to him in spite of the protests of the _Marmousets_. By -these grants and by purchase he obtained the duchy of Orleans, which -Charles V. had promised should never be severed from the Crown, -Perigord, a part of Angoumois, and the counties of Valois, Dreux, and -Blois. His marriage in 1386 with Valentina Visconti, daughter of Gian -Galeazzo, which gave to his descendants a claim upon Milan in later -times, brought to him a million francs as dowry, but in the way of -territory only the town of Asti in Lombardy, and the county of Vertus in -Champagne. Louis even competed with his uncle for territories in the -Netherlands, and in 1401 he agreed to purchase Luxemburg from Wenzel. -But this proved a complete fiasco, and Luxemburg was ultimately absorbed -in the Burgundian dominions. One discreditable advantage in the struggle -was gained by the duke of Orleans. He became the paramour of the queen, -Isabella of Bavaria, and by this means he not only secured her support, -but also the influence which she still retained over her unhappy -husband. - -Early in the fifteenth century changes took place in the personages of -the drama, though its action was only slightly changed by them. Philip -the Bold died in 1404, leaving three sons. The second son, Antony of -Rethel, succeeded his great-aunt in the duchy of Brabant and Limburg, -and married Elizabeth of Luxemburg, a grand-daughter of the Emperor -Charles IV. The youngest son, Philip, received only the county of -Nevers. With the exception of Nevers and Rethel, the whole magnificent -inheritance [Sidenote: John the Fearless.] of Philip and Margaret passed -to their eldest son, John, who also succeeded to the position of -protagonist in the party strife in France. John had been taken prisoner -by the Turks at the famous battle of Nicopolis (1396), and the reckless -courage which he displayed on that occasion gained for him the name of -the Fearless (Jean sans Peur). He displayed the same impulsiveness in -politics as in the field, and this led him into criminal blunders, and -ultimately to a violent death. Like all politicians of the time, he -sought to use marriage as a means of strengthening his position. His -eldest daughter was married to the duke of Guienne or dauphin, and the -king’s second son, John of Touraine, was betrothed to the daughter of -his brother-in-law, William VI. of Holland. - -In 1407 Louis of Orleans was assassinated in Paris; and after some -hesitation, John the Fearless avowed himself to be the instigator of the -murder, and put forward [Sidenote: Murder of Orleans.] arguments to -justify it. Instead of putting an end to the quarrel, this act proved -the occasion for civil war. The sons of the duke of Orleans deemed it a -sacred duty to avenge their father’s death, and they were encouraged by -the support of all opponents of Burgundy. As they were young and -inexperienced, the practical leadership of the party was undertaken by -Bernard of Armagnac, the father-in-law of the young Charles of Orleans, -and himself the son-in-law of the duke of Berri, the only surviving -uncle of the king. From him the party derived the name by which it is -usually known both to contemporaries and to history. - -The strife of parties had its origin in a purely personal rivalry for -power, but it gradually came to absorb all the elements of social, -political, and ecclesiastical conflict in France. Louis of Orleans was -the [Sidenote: Burgundians and Armagnacs.] champion of the past, of -feudal independence and privileges. His party, especially after his -death, included most of the noble families of France. Louis had been the -supporter of Richard II. against Henry IV., of Wenzel against his rival -the Elector Palatine Rupert, of the Avignon popes against the policy of -neutrality in the great schism. The Burgundians were forced to espouse -the opposite side in these disputes. They clamoured for financial -economy and encouraged the growth of municipal liberties. Flemish -interests impelled them to maintain a good understanding with Henry IV. -after his successful usurpation. In the matter of the schism they urged -the ‘way of cession,’ and thus gained the support of the University of -Paris. Orleans had alienated this powerful corporation by encouraging -the rival schools of Orleans, Montpellier, and Toulouse. The University -of Paris showed such devotion to the Burgundian cause that Jean Petit, -one of the leaders of the Sorbonne, marshalled all the hackneyed -arguments in favour of tyrannicide in order to justify the murder of -Orleans. But this went too far for doctors of more tender conscience, -and at Constance Jean Gerson, the chancellor of the University, pressed -for the condemnation of Jean Petit’s discourse, and thereby incurred the -bitter enmity of John the Fearless (see p. 218). The great strength of -the Burgundians lay in the enthusiastic support of the Parisians; the -duke at once rewarded and conciliated their support by restoring in 1409 -the municipal institutions which had been abolished in 1383. - -The war has also a geographical as well as a social significance. The -west and south were Armagnac, while the north and east of France were -Burgundian. This opposition was of long standing, and rested upon a -substantial difference of race. In the south-west the strongest element -of the population was the Romanised Celts; whereas in the north-east the -Teutonic or Frankish race preponderated. For a long time, especially -since the Albigensian crusades, the south had been reduced to -subservience by the north, and in the Armagnac party it strove to shake -off some of the fetters that had been imposed upon it. - -In thus roughly estimating the significance of the civil strife in -France, it is important to avoid being too precise and dogmatic. It was -not so much a struggle of principles as a personal quarrel, in which -certain principles became involved. It is to some extent misleading to -speak of the Armagnacs as an aristocratic, and the Burgundians as a -popular or bourgeois party. The parties did not set out with definite -character and policy; but circumstances and momentary exigencies forced -them to seek allies where they could, and these allies could only be -gained by at least a professed devotion to their interests. The age also -is full of contradictions, which make it the more difficult to draw -definite distinctions. The dukes of Burgundy were the champions of -municipal privilege in Paris; in Flanders it was their first business to -restrict the independence of the cities. Philip the Bold declaimed -against the extravagance of the government when he was excluded from it, -and promised the people relief from taxation. But he was personally -extravagant, his rule was at least as expensive as that of his -opponents, and he died so profoundly in debt that his widow had to -undergo a ceremonial proof of bankruptcy in order to secure the -inheritance of her children from the disappointed creditors. Again, -Louis of Orleans is apparently the champion of a reactionary feudalism; -but in another aspect he is a disciple of the Renaissance, and a patron -of the new learning that was to overthrow the essential ideas of -mediæval feudalism. In this, as in other respects, he may be -instructively compared with an Englishman who was almost his -contemporary, Humphrey of Gloucester. - -It was fortunate for France that in the early stages of the quarrel -little danger was to be feared from England. The minority of Richard II. -was disturbed at first by the social discontent which led to the rising -of [Sidenote: Relations with England.] 1381, and afterwards by party and -personal jealousies which almost produced a great civil war. When -Richard II. at last took the reins of government into his own hands and -effected a temporary pacification, he began to prepare for his dramatic -revenge upon his opponents, and for that attempt to establish a despotic -power which resulted in his deposition. The result was that during his -reign the war with France languished. Truces were frequently made and -prolonged, and during the interval of nominal hostility no operations of -importance were undertaken on either side. In 1396 Richard II. actually -paid a visit to Paris, and was betrothed to Isabella, daughter of -Charles VI. The revolution of 1399, which gave the English crown to -Henry IV., seemed likely to bring about a resumption of hostilities, -especially when Henry married the dowager duchess of Brittany, and thus -renewed that connection with the house of Montfort which had in the past -given the English an easy entry into France. But for some years Henry -IV. sat but insecurely upon his throne, and the struggle against -successive rebellions left him little time or inclination for an -aggressive foreign policy. It was not until French parties were led by -their irreconcilable enmity to each other to invite English intervention -that the prolonged suspension of hostilities between the two countries -came to an end. - -The murder of the duke of Orleans exasperated, but at the same time -intimidated the other princes of France, and their terror was increased -by the punishment which the duke of Burgundy inflicted in 1408 upon the -citizens of Liége for a revolt against their bishop. In spite of the -pitiful entreaties of the widowed Valentina, John the Fearless was -allowed to retain supreme control of the government through his -son-in-law the dauphin, who was now put forward to represent his father; -and the young duke of Orleans and his brother had to undergo the shame -of a formal reconciliation with their father’s murderer. It was not till -1410 that the first league of princes was formed to overthrow the -Burgundian [Sidenote: Civil war breaks out in 1410.] ascendency. It -included the dukes of Berri and Bourbon, Louis II. of Anjou, the titular -king of Sicily, the sons of Louis of Orleans, and the counts of -Clermont, Alençon, and Armagnac. The duke of Brittany, who had -previously been the ally of Burgundy, also joined the league because a -daughter of John the Fearless had married the count of Penthièvre, on -whom the claims of the rival house of Blois had devolved. It would take -too long to trace the actual progress of the war or to enumerate the -hollow truces and treaties by which it was occasionally interrupted. -Neither party could claim any monopoly of patriotism, and both appealed -successfully to England for assistance. In 1411 aid was sent to the -Burgundians, and in the next year to their opponents. This was not due, -as has often been asserted, to a politic desire to prolong the civil war -in France, but was the result of a change of parties in England. In -1411, when the Burgundian alliance was concluded, the Prince of Wales -and the Beauforts were in power. In January 1412 their influence was -undermined by an obscure intrigue, Henry Beaufort resigned the -chancellorship, and the Prince of Wales, who had incurred his father’s -displeasure, quitted the court. The government fell into the hands of -Archbishop Arundel and Thomas of Clarence, Henry IV.’s second son, and -they reversed the foreign policy of their predecessors. Clarence in -person commanded the expedition, which was despatched to help the -Armagnacs, but did little except ravage Normandy and part of Guienne. - -The chief interest in the struggle lay in the efforts of the Armagnacs -to get possession of Paris, the stronghold of Burgundian influence. In -1411 the princes advanced to besiege the city. The exigencies of the -defence gave a temporary ascendency to the lower class of the citizens, -who were the most enthusiastic partisans of Burgundy, and among them the -lead was taken by the powerful guild [Sidenote: The Cabochiens in -Paris.] of butchers. One Caboche, a flayer, acquired an unenviable -eminence which gave to his associates the name of _Cabochiens_. For two -years they were all-powerful in the city, and their history is marked by -one of those extraordinary contrasts which are more familiar in the -history of France than in any other country. On the one hand, their rule -was disgraced by the brutal atrocities of a Paris mob at its worst. On -the other hand, there must have been among their leaders men of virtue -and capacity, who saw clearly the administrative evils under which -France was suffering. On May 25, 1413, was issued the famous Cabochian -ordinance, containing 258 articles, which has been warmly praised by -more than one eminent historian as a wise and far-seeing measure of -reform. But the authors of the ordinance hardly acted in its spirit, and -it was so short-lived that it has no practical importance. - -The horrors of Cabochian rule excited a strong reaction among the higher -class of citizens, and the Armagnacs were [Sidenote: Armagnac victory in -1413.] enabled by their aid to enter Paris. The great ordinance was -revoked in September 1413, and all offices were transferred to members -of the victorious faction. The dauphin, who had quarrelled with his -father-in-law, joined his former opponents, and this enabled them to -claim that they were governing in the king’s name and interest. In 1414 -the Armagnacs assumed the offensive, drove the duke of Burgundy from one -town after another, and even invaded Artois. Before Arras a treaty was -concluded which left Paris and the persons of the queen and the dauphin -in the hands of the Armagnacs. John the Fearless, chagrined by his -defeat, and excluded from all political influence, resumed those -relations with the English to which he was impelled by Flemish -interests. Henry V., who as Prince of Wales had shown himself disposed -to aid the Burgundians in 1411, was now on the throne. He was free from -some of the difficulties which had made his father [Sidenote: English -invasion of France.] pursue a peace policy, and the condition of France -offered him an irresistible temptation to renew the war. In 1415 he -formally announced his intention of asserting his claim to the crown of -France, and laid siege to Harfleur. The Armagnacs were by no means -dismayed by the news. The militant instincts of an aristocracy were -strong among them, and a victory over the English invaders would -complete their triumph over the Burgundians. A feudal army was hastily -collected under the constable d’Albret, and the offers of aid from Paris -and other communes were haughtily rejected. The expected success was to -be for the party, not for the nation. But the military ability of the -nobles was not equal to their exclusiveness. A slight exertion would -have relieved Harfleur, but the town was allowed to surrender on -September [Sidenote: Fall of Harfleur.] 22. This was a considerable gain -to the English; for Harfleur, though less defensible than Calais, was -far better suited for aggressive purposes. It was the real key to -Normandy, whereas the strength of Calais lay in its isolation. But the -English army had suffered heavily during the siege, and prudence seemed -to dictate that it should either return to England or spend the winter -in Harfleur. Henry, however, trusting to the incapacity and disunion of -his enemies, decided to lead his diminished army, not more than fifteen -thousand at most, through a hostile country to Calais. The bridges on -the Somme had been broken down, and the English made for the famous ford -of Blanchetaque, where Edward III. had effected his crossing before the -battle of Crecy. A prisoner declared that the ford was guarded by six -thousand troops, and the English turned southwards to find another -crossing. One place after another was found to be impracticable, and the -army had passed Nesle before they discovered some marshy shallows which -gave them the desired passage. They thus escaped the trap into which -they had fallen, but their march had brought them to the south of the -French army, which in overwhelming numbers blocked the way to Calais. It -was necessary to fight or perish. In the [Sidenote: Battle of -Agincourt.] battle of Agincourt (October 25, 1415) the muddy state of -the ground, the reckless insubordination of the French nobles, and the -skill of the archers gave the English an extraordinarily easy victory. -The losses on the French side were enormously increased by a massacre of -the prisoners, which Henry ordered when the appearance of some -camp-followers was taken as the approach of a new army. Among the slain -were the constable d’Albret, the duke of Alençon, and the two brothers -of John the Fearless, Antony of Brabant and Philip of Nevers. The duke -himself had refused to join his opponents, and his brothers only arrived -in time to share the defeat. The most important of the prisoners whose -lives had been spared were the young Charles of Orleans and the count of -Richemont, brother of the duke of Brittany. As far as Henry V. was -concerned, he gained no immediate advantage in France, except the -ability to continue his retreat. He hastened to Calais, and there -embarked for England. - -The Armagnacs had destined for themselves all the glory of the expected -victory, and they had to endure all the shame of the defeat. The -Parisians openly exulted at [Sidenote: Continued party strife in -France.] the humiliation of their oppressors, and prepared to welcome -John the Fearless, who advanced as far as Lagni on his way to the -capital. But the duke had lost much of the energy of his younger days. -Bernard of Armagnac, who had played no part in recent events, hurried up -from the south and took prompt measure to suppress the Burgundian -sympathies of the citizens. He only arrived just in time. The dauphin, -worn out by debauchery of every kind, died on December 18, and the heir -of the throne was now John of Touraine, who was the creature of the -Burgundian party. If John the Fearless had succeeded in reaching Paris, -his hold on the government would have been secure. But he had lost his -opportunity, and retired after four months of absolute inactivity. His -enemies called him in derision John of Lagni. - -In 1416 there was no renewal of the English invasion, and the attention -of Henry VI. was fully occupied with diplomacy. Sigismund had quitted -Constance with the professed intention of putting an end to the -international quarrels which impeded the work of the council. But his -visits to France and to England failed to effect the desired result. -Their chief result was to ally Sigismund with Henry V. and to bring -about a better understanding between the latter and the duke of -Burgundy, who had found it difficult to maintain any alliance with -England after the death of his two brothers at Agincourt. Meanwhile -Armagnac continued a reign of terror in Paris. The citizens were -disarmed, the chains and barriers in the streets were removed, and a -strict system of espionage enabled the government to detect and punish -any attempt to rebel. The atrocities of the _Cabochiens_ were equalled -by their opponents, and without the excuse that could be offered for the -brutal action of a mob. The one difficulty in Armagnac’s way was the -fact that the dauphin John was in the hands of the duke of Burgundy at -Valenciennes. But in April 1417 the dauphin died so opportunely that -Armagnac was suspected of having brought it about. The only surviving -prince, Charles, was the son-in-law of Louis II. of Anjou, and had been -brought up in bitter hostility to the Burgundians. The one influence -over him that might stand in the way of Armagnac was that of his mother. -In a lucid interval Charles VI. was induced to notice and resent his -wife’s notorious misconduct, and Isabel of Bavaria was sent into -disguised captivity at Tours. Indignant at this insult, she forgot the -quarrel of a lifetime, sought the alliance of John the Fearless, and -escaped from Tours with his aid. This encouraged the Burgundians to -fresh exertions. The queen claimed to act as regent during her husband’s -‘occupation,’ as it was euphemistically called. At Amiens she and the -duke of Burgundy established a council and a parliament in opposition to -those in Paris, which were ‘subjected to the usurpers of the royal -power.’ The civil war was carried on in a series of petty combats over -the northern provinces, in which each side was equally discredited by -acts of the grossest brutality. - -The renewed outbreak of civil war encouraged Henry V. to enter Normandy -again in 1417. Little resistance was offered to him, except at Caen, and -a truce with [Sidenote: English in Normandy.] the duke of Brittany gave -him a secure hold upon north-western France. The rapid success of the -foreign invasion gave rise to negotiations between the French factions, -and a treaty was on the verge of conclusion in May 1418, when it was -broken off by Armagnac and his brutal colleague, Tannegui du Châtel. -This was more than the Parisians could endure; the gates were opened to -admit a body [Sidenote: Burgundians seize Paris.] of Burgundian cavalry, -and the citizens rose with cries of ‘Burgundy and peace.’ Armagnac was -discovered and slain, but the dauphin succeeded in escaping to Melun, -where he was joined by Tannegui and other followers, who had made a bold -but unsuccessful attempt to hold out in the Bastile. The revolution in -Paris gave to the Burgundians the ascendency in the north, but the -dauphin continued to call himself lieutenant-general for his father, and -set up a council and a parliament in Poitiers. - -One result of the revolution was to impose the burden of national -defence upon the duke of Burgundy. The Parisians, although Burgundian, -had not ceased to be Frenchmen, and their clamour compelled the duke to -take measures against the English. He escorted the insane king to take -the oriflamme from St. Denis, and he established a camp at Beauvais. -[Sidenote: Fall of Rouen.] But he did nothing to relieve Rouen, which -was offering a heroic resistance to Henry V., and the town was forced to -capitulate on January 19, 1419. A systematic government was set up in -Normandy as a dependency of the English crown. - -The news of the fall of Rouen roused the national spirit of France. The -two parliaments of Paris and Poitiers combined to demand internal peace -in the face of [Sidenote: Negotiations between the factions.] the -foreign foe. On May 14 a truce for three months was concluded. But the -English successes continued, and the capture of Pontoise enabled them to -threaten Paris. The pressure of imminent danger forced the rival -factions into closer relations with each other, and it was agreed that a -meeting should take place between the dauphin and John the Fearless for -the final settlement of all differences. This was a great blow to the -extreme Armagnacs, who dreaded the loss of power and the vengeance of -Burgundy. Tannegui du Châtel and his associates determined by a -desperate act to put an end to all [Sidenote: Murder of John of -Burgundy.] prospects of pacification. The interview took place on -September 10, 1419, on the bridge at Montereau, and John the Fearless -was treacherously assassinated by the dauphin’s followers. Whether -Charles himself was aware of the plot beforehand is open to question, -but by continued association with the murderers he made himself an -accomplice after the event. - -The murder of John the Fearless was a fatal event for France. It revived -the unity of the Burgundian party, which had been rapidly breaking up, -and for the moment [Sidenote: Treaty of Troyes, 1420.] it subordinated -all sentiment of nationality to the desire for revenge. The young duke -Philip vowed that the dauphin, whom he regarded as his father’s -assassin, should never sit upon the throne of France. Isabel of Bavaria, -who had never loved her youngest son, did not scruple to join the duke -in a close alliance with the English. The treaty of Troyes (May 21, -1420) excluded the dauphin from the succession, arranged that Henry V. -should marry Katharine of France, that he and his descendants should be -the heirs of Charles VI., and that Henry should be regent during the -lifetime of his father-in-law. Normandy and all other English conquests -were to be reunited to the French crown on Henry’s accession, and he -swore to observe the laws and customs of France. Paris, already -dominated by Burgundian partisans, and exposed to the danger of English -attack from Pontoise, could make no resistance to an arrangement which -proposed to subject France to an English dynasty. - -The treaty of Troyes was a treaty with one of the factions in France; it -was not a treaty with the French nation. In order to carry it out it was -necessary to enforce [Sidenote: War in northern France.] the submission -of the Armagnacs, who had the support of almost all the provinces south -of the Loire, and also held a number of strong places north of that -river. The reduction of the latter was the first task of the English and -Burgundians. Some of them surrendered readily, but Melun held out for -four months, and with its fall the campaign of 1420 ended. Henry V. -returned to England, but was recalled by the news of a serious reverse. -Thomas of Clarence, who had been left in command, was defeated and slain -by a combined force of French and Scots at Baugé in Anjou (March 23, -1421), and a rising in favour of the dauphin took place in Picardy. -Henry’s return restored victory to the English arms. While Philip of -Burgundy put down the malcontents in Picardy, the English laid siege to -Meaux, the chief Armagnac stronghold in northern France. With its -surrender (March 22, 1422) the supremacy of the allies to the north of -the Loire seemed to be assured. A few adventurers, at the head of -mercenary forces, remained to pillage the country, but there was no -longer any centre of organised resistance to the English. Their army was -preparing to cross the river when it was recalled by the news that Henry -V. had died of dysentery, at the early [Sidenote: Deaths of Henry V. and -Charles VI.] age of thirty-four (August 31, 1422). Seven weeks later, -the unfortunate Charles VI. was also carried to the grave, accompanied -by the tears of his subjects, who remembered that if he had never ruled, -so he had never oppressed them. None of his own family were present at -the funeral, and the only mourner of princely rank was the Duke of -Bedford, now regent of France for the infant Henry VI., who was solemnly -proclaimed King of France and England. - -For several years after 1422 there were two kings of France—Henry VI., -represented by his uncle Bedford, with Paris as his capital; and Charles -VII., a youth of twenty years of age, at Bourges. The position -[Sidenote: Bedford and Charles VII.] of the latter had been completely -changed by the treaty of Troyes. He was no longer the mere head of an -unscrupulous and discredited faction, but the leader of a national -cause. This washed out the stain of the murder of Montereau. There was -hardly a French nation as yet, otherwise Henry V. had never conquered -Normandy, but there was certainly a sentiment of nationality. A duke of -Burgundy, half of whose possessions lay outside France, might be -comparatively free from such a sentiment, but his French subjects were -not. From the very first the result of the struggle was certain. All the -permanent influences were in favour of Charles and against England. Only -two things were necessary to secure the victory of Charles VII.—the -national sentiment must be kindled into a blaze, which was done by -Jeanne Darc, and Burgundy must be detached from England. This was sooner -or later inevitable, both from the natural jarring of interests and from -the pressure brought to bear upon the duke by his own followers. Henry -VI. wore the crown of France, partly by virtue of the Burgundian -alliance, and partly because the feeling of national union had been -overpowered for a time by domestic feuds and by the misery which they -had brought to the country. Directly this double basis collapsed, the -English power fell. That it lasted as long as it did was due to the -difference between the respective leaders. John of Bedford was a great -soldier and a great diplomatist; there was no one on the French side who -equalled him in either capacity. Charles VII. may have had scant justice -dealt to him by historians, and his latest biographer would have us -believe that he was a model of kingly virtues. But these virtues, such -as they were, were developed by adversity. At the time when he assumed -the royal title, he was too young to have much experience of government, -his training had been against him, and he had been fatally compromised -by the criminal violence of his associates. He was not personally a -coward, but he disliked war, and he disliked publicity. Two important -cities—Bourges and Poitiers—remained faithful to him, but he preferred -the more congenial solitude of Loches and Chinon. He had excellent -advisers. The council and parliament which he established at Poitiers -comprised many of the ablest members of those institutions who had left -Paris in 1418. So far as it was possible to conduct a civil government -during the war, it was conducted well. But against these civilian -advisers must be set the influence of brutal adventurers, such as -Tannegui du Châtel, whose services he could not dispense with, and whom -he was too feeble to restrain. Their gradual disappearance enabled him -at last to free himself from the Armagnac party, and to render -conspicuous services to France. But for the first seven years of his -reign he had to contend with inferior instruments against superior -force. - -Geographically, France was fairly evenly divided. Paris, with the Ile de -France, Normandy, Picardy, Champagne, and all the Burgundian fiefs, -together with Western Guienne and Gascony, recognised [Sidenote: -Division of France.] Henry VI. Maine and Anjou were a battleground -between parties. Their duke, Louis III., was absent in Italy, engaged in -the effort to secure the succession in Naples. His mother—Yolande of -Aragon—was the mother-in-law of Charles VII., and an influential -personage at his court. Charles could count, in the first place, upon -the provinces which he had held in fief before his father’s -death—Touraine, Dauphiné, Berri, and Poitou. Orleans, whose duke was -still a prisoner in England, was loyal, and so were Auvergne, Lyons, -Bourbon, Languedoc, and the eastern parts of Guienne and Gascony. The -duke of Brittany was doubtful. He was intimately connected with both -parties. He had married Charles VII.’s sister, but he was the nephew -through his mother of the first duke of Burgundy, and that mother had -been the second wife of Henry IV. of England. His family was under great -obligations to England, but his subjects were, for the most part, averse -to the English alliance; and his brother—Arthur of Richemont—had been -one of Henry V.’s prisoners at Agincourt. For the moment the attitude of -John V. was decided by a foolish attempt on the part of the Armagnac -leaders to excite a revolt in Brittany in favour of the count of -Penthièvre. This drove the duke, in 1423, to acknowledge Henry VI. and -to make a treaty with the dukes of Bedford and Burgundy. At the same -time, Bedford tried to strengthen the ties between Burgundy and England -by marrying Philip’s sister Anne. There were three provinces—Lorraine, -Savoy, and Provence—which were not French, but for many years had been -involved by their geography in French politics. Provence belonged to the -duke of Anjou, and was certain, sooner or later, to support Charles VII. -Amadeus VIII. of Savoy was the uncle of the duke of Burgundy, but held a -neutral position, and tried to play the part of mediator. Charles of -Lorraine had been an ardent Burgundian partisan, and had been appointed -constable in 1418 by John the Fearless. But since then he had been -gained over by Yolande, and induced to marry his only daughter to her -second son, Réné. - -The actual military operations were not, for some time, of first-rate -importance. There was no campaign on a large scale, and only two battles -which deserve mention. A few places in the north, notably Guise and -[Sidenote: Campaigns of 1423-24.] Ivry, held out for Charles VII., and -Picardy was always ready to revolt. Important assistance was rendered by -Scotland, the permanent ally of France against England. Buchan, a Scot, -was appointed constable of France, and the earl of Douglas, who brought -a number of adventurers, was created count of Touraine. In 1423 a mixed -French and Scottish army was defeated by the English and Burgundians at -Crevant. In 1424 a more important engagement took place. The English had -laid siege to Ivry, and a great effort was made to relieve the garrison. -Bedford in person met the relieving army at Verneuil, and inflicted a -crushing defeat upon them. Douglas, Buchan, and a number of French -nobles were slain; Maine was completely reduced, and the remaining -fortresses in Picardy surrendered. - -At this juncture Bedford’s progress was arrested, and his whole design -was threatened with ruin by the action of his brother, Humphrey of -Gloucester, whose reckless selfishness nearly effected a complete -rupture [Sidenote: Gloucester quarrels with Burgundy.] with Burgundy. -The dearest aim of Philip the Good was to absorb the dominions in the -Netherlands of the two collateral branches of his house.[11] Holland, -Hainault, and Zealand had now passed, by the death of William VI., to -his only daughter, Jacqueline. Another of Philip’s uncles, Antony of -Brabant, had left two sons, John IV. and Philip. The duke of Burgundy -had contrived to unite these two lines into one by marrying Jacqueline -to John IV. of Brabant. But the marriage was inharmonious, Jacqueline -fled from her husband, and appealed for aid to the duke of Gloucester. -Philip was infuriated when he learned that Gloucester had actually -married Jacqueline, having obtained a dispensation from the old -anti-pope, Benedict XIII. A prolonged and intricate quarrel followed. -Gloucester claimed his wife’s territories and defied Philip, who -supported John of Brabant, to mortal combat. Bedford was in despair. He -endeavoured to pacify Philip by ceding to him the Picard towns of Roye, -Mondidier, and Péronne, and by allowing him to annex to Burgundy the -counties of Auxerre and Macon. Fortunately, Gloucester was as changeable -as he was rash and hot-tempered. He repudiated Jacqueline in order to -marry Eleanor Cobham, and Philip the Good was free to settle matters -with his cousin without being hampered by English intervention. But -Gloucester continued to put difficulties in Bedford’s way. He quarrelled -so violently with his uncle, Henry Beaufort, that Bedford was compelled -to return to England, where the task of peacemaker detained him from -December 1425 till the spring of 1427. - -Meanwhile Philip of Burgundy had been nearly impelled by the conduct of -Gloucester to desert England and come to terms with Charles VII. One -difficulty in the way was removed by the dismissal from the court -[Sidenote: Quarrels at the court of Charles VII.] of Tannegui du Châtel -and the other accomplices of the assassination at Montereau. Philip had -declared that he would never pardon the murderers of his father, and the -negotiations with Burgundy enabled Yolande and the wiser advisers of -Charles VII. to procure their expulsion. The office of constable was -given to the count of Richemont, and this induced the duke of Brittany -to acknowledge Charles. The latter could now claim to be no longer the -champion of the Armagnacs, but a national king, and a reconciliation -with Burgundy seemed to be the natural and inevitable result of the -change. But the hopes of all patriotic Frenchmen were disappointed for a -time by Charles’s weakness of character. In his youth he was always -under the thumb of a favourite, and the favourite at this moment was -Pierre de Giac. Giac’s wife had been the mistress of John the Fearless, -and she had been employed to induce him, in spite of warnings, to keep -his appointment at Montereau. With such a record behind him, it was -natural that Giac should do all in his power to thwart the negotiations -with Burgundy. Richemont, who had just returned to Bourges from an -unsuccessful campaign in Normandy, was furious at the frustration of a -project on which the salvation of France depended. The favourite was -seized at night, condemned to a hasty trial, and drowned. A successor, -who incurred the displeasure of the rugged constable, was assassinated. -Charles VII. could not venture to punish those acts of violence, but he -refused to pardon or trust their instigator. As intimidation had failed, -Richemont tried a new way to effect his object. He introduced a new -favourite, George de la Tremouille, who proved the evil genius of the -king and of France for the next six years. La Tremouille became -all-powerful at court, but he turned against the patron to whom he owed -his advancement. Richemont was banished from Bourges, and a small civil -war broke out between his partisans and those of the favourite. The -condition of France seemed more hopeless than ever. The reconciliation -with Burgundy had failed; and, to make matters worse, the duke of -Brittany, left unaided to oppose the English, had made terms with them -at the end of 1427 and had become the vassal of Henry VI. - -Meanwhile Bedford had succeeded, by persistent diplomacy, in removing -the difficulties that stood in his way. Henry Beaufort was gratified by -being allowed to receive the cardinal’s hat, which Henry V. had -forbidden, and was induced to leave England in order to head a crusade -against the Hussites in Bohemia. The quarrel between Gloucester and -Burgundy was terminated by the former’s marriage, and by the death in -1427 of Jacqueline’s lawful husband, John of Brabant, whose duchy passed -to his younger [Sidenote: Burgundian aggrandisement in the Netherlands.] -brother. Philip the Good might not be a very devoted ally, but no -opposition was to be expected from him as long as he was allowed to -swallow the Netherlandish provinces at will. His war with Jacqueline -continued until she undertook to acknowledge him as her heir in Holland, -Hainault, and Zealand, and to grant him the immediate administration of -these provinces as her mainbourg. Luxemburg was in the hands of -Elizabeth, widow of Philip’s uncle, Antony of Brabant. She was no -relation by blood to the house of Burgundy, and there were members of -her own family to whom the duchy ought to have passed, but Philip -succeeded in the end in securing possession of Luxemburg. Namur he -purchased from its count. The only provinces in the Netherlands which -were free from Burgundian domination were the duchy of Gelderland and -the bishoprics of Liége and Utrecht. - -Burgundy being thus pacified, Bedford was encouraged by the mingled -folly and misfortunes of his opponents to make new exertions in France. -In 1428 he received [Sidenote: Siege of Orleans.] reinforcements under -the earl of Salisbury, and a regular campaign was planned instead of the -petty local war of partisans that had been carried on for the last four -years. It was determined to lay siege to Orleans, which was situated at -the elbow of the Loire, and constituted the key to southern France. Its -capture would involve the submission of Touraine, Berri, and Poitou, the -very heart of Charles VII.’s kingdom. The importance of the siege was -fully recognised, and desperate exertions were made both for the attack -and the defence. The English forces were not numerous enough to form a -complete blockade, but they gradually drew nearer and nearer, and their -engineering works were regarded as the masterpieces of the age. The -French attempted to cut off a large convoy of provisions, escorted by -Sir John Fastolf, but they were defeated in the battle of the Herrings. -This skirmish seemed likely to decide the fate of the city. The besieged -sent envoys to Philip of Burgundy, offering to surrender to him if the -English would withdraw. Philip was eager that the offer should be -accepted, but Bedford replied that after having beaten the bushes he -would not allow another to seize the birds. The duke was so indignant -that he ordered his own troops to retire, and thus a second blow was -struck at the Anglo-Burgundian alliance. - -Meanwhile Charles VII., whose kingdom was at stake, was doing nothing. -Tremouille would not allow him to arrange terms with the constable, and -assistance from Scotland, which was urgently demanded, could not arrive -[Sidenote: Appearance of Jeanne Darc.] in time to save Orleans. It was -at this juncture that Jeanne Darc made her famous appearance at Chinon. -It is impossible, in a concise narrative, to do justice to the -extraordinarily dramatic episodes that followed in such rapid -succession. All that can be attempted is to tell the story of the chief -events in which Jeanne played her part, without endeavouring to discuss -her claim to supernatural guidance, or to throw any new light upon her -remarkable character and influence. Great efforts were made by the -courtiers to exclude her from the royal presence; but the impression she -had already made upon the common people, and the influence of Yolande of -Aragon, at last brought about the desired meeting. She gained the -confidence of the king by reassuring him about the legitimacy of his -birth, a matter on which he entertained not unnatural doubts, though he -had never communicated his misgivings to any one. After some delay, a -force was raised with which she entered Orleans on April 29, 1429. On -May 4 the attack upon the English [Sidenote: French successes in 1429.] -positions was commenced, and on May 8 the siege was raised. Jeanne -herself carried the great news to Charles VII. at Loches, and insisted -that he should accompany her to Rheims for his coronation, which had -never yet taken place. The indolent king and his courtiers were -reluctant to undertake a long and hazardous march through a country -which had long been held by the enemy, but the persistence of the -victorious maid carried the day. To the astonishment of Europe, the -French had suddenly become invincible. Jargeau was stormed, a large body -of English under Talbot and Fastolf was routed at Patay (June 18), and -one town after another opened its gates to the advancing army. In Troyes -it was determined to make a stand, but at the first assault the citizens -rose and compelled the garrison to surrender. On July 16 Rheims was -entered, and on the next day the coronation took place with the -accustomed formalities. - -The daring and success of the march to Rheims made a profound -impression. Jeanne clamoured for an immediate advance upon Paris, and it -is probable that if she had had her way the capital would have fallen. -Bedford was in despair. In Normandy the opponents of English rule were -gaining ground, and the loyalty of the Parisians was doubtful. To obtain -an army he had to conclude his famous agreement with Cardinal Beaufort, -by which the troops which had been collected for the Hussite war were -diverted, much to the indignation of Martin V., to make war upon Charles -VII. In order to secure Paris, he had to appeal to the duke of Burgundy, -and to purchase his continued support by the cession of Meaux and by the -appointment of a Burgundian partisan to the office of captain of the -city. Fortunately for the English regent, there was treachery and -division in the royal camp. La Tremouille and his associates were eager -to destroy the ascendency which Jeanne was acquiring over the king. She -was known to have advised him to come to terms with the constable and to -free himself from evil advisers, and they felt that the triumph of -France would be dearly purchased at the cost of their own overthrow. And -although the younger leaders, such as Dunois, the bastard half-brother -of the duke of Orleans, were devoted to the heroine, the older -commanders were indignant at being controlled by a girl. Jeanne found -that she had to contend with a regular conspiracy, of which Charles VII. -himself, to his eternal shame, was a willing accomplice. Futile -negotiations with Burgundy provided a pretext for a delay which enabled -Bedford and Beaufort to bring up troops for the defence of Paris. But a -rising in Normandy compelled Bedford to retire northwards, and Jeanne at -last succeeded in inducing the royal forces to advance. Compiègne, -Senlis, and Beauvais surrendered in rapid succession. From Beauvais, the -bishop, Pierre Cauchon, was expelled as an English partisan, and he was -destined to take a terrible revenge for the injury. But at St. Denis, -Charles VII. refused to run any further risks, although his approach -would probably have induced the Parisians to rise. Losing all patience, -the maid attacked the fortifications with a volunteer force, but met -with her first repulse. She returned to St. Denis with the proposal to -cross the Seine and attempt a new attack on the right bank. To her -horrified amazement, the bridge had been destroyed by order of the royal -council. Against such despicable treachery it was impossible to contend. -Charles withdrew to the Loire and disbanded his army. Jeanne with -difficulty obtained leave to attack some of the smaller places on the -Loire, but after some successes she was driven back from La Charité, to -the undisguised relief of the courtiers. - -In spite of these bitter disappointments, the French cause had made -immense strides in 1429. The attack on Orleans had been foiled, the -greater part of Champagne and Brie had been recovered, and the dormant -loyalty of the northern peoples had received a sudden stimulus. But -these successes had also served to give new vigour to the alliance -between Burgundy and England. Philip was no longer a loyal supporter of -Henry VI., but he was not prepared to acquiesce in a triumph of Charles -VII. that was obtained without his aid. Moreover, his greed for -territory was by no means satisfied, and he knew that as the English got -into difficulties the value of his aid would increase. Bedford was quite -willing to pay the price, and offered the investiture of Champagne. It -is true that the province was no longer in English hands, and that its -acceptance imposed upon Philip the necessity of recovering it from the -French. But Champagne was of superlative importance to the duke, because -it would serve to unite his two chief possessions—Flanders and the duchy -of Burgundy. He accepted the offer of the regent, and in 1430 the -Burgundian troops once more [Sidenote: Capture of Jeanne.] took the -field and laid siege to Compiègne. The news that one of her precious -conquests was threatened, roused Jeanne from the inaction in which she -had been kept against her will. Without authority from the king, she -collected a small band of devoted followers, and threw herself into the -besieged town. It was her last enterprise. A sortie which she headed was -repulsed, and she was cut off before she could regain the -fortifications. She was taken prisoner by the followers of John of -Luxemburg, a cadet of the house of St. Pol (May 24, 1430). - -From the English point of view, the capture of Jeanne was insufficient. -The impression she had made must be [Sidenote: Her trial and death.] -effaced, and she herself must be discredited as well as punished. A -charge of heresy and witchcraft was equally suggested by the -superstition of the age and by the extravagant claims to supernatural -powers which Jeanne herself had put forward. It was natural for her -enemies to hold that these powers came not from above, but from Satan. -The university of Paris, which boasted itself the home of the highest -learning of the time, gave the first cue for persecution. They demanded -that she should be tried before the inquisition of faith, which had been -established in France by Innocent III., but had since fallen into -oblivion. But the university was not sufficiently under English -dictation, and they had a more suitable instrument to hand. The bank of -the Oise on which Jeanne had been captured was just within the bishopric -of Beauvais; and Pierre Cauchon, an exile from his diocese, and -ambitious of the archbishopric of Rouen, was at the beck and call of -Bedford. He demanded the surrender of the prisoner to his jurisdiction, -and undertook the necessary negotiations with John of Luxemburg and his -suzerain. In ordinary times Philip the Good might have preferred to -retain so valuable a prize; but his cousin, Philip of Brabant and -Limburg, had just died, and he was anxious to secure the succession. The -Nevers branch of his house had strong claims to a partition of the -inheritance; and as Bedford’s intervention might prove decisive, it was -imperative to avoid any quarrel with the English. The bargain was -quickly settled. John of Luxemburg carried his prisoner into Artois, -resigned her to his suzerain, and left to the duke of Burgundy the -disgrace of selling the champion of France to the foreigner. In November -1430 the shameful transaction was completed. Into the details of the -trial, with its arid scholasticism and its wanton brutality, it is -unnecessary to enter. The presiding judge was the bishop of Beauvais, -but he was guided throughout by Bedford and Cardinal Beaufort. A -condemnation was from the first a foregone conclusion, and the martyr -was burned in the old market-place of Rouen on May 28, 1431. - -Meanwhile the war had been going on, and the allies had gained little by -the capture of their most formidable opponent. Even Compiègne held out -successfully [Sidenote: Character of the war.] through a six months’ -siege. An Anglo-Burgundian army was defeated in Champagne, and Philip -was chagrined to see the prize on which he had confidently reckoned lost -to him for ever. In Normandy the English gained some successes, but -these were counterbalanced by the loss of Melun. In 1431 hostilities -were resumed in Champagne, Picardy, Artois, and Burgundy. It would be -tedious and useless to describe the innumerable skirmishes and sieges in -which, as a rule, only insignificant forces took part. With the -disappearance of Jeanne Darc all restraint upon the brutal instincts of -the soldiers had been removed. Most of the leaders were mercenary -adventurers who fought, not out of devotion to one side or the other, -but because their followers could only be kept together by plunder. The -atrocities committed by the French troops were the greatest obstacle to -the success of Charles VII. The people were everywhere inclined to -return to their allegiance, but they hesitated to trust their lives and -property to such defenders. The war was complicated by an important -dispute about the succession in Lorraine. On the death of Charles I. in -1431 the duchy was claimed by his son-in-law, Réné of Anjou, who was -already duke of Bar. But he was opposed by Antony of Vaudemont, a nephew -of the late duke, who maintained that Lorraine was a male fief. Charles -VII. sent assistance to his brother-in-law, while Philip the Good -espoused the cause of Vaudemont. The Burgundians gained a complete -victory in July 1431, when Réné was taken prisoner. But the Lorrainers -were hostile to the count of Vaudemont, and in the end the dispute was -compromised. Réné recovered his liberty, and his rival withdrew his -claims to the duchy on condition that his son Frederick should marry -Réné’s daughter, Yolande. - -Bedford was fully conscious that the English cause was steadily losing -ground in France. He tried to stimulate the loyalty of the Parisians by -bringing over the young Henry VI. to be crowned in Paris. It was his -answer to the coronation ceremony of Rheims. But it failed to produce -the desired result. The French were indignant that the chief part in the -ceremony was taken by Cardinal Beaufort, and not by a native prelate. -The common people complained that there was no remission of taxes and no -release of prisoners. Even more serious was the growing alienation of -Burgundy. In 1432 occurred the death of Bedford’s wife, Anne [Sidenote: -Rupture between Bedford and Burgundy.] of Burgundy. She was popular with -the Parisians, whereas the regent was not, and she had always been a -mediator between her husband and her brother. To make matters worse, -within five months Bedford found a new bride in the person of Jacquetta -of Luxemburg, daughter of the count of St. Pol, and niece of the captor -of Joan of Arc. She was a vassal of Burgundy, and Philip was indignant -that she should make so important a marriage without his consent. -Cardinal Beaufort made vain attempts to effect a reconciliation between -the two dukes. They were induced to come to St. Omer, but the interview -did not take place, and the personal quarrel was never healed. - -Meanwhile important events were taking place at the court of Charles -VII. The ill-feeling against the omnipotent favourite, La Tremouille, -had been steadily growing, and the queen’s mother, Yolande of Aragon, -organised a conspiracy for his overthrow. The conspirators acted in -[Sidenote: Fall of La Tremouille.] conjunction with the constable -Richemont, who sent some of his trusty Bretons to aid them, but wisely -abstained from interfering in person. The plot was successful. La -Tremouille was surprised in his bed, and was kept in close captivity -till he had ceased to be formidable. The king was terrified when he -heard the news, but was consoled when he learned that the dreaded -Richemont was not present. It was not till 1434 that Charles consented -to be reconciled to the constable, whose rough exterior and brusque -measures against former favourites had outweighed his loyal services to -the national cause. From this time a new era opened for France. The -Royal Council was reformed under the guidance of Yolande, and room was -found in it for some of those bourgeois ministers, to whom was due the -later reorganisation of the kingdom. Even Charles himself began to show -unwonted energy, a change which unsupported tradition has assigned to -the influence of his mistress, Agnes Sorel. French historians are never -tired of insisting that France owed its salvation in the fifteenth -century to two women, the one a saint and the other a sinner. - -The quarrel between Bedford and Burgundy and the suppression of feuds -and jealousies at the court of Charles removed the most obvious -difficulties which had [Sidenote: Treaty of Arras, 1435.] hitherto -impeded a reconciliation between the French king and Philip the Good. -Strenuous negotiations resulted in an agreement that a congress should -meet at Arras in July 1435. The English were to be invited to accept -reasonable terms, and if they refused Philip was to do all in his power -to restore peace to the kingdom. The inevitable result of the congress -was easy to foresee. Beaufort and the English envoys rejected the first -French demand that Henry VI. should resign the crown of France, and -quitted Arras. It only remained to arrange matters with Philip, who was -in a position to dictate his own terms. It was the suzerain who sued for -pardon and the vassal who granted it. The duke demanded and received the -counties of Auxerre and Macon in perpetuity for himself and his heirs, -the towns on the river Somme, which on certain conditions might be -redeemed by the French king, and the recognition of his claims to the -county of Boulogne, which had been contested by the heirs of the late -duchess of Berri. In addition, Philip was to be freed from all homage -and subjection to Charles VII. during their common lifetime. If Charles -died first, Philip was to do homage to his successor; but if Philip died -first, his heir would become the vassal of Charles VII. On these -exorbitant conditions Philip agreed to forget all past wrongs, _i.e._ -the death of his father, to which Charles virtually pleaded guilty, and -to enter into a defensive alliance against the English. The treaty, -which put an end to the long feud between Burgundians and Armagnacs, was -signed on September 21, 1435. A week earlier Bedford had died. He had -lived long enough to witness the collapse of the foundation on which the -edifice rested, to whose construction he had devoted all his abilities -and exertions. - -Footnote 11: - - See Appendix, Genealogical Table H. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI - REVIVAL OF THE FRENCH MONARCHY, 1435-1494 - - - English disasters and loss of Paris—Prolongation of war—France - exhausted and demoralised—Necessity of reform—Ordinance of 1439—The - _Praguerie_ —Creation of a standing army—Peace party in - England—-Henry VI. marries Margaret of Anjou—Renewal of war—Conquest - of Normandy and Guienne—Last years of Charles VII.—Accession of - Louis XI.—His character and early actions—League of the Public - Weal—Treaty of Conflans—Charles the Bold and Liége—Louis recovers - Normandy—Interview at Péronne—Charles of France receives - Guienne—Relations of France and Burgundy with England—Renewal of war - between Louis and Charles—Death of the Duke of Guienne—Charles’s - acquisitions in Germany—Fate of St. Pol—War with the Swiss and death - of Charles the Bold—Mary of Burgundy marries Maximilian—Treaty of - Arras—Successes of Louis XI.—Regency of Anne of Beaujeu—Charles - VIII. marries Anne of Brittany—Question of Naples. - -The death of Bedford and the treaty of Arras were events of decisive -importance. The English power in northern [Sidenote: English disasters -in 1435-6.] France had rested upon the Burgundian alliance, which was -now irretrievably lost. Philip, it is true, had not promised active aid -to Charles VII., and probably intended to observe a profitable -neutrality. But the English were too indignant at his desertion to allow -this. They insulted his envoys, maltreated his subjects who were -resident in England, and set themselves to inflict all the damage they -could upon Flemish trade. The result was that not only was Philip forced -into hostilities with his late allies, but the Flemish citizens, -hitherto the strongest link between him and England, urged on the war -and offered to take the whole burden of it upon themselves. The rupture -with Burgundy altered both the balance of military force and the -sentiments of the population in the northern provinces. A rising took -place in Normandy, and even Harfleur, the first conquest of Henry V., -opened its gates to French troops. Many of the strong places in the Ile -de France were held by Burgundian commanders, and they followed their -duke’s example in going over to Charles VII. In 1436 the constable -Richemont was strong enough to attack Paris. The citizens had been -partisans of Burgundy rather than of England; they had been alienated by -recent measures of repression; and the French now commanded the -water-ways by which the normal supplies of food reached the capital. The -fear of famine impelled the [Sidenote: Loss of Paris.] citizens to a -course which they were eager to adopt upon other grounds. One of the -gates was opened to the constable, and the populace rose with shouts of -‘Peace! The king and the duke of Burgundy!’ The English garrison, after -taking refuge in the Bastille, was allowed to depart upon honourable -terms. The parliament and the other sovereign courts returned to their -old abodes, and Paris became once more the capital of France. - -The fall of Paris seemed to herald the immediate collapse of the English -dominion in France. Yet the general expectation was disappointed, and -the war went on for another seventeen years. A number of causes combined -to retard the progress of the French arms. The assistance rendered by -the duke of Burgundy proved far less efficient than had been -anticipated. In the first heat of resentment at the treatment he -received from the English, Philip vowed a striking revenge, and in 1436 -he advanced with a large force to the siege of Calais. But his troops -were mostly Flemings, who had never been very skilful in aggressive -warfare, and had lost most of their military aptitudes during the -comparative peace which they had enjoyed under Burgundian rule. The -siege was abandoned in disorder even before the arrival of Gloucester -with a relieving force. Philip was deeply chagrined at this humiliating -failure, and a quarrel with the commune of Bruges diverted his attention -from the war and induced him in 1439 to conclude a truce for the -Netherlands with the English. Even more serious than the loss of such a -powerful ally was the exhaustion and demoralisation of France. For -nearly thirty years the country had been the scene of a desolating war -which combined the worst horrors of civil strife and foreign invasion, -and added to them some evils which were peculiar to itself. The most -efficient military force on the French side was furnished by the -companies of adventurers which had been originally introduced by -Armagnac. The employment of these men proved a curse to France. They -recognised no authority except that of their own commanders, and their -loyalty to them was only purchased by the plunder which they were -allowed to extort with impartial greed from friend and foe. The horrible -tortures which they inflicted in order to compel the hapless peasants to -disclose their savings, are among the most revolting incidents of a -period in which horrors are the rule rather than the exception. The -significant name of _écorcheurs_ or flayers, applied to them by their -victims, has become almost a technical term. The country was depopulated -as well as despoiled, and the provinces in English occupation were the -worst sufferers. Financial difficulties on both sides were a prominent -cause of the prolongation of the war. Military operations on a large -scale were impossible. So-called battles were mere skirmishes. A force -of 2000 men was an army. Isolated leaders struck a blow here, or -captured a town there, merely to keep their soldiers employed and to -obtain booty, but not with the object of gaining any decisive advantage. -To many of these leaders the termination of the war meant ruin and -effacement, a result which they were by no means eager to hasten. - -In order to equip France for the final effort that was needed to expel -the foreign conqueror from her soil, it was necessary to undertake those -administrative reforms which constitute the real glory of the reign of -Charles VII. [Sidenote: Ministers of Charles VII.] Charles is known in -history by the name of ‘_le bien servi_,’ and it is probably to the -ministers rather than to the king that the credit of the internal -progress of France is due. Richemont and Dunois carried out the arduous -task of transforming the free companies into a disciplined force under -royal control. The two brothers, Gaspard and Jean Bureau, improved the -French artillery till it became the best in Europe, a pre-eminence which -it retained for the rest of the century. But the most famous adviser of -Charles was the merchant of Bourges, Jacques Cœur. He owed his influence -to the great wealth which he acquired by trade with the Levant. Hitherto -the cities of Italy and the Catalans had been without serious rivals in -the Mediterranean. Jacques Cœur brought Marseilles into competition with -Venice, Genoa, and Barcelona. His loans to the monarchy enabled Charles -VII. to carry on the war when the exhaustion of the country made it -almost impossible to fill the exchequer by means of taxation. Charles -rewarded him with the office of _argentier_, or treasurer of the royal -household. In this capacity he took an active part in reforming the -financial administration, and especially in restoring the currency which -had been ruinously debased during the recent disorders. - -By far the most important single measure of the reign was the -_Ordonnance sur la Gendarmerie_, published by the States-general at -Orleans in 1439. The preamble recites [Sidenote: Ordinance of 1439.] -that it is made ‘to remedy and put an end to the great excesses and -robberies committed by the _gens de guerre_, who have long lived and do -now live upon the people without order or justice.’ In the future no one -is to raise a company without royal licence, and all captains are to be -nominated by the king, who is to fix the number and arms of their -soldiers. Pillage is expressly forbidden, and jurisdiction over the -troops is placed in the hands of royal judges. For the payment of the -troops an important financial innovation is made. The nobles are -forbidden to impose a _taille_ or tallage on their domain, and the -_taille_ is to be a national tax paid to the king. Thus Charles VII. -received a revenue of 1,800,000 livres. There was nothing in the -ordinance to make this tax permanent, or to give to the king any power -of arbitrarily fixing the amount of the _taille_; but the permanence of -the _taille_ was held to be involved in the permanence of the military -force which it was granted to support. And the successors of Charles -VII. held that the right to levy the _taille_ without consent gave them -also the right to increase it without asking for any fresh grant. The -acquiescence of the French people was due to the sufferings they had -gone through. Worn out by the prolonged war and by the terrible -exactions of the free companies, they were eager to strengthen the hands -of the monarchy to which alone they could look for a restoration of -peace and order. The absolute control of the national force and the -national revenue, which the action of the States-general of Orleans -allowed the crown to assume, enabled the monarchy to erect a despotism -in France. Englishmen may hold that orderly government and national -independence were dearly purchased by the sacrifice of all securities -for constitutional liberty, but it is at least probable that if they had -ever found themselves in such an evil plight they would have concluded -the same bargain on the same terms. - -But though the mass of the people were ready to welcome any addition to -the royal power, the French nobles were sufficiently keen-sighted to -perceive the dangers [Sidenote: The Praguerie.] which it involved to -their hereditary privileges. The ordinance of 1439 expressly deprived -them of three valued rights: the power of taxing their own domain, the -maintenance of troops under their own authority, and the carrying on of -private war, which was enumerated among the causes of disorder which -must be suppressed by the royal troops. It was necessary to strike at -once before the monarchy became too strong. In 1440 a formidable -conspiracy was formed under the leadership of the dukes of Bourbon and -Alençon. Nearly all the great nobles of France were concerned in it, -except the duke of Burgundy, who was occupied with his own affairs, and -the two brothers-in-law of the king, Réné le Bon and Charles of Maine. -Even Dunois allowed himself to be seduced from the royal cause by the -desire to uphold the interests of his class. La Tremouille emerged from -his obscurity to seize a last opportunity of injuring the country and -overthrowing the hated constable. In the very forefront of the -conspirators was the dauphin, Louis, who had quarrelled with his father -on the ground that his mother was insulted by the ostentatious pomp of -Agnes Sorel, and whose restless ambition demanded a share in the -government. Like many another heir to a throne, Louis found himself as -prince allied with a cause of which as king he became the strenuous -opponent. The ‘Praguerie,’as the rising was called, in allusion to the -recent disturbances in Bohemia, seemed at first sight to be -irresistible, especially as the captains of the companies joined in the -movement. But the king showed unexpected energy and decision; the people -rallied to his side, and the selfish coalition against national -interests broke to pieces. Many of the leaders escaped punishment by -betraying their associates, and Louis was banished to his province of -Dauphiné. - -The suppression of the Praguerie enabled the government to take the -necessary steps for carrying out the ordinance of 1439. By 1445 fifteen -companies had been [Sidenote: Creation of a standing army.] created, -each under a captain selected by the king. A company contained a hundred -lances, and a lance implied six persons, viz., the man-at-arms, his -page, three archers, and a _coutillier_, a soldier armed with a _coutil_ -or dagger worn at the side. Thus the total number of the _gens -d’ordonnance_, as they were called, was nine thousand. Each captain on -appointment had to take the following oath: ‘I promise and swear by God -and Our Lady that I will maintain justice—that I will allow no -pillage—that I will unsparingly punish all those under my charge who are -guilty of such offence, and that I will make reparation for the injuries -that come to my knowledge.’ The _gens d’ordonnance_ were a cavalry -force, and three years later an ordinance of 1448 instituted a body of -infantry, the _francs archiers_. Each parish was to equip at the common -expense a single archer. During peace the cost of his maintenance was -borne by the parish, but when he was on service he was to receive pay -from the crown. They were called ‘free’ archers because they were exempt -from the _taille_ and other obligations. Besides these troops, the king -had his Scottish Guard, which had grown up during the intimate -connection with Scotland in the early years of the reign and received -its final organisation in 1445. There was also an efficient body of -artillerymen and engineers, the creation of the brothers Bureau. That -these military reforms were admirably suited to their purpose is proved -both by the complete cessation of complaints about military outrages, -and by the extraordinarily rapid successes of the French troops when -active hostilities were resumed. - -While France was occupied with these reforms and with the ecclesiastical -disputes connected with the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (see p. 237), -England in [Sidenote: Parties in England.] her turn was becoming more -and more involved in those internal dissensions which developed into the -Wars of the Roses. The personal quarrel between Gloucester and Cardinal -Beaufort proved the origin of a lasting party struggle. After the treaty -of Arras, Beaufort and his supporters had seen clearly that the conquest -of France was impossible and had urged the conclusion of peace as the -only means of preserving a part of the provinces acquired by Henry V. -and Bedford. On the other hand, Gloucester, backed by the unreasoning -sentiment of the mob, had urged the disgrace of surrender and the -necessity of a dogged prosecution of the war. The strife of parties had -materially contributed to relax the efforts of England in the languid -warfare that went on from 1436 to 1444. In 1441 the peace party had -secured the release of Charles of Orleans, who had been a prisoner since -the battle of Agincourt and had found solace during his captivity in the -composition of poems which have given him an honourable place in -literary history. Three years later the Duke of Suffolk, who was -gradually superseding the aged cardinal in the leadership of the party, -succeeded in arranging a truce for twenty-two months and in negotiating -a marriage between Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou, a daughter of Réné -le Bon and a niece of Charles VII.’s wife. The marriage was solemnised -in 1445, but it was extremely unpopular in England. Not only did -Margaret bring no dowry, but it was part of the bargain that Anjou and -Maine should be handed over to her uncle, Charles of Maine. Anjou had -never been thoroughly conquered, but Maine had long been in English -hands and they still had a garrison in its capital, Le Mans. Dreading -the outbreak of popular fury, Suffolk did all in his power to keep the -agreement secret and to postpone its execution. But in 1448, after -several prolongations of the truce, the patience of the French was -exhausted, and a small force marched to Le Mans and compelled the -withdrawal [Sidenote: Renewal of the war, 1449.] of the garrison and the -evacuation of the whole province. The truce was now extended for another -two years, but no permanent treaty could be arranged, and a renewal of -hostilities was sooner or later inevitable. France had by this time -completed the work of internal reorganisation, while England was -hopelessly unprepared and distracted by factious disputes. Under these -circumstances it was madness for England to provoke a quarrel. But -Suffolk and the Beauforts were conscious that the surrender of Maine had -alienated public opinion, and hoped by a display of vigour to disarm -opposition. The garrison of Le Mans had been quartered on the border of -Normandy and Brittany. On March 24, 1449, while the truce was still in -force, these troops attacked and took the Breton town of Fougères. The -act was as ill-timed [Sidenote: Conquest of the English provinces.] as -it was treacherous. Not only did it give Charles VII. a pretext for -renewing the war, but it alienated the young Francis I. of Brittany, who -had hitherto maintained an attitude of friendly neutrality. The duke -appealed for aid to his suzerain, and Charles VII. despatched his army -to invade Normandy. The campaign was little more than a triumphal -progress for the French troops. Within two months more than twenty towns -were taken. When Rouen was besieged, the citizens rose and shut up the -garrison in the citadel, where Edmund Beaufort, who commanded, had to -surrender (October 19, 1449). By the end of the year the English had -lost the whole of Normandy except a few places on the coast, which were -all taken in the course of 1450. In England these sudden and unexpected -reverses excited a storm of indignation. Adam de Moleyns, bishop of -Chichester, was assassinated at Portsmouth. Suffolk was impeached, -exiled by the king, and murdered at sea. The rising of Jack Cade was -only a prominent symptom of the prevalent discontent. The duke of York -came over from Ireland, and civil war was on the verge of breaking out. -But domestic disturbances, however justified by previous misgovernment, -were ill calculated to assist the defence of the French provinces. From -Normandy the French turned their attention to Guienne, and the campaign -in the south was as rapid and successful as that in the north. On August -26, 1451, Bayonne surrendered, and the English held nothing in France -except Calais and the adjacent forts of Guines and Ham. It is true that -the long commercial intercourse with England and the recollection of the -lenity of English rule as compared with that of Charles VII. led to a -rising in Bordeaux in 1452, and an English force under the veteran -Talbot was sent to take advantage of the opportunity. But Talbot was -defeated and slain at the battle of Castillon (July 17, 1453), and -Bordeaux was soon afterwards compelled to capitulate. - -In spite of the glory reflected upon Charles VII. by the restoration of -unity, independence, and comparative order to his kingdom, his later -years were the reverse of happy. The gloomy suspicion which he had -[Sidenote: Later years of Charles VII.] contracted in his troubled youth -became a settled habit as he grew old. He shut himself up from the eyes -of his subjects with the obscure mistresses who became his companions -after the death of Agnes Sorel in 1450. To his loyal minister, Jacques -Cœur, he showed the same cynical ingratitude as he had formerly -displayed to Joan of Arc. There were plenty of courtiers who were -jealous of the influence of the merchant whose wealth made the phrase -‘rich as Jacques Cœur’ almost a proverbial expression. All sorts of -charges, ranging from malversation to the poisoning of Agnes Sorel, were -trumped up to procure his ruin. His property was confiscated, and after -a trial in which the evidence was ludicrously unconvincing, the sentence -of death was commuted by royal clemency to perpetual imprisonment. From -his prison he escaped to Italy, and was appointed by Nicolas V. -commander of the papal galleys in the projected war against the Turks. -But he died in 1456 before he had any opportunity of winning distinction -in this novel capacity. - -By far the greatest trouble of Charles VII. in the later part of his -reign arose out of his quarrel with his elder son Louis. After the -suppression of the Praguerie a temporary [Sidenote: Quarrel with the -dauphin.] reconciliation took place, and the dauphin returned to court. -But Charles was intensely suspicious of his son, and in 1446 the alleged -discovery of a new conspiracy induced him to banish Louis once more to -Dauphiné. From this time the quarrel became irreconcilable, and father -and son never met again. For the next ten years Louis set himself to -rule his appanage as if it were an independent principality. He erected -a parliament of his own at Grenoble and a university at Valence. His -court became the refuge of all malcontents against the royal government. -To strengthen himself against his father he concluded a close alliance -with the duke of Savoy, and married his daughter Charlotte. So notorious -was the quarrel that the Pope and the kings of Aragon and Castile -proffered their mediation, but in vain. At last, in 1456, Charles -despatched Dammartin with an army to compel the submission of Dauphiné. -Louis had no adequate military force of his own, his father-in-law -declined to run the risk of assisting him, and he fled to Franche-Comté -and threw himself upon the protection of the duke of Burgundy. Philip -received him with great pomp in Brabant, and assigned to him a residence -at Genappe, where he remained for the next five years. - -Since the treaty of Arras and the futile siege of Calais, Philip the -Good had taken little part in the affairs of France. He had allowed the -Praguerie to be put down, [Sidenote: Relations with Burgundy.] and the -English to be expelled from France, without stirring to the aid of -either, although the aggrandisement of the French monarchy was obviously -dangerous to himself. His absorbing interest during these years was the -government and extension of the heterogeneous dominions which had come -under his rule. The Flemish citizens found it difficult to defend their -liberties against a ruler who could employ against them the resources of -so many other provinces. A rising in Bruges in 1437 was suppressed with -great severity. In 1448 a more serious rebellion broke out in Ghent, and -the citizens appealed for aid to Charles VII. But the French king was -prevented from interfering by the renewal of the English war, and the -Gantois were left unaided to conduct a heroic resistance against -overwhelming odds. It was not till 1453 that a crushing defeat at the -battle of Gavre compelled them to submit, and even then the duke granted -fairly moderate terms to such formidable opponents. This victory was -followed by the acquisition of Luxemburg, which Philip finally acquired -on the death of his aunt Elizabeth, in opposition to the strong legal -claims of Ladislas Postumus, whose mother was a daughter of the emperor -Sigismund. In spite of the extent and wealth of his dominions, Philip -was conscious of two serious elements of weakness. There was no social -or political unity between the various provinces, which were held -together only by subjection to a common ruler. And, geographically, they -were split into two distinct units. Between the Netherlands and the two -Burgundies lay the provinces of Champagne and Lorraine, over which the -duke had no legal authority. He could not travel from his northern -capital at Brussels to his southern residence at Dijon without having to -pass through foreign and possibly hostile territories. - -Charles VII. was fully conscious of the danger involved to the French -monarchy in the erection of a practically independent state on the -eastern and north-eastern frontiers of France. His suzerainty over the -French fiefs of Philip was suspended during the latter’s lifetime by the -treaty of Arras, and even when it should be revived by his own death or -that of the duke, it would be of little use against a vassal who was -strong enough to defy his overlord. The most pressing danger was the -occupation by Philip of the strongest places in Picardy, which brought -him into dangerous proximity to Paris. Twice Charles endeavoured to -exercise the power of redeeming the towns on the Somme which had been -reserved in the treaty of Arras, but both times he had to put up with a -rebuff. An open struggle between France and the Burgundian power was, -sooner or later, inevitable, but Charles was too weary of warfare to -allow it to break out during his reign. Even when the duke gave such an -ostentatious welcome to the rebellious dauphin, the king refused to -depart from his policy of peace. But he showed a grim sense of humour -when he heard of the reception of his restless and ambitious son in -Brussels. Philip, he said, ‘is nourishing the fox who will one day -devour his chickens.’ - -The dauphin was still at Genappe when the news reached him that his -father had died on July 22, 1461. It was said that Charles was so -terrified of being poisoned in [Sidenote: Accession of Louis XI.] his -food that he starved himself to death; and it is quite possible that his -suspicious timidity was a trait of insanity inherited from the -unfortunate Charles VI. Louis lost no time in setting out to take -possession of his kingdom, and he was accompanied by his Burgundian host -and champion. At the coronation ceremony at Rheims, and in the formal -entry into Paris, Philip played the most prominent part. It is true -that, in accordance with the treaty of Arras, he did homage to the new -king for his French fiefs, but under the circumstances the homage seemed -almost ironical. In the eyes of the people the duke was the powerful -patron and protector, while his nominal suzerain appeared as his -grateful dependant. Louis was still looked upon as the leader of the -Praguerie, as the rebel lord of Dauphiné, as the fugitive guest in the -dominions of the duke of Burgundy; and his first acts seemed to accord -with the principles which had guided his conduct in the past. He gave -the duchy of Berri as an appanage to his younger brother Charles. To -Philip’s son and heir, Charles of Charolais, he granted the government -of the all-important province of Normandy. The duke of Brittany received -the government of the district between the Lower Seine and the Loire. -The faithful servants of his father, such as Dunois and Dammartin, were -dismissed, and the latter was imprisoned. The offices thus left vacant -were conferred upon men who had supported the dauphin against the late -king. It seemed as if the feudal nobles of France had at last found a -king who would govern in their interests rather than in those of the -crown. The history of the reign is the record of their bitter -disappointment. - -Louis XI. is perhaps the most familiar figure in the history of the -fifteenth century. His character has been painted for all time by -Philippe de Commines; and his portrait has been described for English -readers by Sir Walter Scott. He is the model prince of the new type, the -astute pupil of that [Sidenote: Character and policy of Louis XI.] -Italian statecraft which Machiavelli drew up in a systematic treatise. -He was, according to Chastellain, ‘the universal spider’; his intrigues -formed a vast web with himself at the centre. No consideration of -morality, pride, or mercy was allowed to interfere with the attainment -of his ends. His industry was unceasing, and he had a wonderful insight -into the weaker side of human nature. ‘No one ever took more trouble to -gain over a man who might do him either service or injury.’ His one -weakness was a caustic tongue, and he acknowledged that his indulgence -of this unruly member frequently brought him into scrapes. He was -naturally suspicious and mistrustful; he would listen to advice, but -follow his own counsel; his ministers must be his tools; independence -was treachery in his eyes. He forgot nothing, and forgave nothing, but -he could dissimulate even his anger. His policy has been equally clearly -portrayed for us. He was, in the words of Commines, ‘the enemy of all -great men, whose power might surpass his own, and he was naturally the -friend of men of low estate.’ But this phrase must not be misunderstood. -Louis XI. did not depress the nobles in order to exalt the lower classes -or to extend their liberty. Municipal independence was as hateful to him -as aristocratic privilege. Everything was to be equally subject to the -crown. The great achievement of his reign was the victory of -centralisation over the tendencies to disintegration in France. -Individual members of the bourgeois class were his favourite -instruments; for the class itself he did nothing, except so far as the -people were better off under a strong monarchy than under the rule of a -selfish and divided noble caste. - -Commines tells us that Louis XI. was ‘the wisest king at recovering from -a false step,’ and at the beginning of his reign false steps were not -infrequent. In the [Sidenote: Louis’ first measures.] first -consciousness of the authority which he had long coveted, he made many -powerful enemies by his restless activity, and did not stop to consider -the danger to which their combined hostility might expose him. The -vengeful spirit with which he began his reign soon gave way to the -resolute purpose of increasing his power. Instead of conciliating the -people by the expected remission of taxes, he imposed a new charge upon -the sale of wines. To the great indignation of the clergy he annulled -the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, which, for the last twenty-three -years, had given a large measure of independence to the Gallican Church. -Yet his strong sense of his own authority prevented him from restoring -to the papacy its former powers, and ecclesiastical anarchy prevailed -during the rest of his reign. The Roman Curia treated the Pragmatic -Sanction as null and void, whereas the Parliament of Paris acted as if -it were still in force, and the king regulated his conduct according to -his varying need to conciliate either the papacy or his own subjects. - -But the chief dissatisfaction with the rule of Louis was felt by the -nobles. An edict which declared hunting to be a domain right of the -crown, and prohibited [Sidenote: Alienation of the nobles.] private -preserves as illegal, excited intense ill-feeling among men to whom the -chase was not only the chief occupation of their lives, but also a badge -of their rank. And the greater princes had special grievances. The duke -of Bourbon was deprived of the government of Guienne which he had -mis-used. With the duke of Brittany the king quarrelled on the old -grounds as to the homage due for the duchy and the extent of the ducal -rights to the revenue of vacant benefices. Francis II. opened -negotiations with Edward IV., and tried to renew the Anglo-Burgundian -alliance. On discovering these plans, Louis was compelled, in -self-defence, to withdraw the government of Normandy from Charles of -Charolais. At the same time, in order to render Charles’s hostility -impotent, and to strengthen the crown against the prince whose patronage -he resented even while he had profited by it, Louis set himself to -foment domestic disturbances at the court of Burgundy. During his five -years of exile he had established intimate relations with Philip the -Good’s favourite ministers, Antony of Croy and his brother John of -Chimay. The growing ascendency of these men and the suspicion that they -were allied with and possibly in the pay of the French king, roused the -animosity of Charles of Charolais, who quarrelled so fiercely with his -father on the subject that he quitted Brussels and took up his residence -in Holland. His absence enabled [Sidenote: Quarrel with Charles the -Bold.] Louis, with the help of the Croy brothers, to induce Philip to -allow the redemption of the Somme towns for the stipulated 400,000 -crowns. Charles was more furious than ever at the curtailment of his -inheritance and the strengthening of the French frontier at his expense. -In 1464 events enabled him to turn the tables on his opponents. A report -was spread that an emissary of Louis had plotted to kidnap Charles in -Holland, and though there was probably no foundation for the story, it -served to bring about a partial reconciliation between Philip and his -son. Louis XI. sent an embassy to Brabant to denounce the untruth, and -to demand the surrender of its author, but the Chancellor of France used -such peremptory language that Philip’s pride was roused, and not only -was the demand refused, but the Croy favourites, who were identified -with French interests, were disgraced and expelled from the court. -Philip himself was now old and feeble, and allowed the reins of -government to fall into the hands of his impetuous son, whom -contemporaries and posterity have agreed to call Charles the Bold or the -Rash. This was a serious defeat for the plans of Louis. Charles was more -of an independent prince than a vassal of France, but in both capacities -it was his interest to weaken the French monarchy by encouraging the -feudal independence of the great nobles. The policy which he pursued for -the next few years is clearly expressed in his own phrase: ‘Instead of -one king of France I would like to see six!’ - -In 1465 the adhesion of Burgundy emboldened the princes of the lilies to -take active measures against the monarchy. The most prominent organiser -of the conspiracy was the duke of Bourbon, who acted as negotiator -[Sidenote: The war of the Public Weal, 1465.] between the two most -powerful associates, the duke of Brittany and Charles the Bold. The -signal for concerted action was the flight to Brittany of Charles of -Berri, a youth of nineteen, who was to take the part which Louis himself -had played in the Praguerie. At the court of Francis were assembled -Dunois and most of the other servants of Charles VII. whom Louis had too -hastily dismissed. A sort of open letter or manifesto was drafted in the -name of the duke of Berri and addressed to Philip of Burgundy. In it the -confederates denounced the oppressive rule of Louis as injurious to the -welfare of the people; and this profession of public spirit to cover -private aims was sufficient to give them the name of the ‘League of the -Public Weal.’ Louis had for some time been conscious of the approach of -danger, and had sought to strengthen himself against it. The duke of -Savoy was his brother-in-law, and the aid of Francesco Sforza was -purchased by the cession of Genoa. This, however, ruined the Angevin -cause in Naples, and John of Calabria, eager for vengeance, brought -Italian and Swiss mercenaries to the aid of the league. In England, -which could render more efficient aid than any other power, Louis’ -scheme met with failure. He had gained over Warwick, the apparently -all-powerful king-maker, and hoped, with his help, to induce Edward IV. -to form a marriage alliance with France. But Edward preferred the charms -of Elizabeth Woodville, a niece of the count of St. Pol, who was -marshalling the forces of Burgundy for an invasion of Picardy, and this -marriage was a blow to the influence of Warwick and the interests of -Louis. The king found himself almost isolated in France. His old -province of Dauphiné was loyal to him, and his uncle, Charles of Maine, -undertook to oppose the rebels on the border of Brittany. In Paris, too, -he had conciliated the citizens, but most of the towns were passively -waiting to see which side would prove the stronger. In these -circumstances Louis felt that it would be dangerous to stake everything -on the devotion of his capital, and instead of waiting to be attacked he -determined to take the offensive. Some of the royal troops preferred to -support their local overlords, but the great mass of them were loyal to -the crown, and the possession of a trained and well-equipped force was -the one advantage which the king possessed over his enemies who had to -collect hasty levies from among their vassals. His first march was -against the duke of Bourbon, as the most resolute and the most central -of his opponents, and he had already made considerable progress when he -was recalled by the news that Charles the Bold, at the head of his -father’s forces, was threatening Paris. Louis hoped to enter the capital -without a contest, but chance or treachery brought the two armies so -close together that a collision was inevitable. The battle of Montlhéri -was a confused skirmish in which no military capacity was displayed on -either side. The left wing of each army routed its immediate opponents, -and thus neutralised each other’s success. The Count of Charolais -claimed the victory on the ground that his troops were left in -occupation of the field, but he had suffered the greater losses, and the -only tangible result was obtained by the king, who entered Paris two -days later. Soon afterwards the arrival of Berri and Brittany from the -north-west and of John of Calabria from the south-east gave the princes -an apparently overwhelming superiority of numbers. But they were divided -by mutual jealousies and by the selfishness of their several aims, and -thus concerted action was rendered impossible. The urgent necessity of -increasing his forces and of securing the valleys of the Seine, Marne, -and Yonne, by which Paris was provisioned, compelled Louis to make an -expedition to Normandy. By so doing he ran a very serious risk of losing -Paris, but the citizens refused to listen to the specious offers of the -princes, and the king returned with 12,000 troops and a supply of -provisions. Following the advice of Francesco Sforza, he sought to -divide his opponents by separate negotiations. But there was one demand, -that he should give the government of Normandy to Charles of Berri, -which he persistently refused to grant. Not only was the province one of -the largest and wealthiest of the kingdom, but in the hands of his -brother it would serve to connect the two most powerful malcontents, -Brittany and Burgundy, and the three together could reduce Paris to such -straits that they would be able to dictate terms to the king. But while -this difficulty proved a stumbling-block in the way of the negotiations, -the news came that Rouen had been treacherously surrendered to his -opponents. Louis at once decided that, the mischief being done, it was -better to put an end to the present war and to trust to future -opportunities for a chance of recovering his losses. In October the -treaty was drawn up [Sidenote: Treaty of Conflans.] at Conflans and -finally signed at St. Maur des Fossés. ‘The public weal was changed into -individual weal,’ and no attempt was made to carry out the professions -which the princes had put forward at the outset. The Pragmatic Sanction, -with regard to which the king’s conduct was most obviously indefensible, -was not even mentioned. The most important provisions were the -restoration of the Somme towns to Burgundy, with the provision that they -should not be again redeemed till after the death of Charles and his -immediate heir, and the cession of Normandy to Charles of Berri. But -nearly every member of the league received some concession. The duke of -Brittany was to have Montfort and Étampes, and his claims to sovereign -rights, with regard to ecclesiastical revenues, were allowed. St. Pol -was to be constable, John of Calabria was to have certain cessions in -Lorraine and money for the maintenance of troops to support the Angevin -cause, and the dispossessed officials of Charles VII. were to recover -their places. The princes of the lilies seemed to have won a complete -victory over the monarchy. - -But Louis knew that he had only to bide his time. The very completeness -of their success dissolved the bonds that held the confederates -together. United they were irresistible, but if they could be severed -from each other the king could hope to regain what he had lost. Even -during the siege of Paris his shrewd eye had been keen to detect the -nascent jealousies which were to give him the desired opportunity for -revenge. Already his intrigues had provided an occupation for the forces -of Burgundy. In the heart [Sidenote: Risings in Liége.] of the -Netherlands lay the ecclesiastical principality of Liége, ruled by its -bishop as a vassal of the empire. Annexation was impossible, and -geography made complete independence equally out of the question. Liége -was famous then as it is now for its iron manufactures, and the -prosperous artisans, the most democratic community in mediæval Europe, -were in constant revolt against episcopal rule. It was the policy of the -Burgundian dukes to maintain a hold over the bishop by supporting him -against his rebellious subjects, and the present bishop, Louis of -Bourbon, was a dissolute youth wholly subservient to his uncle, Philip -the Good, to whom he owed his mitre. On the other hand, the citizens -looked for aid to France, which was the chief market for their produce. -As soon as the war began, Louis had taken measures to organise a revolt -in Liége, which broke out on the arrival of a false report that the -Burgundian troops had been completely routed at Montlhéri. Dinant, the -second town of the principality, incurred the special displeasure of -Philip by hanging over the walls an effigy of Charles of Charolais with -an inscription declaring him to be a bastard. Directly after the treaty -of Conflans, Charles led his troops into Liége to put down disorder and -to punish this insult. But the season was too far advanced for active -operations, and after forcing upon Liége the ‘piteous peace,’ by which -the cause of Dinant was abandoned and the liberties of the city -curtailed, Charles dispersed his forces for the winter. In 1466 the -invasion was renewed, and the aged duke, Philip, accompanied the army in -person to enjoy the luxury of revenge. Dinant was taken and razed to the -ground, and the men of Liége, roused by the sufferings of their -neighbours to a tardy breach of the recent treaty, were compelled to -renew their submission, to pay a heavy fine, and to hand over fifty -leading citizens as hostages for their good faith. In spite of these -reverses they retained their obstinate antipathy to external control and -their confident expectation of assistance from France. In 1467 Charles -the Bold, who had become duke of Burgundy by his father’s death on June -15, led what had now become an annual expedition for the attack on -Liége. Under the walls of St. Tron an obstinate battle ended in a -victory for the Burgundians. Liége might still have stood a siege, but -the citizens, divided and cowed, agreed to capitulate. The walls were -levelled to the ground, and the free constitution of the city was -annulled. So impressive was Charles’s success, that Ghent, which had won -increased privileges by a rising on the occasion of his ‘joyous entry,’ -hastened to appease him by a timely submission. It seemed for a moment -that the champion of feudal independence in France might succeed in -establishing despotic government within his own territories. - -While Charles was engaged in his first campaign against Liége, Louis had -seized the opportunity to recover the most serious of his losses. As -soon as the treaty of [Sidenote: Louis recovers Normandy.] Conflans had -been concluded, the dukes of Berri and Brittany had set out together to -take possession of Normandy. But the triumphant confederates quarrelled -over the division of the spoil. The feeble Charles of Berri resented the -patronage and pretensions of his ally, who claimed for his own subjects -the most valuable places in the duchy. Louis took prompt advantage of -the dispute. He concluded a treaty with the indignant Francis of -Brittany at Caen, and despatched the royal troops to Rouen. The province -was recovered as rapidly as it had been lost, and the two duke—‘wise -after the event’—made up their differences and set themselves in -Brittany to devise means for regaining what they had forfeited by their -own folly. They made urgent appeals for aid to Edward IV. of England and -to Burgundy, and Louis was fully alive to the danger of such a -coalition. He had two trump cards to play in the intricate negotiations -which followed. In England he had gained over the earl of Warwick, and -Warwick, though his influence was waning, and he was unable to prevent -the marriage of Charles the Bold with Margaret of York, was yet strong -enough to avert for a time any active intervention of England in -opposition to France. And Louis, as we have seen, was able to hamper the -action of Burgundy by stirring up disaffection in Liége. His supreme -object was to keep Burgundy and Brittany apart, and he constantly -offered to abandon the cause of the Liégeois if Charles would give him a -free hand in dealing with the dukes of Brittany and Berri. But Charles -the Bold was too astute to approve of so one-sided a bargain, and Louis -was forced to adopt another ruse. In 1468 he bribed his brother and duke -Francis to conclude a separate treaty, without consulting Burgundy, and -then he promptly communicated the fact of their desertion to Charles. He -was confident that Charles’s indignation would impel him to punish them -by a similar abandonment, and when his envoys failed to conduct the -negotiations to a successful issue he determined to try his own powers -of diplomacy. The experienced politicians of Europe were astounded to -hear that the French king had obtained an unconditional safe-conduct -from his vassal, and had ventured with a wholly inadequate escort to run -the risk of a personal [Sidenote: Interview at Péronne.] interview at -Péronne. But in his own self-confidence and his contempt for the ability -of his rival, Louis had made another ‘false step.’ He had completely -forgotten that his emissaries were at the moment engaged in rekindling -the smouldering embers of rebellion in Liége. While he was still the -duke’s guest at Péronne, the news arrived that the citizens had seized -the bishop, and had barbarously murdered several members of the chapter. -Charles was so furious that his more prudent advisers had great -difficulty in dissuading him from laying violent hands upon his -suzerain. Louis’s father had been held responsible for the murder of a -duke of Burgundy; and it might well have been that the duke’s grandson -would not shrink from the death of a king of France. Louis could only -escape from his perilous position by agreeing to all the terms dictated -by the host who was now his gaoler. He had to incur the ignominy of -accompanying the Burgundian army in a fourth expedition against Liége, -and to take part in the destruction of a city whose chief fault was a -too implicit confidence in his own promises of support. If Charles had -demanded the restoration of Normandy to the duke of Berri, Louis could -hardly have refused. But the duke of Burgundy had not yet forgotten the -action of Brittany earlier in the year, and he was more anxious to -strengthen himself than to weaken the French king by renewing the old -league against him. Instead of Normandy, he demanded the cession to the -king’s brother of Champagne and Brie. Isolated from Brittany, Charles of -Berri could hardly fail to become the tool of Burgundy; and, in the -hands of a submissive ally, these provinces would serve to connect the -Netherlands with the original Burgundian possessions. Louis perforce -consented; but before he escaped from the toils, his quick mind had -already discovered a means of evading the danger. At his parting -interview with Charles he put forward as a casual suggestion that his -brother might decline the proffered appanage, and asked what he should -do. Charles replied, without thought, that in that case he must leave -the king to satisfy the duke. Louis took these hasty words as authority -to make an independent bargain. No sooner was he safe within his own -realm than he offered his brother the duchy of Guienne. Guienne was a -far more wealthy and important province than Champagne, and in itself -was a greater loss to the crown; but, on the other hand, it was far -removed from the two dangerous opponents of the crown—the dukes of -Burgundy and Brittany—and Louis knew that his brother, by himself, was -not likely to be formidable. The bribe was accepted, and thus the most -important provision of the treaty of Péronne was never carried into -effect. - -The substitution of Guienne for Champagne freed Louis from the worst -consequences of his ill-timed visit to Péronne, but it did little or -nothing to remove the great standing difficulties in his way. Burgundy -and Brittany were as powerful and as independent as ever. They could -reckon on the support of all the feudal nobles in France who wished to -limit the authority of the crown. Worst of all, they could call in the -aid of the Yorkist king of England, who had recently proved his complete -estrangement from France by giving his sister in marriage to Charles the -Bold. It was obviously of immense importance to Louis [Sidenote: -Relations of France and Burgundy with England.] to secure himself from -danger on the side of England, and for the moment events seemed to -favour his schemes. Warwick was now completely estranged from Edward -IV., and Clarence, the latter’s brother, had joined the king-maker and -had married his elder daughter, Isabel Neville. But Edward was still too -strong for his opponents, and in 1470 Warwick and Clarence had to seek -refuge in France. Louis seized the opportunity to effect a -reconciliation between his cousin, Margaret of Anjou, and the man who -had done more than any other to ruin the Lancastrian cause. Warwick’s -second daughter, Anne, was married to the ill-fated Edward, titular -prince of Wales, and the former champion of the Yorkists undertook to -restore the house of Lancaster. Such an extraordinary and unexpected -coalition effected an easy revolution in England. Henry VI. emerged from -his prison to play, for a few more months, the part of king; and Edward -IV. sought safety and assistance in the dominions of his brother-in-law. -Charles the Bold found himself placed by these events in an awkward -dilemma. Descended through his mother from John of Gaunt, he had long -posed as a supporter of the Lancastrian cause, and had sheltered at his -court many of the leading nobles of that party. Recent events had forced -him into an alliance with Edward IV., but it had been dictated by policy -rather than by good-will. If the restoration of Henry VI. were -permanent, Charles could hope to gain such support among the Lancastrian -nobles as would secure him against the French proclivities of Warwick -and Margaret of Anjou. On the other hand, Edward was his wife’s brother; -he was a refugee in the Burgundian province of Holland; to disown him -would put an end to all hope of English assistance in the event of -Edward recovering his crown. Charles escaped from the dilemma in a -manner characteristic of the age. Publicly he protested his devotion to -the house of Lancaster, but secretly he gave Edward sufficient -assistance to enable him to return to England. The desertion of -Clarence, who had no interest in restoring the Lancastrian dynasty, and -the ill-concealed enmity with which the Lancastrian partisans continued -to regard Warwick, gave Edward successive victories over the two -sections of the hostile coalition. At Barnet, the Nevilles were crushed -and Warwick slain (April 14, 1471), and three weeks later Margaret and -her immediate followers met with a fatal reverse at Tewkesbury. The -deaths of the prince of Wales and his father left the house of Lancaster -almost extinct, except for a solitary scion of the illegitimate line of -Beaufort, and the permanence of the Yorkist dynasty, with its numerous -male representatives, seemed to be assured. - -The decisive victory of Edward IV. was a blow to Louis XI., and it was -the more serious because in 1470 he had become involved in new -hostilities with Charles the Bold. [Sidenote: The Constable St. Pol.] -This was in great measure due to the Count of St. Pol, who had been an -influential personage at the French court ever since the war of the -Public Weal. His position was in many ways an extraordinary one. For his -hereditary estates he was a vassal of Charles the Bold, and the bulk of -these estates lay in or near the province of Picardy, the very frontier -where the rivalry between French and Burgundian interests was most -acute. As Constable he was a servant of the French king and the chief -commander of the standing forces of the crown. The incongruity of such a -double relation had been clearly shown in recent events. In 1466 St. Pol -had taken part as a Burgundian vassal in the campaign against Dinant and -Liége. In the next year he had headed the French embassy which had -suggested the abandonment of Liége by Louis as the price of Charles’s -severance from Brittany. The importance and the anomaly of the -constable’s position were both increased by his own marriage with Mary -of Savoy, Louis XI.’s sister-in-law, and by the marriage of his niece, -Elizabeth Woodville, to Edward IV. of England. It was the ambition of -St. Pol to play the part of an independent potentate in the politics of -Europe, and he conceived that the best way to do this was to prolong the -strife between France and Burgundy. Not only did the war increase his -power and importance as constable of France, but it also enabled him, -through the position of his own estates, to hold a sort of balancing -position between the two opponents. Both might hate and fear him, but it -was in the highest degree unlikely that they would combine against him; -and as both must bid for his support, it was in his power to make his -own terms with either side as interest and policy should dictate. -Accordingly, in 1470, he persuaded Louis to strike a blow for the -recovery of the Somme towns, and in the king’s name he took possession -of Amiens and St. Quentin. Charles the Bold was [Sidenote: Renewed war -between France and Burgundy.] taken by surprise, and the want of a -standing army always made it difficult for him to meet any sudden move -on the part of the French king. He was naturally indignant that the blow -should be dealt by one of his own vassals, and his anger was by no means -diminished when he received a message from St. Pol and his associates -that they would desert to his side if he would marry his daughter Mary -to Charles of Guienne. Charles had no desire to give up his daughter, -whose hand was a valuable asset in his diplomacy, and he had no -intention of submitting to coercion in the choice of a son-in-law. His -obstinacy compelled the constable and the confederate nobles to remain -outwardly loyal to the king, though their real aim was to reduce the -duke to such straits that he must accept their terms. An attempt on the -part of Charles to recover Amiens ended in failure, and the critical -struggle in England led to a truce in April 1471, by which the captured -towns were left in the king’s hands. The Yorkist victory seemed likely -to turn the balance in favour of Burgundy, but, fortunately for Louis, -Edward IV. was resolutely hostile to the marriage project put forward by -the French princes. It is true that a dauphin had been born in 1470, but -he was a sickly child, and if he died the duke of Guienne would once -more become heir to the throne, and the possible absorption of the vast -Burgundian inheritance by the French monarchy would be ruinous to -English interests and ambition. Sooner than allow such a union to be -effected Edward would abandon Burgundy and join Louis. But Louis was -discouraged by the failure of his English policy. He knew that he could -not trust the loyalty of his instruments, and he preferred diplomacy to -the renewal of a war in which there was little prospect of assured gain. -So for six months he negotiated with Charles, offering to restore Amiens -and St. Quentin and to abandon St. Pol to the vengeance of his injured -suzerain, on condition that Charles would give up all connection with -the dukes of Guienne and Brittany. At last, in the spring of 1472, -Charles announced that he would accept the proffered terms. At the same -time he privately assured the dukes that he only agreed to the treaty in -order to recover his own possessions, and that he had no intention of -deserting them. But Louis was not so easily duped. He had received -intelligence that his brother was hopelessly unwell, and he adroitly -postponed any final agreement until the news came that the duke of -Guienne had died on May 24. Of [Sidenote: Death of Charles of Guienne.] -course it was rumoured that so opportune an event must be due to -contrivance rather than to chance, but Louis’s gains were so substantial -that he could afford to disregard a suspicion which had no real -foundation. Guienne reverted to the crown, troops were despatched to -invade Brittany, and the treaty on which so much time had been spent was -repudiated. Charles was carried away by rage and disappointment. -Although the truce was not yet expired he crossed the Somme to harry the -territories of the French king. Nesle was taken and sacked with a -brutality unusual even in fifteenth century France, and Charles advanced -to the siege of Beauvais. But his military skill was not equal to his -indignation, and after a prolonged attack he was compelled to retreat -and to close the campaign by a truce in November, 1472. Curiously enough -this proved more durable than many formal treaties of peace. The truce -was renewed from time to time, and Charles and Louis never again met in -open hostility. - -The death of the duke of Guienne proved far more important than his life -had been. A coalition of the princes of the lilies had nearly ruined the -monarchy in 1465, [Sidenote: Altered policy of Charles the Bold, 1472.] -and the energies of Louis had been taxed ever since to prevent its -revived activity. That coalition was now wholly broken up. Charles the -Bold was as hostile as ever to the French king, but he was compelled to -adopt different means to overthrow his rival. Hitherto his primary -concern had been with the affairs of France. He had appeared to the -world as the powerful vassal who headed the forces of feudalism to -depress the authority of his suzerain. Henceforth he turned his chief -attention from his French to his German provinces, and sought to build -up a rival kingdom along the valley of the Rhine, which might surpass -France in wealth and power, and might even bring to its ruler the -imperial crown. The danger to Louis was perhaps as great, but it was -wholly different in character, and it required wholly different -expedients to cope with it. That within France the monarchy had gained a -decisive victory over the forces arrayed against it was recognised by -two of the most subtle intellects of the time. Philippe de Commines, the -born vassal and the intimate adviser of Charles the Bold, had already -made the acquaintance of Louis XI. during the troubled days at Péronne. -In the autumn of 1472 he deserted his suzerain to enter the service of -the king, whose character and career he has described in the most -important historical work of the century. His example was followed by -Odet d’Aydie, lord of Lescun, who had hitherto been the trusted guide of -Charles of Guienne and Francis of Brittany. The shrewd Gascon found no -difficulty in gaining the favour of his new employer, and he was -rewarded with the title of count of Comminges. - -Already, before 1472, Charles the Bold had taken an important step in -the direction of territorial aggrandisement in Germany. Alsace and the -Breisgau, representing the original Swabian possessions of the house -[Sidenote: Acquisitions of Charles the Bold in Germany.] of Hapsburg, -had been ruled since 1439 by Sigismund, son of that Frederick of Tyrol -who had played a prominent part in the early stages of the Council of -Constance (see p. 213). Like his ancestors, Sigismund had become -involved in a quarrel with the members of the Swiss confederation, and -by a treaty in 1468 he had pledged himself to pay to the League a -considerable sum of money. Unable to raise the sum from his own -resources, he had applied to Charles the Bold, who agreed to furnish the -money if Alsace and the Breisgau were handed over to him as security. It -was more than improbable that the penniless count of Tyrol would ever -redeem the pledge, and Charles, treating the provinces as his own -possession, intrusted the administration to Peter of Hagenbach. When, in -1472, the direct opposition to Louis XI. came to an end, Charles turned -with avidity to that acquisition of lands in Germany which was to prove -the cause of his ruin. Interfering as arbiter in a dispute between -father and son in Gelderland, he seized the disputed duchy for himself -(1473). In the same year occurred the death of Nicolas of Calabria, the -grandson and last male descendant of the old Réné le Bon. The duchy of -Lorraine now passed to another grandson, Réné of Vaudemont, who -inherited both the Angevin and the Vaudemont claim. Lorraine was of -peculiar importance to Charles the Bold, as it lay between his northern -and his southern dominions. Although he had no legal claim to interfere, -he seized the young duke and only released him on condition that he -should cede four fortresses as a guarantee for the free passage of -Burgundian forces through Lorraine. Meanwhile Charles was negotiating -with the emperor Frederick III. to have his duchy of Burgundy erected -into a kingdom, and he intended to claim all those territories which at -one time or another had borne the name of Burgundy. Such a claim would -have included Savoy, Provence, and several adjacent districts. The -emperor was to be bribed by the proposal of a marriage between his son -Maximilian and the heiress of these vast dominions present and -prospective. An interview was arranged at Trier, and Charles brought -with him the crown that was to be placed on his head. But Frederick -III., always cautious and rather timid, was alarmed by the extravagant -pretensions of the aspirant to royalty, and he was cognisant of a scheme -to recover Alsace for his cousin Sigismund. So one night the emperor -slipped away in a boat down the Moselle, leaving the duke the -laughing-stock of Europe. But this humiliation failed to check Charles’s -ambition, and in 1474 he embarked on a new enterprise. The archbishop of -Cologne, Robert of Bavaria, deposed by his chapter and his subjects, -appealed for assistance to the duke of Burgundy, who seized the -opportunity to gain on the middle Rhine a preponderance similar to that -which he had acquired in the bishopric of Liége. With a large army -Charles entered the territories of Cologne, as the champion of the -archbishop against his rebellious subjects, and laid siege to Neuss, a -fortress on the Rhine held by the Landgrave of Hesse, whose brother had -been appointed administrator of the diocese. - -The siege of Neuss was one of the great blunders of Charles the Bold. He -had never shown any skill in siege operations, and for a whole year his -obstinacy [Sidenote: Louis XI. stirs up enemies against Charles the -Bold.] kept him before a town which he was ultimately unable to reduce. -During these months his enemies were able to attack with impunity the -extremities of his dominions, and he lost a favourable opportunity of -weakening his chief opponent Louis XI. Louis was frequently urged by his -advisers to check the aggrandisement of the Burgundian duke by a renewal -of direct hostilities. But he preferred the more subtle policy of -allowing his rival to exhaust his strength in distant enterprises, while -he secretly encouraged the resistance of the German princes and people -whose interests were threatened by Charles’s progress. Among the latter -were the leading members of the Swiss Confederation. They had always -quarrelled with the Hapsburgs in Alsace, and they were not likely to -find a less formidable neighbour in the duke of Burgundy, whose -expansion southwards could hardly be effected without destroying their -independence. The oppressive rule of Peter of Hagenbach, Charles’s -bailiff in Alsace, was bitterly resented by all the cities and towns of -Swabia, and Bern, now the leading canton of the Confederation, was -prominent in demanding redress. Louis seized the opportunity to score a -notable diplomatic victory. He induced Sigismund to demand the -restoration of Alsace, and he set himself to reconcile the Swiss with -their old opponent. On March 30, 1474, it was agreed by the Everlasting -Compact that Sigismund should renounce all Hapsburg claims within the -territory of the League, and that the confederates should support him in -recovering the provinces which had been pledged to Charles. The chief -Swabian towns furnished the necessary money to redeem the pledge, and -when Charles took no notice of the demand for restitution, Alsace was -invaded and Hagenbach was put to death (May 9, 1474). After this there -was good reason to dread the duke’s enmity, and a strong party was -formed within the League which contended that the safest method of -defence was to anticipate attack. French gold was employed to aid and -extend this party, which was headed by Nicolas von Diesbach of Bern, and -the emperor Frederick III. was induced to use his authority to urge on a -war with Burgundy. In October a treaty was concluded with France, and -this was followed by a formal defiance of Charles and an invasion of -Franche-Comté. Charles received the news of these events before Neuss, -but he refused to abandon the siege, and the only step which he took to -protect his interests in the south was to conclude a close alliance with -Yolande of France, the dowager-duchess and regent of Savoy. Yolande was -the sister of Louis XI., but her policy was as independent and -self-seeking as that of her brother, and she did not scruple to break -off the intimate alliance between Savoy and France which had resulted in -her own marriage and that of Louis. She even used her influence to -detach her brother-in-law, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, from France, and to -arrange an alliance between Milan and Burgundy. But the first result of -her action was to extend the area of Swiss aggression, and in the spring -of 1475 Granson, Morat, and other Savoyard territories fell into the -hands of the confederates. About the same time Réné of Lorraine was -induced by the French king to repudiate his recent treaty with Charles -the Bold and to invade the duchy of Luxemburg. So formidable was the -coalition now formed that Louis sent to Frederick III. to propose a -partition of the Burgundian territories, the French provinces to be -escheated to the crown, and the German fiefs to be claimed by the -emperor. But the cautious Hapsburg would not commit himself to so -far-reaching a scheme, and replied that he preferred not to bargain -about the bear’s skin until the beast was dead. - -The position of Charles was one of great danger. He was practically at -war with the Swiss, with Sigismund of Tyrol, with the duke of Lorraine, -and with the forces of the empire, which he had alienated by his -unjustifiable intervention in the affairs of Cologne. But Charles knew -that these enemies were all set in motion by Louis _XI._, and that if he -could ruin his arch-opponent the hostile coalition would almost -certainly fall to pieces. And in 1475 he had an unequalled chance of -dealing a fatal blow to the power of France. For years the duke -[Sidenote: Edward IV. invades France, 1475.] of Brittany and other -opponents of the French monarchy had been striving to bring about a -renewal of the English invasion, and at last their efforts were rewarded -with success. Edward IV., securely established on the English throne by -the double defeat of the Nevilles and the Lancastrian nobles, determined -to resume the ambitious schemes of Henry V. and to make himself king of -France with the aid of Burgundy. In 1474 the terms of the treaty had -been arranged with Charles, who was to receive as his reward Champagne -and some smaller districts, together with complete emancipation from the -suzerainty of France. In the summer of 1475 a considerable English army -was transported to Calais, and Charles at last set himself free to aid -his ally by retiring from Neuss, and concluding an agreement with the -emperor by which the Pope was to arbitrate in the dispute about Cologne. -The truce between Burgundy and France had expired on May 1, and Charles -had refused all the entreaties of Louis for its prolongation. But all -the hopes which Charles had based upon the intervention of England were -doomed to disappointment. Edward IV. was immensely chagrined when -Charles arrived alone at Calais, having sent his army from Neuss to -chastise the duke of Lorraine. St. Pol, who had offered to admit the -English into St. Quentin, fired upon the approaching forces from behind -the closed gates. The French monarchy was infinitely stronger in 1475 -than it had been in 1415, and Edward IV. was shrewd enough to see that -with such support as he received from professed allies the conquest of -France was impossible. Louis on his side was not slow to profit by the -obvious discouragement of the invaders, and promptly opened negotiations -which resulted in a personal interview at Pecquigni on the Somme. In -return for a large sum of money and a promise that the dauphin should -marry his daughter Elizabeth, Edward agreed to withdraw from France. -Charles was furious at what he denounced as treacherous desertion, but -his own conduct had been so obviously selfish that his complaints were -treated as unreasonable, and he was compelled to renew his former truce -with Louis XI. - -The failure of the English invasion and the renewal of peaceful -relations between France and Burgundy proved [Sidenote: Fate of St. -Pol.] fatal to St. Pol, who had succeeded for five years in maintaining -a practically independent position in Picardy. He had been profoundly -disappointed by the termination of active hostilities in 1472, but he -still trusted in his ability to play off one rival against the other, -and he was confident that their mutual jealousy would never allow them -to act together against him. For a time his forecast had been justified. -In 1472 it had been proposed that Louis and Charles should unite to -punish the constable, but the scheme had broken down, because neither -would trust the other. In 1475 the proposal was renewed. St. Pol’s -recent conduct, and especially his relations with Edward IV. who handed -over to Louis the constable’s correspondence, had created a strong -desire to punish the man who betrayed and deceived everybody in turn. -Charles was to have St. Quentin, Ham, and Bohain, with all the fiefs -which St. Pol held of him, on condition that he would undertake to -capture the constable and either punish him within eight days or hand -him over to the king. On the news of this treaty St. Pol determined to -trust Charles rather than Louis, partly because he believed him to be -less vindictive, and partly because after his territories were in -Charles’s hands the latter had little to gain by inflicting any further -penalty. Charles was besieging Nanci when his ministers sent word that -the constable was in their hands. Charles was anxious to avoid any -French opposition in Lorraine and he sent instructions that if Nanci -held out beyond November 24, St. Pol was to be handed over to the -French, but if it were taken before that date they were to keep him in -their hands. Nanci did not surrender till after the time had elapsed, -but Charles began to think that his order had been hasty and that St. -Pol might still be useful to him in his quarrel with France. His -instructions to delay the transfer, however, came too late, as the -Burgundian ministers, many of whom had a personal grudge against St. -Pol, had punctually obeyed the original order. Louis was not unwilling -to show that neither rank, nor royal relationship, nor eminent office -could save a rebel against the crown, and St. Pol, of whose treason -there was ample proof, was executed in Paris on December 19, 1475. - -At the end of 1475 Charles the Bold seemed to be at the height of his -power. He was at peace both with the emperor and the king of France. -Since the submission of Ghent he had met with no opposition from his -subjects in the Netherlands. The fall of St. Pol had restored his -complete ascendency in Picardy. Savoy and Milan were apparently loyal -and almost submissive allies. The aged Réné of Provence, who had never -loved the house of Vaudemont, expressed his willingness to disinherit -his only surviving grandson in favour of the duke of Burgundy. Above -all, Charles had at last succeeded in uniting the two main divisions of -his realm by the conquest of Lorraine, and he determined to make Nanci -the capital of the Burgundian kingdom that seemed now to be within his -grasp. His one immediate task was to recover the province of Alsace, and -to punish the Swiss, not only for aiding to restore Sigismund, but also -for their raids upon his own territories and those of his allies. His -troops were exhausted [Sidenote: Charles’s war with the Swiss, 1476.] by -their exertions in the long siege of Neuss and the subsequent conquest -of Lorraine; but his resources, both in men and money, were so -infinitely superior to those of his opponents that it was hardly -possible to doubt his ultimate victory. The Swiss had begun the war as -the allies of the emperor and the French king, but they were now -deserted by both. In February 1476 Charles crossed the Jura to drive the -Swiss from the districts they had seized in Savoy. Granson, a town near -the lake of Neuchâtel, which was held by the house of Orange as a fief -of Savoy, was taken by the Burgundians, and the garrison was put to -death. Two days later the confederates arrived, and at once began the -attack. Charles ordered a portion of his army to retire to the plain -where he could use his superior cavalry. But the retirement became a -panic-stricken retreat, and the Swiss, pressing their advance, gained a -complete and easy victory (March 2, 1476). Granson was recovered, and -the Burgundian camp and artillery were the prize of the conquerors. So -humiliating a disaster was the more galling to Charles that it shook the -fidelity of his allies. The succession in Provence upon which he had -confidently reckoned, was now transferred by Réné to the French king. -Galeazzo Maria Sforza opened negotiations with Louis, and even Yolande -of Savoy began to contemplate the possibility of a reconciliation with -her brother. But Savoy could hardly desert Charles as long as there was -a prospect of recovering the lost lands with his help; and the -Burgundian power was not destroyed by a single disaster. Within a few -weeks a new army had been collected at Lausanne, and Charles advanced to -the siege of Morat, which the Bernese had taken from the Count of -Romont, a brother of the late duke of Savoy. The Swiss hastily -reassembled the troops, which had been disbanded after their recent -success in spite of the warnings of Bern. On June 22, an obstinate, and -for a long time, a very equal contest was fought out under the walls of -Morat. At last the Swiss gained a decisive advantage by turning the -flank of the Burgundian army; and the very obstinacy with which the -latter fought only served to make their losses heavier. Nearly -two-thirds of Charles’s forces were practically annihilated, and the -final desertion of his allies, combined with the disaffection of his own -subjects, rendered it hopeless to renew the struggle. Savoy made peace -with the Swiss, through the mediation of France; and Granson, Morat, and -other towns of Vaud became subject to the Confederation. Charles retired -into gloomy solitude near Pontarlier, and it was feared that his reason -would give way as he cursed the ill-fortune which had humbled so -powerful a prince before a despicable foe. He was roused from his -retreat by the news that Lorraine was lost to him. The young Réné had -joined the Swiss in the battle of Morat, and had proceeded after the -victory to raise a force with which he had recovered Nanci. Charles -hurriedly collected a third army, and, in spite of the winter cold, -commenced a second siege of the town which he had destined to be his -capital. The scanty garrison could not long have resisted the attack, -but Réné appealed for the assistance of the Swiss, and they [Sidenote: -Death of Charles the Bold.] sent 20,000 men to raise the siege. The -Italian mercenaries, in whom Charles placed great confidence, were -headed by the count of Campobasso, a Neapolitan who had been driven into -exile for his adhesion to the house of Anjou. Of that house Réné of -Lorraine might now claim to be the lawful heir; and Campobasso was -induced to desert his master in favour of the family to which his first -allegiance was due. This treachery placed Charles at a fatal -disadvantage, and he had to fight between the besieged and the relieving -forces. But his dogged character would not allow him to retreat, and in -a third contest with the despised German Confederation the great Valois -duke of Burgundy found an obscure and unhonoured death (January 5, -1477). - -Louis XI. had watched the events of the last twelve months, at first -with anxiety, and later with feverish attention. Ever since his -accession he had been haunted by the [Sidenote: Louis seizes Burgundian -territories.] sense of Charles’s hostility, and the dangers which it -involved; and now his great rival had been slain by the agency of an -unforeseen and apparently unequal opponent. The only claimant of the -vast inheritance left vacant by the death of Charles the Bold was an -unmarried girl of twenty-one years. Various schemes were debated in the -royal council as to the best way of profiting by so favourable a -contingency. One very obvious plan was to effect a marriage between Mary -of Burgundy and the dauphin. But there were several objections to this. -The dauphin was only in his eighth year; he was already betrothed to an -English princess, and Edward IV. was not likely either to pardon an -insult to his daughter, or to acquiesce in the absorption of the -Burgundian inheritance by the French monarchy. To the alternative scheme -of marrying Mary to a French noble of royal blood, such as Charles of -Angoulême, it could be objected that the new dynasty thus created might -be as dangerous and disloyal as that to which it would succeed. Louis -determined to keep the possibility of either marriage as a card to be -played, if necessary or expedient, but in the meantime to take measures -for the occupation of those Burgundian territories which France could -acquire without serious opposition. The revival of such a power as that -of Charles might be prevented, and the adhesion of German princes might -be purchased, by a partition of the fiefs which the late duke had held -of the empire. No preparations had been made to resist Louis, and his -promptness ensured a considerable measure of success. He had an -unquestionable claim to the Somme towns, whose transfer had been limited -to male heirs; and the duchy of Burgundy could be reasonably claimed as -an escheated fief. But Flanders, Artois, and Franche-Comté had come to -the Burgundian house through an heiress, so that Mary’s right of -succession could hardly be disputed. Regardless of this consideration, -and of the fact that Franche-Comté was an imperial fief, Louis proceeded -with the work of annexation. Both the duchy and the county of Burgundy -submitted to French rule. From Picardy, which returned willingly to its -former allegiance, the forces of Louis entered Artois and succeeded in -reducing its capital, Arras. - -The occupation of Artois brought the French to the frontier of Flanders, -the most wealthy and important of the Burgundian possessions. The -Flemish citizens, and especially [Sidenote: Conduct of the Flemings.] -those of Ghent, where Mary of Burgundy was residing, were not likely to -allow the choice of their future ruler to be settled without their -participation. Their policy in the matter was quite distinct. They had -hated Burgundian rule and the Burgundian ministers whom Charles and his -predecessors had appointed to govern them. As long as their sovereign -had been a mere count of Flanders, they had enjoyed a large measure of -independence and self-government, but they had lost this under the too -powerful Valois dynasty. They therefore welcomed the occupation of the -Burgundies, and had no objection to a further weakening of Mary’s -inheritance. But they would not be annexed to France, and the aggressive -measures of Louis XI. drove them into opposition to him. The Burgundian -ministers, whom Charles had left in authority, were seized by the mob on -the discovery that they were conducting separate negotiations with -France, and in spite of the passionate entreaties of Mary, were put to -death. The plan that commended itself to the people of Ghent was to -marry Mary to Adolf of Gelderland, the youthful monster who had been -imprisoned and disinherited for brutal ill-treatment of his father. -Adolf was released and sent to oppose the French before Tournay; where, -to Mary’s great relief, he was killed in an unsuccessful attempt to -relieve the town. This event, and the necessity of gaining support -against the encroachments of France, forced the Gantois to revive the -scheme of marrying Mary to [Sidenote: Maximilian marries Mary of -Burgundy.] Maximilian of Hapsburg, the son of the emperor Frederick III. -Mary herself, naturally frightened and aggrieved by the conduct of Louis -since her father’s death, was not averse to the proposal, and the -marriage was solemnised in August 1477. Louis was extremely chagrined by -the news of an event, which not only frustrated his plans for a further -partition of the Burgundian inheritance, but also compelled him to fight -for the provinces he had already seized. Maximilian undertook the -championship of his wife’s claims with his usual impetuosity. But he was -hampered by his want of money—Commines calls his father ‘the most -perfectly niggardly man of his time’—and by the obstruction of the -Flemish citizens, who had taken advantage of the weak government since -Charles the Bold’s death to recover much of their old independence. In -1482 Mary died, leaving two infant children, Philip and Margaret. This -was a great blow to Maximilian, who had no longer any formal authority -in the Netherlands, except so far as the estates of the various -provinces recognised him as his son’s guardian. In these circumstances -he was not unwilling to come to terms with Louis, and the treaty of -Arras [Sidenote: Treaty of Arras, 1482.] gave to the king most of the -territories he had contended for. The dauphin, Charles, was to be -betrothed to Margaret, the daughter of Maximilian and Mary, and she was -to be brought up in France as its future queen. Artois and Franche Comté -were to be regarded as her dowry. The treaty made no mention of the -Somme towns or of the duchy of Burgundy, and thus tacitly conceded -Louis’s contention that his legal rights to these provinces were -indisputable. It was fortunate for Louis that Edward IV., who had good -reason to regard this treaty as both injurious and insulting, was not -able to give practical expression to his displeasure. He died in 1483, -and the disturbances which followed kept England from any idea of -intervention on the Continent. But though the treaty of Arras appears, -at first sight, to be a considerable triumph for the policy of Louis, -the permanent gain to the French monarchy was not very great. Artois and -Franche-Comté were lost again before very long; and the annexation of -the Netherlands to the Hapsburg possessions, together with the -subsequent further aggrandisement of that house, involved France in even -greater dangers than those which had been threatened by the Valois dukes -of Burgundy. But the subsequent struggle which thus arose differed from -its predecessor in one very important respect. The Hapsburgs of Spain -and Austria were more powerful sovereigns than Philip the Good or -Charles the Bold, but they were complete foreigners to France, and had -none of that traditional and family alliance with French nobles and -French parties which gave to the Valois-Burgundian dynasty such a unique -position. The contest with the Hapsburgs served to strengthen, not to -destroy, the national unity of France. - -The relations with Burgundy constitute by far the most important episode -of the reign of Louis XI.; and he could [Sidenote: Successes of Louis -XI.] boast of no more conspicuous achievement than the defeat of Charles -the Bold, and the annexation of a considerable share of his dominions. -But he gained other successes and acquired other lands. By intervening -to support John II. of Aragon against the rebellious Catalans (1462), he -obtained the cession of Roussillon and Cerdagne, and for a time extended -the French frontier to the Pyrenees. And the Angevin inheritance was -almost as great a windfall to the monarchy as the duchy of Burgundy. -Réné le Bon had hastily abandoned the cause of Charles the Bold, after -the latter’s defeats in 1476; and Louis XI. succeeded in extorting from -his uncle an arrangement by which the latter’s territories were to pass, -in the first place, to his nephew, Charles of Maine, and on the -extinction of his line to the crown. The successive deaths of Réné in -1480 and of Charles of Maine in 1481, gave to Louis the possession of -Anjou and Maine, with the duchy of Bar and the imperial fief of -Provence. Equally important, from the point of view of the French -monarchy, were the signal humiliations inflicted by Louis upon the great -feudatories who had ventured, in the early years of his reign, to -identify themselves with the cause of opposition to the monarchy. The -duke of Alençon was kept a prisoner till his death in 1476. The count of -Armagnac, the restless leader of the southern nobles, was attacked in -his chief town of Lectoure and perished in the sack which followed its -capture. His cousin, the duke of Nemours, who had been a favourite -companion of Louis in his youth and had since been twice pardoned for -ungrateful treachery, was executed in 1477 after having suffered the -most horrible tortures. The fate of St. Pol has been already related. -With regard to the nobles who were more closely related to the royal -family, Louis took precautions to ensure their loyalty or to disarm -their opposition. The duke of Bourbon abstained from further rebellion -after the War of the Public Weal. His brother and heir, Pierre de -Beaujeu, was married to the king’s eldest daughter, Anne, with the -proviso that if they left no male heirs the succession should pass to -the crown. For Louis of Orleans, the heir-presumptive to the throne -after the dauphin, a bride was found in another daughter, Jeanne, who -was deformed in person and was regarded as unlikely to have issue. - -The government of Louis XI., though in many ways advantageous to France, -was too obviously selfish to be popular. His death in August, 1483, -transferred the crown to his only son, Charles VIII., but as [Sidenote: -Regency of Anne of Beaujeu.] he was too young to rule, the actual -government was assumed by Anne of Beaujeu. She had much of her father’s -ability and all his love of power, but her position was insecure and she -was obliged to conciliate support by measures which Louis XI. would -never have adopted. The States-General were convoked at Tours in January -1484, and for the first time the rural districts were represented in the -third estate, which had hitherto included only delegates from the towns. -Although the estates recognised the regent, their _cahier_ of grievances -showed an obvious hostility to the despotic rule of the late king. Among -other things they demanded that they should meet regularly every second -year. But the States-General, having lost all efficient control over -taxation, had no power to extort concessions, and the crown reserved -absolute discretion as to the redress of grievances. A more serious -danger to Anne was a coalition of nobles, including the duke of Brittany -and headed by Louis of Orleans, who deemed it a wrong that he was -excluded from the regency. There was some risk that the confederates -might receive support from Richard III. of England, who had good reason -to divert the attention of his subjects to a foreign war, and from Réné -of Lorraine, who advanced a well-founded claim to his grandfather’s -dominions of Bar and Provence. Anne of Beaujeu showed notable ability in -meeting her opponents. To prevent English intervention, Henry of -Richmond, whose mother was the last of the Beauforts, was encouraged to -prosecute the enterprise which placed the house of Tudor on the throne -(1485). The duke of Lorraine was partially satisfied by the cession of -Bar, and the prospect of gaining Provence was dangled before his eyes in -an artfully prolonged law-suit, which was not decided against him until -all danger was over. Meanwhile, the princes, deprived of external aid, -proved powerless to resist the forces of the crown. The Bretons were -defeated, and Louis of Orleans, carried a prisoner to Bourges, found it -to his interest to reconcile himself with his cousin. - -A few days after the defeat of the Bretons the death of duke Francis II. -extinguished the male line of the Montforts, and left the one great -province which had retained [Sidenote: Succession in Brittany.] its old -independence in the hands of his daughter Anne (September 9, 1488). The -disposal of the hand of so important an heiress was naturally a matter -of great political interest, and Anne of Beaujeu, who wished to use the -opportunity for the gain of the monarchy, was chagrined to learn in 1490 -that the young duchess had been married by proxy to Maximilian of -Austria, who had been a widower since the death of Mary of Burgundy. -Declaring the marriage to be null without royal consent, she despatched -an army into Brittany, and Anne of Brittany was compelled to give her -hand to Charles VIII. A double injury was thus inflicted upon -Maximilian. Not only was he deprived of a wife, but his daughter, who -had been educated in France since 1482 as the future queen, was sent -back to him. The archduke, however, was too distant and too busy -elsewhere to be immediately formidable, and it was worth while to risk -his displeasure in order to secure possession of Brittany. But the -children of Charles VIII. and Anne did not survive their parents, and -two subsequent marriages were necessary before the union of Brittany -with France was complete. - -The marriage of the king was the last achievement of Anne of Beaujeu, -whose regency came to an end when her brother assumed the reins of -government, while she herself [Sidenote: The question of Naples.] became -duchess of Bourbon by the death of her brother-in-law. In 1493 a wholly -new problem was presented to the French government by the arrival of -Neapolitan exiles with an invitation to Charles VIII. to claim the crown -of Naples on the same grounds as he already held Provence. The late -regent and the more experienced councillors were resolute in opposing -the scheme. But Charles himself and his younger associates were dazzled -by the prospect of an Italian kingdom, and the proffered support of -Ludovico Sforza seemed to give a reasonable prospect of success. Before -Charles could venture to quit his kingdom it was necessary to secure it -against the hostility of jealous neighbours. Henry VII. of England, who -had come forward as the champion of Anne of Brittany, was bought off by -the peace of Etaples which offered him a large money bribe (1492). The -treaty of Barcelona restored Roussillon and Cerdagne to Ferdinand of -Aragon (January 1493); while the enmity of Maximilian was appeased by -the treaty of Senlis and the cession of Artois and Franche-Comté, which -had been the stipulated dowry of Margaret (May 23, 1493). In September -1494, Charles set out on his journey towards the Alps. The resources of -the revived French monarchy were to be employed in an enterprise of -which no one could foresee the end, but which was destined to usher in a -new epoch in the history of Europe. - - - - - CHAPTER XVII - GERMANY AND THE HAPSBURG EMPERORS, 1437-1493 - - - German disunion in the fifteenth century—The House of Hapsburg—The - succession in Hungary and Bohemia—The Imperial election in - 1438—Death of Albert II.—Election of Frederick III.—Death of - Frederick I. of Brandenburg—Futile opposition in Germany to the - Emperor and the Papacy—Frederick III. at war with the - Swiss—Sigismund of Tyrol—Succession to Albert II. in Austria, - Hungary, and Bohemia—Ladislas Postumus—Relief of Belgrade and death - of John Hunyadi—Death of Ladislas Postumus—Austria falls to the - Styrian Hapsburgs—Election of Mathias Corvinus in Hungary and of - George Podiebrad in Bohemia—War between Hungary and - Bohemia—Relations of Frederick III. with Burgundy—Hungarian - conquests in Austria—Last years and death of Frederick III. - -In the history of three of the great countries of Europe, France, -England, and Spain, the fifteenth century marks a [Sidenote: Disunion -and weakness of Germany.] decisive epoch in the growth both of national -unity and of monarchical government. In France the civil strife of -Armagnacs and Burgundians and the long struggle against the English -prepared the way for the rule of Charles VII. and Louis XI. In England -the Wars of the Roses ended with the accession of a powerful Tudor -dynasty. In Spain national sentiment was kindled by the anti-Moorish -crusades, and the union of the chief kingdoms by the marriage of -Ferdinand and Isabella led to the great expansion of Spain under the -despotic rule of Charles I. and Philip II. The history of Germany -resembles that of its neighbours up to a certain point. Anarchy and -disorder were as conspicuous there as they were in France under Charles -VI., or under Henry VI. in England. The schism which filled the first -decade of the century both illustrated and increased the weakness and -the degradation of the once powerful German monarchy. But in Germany no -remedy was found for political and social disunion. No ruler arose with -the strength and the resolution that were needed to transform a vague -suzerainty into a territorial monarchy, as Charles IV. had schemed to -do. On the contrary, there was a marked decline of imperial authority, -which reached its nadir in the reign of Frederick III. The impulsive -Sigismund had striven for a moment to revive the Ghibelline tradition, -and he seemed to have made a considerable stride when, in 1415, he -humbled the pride of Frederick of Tyrol, and rewarded the loyalty of -Frederick of Hohenzollern with the electoral Mark of Brandenburg. But -Sigismund’s imperial ambitions were bound up with the cause of the -reforming party at Constance, and he was discouraged and disconcerted by -its failure. From that time he abandoned the interests of Germany to -devote himself to the affairs of Bohemia and Hungary. The party which -had rallied round him at Constance, deserted by their natural leader, -endeavoured to give to Germany a new central government which should -take the place of the decadent monarchy. A series of ignominious defeats -by the Hussites enabled them to carry through the diet some tentative -reforms in 1427. There was to be a system of imperial taxation, an -imperial army, and a standing representative council to wield the -executive power which the emperors had allowed to fall from their hands. -But the projected reforms ended in failure. The sense of nationality was -not strong enough to overcome the selfish independence of states and -classes. The two last crusades against the Bohemians were even more -humiliating to Germany than their predecessors. - -That the disunion of Germany was a source of many evils and of serious -dangers was apparent even to the proverbial blindness of contemporaries. -The dependence of Italy had become the merest name. Even Milan, which -under the Visconti was most closely connected with Germany, was about to -pass to the Sforzas, who did not think it worth while even to apply for -imperial investiture. North of the Alps, Lyons and Dauphiné had long -been absorbed by France. Provence and Lorraine were in the hands of a -French dynasty, and before the end of the century the former had been -acquired by the French crown. Savoy was more independent of France, but -hardly more closely tied to Germany. The Old League of High Germany, as -the Swiss confederation was then called, had paraded devotion to the -empire as a means of resisting the claims of the Hapsburgs, but the -cantons really desired freedom from all external control, and by the end -of the century they had practically acquired it. Franche-Comté was ruled -by a Valois duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, who was absorbing one -after the other a number of imperial fiefs in the Low Countries. The -Scandinavian kingdoms, strengthened for a time by the union of Kalmar, -were beginning to recover their previous losses, and the Hanseatic -League, the champion of German interests in the Baltic and the North -Sea, was no longer at the height of its power. In the north-east, the -Teutonic knights had been fatally weakened by the union of Poland and -Lithuania, and since the battle of Tannenberg in 1410 were waging what -seemed to be a hopeless struggle against the powerful Jagellon kings. -The danger of a general Slav revolt against German encroachments had -been brought even more nearly home to the princes of Germany by the long -Bohemian war. It is true that the extreme Hussites had been defeated in -1434, but it was by their own countrymen; and the sentiment of national -independence, which was necessarily anti-German, was almost as strong as -ever. And in the south-east a new and far more terrible danger was -approaching. The Turks had already established themselves in the Balkan -peninsula, and threatened to sweep up the Danube valley. Hungary was the -only substantial guard to the German frontier; and if Hungarian -resistance failed, it was hardly likely that the German troops, impotent -to crush the ill-armed followers of Ziska, would be able to resist the -all-conquering Janissaries. - -Losses on the extremities were the inevitable result of weakness at the -centre. But although this weakness continued, Germany escaped from some -of the extreme disasters which seemed almost inevitable. It is possible -that a too vigorous attempt to bring about a compulsory union might have -broken the state up into its component parts, and Germany, like Italy, -might have become a mere geographical expression. That this complete -disruption was avoided, and that Germany retained at any rate some -symbols of unity, may be attributed, partly to the very looseness of the -federal tie, which was so little felt that it was hardly worth while to -make an effort for its rupture, and partly to the extraordinary series -of events which enabled a single family, the House of Hapsburg, to -obtain a sort of hereditary primacy within Germany. In view of the -danger threatened by Slavs and Turks, it was of supreme importance that -Germany should retain its hold upon the border states of Bohemia and -Hungary, which had been gained by Sigismund. But with Sigismund’s death -in 1437 the male line of the House of Luxemburg became extinct, and the -family was only represented by two women—Sigismund’s own daughter, -Elizabeth, who was married to Albert V. of Austria, and his niece, -another Elizabeth, the widow of Antony of Brabant. - -Although Albert of Austria might claim through his wife the succession -to the Luxemburg inheritance, the most [Sidenote: The House of -Hapsburg.] sanguine of contemporary observers could hardly have foretold -that the Hapsburgs would bring even partial salvation to Germany. Since -the first great expansion of the family under Rudolf I. and his -immediate successors, its power and prestige had sensibly diminished. -This had been caused, partly by defeats at the hands of the Swiss, and -partly by the subdivision of Hapsburg territories effected in 1370 -between the two brothers, Albert III. and Leopold III. (see p. 137). -Albert had taken the archduchy of Austria, and Leopold the other -territories of the House—the Swabian lands, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, -and Tyrol. The Albertine line in Austria had been continued by the -successive rulers Albert IV. (d. 1404) and Albert V. The history of the -Leopoldine line had been less simple. Leopold himself had fallen in 1386 -in the famous battle of Sempach, and had left his dominions to the joint -rule of four sons—William, Leopold, Ernest, and Frederick. But the first -precedent of subdivision was again followed, and in the end the two -surviving sons, Ernest and Frederick, shared the inheritance between -them. Ernest, the founder of the Styrian, and ultimately the dominant, -branch of the House, was called ‘the Iron’ on account of his physical -strength, and his marriage with Cymburga, a niece of the Polish king, is -said to have brought the famous Hapsburg lip into the family. On his -death in 1424 his two sons, Frederick and Albert, succeeded as joint -rulers to Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. Meanwhile Frederick, who had -received Tyrol and the Swabian lands, had played a prominent part in the -early stages of the Council of Constance, and his territories had been -confiscated by Sigismund in 1415. But the imperial authority was not -strong enough to make the penalty permanent, and in 1417 Frederick -recovered his dominions with the approval and aid of his subjects. He -lived till 1439, when he left a young son, Sigismund, to succeed him. - -The death of the Emperor Sigismund gave rise to three problems of -considerable magnitude. It extinguished a dynasty which had held the -imperial crown for [Sidenote: Succession in Hungary and Bohemia.] nearly -a whole century, and it opened the succession in two kingdoms which were -of supreme importance to Germany in her relations with the Slavs on one -hand and with the Turks on the other. The House of Luxemburg had built -up a unique territorial power on the eastern frontier of the empire, and -it was very doubtful if it could be retained by any other family. In -Hungary little opposition was made to the accession of Albert V. of -Austria, who had already won a reputation in the Turkish wars for valour -and sagacity. But before his coronation he had to promise to refuse the -imperial crown if it should be offered to him, a stipulation which shows -how little the Hungarians valued the connection with Germany. In -Bohemia, Albert had identified himself with the orthodox party, and -could reckon on its support. But the Hussites, still a majority of the -population, were resolutely opposed to him, not only on religious -grounds, but also because his accession would continue the hated German -domination, and his claim ran counter to their contention that the -Bohemian crown was elective. The result was a renewal of civil war. -Albert was accepted and crowned by his partisans, while the Hussites -sought to gain the general support of the Slavs by offering the crown to -Casimir, the brother of Ladislas of Poland. - -Meanwhile the electors in Germany had to fill the imperial throne. The -reforming party, which had been stirred to activity by the disasters of -the Hussite war, was still in existence and still headed by Frederick of -[Sidenote: Election of Albert II., 1338.] Hohenzollern. If they could -control the election, it might be possible to return to the policy which -Sigismund had pursued in his early years. Their desire was to choose a -prince whose interests lay within Germany and not outside, and who would -sacrifice any personal or family considerations for the general welfare. -The candidate whom they put forward was Frederick of Hohenzollern -himself, who had already given an example within Brandenburg of that -reforming activity which was needed to put an end to the selfish and -distracting divisions of Germany. But the majority of the German princes -were little influenced by patriotic considerations. They valued -independence far higher than unity. It was no grievance to them that -Sigismund had neglected Germany since 1417, and had busied himself with -affairs in Bohemia and Hungary. They turned their eyes to Albert V. of -Austria, who seemed to occupy precisely the same position as Sigismund -had held in his later years. His immediate objects lay so far outside -the empire that he was not likely to interfere with princely -independence, while the pursuit of his own interests in the east might -indirectly render no small service to Germany. Another and perhaps -decisive argument in Albert’s favour was that he had adopted that policy -of neutrality in the struggle between Pope and Council which commended -itself to most of the German princes. When the Electoral College met in -March 1438, it was speedily evident that Albert had a secure majority in -his favour, and Frederick of Brandenburg gracefully withdrew his -candidature in order to allow the election to be unanimous. The election -does not bulk very largely in either contemporary or later narrative, -but it was really of quite decisive importance. Until the fall of the -Holy Roman Empire in 1806, with the exception of one short interval in -the eighteenth century, the Hapsburgs retained practically hereditary -possession of the imperial crown. Under them Germany became a loose and -ineffective federation, held together by tradition and habit and by the -ascendency of a dynasty which showed remarkable astuteness and obstinacy -in the pursuit of its own interests. The monarchy of the Ottos and the -Hohenstaufen had ceased to exist, and the traditions of Ghibellinism -became an anachronism after 1438. The choice in that year lay between a -Hapsburg and a Hohenzollern; and it is of more than superficial interest -to note that when the empire of the Hapsburgs had come to an end, when -the evils of disunion had at last worked their own cure, the first -attempt to revive German unity was the election of a Hohenzollern to the -throne which the Hapsburgs had failed to fill. - -Albert II., as he is called in the list of emperors, only accepted the -proffered dignity with considerable reluctance, and was never able to -visit Germany, even for the [Sidenote: Death of Albert II.] purpose of -being crowned. His first occupation was to enforce his claim in Bohemia -against his rival, the Polish prince Casimir. With the aid of a German -force, Albert laid siege to Tabor, which was still the great Hussite -stronghold. The besiegers were repulsed by a sally headed by a young -Bohemian noble, George Podiebrad; and though Albert was more successful -in Silesia, where there was a large German element in the population, -the fate of Bohemia was still doubtful when he was called away by the -news that the Turks had invaded Servia and were threatening Hungary. -Leaving his representatives with instructions to patch up a truce with -Poland, Albert hurried to meet this new danger. But he wholly failed to -relieve Semendria, and his troops were decimated by dysentery contracted -in the marshy valley of the Theiss. Albert himself was attacked by the -disease, and hurried homeward in the hope of seeing his capital and his -wife once more. On the way he learned that his cause in Bohemia was -jeopardised by treachery, that the Council of Basel had revived the -schism by electing Felix V. as anti-pope, and that the Turks were -advancing upon Belgrad, the key of Hungary. At this crisis, when -disaster or ruin seemed imminent from every side, Albert succumbed to -disease just as he had reached the outskirts of Vienna (October 27, -1439). His death seemed to make the general confusion worse confounded. -Not only was the empire again left without a head, but the -recently-established connection of Austria with Hungary and Bohemia was -dissolved before it had had time to gain any strength, and it was -extremely doubtful whether it would ever be restored. The only children -born to Albert and Elizabeth were two daughters, but Elizabeth was -pregnant at the time of her husband’s death, and until the child was -born any question of hereditary right must remain in abeyance. It will -perhaps be clearer to consider the imperial election and the general -history of Germany before turning to the tangled series of events which -ensued in Albert’s personal dominions. - -The election of 1438 was too recent for any marked change to have taken -place in the balance of parties, and the principles which had then -prevailed were re-affirmed [Sidenote: Election of Frederick III.] in -1440 with even greater emphasis. In choosing Albert the electors could -argue with some force that they were giving the imperial office to the -strongest candidate. Albert was the legitimate successor of the late -emperor, and he was a powerful prince. Not only was he archduke of -Austria, but he had been crowned king in Hungary and Bohemia, and though -he was opposed in the latter country he had a better claim than his -opponent. Moreover, his personal character and his past achievements -commanded general respect. None of these arguments could be advanced in -favour of Frederick of Styria, who was now brought forward by the -electors who had supported Albert. In his father’s territories of -Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola he was only joint ruler with his brother -Albert. He was barely twenty-four years old, so that little was known of -his character and abilities, but he had given no proof either of energy -or capacity for affairs. But these considerations had no weight with men -who desired only a King Log, and Frederick was chosen by five votes to -two on February 2, 1440. The rival candidate was Lewis of Hesse, who was -put forward and supported by Frederick of Brandenburg. Events had -convinced the latter that in face of the jealous hostility of the house -of Wettin neither he nor any member of his family had a chance of -success. - -His vote on this occasion was almost the last public act of the first -Hohenzollern elector of Brandenburg, though he received one more proof -of the esteem in which [Sidenote: Death of Frederick I. of Brandenburg.] -he was held. A council of forty-seven was formed in this year to choose -a new king for Bohemia. Ten votes were split among several candidates, -while thirty-seven were given for Margrave Frederick. But he was too old -and too weary to entertain any new ambitions, and the flattering offer -was declined. On September 21, 1440, he died, leaving his territories to -the joint rule of his four sons. For nearly fifty years, ever since he -saved Sigismund’s life in the battle of Nicopolis, he had played a -foremost part in German politics. He had met with failures as well as -triumphs, but he had always secured respect, both for distinguished -ability and for purity of motive. He was the last champion of the grand -imperial traditions, which had really perished at the time of the Great -Interregnum, though Henry VII. and, at one time, Sigismund had made an -effort for their revival. It was fitting that Frederick should die in -the year in which the ideas which he represented met with their final -reverse. But he was much more than the champion of the mediæval past. He -was the real creator of the modern state of Prussia, which has become -the centre of a revived German nationality, and has thus succeeded to -some extent in carrying out the schemes in the advancement of which its -great founder spent his life. - -Frederick III., who held the German crown for fifty-three years, was -almost as inefficient a ruler as the drunken Wenzel, but his inaction -was due rather to set purpose than [Sidenote: Character of Frederick -III.] to incompetence. He is described by a German chronicler as -handsome and well built, of quick intelligence but of placid spirit, -fond above measure of peace and quiet. Even the labours of the chase -were distasteful to him, and his chief delight was in architecture and -the collection of precious stones. By many he was considered a coward. -His acute contemporary, Philippe de Commines, calls him ‘the most -perfectly niggardly man that ever lived.’ In another passage, however, -Commines admits that his long experience of men had given him wisdom. -This was quite true. Frederick had none of the energy and decision of a -statesman who wishes to control the course of events. But he had the -merit of self-control, and a cheery confidence that patience and delay -would bring improvement, no matter how hopeless might seem the condition -of affairs. His reputation for cowardice arose from his habit of evading -difficulties when he felt unable to face them. Thus, in 1451, when he -was threatened by a simultaneous rising in Austria and Styria, he left -the rebels to do their worst, and hurried off to Italy to receive the -imperial crown. In 1473 he had his famous interview at Trier with -Charles the Bold, who desired to receive the royal title. Unwilling -either to grant the request or to exasperate the duke by a direct -refusal, the emperor escaped by night to Cologne. Such expedients were -not very dignified, nor were they calculated to produce any great -triumphs of statesmanship, but they were not ill suited to avoid fatal -disasters. In Germany Frederick was threatened with reforms which should -annul the royal power, and even with deposition, yet he succeeded in the -end in defeating his opponents. In his hereditary dominions he suffered -many humiliations; and at one time the greater part of Austria, -including the capital, Vienna, had fallen into the hands of the -Hungarians. But at the time of his death, Frederick left the house of -Hapsburg infinitely more powerful than it had been at the time of his -accession. The family territories, which had been subdivided since 1370, -were gradually re-united in the hands of the Styrian line. And the -marriage of his son Maximilian with Mary of Burgundy raised the -Hapsburgs to be one of the great dynasties of Europe, and prepared the -way for still greater pre-eminence in the future. - -Of Germany as a state there is naturally very little history under a -king who deliberately neglected his duties. For nearly thirty years -Frederick III. remained obstinately [Sidenote: German opposition to -Frederick III.] secluded in his own territories, and never visited any -other part of Germany. Diets were held and matters of the gravest -importance debated, but neither entreaties nor threats could induce the -emperor to attend. In the first great problem of his reign, the quarrel -between the papacy and the Council of Basel, Frederick showed the most -cynical disregard of national interests and prejudices. The pope was -anxious to annul the pragmatic sanction of 1439, which had given some -measure of independence to the German Church. Frederick allowed himself -to be bribed into a secret treaty with the papacy, and the diplomacy of -Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini was employed to divide and gain over the -princes and electors. Eugenius IV. lived just long enough to accept the -preliminary treaty, and the final concordat was concluded with Nicolas -V. (see p. 241). Equally discreditable, though less treacherous and -self-seeking, was Frederick’s conduct when the news came that -Constantinople had fallen before the Turkish attack. The pope and the -emperor, as the joint heads of Christendom, were the natural leaders of -resistance to the encroachments of the infidel. And Frederick III. had -strong personal and territorial interests at stake which he might -consider more important than the obligations of his high dignity. -Nicolas V. hastened to issue exhortations to a new crusade, and Æneas -Sylvius set himself to rouse the martial spirit of Germany. But -Frederick III. shut himself up in his room, and with tears lamented the -instability of human greatness. The German diet met at Ratisbon in 1453, -and at Frankfort in 1454, but the emperor would not appear, and in his -absence no decision could be come to. Bitter indignation was felt and -expressed at such pusillanimous inactivity. The archbishop of Trier, -Jacob von Sirk, who had never pardoned Frederick for his betrayal of the -German Church to the papacy, took the lead of the opposition. With him -was allied the Elector Palatine Frederick the Victorious, who had -supplanted the infant nephew for whom he had been guardian, but had -never been able to obtain the imperial sanction for his usurpation. The -deposition of the emperor was discussed, and Philip of Burgundy, who -professed great ardour for the projected crusade, was suggested as his -successor. Ultimately in 1455 a more practical scheme was put forward -for the creation of a central administrative body, in which the emperor -might appoint a deputy if he would not attend in person. This council, -in which the electors would have preponderated, was to put down -disorder, to raise a revenue by an imperial tax upon clergy and laity -alike, and was to take measures for the defence of the empire against -the Turks. The scheme came to nothing. Frederick III. opposed a passive -resistance, and the archbishop of Trier was more interested to gain -power and prominence for himself than to effect any real reform. In 1456 -Mohammed II. laid siege to Belgrade, and the fall of the fortress would -have opened the whole valley of the upper Danube to the Turks. The -danger was warded off, not by the exertions of emperor or princes, but -by the heroism and skill of a Hungarian soldier. - -With the opposition to the emperor was combined hostility to the papacy. -Many of the princes looked back with regret to the pragmatic sanction of -1439, and envied the French who still retained the pragmatic [Sidenote: -German hostility to the papacy.] sanction of Bourges. The death of -Nicolas V. in 1455 and the election of Calixtus III. gave an opportunity -for formulating the old complaints against the Roman see. Some of the -electors proposed to summon a new general council in a German city to -take up the work of ecclesiastical reform which the council of Basel had -failed to carry through. At the same time the reform of the imperial -administration was again mooted, and Frederick III. was called upon to -attend a meeting of the diet. But the princes had ceased to be a united -party. Albert Achilles, the brother of the elector of Brandenburg, had -quarrelled with the Elector Palatine, and now came forward as the -supporter of the emperor. The archbishop of Trier was dead and his -successor was gained to the side of Frederick III. The opposition -leaders still threatened to depose the emperor, but they had no longer a -majority behind them. Frederick III. by a masterly inactivity had -thwarted the projects of administrative reform, and thus set the seal -upon German disunion. His triumph brought with it a victory for the -papacy. Ecclesiastical tenths were constantly levied on the pretext of a -Turkish crusade, but the money passed into the pope’s coffers. Half the -benefices in Germany were practically in the gift of the Curia. In 1459 -Æneas Sylvius became pope as Pius II. in succession to Calixtus III. In -1460 he dealt a fatal blow to the conciliar opposition with which he had -been so closely associated in earlier years. The bull _Execrabilis_ -declared any appeal from a papal decision to a general council to be -impious and heretical. From this time the opposition to the papacy in -Germany was only weak and fitful until a new era began in the next -century. - -For his inaction in Germany, Frederick III. had a fairly substantial -excuse in the constant troubles in which he was involved at home. Not -only had he to contend with the factious opposition of his brother -Albert and the Styrian nobles, but in 1439 the death of his uncle -Frederick left him to act as guardian for the young Sigismund of Tyrol, -and later in the same year he was called upon to deal with the very -serious problems to which the death of Albert II. gave rise. As -Sigismund’s guardian, Frederick III. had to administer Tyrol and the -Swabian territories, and the latter brought him into collision with the -Swiss. For a long time jealousy had existed between the [Sidenote: -Frederick III. and the Swiss.] rural cantons and the city members of the -League, especially Zürich. This was brought to a head in 1436 by the -death of the count of Toggenburg. His inheritance was claimed by the -emperor, by the Confederation as a whole, and by Zürich. When the -citizens seized a large part of the disputed territory, the rest of the -confederates, headed by Schwyz, took up arms and compelled them to -disgorge their booty. It was the prominent part taken by the men of -Schwyz on this occasion which helped to give their name to the whole -Confederation. Indignant at the humiliation, Zürich drew aloof from the -League and appealed to Frederick III. as both emperor and representative -of the House of Hapsburg. Frederick could not resist the temptation to -enforce the imperial claims to Toggenburg, and also to recover the -Aargau which the Swiss had taken from his uncle, Frederick of Tyrol, at -the time of his quarrel with the Emperor Sigismund. The war broke out in -1442, and in spite of Frederick’s assistance Zürich was again closely -besieged by the forces of the Confederation. Unable to spare more troops -from his own territories, Frederick resorted to the extraordinary -expedient of employing French mercenaries against his German subjects. -Charles VII., freed for the time from his war with England, was only too -glad to get rid of some of the _écorcheurs_, who had become a curse to -France. Instead of the 5000 men whose services were demanded, he sent -nearly 20,000 so-called ‘Armagnacs’ to invade Swabia under the nominal -command of the dauphin. Devastation and misery marked the track of this -vast force as it advanced to raise the siege of Zürich. A few hundred -Swiss tried to block the way, and on the field of St. Jacob, the German -Thermopylæ, they were completely annihilated. But their heroism had -gained its end. The invaders, who had suffered terrible losses, hastened -to conclude a truce with such resolute foes, and retired to Alsace. In -1445 they were induced to evacuate the country, but it was long before -the horrors of the raid were forgotten in Germany. Frederick III., who -had brought such sufferings upon his subjects, gained nothing by his -unpatriotic action. The Swiss were more than ever determined to resist -the hated Hapsburgs to the last. The war went on till 1450, when Zürich -deserted the Austrian alliance and returned to the League. Frederick had -to give up the guardianship of his cousin [Sidenote: Sigismund of -Tyrol.] Sigismund, who became independent ruler in Tyrol and the Swabian -territories. His subsequent history may be briefly traced. Involved in -constant quarrels with the Swiss, for which he was inadequately provided -with men and money, he pledged his Swabian lands in 1469 to Charles the -Bold. They proved as fatal a possession to the Burgundian duke as they -had been to the Hapsburgs. The wily Louis XI. gained one of his greatest -diplomatic triumphs when he reconciled the Swiss with Sigismund of -Tyrol, and stirred them up to make war against their powerful neighbour. -After successive defeats at Granson and Morat, Charles the Bold fell in -1477 before the walls of Nancy. Sigismund of Tyrol recovered his Swabian -inheritance, but he had no children, and before his death in 1496 he -handed his territories over to Frederick III.’s son Maximilian, in whose -hands all the Hapsburg territories were reunited. - -The succession to Albert II. in Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia gave rise -to a series of complications in the east, and involved Frederick III. in -many difficulties. Albert’s widow, Elizabeth, gave birth to a son, -Ladislas Postumus, on February 22, 1440. In [Sidenote: Succession in -Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia.] Austria, where the rule of male -succession was unquestioned, the infant duke was immediately -acknowledged, and was placed under the guardianship of Frederick III. -But in Bohemia and Hungary, where Hapsburg rule was both novel and -unpopular, the problem was by no means so easily settled. In Hungary -there was no absolute rule of inheritance, and female succession was not -excluded either by custom or law. Sigismund’s claim to the crown had -rested on his marriage with the daughter of Lewis the Great, and Albert -had been accepted as the son-in-law of Sigismund. It was possible to -contend that there was no real vacancy, and that Elizabeth was lawful -queen. The primary need of Hungary was defence against the Turks, and in -order to strengthen the kingdom the nobles compelled Elizabeth to offer -her hand, and with it the Hungarian crown, to Ladislas III. of Poland. -On the birth of her son, Elizabeth repudiated the engagement, and had -the infant crowned king. But she was not strong enough to enforce her -will, and on her death in 1442 the Polish king was generally -acknowledged in Hungary. But he perished in the great battle of Varna -against the Turks in 1444, and in the following year the Hungarians -returned to the direct line and recognised Ladislas Postumus as king. -But he was still a minor in the guardianship of Frederick III.; and as -the Hungarians would not allow a foreigner to administer their kingdom, -they gave the office of governor in 1446 to John Hunyadi, who had won a -brilliant reputation in the Turkish war. Meanwhile, Bohemia had pursued -its own course. The Utraquists, the most numerous and powerful party in -the kingdom, refused to recognise claims based upon hereditary right or -dynastic treaties, and insisted upon the right of election. In all -probability they would have chosen the Jagellon king of Poland, if he -had not already been accepted in Hungary. The connection with Hungary -was no more popular than that with Austria. The crown was offered to -Frederick of Brandenburg, but he would not have it, and in the end it -was decided to elect Ladislas Postumus as king, and to intrust the -administration during the minority to a council of Regency. But this -settlement of the succession failed to produce any harmony among the -contending parties. The Roman Catholics, headed by Ulrich von Rosenberg, -desired a complete reconciliation with Germany and the Papacy. The -Utraquists, who found a capable leader in George Podiebrad, were -resolute to maintain the national independence and the religious -settlement arranged in the _Compactata_ with the Council of Basel. A -prolonged civil war ended in the Utraquist victory and the appointment -of George Podiebrad as governor of Bohemia in 1452. - -The Hapsburg rule in Hungary and Bohemia was nominally prolonged by the -recognition of Ladislas Postumus in his father’s dominions. But in -actual fact there was [Sidenote: Ladislas Postumus.] little strength in -the connection, as each state arranged its own affairs with intentional -disregard of its fellows. To Frederick III., the guardianship of his -young cousin brought little but incessant worries and annoyances. -Neither Hungary nor Bohemia would allow him any authority whatever, and -even in Austria Styrian administration was extremely unpopular. Both the -Austrian nobles and John Hunyadi were urgent in demanding that Ladislas -Postumus should be released from external tutelage and intrusted to the -care of his own subjects. George Podiebrad, on the other hand, who had -no wish to jeopardise his own authority by the presence of a young king, -who might fall under the influence of his opponents, urged Frederick to -maintain his rights as guardian. In 1451 a simultaneous rising broke out -in Austria and in Styria. Frederick III. chose this moment for a journey -to Rome, to receive the imperial crown at the hands of the Pope. He -endeavoured to checkmate the rebels by taking Ladislas Postumus with -him. The coronation, on March 19, 1452, was the last that was destined -to take place in the ancient capital of the empire. On the emperor’s -return to Germany, he was disgusted to find that his absence had only -exasperated his opponents. The Austrian nobles entered Styria and -attacked him in his own capital of Neustadt. Unable to resist any -longer, Frederick agreed in September 1452 to hand over his ward to the -Count of Cilly, who carried him in triumph to Vienna. - -Ladislas Postumus seemed to have a brilliant career before him, when he -emerged from tutelage to be Duke of Austria and King of Hungary and -Bohemia. He was at the time in his thirteenth year, and he had only five -troubled years to live. Hungary and Bohemia remained under the -administration of Hunyadi and Podiebrad, but Ladislas was involved in -quarrels with the two regents by the evil influence of the Count of -Cilly. It was still uncertain whether the young king would succeed -[Sidenote: Relief of Belgrad, 1456.] in asserting his personal -authority, when the fall of Constantinople and the pressing danger from -the Turks compelled a temporary pacification. In 1456, Mohammed II. with -a huge army laid siege to Belgrade, and Turkish vessels sailed up the -Danube to exclude any attempt to relieve the garrison by way of the -river. Hungary and south-eastern Germany would be exposed to invasion if -the great fortress were allowed to fall. For a moment, something like -the old crusading fervour was excited by the preaching of an -enthusiastic Franciscan, Fra Capistrano, and Hunyadi undertook the -command of the motley host that was collected by the eloquence of the -friar. A flotilla of rafts and boats was prepared, and the destruction -of the Turkish ships, under the very eyes of the Sultan and his army, -enabled the relieving force to enter Belgrad. But Mohammed II. refused -to acknowledge his defeat. As a blockade was no longer possible, he -determined to carry the fortress by storm. One by one the outworks were -carried by sheer force of numbers in spite of the heroic resistance of -the defenders. The crescent was about to be elevated to announce a -signal victory, when Hunyadi and Capistrano headed a last sally. The -Turks were driven in headlong flight from the walls, their camp was -stormed and burned, and before evening the Sultan’s army was in full -flight for Sofia, leaving 20,000 men on the field (July 22, 1456). The -relief of Belgrade was a magnificent achievement, but it cost the life -of the two leaders. Hunyadi died of camp fever on August 11, and a few -weeks later Capistrano followed him to the grave. - -The death of the Hungarian regent was welcomed by Count Cilly as -removing a rival from his path. But the great soldier had left two sons, -Ladislas and Mathias, who inherited their father’s popularity [Sidenote: -Death of Ladislas Postumus.] and might aspire to hold his position in -the state, and Cilly schemed to effect their ruin. Ignorant that his -intrigues had been discovered, he accompanied the young king on a visit -to the rescued fortress. No sooner were they within Belgrade than they -found themselves prisoners, and Cilly was brought before Ladislas -Hunyadi, reproached for his treachery, and put to death. Ladislas -Postumus was shrewd enough to dissimulate his wrath and to pretend to -pardon the murderers. But he was only waiting his time. Early in 1457 he -returned to Pesth, and as soon as he had surrounded himself with his own -partisans, he had Ladislas Hunyadi taken prisoner, tried and executed -for the murder of Cilly. Mathias, the younger brother, he carried off to -Vienna and thence to Prague. At the latter city he was preparing to -celebrate his marriage with Madeline, daughter of Charles VII. of -France, when he died suddenly on November 23, 1457. So tragic an event -made a profound impression in Europe. Ladislas Postumus was too young to -be regarded as responsible for the demerits of his government, and his -handsome face and winning manners had always made him personally -popular. In Vienna the news was received with paroxysms of grief, and a -suspicion was naturally entertained that the young prince had met with -foul play. That he should have died in Prague was almost conclusive -proof of crime. German dislike of the Slavs and Roman Catholic -detestation of heretics combined to formulate the charge against George -Podiebrad. Before long men told in detail how the poison had been -administered, its effects on the unfortunate victim, and the way in -which the doctors had been suborned by the Bohemian regent. But there is -not the slightest foundation for these stories, and Ladislas -unquestionably died of the plague or Black Death which devastated Europe -at intervals throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. - -For the second time within a few years the connexion between Austria, -Hungary, and Bohemia was dissolved, and as Ladislas Postumus left no -descendants, it seemed extremely unlikely that it would be renewed. In -each of the three countries which he ruled he represented a different -dynasty. In Austria he was the last of the Albertine line, and his death -left the primacy to the Styrian branch of the Hapsburgs. In Hungary he -had ruled, through the marriage of his grandfather Sigismund, as the -ultimate descendant of the Angevin dynasty, which had held the crown for -a century and a half. In Bohemia, through his mother Elizabeth, he -represented the house of Luxemburg. Great interest attached to the -succession. Austria, by family agreement, passed to the joint rule of -the three surviving Hapsburg princes, Frederick III. and his brother -Albert, and their cousin Sigismund of Tyrol. Such an arrangement gave -rise to quarrels, which were only terminated by the death of Albert in -1463, when Frederick III. bought off Sigismund with a money payment and -assumed the undivided government of the Austrian duchy. In Hungary it -was decided to disregard all hereditary claims, and to fill the throne -by free [Sidenote: Elections of Mathias Corvinus and George Podiebrad.] -election. On January 24, 1458, the choice of the diet fell upon Mathias -Corvinus, the surviving son of Hunyadi, whose final exploit in relieving -Belgrade had made him a national hero. In Bohemia a similar contempt was -shown for dynastic or treaty claims, and the growing national sentiment -found expression in the election of George Podiebrad (March 2, 1458). -These two elections were events of no ordinary significance. They marked -a popular protest against dynastic arrangements which had paid no regard -to national interests, and had so often brought about the rule of alien -princes. The practical assertion of the rights of the people, of the -principle of nationality, and of the idea that merit rather than birth -confers a claim to rule, was a serious blow to the vested interests of -European kings and princes. - -The termination of Hapsburg rule in Hungary and Bohemia was a bitter -disappointment to Frederick III., who had hoped to succeed his cousin in -these kingdoms. But as usual, his exertions were unequal to his -ambition; and after a futile struggle he was compelled to acknowledge -his successful rivals. Common interests drew the new kings together, and -the marriage of Mathias with the [Sidenote: War between Hungary and -Bohemia.] daughter of Podiebrad seemed likely to be the basis of a close -and lasting alliance. Such an alliance would have been of the greatest -value to Europe, and would have constituted a formidable barrier to -Turkish aggression. George Podiebrad had already shown consummate -statesmanship in restoring order in the distracted state of Bohemia, and -Mathias soon proved that he had inherited no inconsiderable share of the -military skill and energy of his father. But unfortunately religious -differences placed an impediment in the way of the concerted action of -two princes who had no superior among the monarchs of their time. -Mathias was an orthodox member of the Church, while his father-in-law -had been born and bred a Utraquist, and had consistently directed his -policy to the maintenance of the Compacts of 1433. But these concessions -to the Hussites had been extorted with difficulty from the Council of -Basel, and successive popes were eager to restore uniformity of belief -and ritual by their revocation. Pius II., encouraged by a confident -expectation of the revival of crusading ardour, ventured to annul the -Compacts in 1462, and his successor, Paul II., in 1466 decreed the -deposition of Podiebrad as a heretic. The result of these papal measures -was to rekindle a religious war in Bohemia, and Breslau became the -centre of a rebellious Catholic league. But Podiebrad was well able to -hold his own against domestic opposition, and the Pope, with the -connivance of the Emperor, set himself to obtain the active assistance -of the Hungarian king. Mathias had no sympathy with heresy, his wife had -died in 1464, and he was tempted by the prospect of acquiring the -Bohemian crown for himself and of gaining the active support of the -German states against the Turks. War broke out in 1468, but Mathias, in -spite of occasional victories, gained little honour or substantial -advantage. In fact the chief result of hostilities was to deprive him of -the prospect of gaining Bohemia. George Podiebrad, driven by Hungarian -invasion to seek the support of Poland, suggested Ladislas, the son of -Casimir of Poland, as his successor. The proposal was not unwelcome to -the diet. The sentiment of nationality was conciliated by the choice of -a Slav prince, and the only lingering sentiment of loyalty to the -ancient dynasty was gratified by the thought that Ladislas’s mother was -the younger daughter of Albert II. and Elizabeth of Luxemburg, and that -therefore some of the blood of Charles IV. ran in his veins. On the -death of Podiebrad in 1471, Ladislas succeeded in attaining the crown in -spite of all the efforts of Mathias to exclude him. - -Mathias had good reason to suspect that the emperor, his professed ally, -had supported the candidature of Ladislas, and during the later part of -his reign he was engaged in almost continual hostilities with Austria. -Frederick III. was no soldier, and for a time he was glad to purchase -the restoration of conquered territories by a money payment to his -formidable neighbour. His attention was absorbed during a whole decade -by the important events in the [Sidenote: Frederick III and Burgundy.] -west which preceded and followed the death of Charles the Bold. His -great desire was to secure the hand of Charles’s daughter for his son -Maximilian, but he must many times have despaired of achieving his end. -In 1473 he evaded by flight Charles’s imperative request for a royal -title. In the next year he had to raise an imperial army in order to -relieve Neuss from the Burgundian besiegers, though he was careful to -avoid actual hostilities, and rejected the artful proposals of Louis XI. -for a partition of the territories of a common enemy. Yet he used his -influence to bring about the war between Charles and the Swiss, which -restored to the Hapsburgs their ancient lands in Swabia, and in which -Charles met with his defeat and death. Then at last Frederick found his -opportunity. Pressed by the selfish aggression of Louis XI., Mary of -Burgundy concluded the marriage with Maximilian which had been so long -debated, and brought to her husband the great Burgundian inheritance, -though the treaty of Arras (1482) shore off some provinces which Louis -XI. would not relinquish. - -This notable triumph was followed by an equally signal humiliation. The -war with Hungary was renewed, and Mathias Corvinus overran the whole of -Austria and great part of Styria and Carinthia. In 1485 Vienna was -compelled to surrender, and Frederick III., driven from his [Sidenote: -Last years of Frederick III.] capital, was forced to wander as an -imperial mendicant from one German monastery to another. Yet the old man -never lost his cheerfulness or his confidence in the future. He refused -to allow Maximilian to conclude a treaty in which any permanent cession -of Austrian territory should be stipulated, and insisted upon waiting -for a favourable turn in the course of events. In 1486 he induced the -electors to choose Maximilian as King of the Romans, and thus secured -the continuance of the imperial dignity in his family. In 1490 Mathias -Corvinus died leaving no legitimate heir to continue the line of -Hunyadi. Neither Frederick nor Maximilian could secure the succession, -and the Hungarian diet offered the crown to Ladislas of Bohemia. But -though the extension of Jagellon power was in itself displeasing, the -change of rulers enabled the Hapsburgs to recover their losses. In 1491 -Ladislas was compelled to sign the treaty of Pressburg, by which all the -conquests of Mathias were restored, and it was arranged that on the -extinction of his male line his territories should pass to the -Hapsburgs. By a series of chances, this condition was actually carried -out within the next forty years. But the exertions of Maximilian to -extort these terms from the Hungarian king had involved him in a great -humiliation in the west. The heiress of Brittany, to whom he had been -actually married by proxy, was forced to give her person and her -province to the French king Charles VIII., and his only daughter, -Margaret, who had been for years betrothed to the latter, was repudiated -and sent back to her father. But the wrong brought with it some -compensation when Charles VIII., in 1493, found it a necessary -preliminary to his Italian expedition to conciliate his injured rival by -the restoration of Artois and Franche-Comté. The year before, Maximilian -had received Tyrol and Alsace from Sigismund, so that Frederick III. -lived to see the Hapsburg dominions not only reunited in a single line, -but vastly extended. For some time he had allowed all power to fall into -the hands of his impetuous son, and little interest was aroused in the -midst of more exciting events by the news that the old emperor had died -on August 19, 1493. For years he had inscribed the five vowels as a -mystic sign on all his buildings, books, and ornaments, and it appeared -that their significance was _Austriæ est imperare orbi universo_, or in -German _Alles Erdreich ist Œsterreich unterthan_. The implied prophecy -was never literally fulfilled, but it came nearer to fulfilment than any -contemporary of Frederick III. could have anticipated. And to this -result the patient and rather ignoble diplomacy of the long-lived -emperor contributed in no small degree. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII - THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE AND THE SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS - - - Relations of Germany in the fourteenth century with Scandinavians - and Slavs—The towns of southern and northern Germany—Unions of - German merchants abroad—Trade in the Baltic and the North - Sea—Alliance of Lübeck and Hamburg—Origin of the Hanseatic - League—Aggressions of Eric Menved—Collapse of Denmark and revival of - the League—Waldemar III. and the capture of Wisby—The Hanse towns at - war with Waldemar—Treaty of Stralsund—The League at the zenith of - its power—Queen Margaret and the Union of Kalmar—War between Denmark - and Holstein for the possession of Schleswig—Deposition of Eric of - Pomerania—Christopher of Bavaria re-unites the three - kingdoms—Christian I. of Oldenburg and the severance of Sweden from - the Union—Karl Knudson and the Stures—Christian I. acquires - Schleswig and Holstein—Gradual decline of the Hanseatic League. - -The fourteenth century is not a period to which Germans look back with -pride or satisfaction. It produced no great [Sidenote: Relation of -Germany with Scandinavians and Slavs.] rulers, like the Ottos, or -Frederick Barbarossa, or Frederick II., who are the favourite heroes of -German history in the middle ages. In their place we have Lewis the -Bavarian and his pusillanimous struggle with French popes, Charles IV. -with his subtle and cold-blooded policy which has been little understood -or appreciated because it produced no great obvious results, and Wenzel, -whose drunken incompetence led to deposition and schism. There is an -obvious decline of German power and prestige. The crowns of Italy and of -Arles confer upon their holder a nominal dignity as unreal as that of -the Roman Empire itself. The German kingship is more substantial, but -possesses little efficient authority. The king’s influence depends more -upon his private territorial possessions than upon his royal position, -and his chief interest is in the aggrandisement of his family rather -than the extension of the powers of the crown. He cannot extort -obedience from his powerful vassals, still less can he defend the -distant frontiers of his kingdom. Yet in spite of the impotence of the -central authority, there were two points on the frontier on which the -cause of Germany was championed with brilliant though not very lasting -success. To the north-west lay the Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, -Sweden and Denmark, of which Denmark was the nearest and for a long time -the most powerful. The Danes were of German origin, and for generations -they had recognised the overlordship of German emperors. But they had -gradually become severed from the southern members of their own race, -and their interests and prejudices were in many respects anti-German. -Knud VI. (1182-1202) repudiated any allegiance to the emperor, and the -break-up of the Saxon duchy by Frederick Barbarossa destroyed the most -efficient bulwark of northern Germany against Danish aggression. -Geographical position enabled the Danes to claim a control of the -Baltic, which more than one king from Waldemar II. (1202-1241) to -Waldemar III. (1340-1375) sought to convert into absolute supremacy. -Resistance to a design which would have been disastrous to Germany was -undertaken, not by the emperors, who showed a curious incapacity to -appreciate the importance of the Baltic, but by the famous association -of North German towns which is known as the Hanseatic League. Their -motive was neither patriotism nor a sense of nationality, but a selfish -pursuit of trading interests: nevertheless their action saved Germany -from a serious danger. Farther east was a still greater problem. In the -ninth century the whole of the southern coast of the Baltic was -inhabited by Slavs, who had displaced the earlier German settlers. With -the tenth century began a long struggle on the part of the Germans to -drive back this alien migration, or at any rate to extort submission and -the acceptance of Christianity from the conquered Slavs. Thanks to the -exertions of two great families, the Welfs in Saxony and the Ascanians -in Brandenburg, this task was in great measure accomplished by the -thirteenth century. As far as the Vistula German preponderance had been -established and secured by the introduction of German settlers and the -foundation of German towns. But to the east of the Vistula the struggle -was still going on, and it still involved religious as well as political -and commercial interests. Here again, as in the north-west, the emperors -were absolutely inactive, and the Teutonic Order was left almost unaided -to carry on a crusade in Lithuania and Livonia for the extension at once -of Christianity and of German civilisation. These two very different -corporations, the Hanse towns and the Teutonic knights—with the equally -different Swiss Confederation in the south—are in many ways the most -interesting developments of German life in an age when Germany as a -whole was weak and anarchical. - -The towns of Germany developed more slowly than the great Italian -republics, and never attained to the same measure of independence or -fame. Yet in many respects their history is similar. Both owed -[Sidenote: The German towns.] their municipal self-government to the -weakness of the central authority, and both owed their prosperity to an -advantageous position for carrying on trade. The great commercial -routes, by which the commodities made or collected in Italy were -distributed throughout central Europe, ran through southern Germany, and -it was their position on these routes that gave importance to such towns -as Ulm, Ratisbon, Augsburg, and Nürnberg. In the north an almost equally -lucrative trade was conducted along the shores of the Baltic and the -North Sea, and this trade was almost a monopoly in the hands of German -merchants. And the northern sailors had another source of wealth in the -fishing industry, which was of special importance in the Middle Ages, -when strict rules as to fasting were enforced by the Church. The -combination of trade and fishing brought prosperity to the great -northern towns of Bremen, Hamburg, Lübeck, Rostock, Danzig, and many -others. Between the north and the south lay the great city of Cologne, -interested in the southern trade as it found its way along the Rhine -valley, and having also a large stake in the commerce with England and -other countries bordering on the North Sea. But the real meeting-place -of north and south was in the Flemish city of Bruges, whither merchants -from all parts of Europe thronged to exchange their respective wares. - -The fourteenth century is the golden age of the German towns, the period -in which their wealth and political importance were higher than at any -other period. But there is a marked and noteworthy distinction -[Sidenote: Distinction between northern and southern towns.] between the -northern and the southern groups. The great southern cities had many -interests in common with each other. They had to resist the growing -power of the territorial princes, always jealous of municipal -independence; they were eager to put down disorder and private war; and -obvious motives impelled them to oppose excessive tolls on roads and -rivers and to obtain security for travellers. These interests, and -especially the need of police measures to put down robbery or to extort -redress, induced them from time to time to form alliances among -themselves. But still stronger than community of interest was the -jealousy with which the cities regarded each other, and none of these -leagues proved lasting. The dominant aim of the southern cities was -independence and isolation. In the north the sense of rivalry was -equally strong, but the dangers and difficulties were in many ways -greater, and thus there was a more powerful impulse towards union. The -surrounding states were all of them more backward and less civilised -than the Germans; and this gave to the northern towns an infinitely -greater political influence than could be exercised by those of the -south, which had to deal with powerful and highly developed communities. -Hence, while the southern cities could never combine together except for -a short time and an immediate object, those in the north gradually -formed a league, faulty and ill adjusted in many ways, but which gave -its members far greater importance than they could have acquired by -isolated action, and even enabled them to play for a short time a -dominant part in the politics of northern Europe. - -The word ‘hansa’ is of some importance in the Middle Ages. In its -earliest known use it means a band or troop of soldiers. Hence it -acquires its later meaning of a union or association, especially for -mercantile purposes. It is also used for the charge made by a superior -authority for leave to carry on trade. When Henry the Lion wished to -encourage trade in his newly acquired town of Lübeck, he authorised -foreign merchants to enter and leave it _absque theloneo et absque -hansa_, ‘without tax or toll.’ But its most usual signification is -association or guild; the _hansa_ is the merchant-guild, the _hans-hus_ -is the guild-hall. And it is in this sense that it came to be applied to -the great _Hansa_, the league of north German towns. The very name -expresses the important fact that the league of towns had its origin in -a league or leagues of traders. - -The whole social and economic life of the Middle Ages is dominated by -the principle of association. The village community or manor is the most -familiar illustration; the Church with its inner corporations is -another. In urban communities we find the same thing. Whoever wished to -practise a handicraft must belong to a guild: whoever wished to engage -in commerce must enter a trade-guild or _hansa_. The individual was -powerless. Only through union with others did he obtain capacity of -action and protection for his activity. Any comparison of the modern -association with the mediæval union is as a rule superficial and -misleading. What is now a matter of use and advantage was then a matter -of necessity, of actual if not of formal compulsion. The essential -distinction is to be found in the very limited area of state action in -early times. In the Middle Ages the corporation fulfilled most of the -duties which the undeveloped state had neither the will nor the power to -undertake. - -If the home trader required an association, the merchant who journeyed -to foreign countries needed one still more. There were few commission -agents in the Middle Ages, and the merchant in person had to superintend -[Sidenote: Unions of German merchants abroad.] the carriage and the sale -of his goods. The perils of travelling by land were great; those by sea -were far greater. Pirates were almost as numerous and more difficult to -resist than land-robbers, and the dangers of navigation were a very -serious consideration when sailors had no compass to guide their course, -and owners had no system of insurance to cover their risks. It was no -wonder that traders desired to travel in considerable numbers in order -that perils and disasters might be avoided, or at the worst, chronicled. -But it was when the merchants reached a foreign soil that the necessity -of union became most pressing. It often took a long time to dispose of a -cargo; and as winter travelling was considered impossible, it was -frequently necessary to spend several months in a foreign land. Hence -the merchants combined to acquire joint property in the chief markets -they visited: not only inns for personal lodging, but warehouses for the -stowage of goods, and harbourage for their ships. These ‘factories,’ as -they were called, became the central point of the union or _hansa_ -formed by the merchants. The mediæval system of law gave another impulse -towards combination. Law in early time was personal, not territorial; it -did not apply to all persons on the soil. The guest, as the foreigner -was called, if not altogether lawless, was yet at a great disadvantage -as compared with the native. Any disputes among the foreign merchants -had to be settled among themselves and by their own law. In disputes -with natives it was difficult for them to obtain justice, unless they -could secure some powerful support within the state. To carry on trade -at all they required privileges and concessions, which were not easily -to be gained by individuals. All these considerations forced the -merchants to adopt a corporate organisation. At the head of the _hansa_ -were elders or aldermen, who administered justice among the members, -held assemblies for the consideration of common interests, and -represented the community in its relations with the outside world. The -more efficient this organisation was, the better able were the merchants -to obtain privileges, especially the remission of duties upon trade, -from the community with which they had to deal. The new-comer could only -share these privileges by obtaining admission to the _hansa_, and for -this he had to obtain the consent of the members and to pay a money fee. - -The two chief scenes of mercantile activity in the north were the Baltic -and the North Sea, connected with each other only by the narrow straits -which separate the [Sidenote: Trade in the Baltic and North Sea.] -islands and peninsulas of Scandinavia. The great centre of the Baltic -trade was Wisby, the capital of the island of Gothland. So important and -flourishing was Wisby in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries that many -merchants took up their abode there; and though it remained a part of -the Swedish kingdom, it became to all intents and purposes a German -town. Thus an important distinction grew up between the German residents -in Wisby and the older union of merchants, who only visited the town for -purposes of trade. From Wisby factories were organised for the extension -of eastern trade. Of these, by far the most important was at Novgorod, -which became the great centre of trade with Russia. In the course of the -thirteenth century the ascendency of Wisby in the Baltic was threatened -by the rise of a group of towns upon territory which had been won back -for Germany from the Wends, the most westerly of the Slav settlers on -the Baltic coasts. These ‘Wendish’ towns, as they are called, though in -population and character they were wholly German, were Lübeck, Rostock, -Wismar, Stralsund, and Greifswald; and among them Lübeck, thanks to its -advantageous position on the Trave and to the efficient patronage it -received, played from the first by far the most prominent part. In the -North Sea there were three great foreign markets to which German -merchants resorted, and where they formed _hansas_ of notable -importance. These were Bergen in Norway, London in England, and Bruges -in Flanders. For a long time the majority of the North Sea traders came -from Cologne, which was as predominant in the west as Wisby had become -in the east. But other towns became rivals of Cologne, notably Hamburg -on the Elbe, and Bremen on the Weser. Even from inland towns, such as -Soest, Dortmund, and Münster in Westphalia, merchants journeyed to the -coast and hired vessels for the conveyance of their goods to England or -Norway. - -It was inevitable that these unions of German merchants in foreign parts -should exercise a marked influence upon the conduct of the towns from -which they came. [Sidenote: Influence of trade on the relations of the -towns.] The merchants were only occasional sojourners in their foreign -abodes; the greater part of their lives was spent at home. And it is -important to remember that the councils of most of the north German -towns were composed almost solely of merchants. Artisans were jealously -excluded and looked down upon, and there are few traces of a land-owning -nobility in the German towns such as that which played a prominent part -in the history of Florence and other Italian cities. Hence the policy of -the town councils was guided by the mercantile interests of their -members. And the foreign _hansas_, if they failed to gain what they -wanted, appealed for support to the towns from which the members came. -Thus when merchants were closely associated in trade, their towns were -naturally drawn into co-operation for common interests. This joint -action for the furtherance of trade and the protection of the fisheries -gave the first great impulse to the formation of town leagues. As long -as the Baltic and the North Sea were fairly distinct units, the tendency -was to form two or more separate groups. The towns on the North Sea -tended to group themselves round Cologne or Hamburg, while in the Baltic -one or two leagues might have been formed under the guidance of Wisby or -of Lübeck. But a new era in the development of northern Germany set in -when the Baltic towns began to encroach upon the North Sea trade, and -when Lübeck undertook to dispute the primacy of Cologne in the west, as -she had already disputed the pre-eminence of Wisby in the east. The -great struggle took place in London. Here German merchants had been -active since the reign of Æthelred II., one of whose laws enacts that -‘the men of the emperor shall be held as worthy of good laws as -ourselves.’ These early traders must have come mostly from Cologne, and -it was the men of Cologne who formed the first German _hansa_ in -England. Other merchants had to obtain admission by payment to the -_Hansa_ of Cologne, and gradually it expanded to admit most of the -traders from the Rhine and Westphalia. But natives of other districts -found it difficult to gain admission, and when the men of Lübeck -appeared upon the scene they set themselves to break down the monopoly -of Cologne. In this struggle they had the support of Hamburg, already a -serious rival to Cologne, and possessed of a more advantageous site for -trade with England. When applicants had money and influence behind them, -it was not difficult to obtain concessions from the English government, -which found a pecuniary interest in the protection of foreign merchants. -In 1266 and 1267 Hamburg and Lübeck were allowed to form _hansas_ of -their own on the model of that of Cologne. These were not in London, but -at Lynn, a favourite port of the Germans on the east coast. In the early -years of Edward I. the three separate _hansas_ were fused into a single -_Hansa Alamanniæ_, of which we first find official mention in the year -1282. Its members were known to the English as the Easterlings or -Osterlings, a name which they afterwards adopted for themselves. - -The combination of all German merchants to form a single hansa in -England is in many ways a very significant event. It marks a union -between Baltic and North Sea [Sidenote: Alliance of Lübeck and Hamburg.] -traders, which for the first time rendered possible a general league of -all the towns of northern Germany. It was brought about by the joint -action of Lübeck and Hamburg, and there is a well-founded tradition -which attributes to the alliance of these two towns the origin of the -Hanseatic League. For free trade between the Baltic and the North Sea it -was imperative, if possible, to secure the passage through the narrow -channels of the Sound and the Belt. But these were dominated by Denmark, -which in those days held not only the peninsula of Jutland and the -island of Zealand, but also the southern provinces of what is now -Sweden. Geography enabled the Danes either to close the straits or to -levy a toll upon the vessels that passed through. Moreover, the great -centre of the herring fishery in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries -was the coast of Skaania, on the eastern side of the Sound. Here again -the Danes had it in their power to inflict damage upon the German -merchants and sailors who flocked to the coast of Skaania during the -fishing season. Hence one of the most pressing needs of the north German -towns was to protect the straits and the fisheries from Danish -aggression, and the lead in this defence naturally devolved upon the two -towns which stood nearest to the barrier between the two seas—Lübeck to -the east of Jutland, and Hamburg to the west. The two towns were not -very distant from each other; and if, at the worst, the passage of the -Sound was blocked, a merchant could unlade his goods at either port, -carry them overland to the other, and thence renew his voyage either on -the Baltic or the North Sea. The earliest alliance between the two towns -had for its object the protection of the roads leading from one to the -other, and from this they advanced to common action in England and in -Flanders. - -It was no wonder that other towns tended to ally themselves with the two -cities which could and did render such invaluable services to a cause -which was common [Sidenote: The origin of the Hanseatic League.] to all. -By the end of the fourteenth century we can find sufficient traces of -combination among the north German towns to justify the fixing of this -as the date of the origin of the Hanseatic League. Lübeck was the more -active and enterprising of the two allies, and had the more commanding -position through her intimate connection with the Wendish and other -Baltic towns, which were already united together by the acceptance of -the Lübeck laws. It was an obvious advantage for German merchants to -have a common legal system for the settlement of disputes in which any -of them might from time to time be involved; and in spite of the -opposition of Wisby, Lübeck had succeeded in procuring the adoption of -its code by most of the eastern traders. The hegemony which was thus -acquired within a limited area both fitted and encouraged Lübeck to -undertake the leadership of a larger and more ambitious combination. It -was from Lübeck that invitations were issued to the other towns to send -delegates for the discussion of matters of common interests, and many of -the early meetings were held within its walls. In 1284 a complaint of -injuries received from Norway led to a decision of the towns at an -assembly at Rostock to close all export and import trade with Norway -until redress had been obtained. It was further determined to cease all -intercourse with Bremen if that city should refuse to accept the -decision of the other towns. In 1293 a meeting of delegates from the -Saxon and Baltic towns resolved that henceforth all appeals from -Novgorod should be carried to Lübeck. Wisby was supported only by Riga -and Osnabrück in opposing a resolution which recognised the ascendency -of its rival. In 1300 the consideration of commercial grievances in -Flanders was undertaken in a general assembly at Lübeck, to which all -the north German towns were invited from the mouths of the Rhine to the -Gulf of Riga. - -By the beginning of the fourteenth century the unions of German -merchants in foreign parts had lost their independence, and had become -subject to the control and guidance of the towns. But the combination -thus created among the towns was in many ways incomplete. There was -nothing like a federation involving permanent obligations upon its -members. The meetings were only occasional, when any matter requiring -settlement arose, and there was a great variation in the number of towns -represented, according as the matter was of general or local interest. -Within the large area over which the north German trading communities -were spread, there were many smaller combinations of towns, connected by -joint action in the past, by agreements as to the use of common laws or -a common currency, or merely by local contiguity. These smaller -associations were older and possessed more consistency than any general -league. In fact, such a general league can hardly be said to have come -into existence; and so far as it was beginning to grow up, it was -concerned solely with commerce, and had no political significance -whatever. Some of the towns were free imperial cities, as Lübeck had -become on the fall of Henry the Lion, whereas the majority were subject -to a territorial prince. Under such conditions an efficient federation -for political purposes was impossible. This is illustrated by the -history of the early years of the fourteenth century. In 1307 Lübeck, -threatened by the neighbouring [Sidenote: Aggressions of Eric Menved.] -count of Holstein, appealed for assistance to Eric Menved, king of -Denmark, and actually acknowledged Danish suzerainty. Such an act on the -part of the most flourishing German city on the Baltic shows how little -any sentiment of nationality existed among the citizens. Eric was -emboldened to attempt the recovery of that ascendency over the Baltic -coasts which his predecessor, Waldemar II., had for a time established -till it was overthrown at the battle of Bornhöved in 1227. In carrying -out his aim he had to subdue the Wendish towns. Rostock and Wismar were -compelled to submit, and only Stralsund offered a successful resistance -to the Danes. But the striking fact is that the towns rendered no -assistance to each other. The whole episode proves that their union was -limited to the protection of mercantile interests. As long as the Danish -king abstained from any attack upon German commerce, there was no -machinery for common action. Still it would seem that the loss of -political independence brought with it a diminished ability to act -together in any way. For some years after the submission of Lübeck we -lose any traces of combination among the north German towns, and the -foreign merchants were left once more to protect their own interests -without any assistance or any control from the municipalities at home. - -But this decline of the towns, which amounted almost to a dissolution of -the growing league, was as short-lived as the revival of Danish -preponderance on the Baltic. [Sidenote: Decline of Denmark.] Eric Menved -had attempted a task beyond the resources either of his own ability or -of his state. His extravagant and reckless policy forced him to purchase -support by lavish grants of lands and privileges, and the consequent -growth of a powerful nobility in Denmark proved a serious hindrance to -later kings. Eric himself died in 1319, and left his brother, -Christopher II., to face the troubles for which he had been responsible. -Christopher found it impossible to resist the combination of foreign -attack with domestic rebellion. The whole of Denmark was lost, either to -the native nobles or to German invaders; while Skaania and the adjacent -provinces were seized by Magnus of Sweden, who had also obtained the -crown of Norway as the grandson of King Hakon. When Christopher died in -exile in 1332 the Danish monarchy seemed for the next eight years to be -practically extinguished. The sudden collapse of [Sidenote: Revival of -the League.] Denmark restored independence to the Wendish towns, and -with it revived the activity of the League. The anarchy and disorder in -the north during and after the reign of Christopher II. rendered the -duty of defending trade-routes and fishing-stations more imperative than -ever. Between 1330 and 1360 we find evidence of more and more regular -meetings of the town delegates; and it is in these years that the name -of Hansa, hitherto used only for the mercantile unions in England and -other foreign countries, came to be applied to the league of towns. In -1358 an assembly was summoned of ‘all towns belonging to the Hansa of -the Germans,’ and the invitation was sent to Cologne and Wisby, to the -towns of Brandenburg, Saxony, Westphalia, Prussia, and Livonia. Already, -in 1352, Magnus of Sweden speaks of ‘the merchants of the sea-towns, -called hanse-brothers.’ The decrees of the assembly are binding upon all -members, and the penalty is expulsion from the League and its -privileges. ‘If any town of the German Hansa shall refuse to observe -this,’ says one decree, ‘the town shall remain for ever outside the -German Hansa, and shall be deprived for ever of German law.’ About this -time Bremen, which had been excluded ever since the quarrel with Norway -in 1284, was restored to membership of the League. Within the wider -association, which champions the interests of all north German traders, -we find distinct evidence of a recognised division into three parts for -more local purposes. The Wendish and Saxon towns under the leadership of -Lübeck constitute one division. Another is formed of the eastern -settlements in Gothland, Livonia, and Sweden, with Wisby as a sort of -capital; while a curious and unexplained combination of Westphalian and -Prussian towns are grouped round Cologne. In 1347 an agreement was made -that each third should elect two elders every year to manage the German -depôt at Bruges. Thus by the middle of the fourteenth century we find -that the Hanseatic League has gained a definite organisation, although -its functions are still limited to matters of trade, and have no -strictly political character. But events were soon to occur which were -to try the stability of the League and to give it more political -importance than it had yet possessed. - -For eight years after the death of Christopher II. Denmark was without a -king, but in 1340 Waldemar III., Christopher’s youngest son, undertook -the task of recovering [Sidenote: Waldemar III and the capture of -Wisby.] his father’s dominions. He received the assistance of the -Wendish towns, which had no interest in the prolongation of anarchy, -while they seized the opportunity to obtain a confirmation of their -privileges as the price of their help. They even watched with equanimity -when, in 1360, he wrested the province of Skaania from the feeble hands -of Magnus of Sweden. But they found that success had rendered Waldemar -less easy to deal with than he had been in the days of his weakness, and -they had to pay a heavy sum for the renewal of their fishing rights. -Still, the relations with Denmark were altogether peaceful when, in -1361, the news arrived that a Danish fleet had sailed to the island of -Gothland, and that a Danish army had sacked the ancient town of Wisby, -whose wealth gave rise to the current phrase that the pigs ate out of -silver troughs. The old tradition assigned greed of plunder as the -motive for the raid. Later writers have suggested that it was merely the -continuance of the quarrel with Sweden about Skaania, or that Waldemar -intended to use the central position of Gothland for the purpose of -carrying out the ambitious plans of Waldemar II. and Eric Menved. - -The delegates of the Hanse towns were assembled at Greifswald when the -astounding news arrived. The action [Sidenote: First war with Waldemar -III.] of Waldemar created a wholly novel problem for a mercantile -association to deal with. Wisby was subject to Sweden, and it was -against Sweden that an act of open hostility had been committed. But -Wisby was also a great centre of German trade, its wealth had been -created by Germans, and it was one of the chief towns of the Hanseatic -League. It was instinctively felt rather than reasoned that it was -impossible to allow Waldemar’s action to pass without active resentment, -and that the League must justify its existence by undertaking new duties -and responsibilities. The assembly passed a decree forbidding all trade -and intercourse with Denmark, and then adjourned in order to give time -for negotiations with Magnus of Sweden and his son Hakon, who had been -since 1350 independent king of Norway in his father’s place. On -September 7, 1361, the second meeting was held, and it was decided to go -to war with Denmark in alliance with Sweden, Norway, and Holstein. For -the first time a federal tax was imposed, in the form of an export duty -of fourpence in the pound, which was to be levied by all the towns until -Michaelmas 1362. - -The Hanse towns had promised to furnish two thousand men with the -necessary ships, and Sweden and Norway were to do the same. In April the -Hanseatic fleet sailed to the [Sidenote: Disastrous campaign of 1362.] -Sound under the command of John Wittenborg, the burgomaster of Lübeck. -The Swedish contingent failed to appear, but the Germans were persuaded -by their allies to abandon the projected attack upon Copenhagen and to -lay siege to Helsingborg, a strong fortress on the coast of Skaania. Too -many of the sailors had been taken from the ships in order to press the -siege, when Waldemar suddenly appeared with the Danish fleet. He at once -attacked the ships of the League—sunk some, and carried off the rest -with their cargoes and the remnant of their crews. Wittenborg had -perforce to abandon the siege, and returned home to pay the penalty for -failure with his life. The disaster was as terrible as it was -unexpected, and the towns considered themselves lucky to be able to -conclude a truce in November for fourteen months, during which trade was -to be resumed and no new charges were to be imposed by the Danish king. -But there was no security that Waldemar would observe his promises, -especially when he succeeded in depriving the Hanse towns of their -allies. Magnus and Hakon had never been eager for the war with Denmark, -which was really the work of the nobles in the Swedish Council. The -Council had arranged a marriage between Hakon and the daughter of the -count of Holstein, but Waldemar seized the lady as she was on her way to -Sweden, and kept her a prisoner until the match was broken off. In 1363 -he persuaded Hakon to marry his own daughter Margaret, and thus laid the -foundation for the future union of the three kingdoms. This marriage was -a serious blow to the League, which seemed to be on the verge of -dissolution. The Wendish towns had been most active in the war, and -would have been the chief gainers by its successful issue. Upon them -inevitably fell the chief blame for the disaster. The Prussian towns -refused to pay the export duty; they said that they had granted it for -the protection of the Sound, but the Sound was now less protected than -ever. It was quite useless to make the obvious reply that Lübeck and its -neighbours had spent far more and lost far more, and that their losses -included men as well as money. - -If Waldemar had behaved with statesmanlike prudence and moderation, he -might have permanently weakened, if not destroyed, the League, which was -the chief [Sidenote: Temporary peace.] obstacle in his way. If once the -more distant towns had been convinced that their interests in Danish -waters were as secure after defeat as they had been before, they would -hardly have adhered to an alliance which proved costly as well as -useless. But Waldemar was eager to deprive the German traders of all the -privileges they had obtained through the weakness of Denmark since the -days of Eric Menved, and this danger served to keep the Hanse towns -together in spite of their discouragement and their quarrels with each -other. Before the truce had expired, Waldemar set out at the end of 1363 -on a long tour to the principal courts of Europe. During his absence the -Danish Council agreed to prolong the truce, but it seemed almost -impossible to arrange any permanent peace upon terms that the German -merchants could accept. It was still doubtful whether the towns would -give way or venture on a renewal of hostilities, when events in Sweden -compelled the Danes to moderate their demands. The Swedish nobles had -long been alienated by the feeble government of Magnus. They had -resented the loss of Skaania and the humiliating conquest of Gothland. -Their fierce indignation was roused by the change of policy in 1363, -when the Holstein alliance was abandoned and Hakon was married to -Margaret of Denmark. In 1364 they declared Magnus deposed, and elected -in his place Albert, the second son of the duke of Mecklenburg, and of -Euphemia, a sister of Magnus. The elder brother was passed over because -he had married Ingeborg, another daughter of Waldemar III., and the -Swedes would have no connection with Denmark. A civil war followed, in -which the forces of Magnus and Hakon were defeated, and the former was -taken prisoner. The greater part of Sweden acknowledged Albert. When -Waldemar returned from his travels, he found his plans checkmated by -this Swedish revolution, and resolved to overthrow the new dynasty in -alliance with his son-in-law Hakon. In order to prepare for this new -war, he concluded the treaty of Wordingborg in September 1365 with the -Hanse towns. Freedom of trade through the Sound and a confirmation of -German privileges on the coast of Skaania were granted, but only for a -period of six years. It was obviously a truce rather than a real treaty; -neither side was satisfied with its terms; and the inevitable struggle -between Danish and German interests in the Baltic was only postponed. - -That Waldemar, in attacking the new king of Sweden, was influenced by -wholly selfish motives, is proved by the treaty [Sidenote: Second Danish -war.] which he concluded in July 1366 with the duke of Mecklenburg. In -return for the formal cession of Gothland and other considerable -territories, he abandoned the cause of Magnus and Hakon, and agreed to -recognise and support Albert and his successors in the remaining -provinces of Sweden. This unprincipled policy raised Denmark to a -greater height of power than it had reached since the days of Waldemar -II. Emboldened by success, the king did not scruple to break his recent -agreement with the Hanse towns. In the course of 1367 several German -ships were seized and plundered in the Sound, and increased tolls were -levied upon vessels resorting to the coast of Skaania for the fishing -season. Even the distant south-western towns, which had taken hardly any -part in the previous war, felt that these outrages were intolerable, and -clamoured for active measures in defence of their trade and industry. It -is significant of the greater unanimity of the League on this occasion -that the decisive meeting was held, not as usual in a Baltic town, but -at Cologne. There in November 1367 it was decided to go to war with the -Danish king; and if any town should hold aloof from the common cause, -‘its burghers and merchants shall have no intercourse with the towns of -the German Hansa, no goods shall be bought from them or sold to them; -they shall have no right of entry or exit, of lading or unlading, in any -harbour.’ A new export duty was imposed for a year, and the sum raised -was to be divided among the towns in proportion to the contingent which -each furnished. To avoid the quarrels which had followed the last -campaign, it was expressly enacted that no injury or loss on the part of -any town should give it a claim upon the others for compensation. All -privileges or other advantages which should be gained in the war were to -belong equally to all the members of the League. - -It was a formidable array of enemies that Waldemar had to face in 1368. -His treaty with the duke of Mecklenburg [Sidenote: triumph of the -League.] had come to nothing, because the Swedes refused to sacrifice -their own interests to their new dynasty, and would not surrender the -stipulated territories. So Waldemar had to renew both the alliance with -Hakon and the war with Albert of Sweden. On the mainland both -Mecklenburg and Holstein were on the side of his enemies, the nobles of -Jutland were on the verge of rebellion, and now he had provoked the -Hanse towns to a new campaign. In the presence of these dangers he -adopted an extraordinary course of action. In April 1368 he placed all -his accumulated treasure upon a ship, and sailed to Pomerania, leaving -the Danish Council to govern the kingdom during his absence, and to -carry on the war which he had provoked. For two years he wandered about -Europe from one court to another, while his dominions were overrun by -his enemies. The Hanseatic fleet appeared in the Sound soon after the -king’s departure, and at once attacked Copenhagen. The town was taken -and destroyed, and the fortress was occupied by a German garrison. From -Zealand the victorious traders turned to Skaania, and by the end of the -year every fortress, except the redoubtable Helsingborg, had fallen into -their hands. It was decided to keep their forces in the field during the -winter and to prolong the tax on exports for another year. In 1369 -Helsingborg surrendered after an obstinate resistance, and the Danes, -attacked also from Holstein and Mecklenburg, opened negotiations with -the Hanse towns. Hakon of Norway had already concluded a truce by which -all the rights and privileges of German merchants in his kingdom were -confirmed. On [Sidenote: Treaty of Stralsund.] May 24, 1370, the Treaty -of Stralsund put an end to the Danish war. For fifteen years all the -castles and fortified places on the coast of Skaania were to be held by -the League, which was to receive two-thirds of the revenue of the -province in order to cover the cost of their maintenance. These terms, -which transferred the control of the Sound and its fisheries from -Denmark to the Hansa, were to be confirmed by Waldemar as the condition -of his return to his kingdom. No future king was to be placed on the -Danish throne without the consent of the Hanse towns and until he had -confirmed all their privileges and concessions. - -The second Danish war marks an important epoch in the history of the -Hanseatic League. Not only was it raised to the position of an -influential power in northern [Sidenote: The League at the zenith of its -power.] Europe, but its whole character had undergone an important -change. Hitherto it had been a mercantile league for the extension and -strengthening of trade privileges, and for the settlement of trade -disputes. The decisions of the Cologne assembly in 1377 had superadded -to this mercantile association a political and military alliance. It is -true that that alliance was in express terms only temporary and for the -achievement of an immediate object—the protection of the narrow waters -from outrage and oppression. But the new obligations which success -brought to the League gave to the Cologne decrees a more permanent -importance than had been contemplated at the time of their adoption. The -occupation of the forts on the Sound conceded by the treaty of -Stralsund, and the necessity of constantly watching the changes and -struggles in the Scandinavian kingdoms—a necessity which was all the -more pressing after the Union of Kalmar—compelled the League to maintain -an armed force in constant readiness, and to continue the collection of -a federal revenue for military purposes. When new towns applied for -admission to the League, and there were many such applications in the -years following the Treaty of Stralsund, they had to accept, not only -the old conditions as to trade, but also the more stringent obligations -imposed by the assembly at Cologne. Thus the League became more -concentrated and more highly organised than it had been before the war. -The federal assemblies were more frequent, and their sessions were -longer and more full of business. Every year there was a general -assembly at midsummer, but there were also frequent provincial meetings, -especially of the Wendish towns, which continued to form the most -central and the most influential unit within the League. And not only -was the external activity of the League greater, but it began to concern -itself with the internal affairs of its members. In the fourteenth -century the ascendency of the merchants in municipal government was -threatened by the rise of the artisans in Germany, as it was in Florence -and other southern towns. The Hanseatic League, essentially mercantile -in its origin and its aims, naturally made itself the champion of the -old exclusive oligarchy. In 1374 a rising took place in Brunswick -against the ruling council: some of its members were executed, and the -rest were driven into exile. For this offence Brunswick was formally -expelled from the League, and its merchants were excluded from all the -markets under its control. This mercantile excommunication was now a -formidable weapon, and the men of Brunswick had to make humble -reparation for their democratic aspirations before they could obtain -their readmission to the confederacy. But in emphasising the greater -unity and greater influence of the League after its victory over -Waldemar III., it is imperative to remember that there were several -defects and weaknesses in its federal constitution. The very wide extent -over which the towns were spread, from the Scheldt to the Gulf of -Finland, and the jealousy which mercantile rivalry must almost -inevitably create, rendered any complete real unity of interest and -purpose almost impossible. There was never any assembly at which all the -towns were represented, and, in fact, it would be difficult to give a -precise enumeration of the members of the League at any given date. -Sometimes several towns would combine to give authority to a single -delegate, but no town considered itself bound to take part in the -meeting. Not infrequently the delegates would declare that their -instructions did not allow them to consent to a proposal, and that they -must refer the matter back to their respective town-councils. Hence -arose uncertainty and delay. But the chief defect was that membership of -the League was not and could not be the only political obligation of the -towns. Most of them were subject to some immediate authority, usually -that of a territorial prince. Thus they had a double allegiance, and the -two might come into collision with each other. The princes might allow -their towns to gain trading privileges by joining the League, but they -were not likely to consent to any diminution of their own authority. -Under such conditions it is wonderful that the League held together as -long as it did. - -The increased dignity and importance of the Hanseatic League after the -Treaty of Stralsund are illustrated by the action of the emperor. -Charles IV., as is shown [Sidenote: Charles IV and the League.] in the -Golden Bull, disapproved of confederations of towns and of the rapid -growth of municipal independence. Waldemar III. was his personal friend, -and during the recent war the emperor had more than once endeavoured to -use his influence in behalf of the Danish king. But in 1373 Charles had -obtained Brandenburg from the last Wittelsbach Margrave (see p. 120), -and thus acquired a new interest of his own in the politics of northern -Germany. He was now eager to conciliate the League and to obtain the -privileges which it could give to the towns of his new dominion. In 1375 -he left Prague to pay a visit to Lübeck, where the magnificence of his -reception made a profound impression on contemporaries. Tradition -declared that he began his speech in acknowledgment of civic hospitality -with the words ‘My Lords’; and when the burgomaster shook his head to -deprecate such a title, the emperor continued: ‘You are Lords! The old -imperial registers prove that Lübeck is one of the five chief towns of -the empire; that your city councillors are also imperial councillors; -and that they may enter his council without waiting for his permission.’ -The chronicler complacently adds that the five chief towns were Rome, -Venice, Pisa, Florence, and Lübeck. - -The Treaty of Stralsund was followed by a general restoration of peace -in the north. Waldemar III. returned to his kingdom, and obtained the -restoration of the Mecklenburg conquests by a treaty with Duke Albert, -who had established one son on the throne of Sweden, and now hoped with -Waldemar’s support to gain Denmark for his grandson. In 1371 the long -strife between Sweden and Norway came to an end. On condition that -Magnus and Hakon should abandon all claims to the Swedish crown, Albert -agreed to release the former from his imprisonment and to allow him an -annual income till his death, which [Sidenote: Death of Waldemar III.] -occurred three years later. The most pressing question in the north was -the succession to Waldemar in Denmark. His only son had died in 1363, so -that Waldemar was the last male of his dynasty. Of his two daughters who -had lived to become brides, the elder, Ingeborg, had married Henry of -Mecklenburg, the elder brother of the reigning king of Sweden, and the -younger, Margaret, had married Hakon of Norway. Thus the choice lay -between two children—Albert, the son of Ingeborg and Henry, and Olaf, -the son of Hakon and Margaret. The Mecklenburg claimant was recognised -as his heir by Waldemar, and had the support of the Emperor Charles IV. -and of the powerful count of Holstein. But the Danes had not forgotten -the rule of the German invaders in the time of Christopher II.; and when -Waldemar died in 1375, they elected the five-year-old Olaf as his -successor. Both by treaty rights and by actual power the Hanse towns -were entitled to a voice in the decision, and they seem to have -preferred the possibility of a union between Denmark and Norway to an -extension of the already formidable power of the House of Mecklenburg. -Olaf was acknowledged by the League, and one of his first acts was to -confirm the provisions of the Treaty of Stralsund. - -In 1380 Hakon of Norway died, and Olaf wore his father’s crown in -addition to that of Denmark. During his minority his mother Margaret -ruled in both kingdoms. [Sidenote: Queen Margaret and the Union of -Kalmar.] In 1386 she found it necessary to conciliate the count of -Holstein by the cession of Schleswig, which was to be held as a fief of -Denmark; but in other respects her government was so successful, that on -her son’s death in 1387 she was invited to succeed him by the Danes and -Norwegians. At the same time she received an offer of the crown of -Sweden. The government of Albert of Mecklenburg, who had rewarded his -German followers with lands and offices, had excited great ill-will -among the Swedish nobles, whose power was more than a match for that of -the king. The conquest of the distracted kingdom proved a comparatively -easy task. At Falköping in 1389 Albert was completely defeated, and -after seven years’ imprisonment he could only procure his liberty by -abdication. Stockholm, aided by forces from Mecklenburg, held out for -some years; and the famous association of the _Vitalien-Brüder_, or -‘Victualling Brothers,’ originally formed for its relief, became a -formidable body of pirates in the Baltic. The interference which they -caused to trade induced the Hanse towns to employ their mediation in -favour of Margaret, who became queen of the three Scandinavian kingdoms. -Her great ambition was to render this union permanent. As she had no -surviving child of her own, she adopted Eric of Pomerania, the grandson -of her sister Ingeborg. In 1397 she convened the councils of the three -kingdoms to Kalmar, and induced them to agree to a formal act of union. -The three kingdoms were to be irrevocably united under the same king, -and the election of successors to the crown was limited to the -descendants of Eric. Each state was to retain its own laws and -institutions, but treaties with foreign powers were to be binding upon -all. The arrangement had one obvious defect. No single electing body was -created; and if each kingdom could choose a king, even within the limits -of a single family, there was no security that their choice would fall -upon the same person. - -The fifteenth century was a troubled period in the history of northern -Europe, but its events are far less interesting and far less important -than those of the fourteenth century. There were two great questions at -issue: Whether the Union - -of Kalmar could be permanent, and whether the Hanse towns could retain -either their unity of action or the preponderance in the north which it -had given them. Both questions remained in doubt during the century, but -ultimately both were answered in the negative. To maintain the union of -the three Scandinavian kingdoms, which had no great love for each other, -while in two of them a powerful noble class had obtained a considerable -measure of independence, would have required either exceptional good -fortune or exceptional ability, and the successors of Margaret had -neither. Even the ‘Union Queen’ herself made a serious blunder in her -later years. Count Gerhard of [Sidenote: War between Denmark and -Holstein.] Holstein, to whom she had granted Schleswig, as a hereditary -fief, died in 1404, leaving a young son Henry to succeed him. Encouraged -by her previous triumphs, Margaret could not resist the temptation of -trying to escape from the bargain she had made in 1386, and to gain -Schleswig for the crown. Various claims to the duchy were put forward on -behalf of Denmark, but the Schauenburg princes were resolute in support -of Gerhard’s son. The struggle lasted for thirty years, and in the -course of it most of the north German states became involved. Margaret -died suddenly in 1412, but Eric of Pomerania continued to maintain the -claims which his great-aunt had put forward with the mingled obstinacy -and violence which marked his character. The authority of the king of -the Romans was called in to settle the dispute, and twice Sigismund gave -a formal decision in favour of the Danish crown. But as had happened -more than once before, the Hanseatic League showed a greater regard for -the interests of Germany than the German king. Hamburg, closely -associated with Holstein, from the first supported the House of -Schauenburg, and gradually Lübeck and the other Hanse towns were -involved in the war against Eric. Their intervention, combined with -disturbances in Sweden, turned the balance; and in 1435 Adolf of -Holstein, who had succeeded his brother Henry in 1428, was recognised as -duke of Schleswig. - -The war with Holstein was not only unsuccessful, it also involved Eric -in serious domestic difficulties. Sweden and Norway, which required the -constant attention of the king, were left unvisited and unregarded. In -Denmark, Eric could only induce the nobles to serve in a war in which -they had little interest by lavish concessions which further weakened -the royal authority. In all the kingdoms discontent was excited by -increased taxation and by debasement of the coinage. Another grievance -was furnished by Eric’s partiality for his Pomeranian relatives, and his -avowed desire to secure the succession to his cousin, Boguslav. In 1434 -the first rising took place in Sweden among the peasants of Dalecarlia, -but Eric succeeded in conciliating Karl Knudson, the leader of the -nobles, who was appointed Marshal of the kingdom, and in 1435 the Union -of Kalmar was confirmed by the Swedish diet. But the king’s neglect of -the duties of government had become intolerable, and in 1439 he was -formally deposed [Sidenote: Deposition of King Eric.] by the Danish -Council. As neither of the other kingdoms had the slightest desire to -support Eric, this act rendered vacant the three Scandinavian thrones. -The deposed king lived for another twenty years, but he never had any -chance of recovering the dignity he had forfeited. - -The Danes proceeded in 1439 to offer the crown to Christopher of -Bavaria, whose mother was a sister of Eric, [Sidenote: Christopher of -Bavaria.] and he accepted it upon conditions which narrowly limited the -royal power. One of his first acts was to settle the dispute about -Schleswig by confirming the duchy to Adolf of Holstein as a hereditary -fief. The action of Denmark had no binding force upon the other -kingdoms, but lavish bribes to Karl Knudson and the clergy purchased the -acceptance of the Swedish diet; and Norway, which had shown less enmity -to Eric than the other states, was induced to follow the example of its -neighbour. In 1442 Christopher was recognised in the three Scandinavian -kingdoms, and the Union of Kalmar was continued for another generation. -In 1446 he strengthened his position by marrying Dorothea of -Brandenburg, but no heir had been born to continue the Bavarian dynasty, -when Christopher was carried off by a sudden death in January 1448. - -With the death of Christopher the severance of the kingdoms seemed to be -inevitable. There was no obvious heir to any one of them, and it was -hardly possible that they should combine to find the same [Sidenote: -Severance of Sweden.] successor. Sweden and Denmark were the first to -act, and neither paid the slightest regard to the proceedings in the -other. In Sweden there was a strong party hostile to the union; and an -organised demonstration on the part of the mob led to the hasty election -of Karl Knudson, who had been for years the most powerful and wealthy -noble of the kingdom (June 1448). Meanwhile the Danes had offered the -crown to Adolf, count of Holstein and duke of Schleswig. He refused the -offer, but suggested the choice of his sister’s son, Christian of -Oldenburg, who could claim descent from a daughter of Eric Glipping, the -predecessor and father of Eric Menved. Christian was accepted, but the -conditions which were imposed upon him gave the chief control of the -government to the council of nobles. And he also had to pay for his -uncle’s support by a formal document, in which assurance was given that -the duchy of Schleswig or south Jutland ‘shall never be united or -annexed to the kingdom of Denmark, so that one person shall be lord of -both.’ In Norway, less energetic and independent than the other two -kingdoms, there was a prolonged struggle as to whether the Danish or the -Swedish king should be chosen. Karl Knudson believed that he had assured -his own election, and he actually assumed the crown in Trondhjem, but -the party which supported the Danish connection proved the stronger, and -in August 1450 the diet decreed the permanent union of Denmark and -Norway. - -Denmark and Norway remained united under the Oldenburg dynasty until the -latter was combined with Sweden by the [Sidenote: Christian I. recovers -Sweden.] decision of the allies in 1815. It would probably have been -better if Christian I. had abandoned all idea of recovering Sweden. But -the Union of Kalmar was not to perish without giving rise to a long and -exhausting struggle. Many of the Swedish nobles were jealous of the -elevation of Karl Knudson to royal rank, and the archbishop of Upsala -headed an opposition party which appealed for Danish intervention. -Christian could not resist the temptation of gaining a third crown. In -1457 Karl Knudson was forced to flee to Danzig. Christian was crowned at -Upsala, and his son John or Hans was acknowledged as his heir. This -success was followed by another conspicuous triumph. In 1459 the death -of Adolf of Holstein [Sidenote: Schleswig and Holstein.] and Schleswig -extinguished the male line of the chief branch of the House of -Schauenburg. Christian could advance a double claim to the vacant county -and duchy. He was the nearest relative of his uncle Adolf on the female -side, and he could contend that Schleswig as a Danish fief escheated to -the overlord on the extinction of the family to which it had been -granted. On the other hand, the surviving Schauenburg princes claimed to -be the nearest male heirs, and they could point to Christian’s own -pledge in 1448 that Schleswig should never be united to the Danish -crown. The dispute enabled the estates of the two provinces to exercise -powers which had never hitherto belonged to them. On condition that -Schleswig and Holstein should remain united, and that they should be -free to elect any member of the family and not be bound to take the -successor to the Danish throne, they accepted Christian as duke and -count in March 1460. The Schauenburg princes were bought off by a money -payment. In 1479 the Emperor Frederick III. raised Holstein from a -county to a duchy, and granted the formal investiture to Christian I. - -Good fortune had suddenly raised the House of Oldenburg to an -extraordinary preponderance of territorial power in the north. No -previous ruler had succeeded in uniting the [Sidenote: Independence of -Sweden.] three Scandinavian kingdoms with two considerable provinces on -the mainland. But the real strength of Christian I. was in no way -proportioned to its appearance. He had purchased every state by -concessions which sapped the very foundations of the central authority. -In Sweden especially his kingship was merely nominal. The strong -national sentiment of the Swedes objected to the Union of Kalmar -because, in spite of stipulated equality, it made their state little -more than a province of Denmark. The archbishop of Upsala, whose quarrel -with Karl Knudson had given the crown to Christian, was really more -powerful than the king. Disputes were inevitable, and in 1467 Karl was -invited to quit his exile in Danzig and to resume possession of the -crown. On his death in 1470, his nephew, Sten Sture, was proclaimed -regent of Sweden. Christian led an army to compel his submission, but -was completely defeated and driven from the kingdom. For the next half -century a succession of Stures ruled Sweden in practical independence. - -Sweden was not the only territory that was lost to Christian I. In 1469 -his daughter Margaret was married to James III. of Scotland; and the -Orkneys and Shetlands, which had been in the hands of Denmark since the -tenth century, were pledged to the Scottish king as security for the -princess’s dowry. As the pledge was never redeemed, the islands were to -all intents and purposes ceded to Scotland. The death of Christian in -1481 left his dominions to his eldest son John. The new king was -weakened by having to divide Schleswig and Holstein with his younger -brother Frederick, and by an unsuccessful war which he carried on to -extort the submission of the independent peasants of Ditmarsh. Thus -though he was able for a time to recover Sweden and to assume the crown, -he could not retain his hold upon the kingdom. Sten Sture regained the -government in 1500, and after his death it was transmitted to his -successors, Svante Sture and a younger Sten. The desperate effort of the -next Danish king, Christian II., to restore the Kalmar Union, and the -cruelty which he displayed in the famous ‘blood-bath of Stockholm’ only -led to the final vindication of Swedish independence by Gustavus Vasa. - -Meanwhile the fifteenth century had been a period of difficulty and -stress to the Hanseatic League. The Union of Kalmar in itself -constituted a serious danger [Sidenote: Gradual decline of the Hanseatic -League.] to the north German towns. The privileges which they had -extorted from the Scandinavian rulers amounted to a practical monopoly -of trade and fishing rights along their coasts. The obvious interest and -duty of a really strong ruler would impel him to repudiate such -restrictions on the freedom of his subjects. Fortunately for the League, -the Union was never much more than nominal. The policy of the Wendish -towns was steadily directed to place difficulties in the way of the -Scandinavian rulers, and to encourage every tendency to independence in -the subject provinces. Thanks to the weakness of the successive kings -and the turbulent opposition of the Swedes to the Union, this policy was -successful, and the Hanse towns were enabled to retain for a time their -political and mercantile ascendency in the north. But in spite of this -the century was on the whole a period of decline in the history of the -League. The weaknesses which were inherent in the coalition from the -first became more and more visible. Foreign competition, especially that -of the English, was a constant and increasing source of trouble. In the -fourteenth century the Germans still had a preponderant share of the -import and export trade of England. In the fifteenth century the native -traders steadily set themselves to get the better of the privileged -foreigners, and by the reign of Henry VII. the English had established a -considerable direct trade, not only with Flanders and Norway, but also -with the countries on the Baltic. But foreign competition was a less -serious danger than internal weakness and disruption. In the course of -the fifteenth century a notable change began in the balance of northern -trade. At first the western towns of the League had been for the most -part engaged in trade in the North Sea, whereas the eastern towns had -carried on their trade in both the North Sea and the Baltic. In the -fifteenth century the western towns, and especially those of the -Netherlands, began to encroach upon the Baltic trade and entered into -rivalry with Lübeck, Rostock, Stralsund, and Danzig. This growing -importance of the western and non-Baltic merchants was completed by two -changes which could neither be foreseen nor controlled. For more than a -century the gregarious herrings had made the coast of Skaania their -favourite summer resort, and in consequence this had been the scene of -the largest and most lucrative fishing industry in Europe. In the middle -of the fifteenth century the fish made one of those sudden and -inexplicable changes of habitat, which have more than once affected the -social and economic relations of the northern states. They ceased to -enter the Baltic in any large numbers, and transferred themselves to the -coast of Holland. The privileged position in Skaania for which the Hanse -towns had struggled so long and so successfully became all at once -almost valueless, and the gains of the Dutch were measured by the losses -of the Wendish and other Baltic towns. This change was followed by the -great geographical discoveries which began at the end of the century. -These had the effect of transferring the great trade routes from -European waters to the outlying oceans, and this proved as fatal to the -towns on the Baltic as it was to those on the Mediterranean. - -Commercial jealousy and the growth of wholly separate interests of their -own impelled the towns of the Netherlands to independent political -action, which in the end led to the severance of their connection with -the League. Thus in the war waged by King Eric to gain possession of -Schleswig the chief Hanse towns supported Holstein, but the -Netherlanders sent assistance to Eric in order to gain a share in those -commercial privileges in the Scandinavian kingdoms which Lübeck and its -immediate associates tried to keep in their own hands. Also it must be -remembered that the Netherlands became less German as they fell under -the rule of the Valois dukes of Burgundy. There was no formal rupture of -vassalage to the empire, but practically there was complete independence -of control, and the new rulers directed the conduct of their subjects to -suit their own ends. This points to the fundamental weakness of the -Hanseatic League, which led to its gradual dissolution in the course of -the next century and a half. If Germany could have been made into a -single united state, the League, as the champion of common German -interests, might have had a prolonged existence. But Germany became a -very loose federation of territorial princes, and in such a state there -was no room for an active and efficient league of towns. The local -prince would not allow the burghers within his dominions sufficient -independence to make their membership of such a league a reality. As the -provinces became more compact, the towns were withdrawn from their -federal allegiance and tied down to their direct duties as subjects of -the prince. This gradual process destroyed the Hanseatic League. A few -imperial cities, as Lübeck, Hamburg, and Bremen, retained the name of -Hanse towns till the present century, but the name was used to express -independence rather than union. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX - THE TEUTONIC ORDER AND POLAND - - - Foundation of the Teutonic Order—Struggles of Germans and Slavs in - the Baltic provinces—The Knights are invited to Prussia—Their - conquests—Quarrel with the Papacy and complete transfer of the Order - to Prussia—Further territorial acquisitions—The Order at the height - of its power under Kniprode—Union of Poland and Lithuania—The Battle - of Tannenberg—Decline of the Order—Internal discontent and disorder - in Prussia—The Prussian League—Civil war and Polish conquest—The - Peace of Thorn—End of the Teutonic Order and of the Order of the - Sword. - -The great Emperor Frederick Barbarossa died in Asia Minor as he was -leading his forces to take part in the Third Crusade. The German army -broke to [Sidenote: Foundation of the Teutonic Order.] pieces after the -loss of its leader, and only a few scanty fragments reached Palestine to -take part in the siege of Acre (1189). The besiegers were decimated by -the diseases to which troops are liable in an unaccustomed climate, and -complaints were made that the German sick were neglected in such scanty -hospital arrangements as then existed. Under the pious care of some -merchants from Lübeck and Bremen, an order was formed to combine the -functions of soldiers and nurses. The ‘German Knights of St. Mary’ -borrowed most of their rules from the Hospitallers or Knights of St. -John, but some of their military regulations were adopted from the still -more famous Order of the Temple. In 1191 the new crusading order -received a bull of confirmation from Pope Clement III., and the first -grand-master fixed his headquarters in Acre, which had now fallen before -the assaults of the Crusaders. Its origin and its peculiarly national -character were emphasised by the limitation of membership to men of -German birth and speech. Like the Templars and Hospitallers, the -Teutonic knights were the recipients of numerous gifts and bequests from -pious benefactors, and acquired considerable estates in western Europe. -But crusading ardour had begun to decline in the West, and the Germans -had never taken quite as prominent a part in the movement as the Romance -nations. If the activity of the Teutonic Order had been confined to -Palestine, it is not likely that its existence could have been either -prolonged or important. But within forty years from its foundation a new -sphere was provided for its military exertions. - -By the end of the twelfth century immense strides had been made by -Christianity and German civilisation [Sidenote: Germans and Slavs.] -among the Slavonic peoples to the south of the Baltic. Bohemia and -Poland, the two outposts of the Slavs to the south-west, had been -converted and brought into some sort of submission to the German -Emperors. Their most thriving towns were filled with German settlers; -and some of the border provinces, such as Silesia, had already received -a preponderantly German element in their population. To the north-west -the efforts of Henry the Lion and Albert the Bear had conquered and -converted the Wends; Lübeck and other towns had been founded to serve as -centres of German commerce and German influence; and bishoprics had been -created for Mecklenburg and Pomerania. But from the valley of the -Vistula to the Gulf of Finland there stretched an immense tract of -dreary country, alternately sandy wastes and undrained marsh, in which a -number of Slavonic peoples—Prussians, Lithuanians, Esthonians, and -Livonians—still lived their primitive life, engaged in hunting, pasture, -and rudimentary agriculture. They retained their heathen religion and -their ancient customs, and were regarded by their more advanced -neighbours as little better than savages. In the tenth century St. -Adalbert of Prague had met with a martyr’s death as he sought to preach -the Gospel to the Prussians, and ever since there had been a nominal -bishopric on the eastern Baltic, but its holders had never ventured to -reside in their diocese. - -In the thirteenth century a vigorous effort was made to extend -Christianity among these eastern Slavs. [Sidenote: Teutonic knights -invited to Prussia.] The Bishop of Riga founded in 1200 the Order of the -Sword to compel the acceptance of the faith by the people of Livonia. -Soon afterwards Christian, a Cistercian monk of Oliva, undertook to -preach the Gospel among the Prussians. The Pope gave him the title of -Bishop of Prussia; and a Polish duke, Konrad of Masovia, who claimed the -border district of Kulm, promised him active assistance. But the task -proved beyond the powers of duke and bishop. The Prussians rose against -the intruders, destroyed their settlements, and carried fire and sword -into the Kulmerland and Masovia itself. This war between the Christian -and the heathen Slavs gave occasion for the introduction of the Teutonic -knights into Prussia. In 1226 an embassy from Konrad of Masovia appeared -before the grand-master in Italy, and offered to cede the Kulmerland if -the Order would undertake to defend him from the Prussians. - -Hermann von Salza, who was grand-master at the time, was an intimate -adviser of the Emperor Frederick II., who had given the black eagle of -the empire as the Order’s standard, and a man of no small importance in -the politics of southern Europe. Endowed with equal energy and -foresight, he welcomed the opportunity of founding a new Christian state -in the north, where greater security and distinction could be gained -than in upholding a losing cause in the Holy Land. But he had no -intention of fighting the battles of the Polish duke or the Prussian -bishop without adequate reward, and he took the most painstaking -precautions to secure the independent rule of the Order in what was -destined to be its future home. Frederick II., who knew little and cared -less about the fate of the Baltic provinces, was easily induced to grant -to the Order a formal investiture of the district of Kulm with all -future conquests in Prussia. This was followed by treaties with the Duke -of Masovia and with Christian of Oliva, whose original alliance had been -broken by their rival claims to suzerainty; and finally, to remove any -difficulties with Rome, Pope Gregory IX. was persuaded to claim the -lands of the heathen as the property of St. Peter, and to grant them to -the Order on payment of a nominal tribute (1234). - -In 1231 the first detachment of Knights entered Prussia and commenced -the work of conquest. In spite of their smaller numbers, their superior -arms and [Sidenote: Conquest of Prussia.] discipline gave them an -immense advantage over the disorderly hordes which opposed them. As each -district was reduced to submission, a fortress was built to enforce -obedience and to serve as a base for further operations. Thus, in the -first few years, Thorn, Kulm, and Marienwerder were built and garrisoned -in rapid succession. In 1237 the Knights of the Sword agreed to form a -close alliance with the Teutonic Order, of which they became a -subordinate branch, though retaining a considerable measure of autonomy. -Thus the heathen were threatened with attack on both sides—on the west -from the valley of the Vistula, and on the north-east from Riga and the -coast of Livonia. But the rapid successes of the Knights provoked -jealousy and opposition. The Poles were indignant at the establishment -of a German state between their own borders and the Baltic, and -political and race antipathy soon overpowered the original alliance on -religious grounds. Konrad of Masovia bitterly repented his shortsighted -cession of Kulmerland, and both from Poland and from Pomerania aid was -sent to the heathen Prussians. Even the bishop, Christian of Oliva, was -alienated by the Order’s assumption of ecclesiastical independence, and -did his utmost to enforce his own claims to superiority in the conquered -districts. But the Papacy remained loyal to the warrior priests, whom it -regarded as submissive vassals. The usual indulgences were offered to -all who would undertake the pious duty of joining a crusade against the -heathen, and crowds of recruits were induced to secure their temporal -prosperity and their future salvation by fighting in the service of the -Knights. The most famous of the princely allies was Ottokar of Bohemia, -the lord of Austria, and the most powerful of German princes in the -middle of the thirteenth century. In 1255 he led a large army into -Prussia, and the fortress of Königsberg was named in his honour. - -But the conquest of Prussia was not achieved without difficulties and -reverses. In 1260 a general rising was organised among the Slav -population, and for the next ten years the Knights were in serious -danger of losing all they had gained. But their dogged resolution -prevailed in the end, and by 1280 the land had once more been forced -into sullen submission. The desperate struggle had seriously diminished -a population which was always thinly scattered over a huge area. To fill -the place of those who had fallen or had migrated eastwards to preserve -their independence in Lithuania, the Order encouraged the settlement of -German peasants and German burghers. The conquest of Prussia was a -victory for Germany as well as for Christianity. The Slavs had to accept -the religion and the language of the conquerors. - -The end of the thirteenth century ushered in a period of trial for the -great crusading orders. The fall of [Sidenote: Quarrel with the Papacy.] -Acre in 1291 marked the ultimate failure of the attempts to recover the -Holy Land for Western Christendom. The military associations were -discredited by their ill-success; and while they lost their hold upon -popular favour, their immense wealth excited the avarice of the temporal -princes. The Papacy had fallen from the lofty position which it had held -in the time of Innocent III., and was forced to become the accomplice -and the agent of the royal spoilers. The Templars were first persecuted -and then suppressed by Philip IV. of France and his creature Pope -Clement V. The Knights of St. John only escaped a similar fate by -throwing themselves into Rhodes, and by holding the island as a bulwark -of Christendom against the encroaching Mohammedan power. The position of -the Teutonic Order was as insecure as that of their older and, for a -time, more prosperous rivals. The grand-master had removed his -headquarters from Acre to Venice, and thence could watch the approach of -danger. When, in 1309, Clement V. issued a hostile bull against the -Order, the Knights were prepared with a practical and efficient answer. -The only way to prove their strength and their value to Europe was to -concentrate their undivided energies upon the work which had been -undertaken on the Baltic coast. The hostility of a distant Pope would -there be comparatively impotent, and they could strengthen themselves by -a close alliance with the interests and forces of Germany. It was, no -doubt, a great sacrifice for the Knights to abandon a residence in -southern Europe, where they had enjoyed considerable wealth and -influence, and to bury themselves in a [Sidenote: Transference of the -Order to Prussia.] remote and barbarous district in the inclement north. -But there was no other alternative if they would escape destruction; and -in 1309 the grand-master transferred his residence from Venice to -Marienburg, which became henceforth the headquarters of the Order. - -The severance of the Teutonic Order from all connection with Palestine -and its concentration in Prussia had many important results. The close -connection which had been hitherto maintained with the Papacy was -weakened, and the ties with Germany and the Empire were drawn closer. -Henry VII. hastened to assure the Knights of his protection and to -confirm their rights and privileges. Hitherto they had conquered in the -name of the Church, henceforth their triumphs are to be for the -extension of Germany. And these triumphs were for a time proportioned to -their increased unity and strength. In 1311, by dexterously taking -advantage of a dispute between Brandenburg [Sidenote: Acquisition of -Pomerellen.] and Poland, they seized the district of Pomerellen on the -left bank of the Vistula, which contained the important city of Danzig. -This acquisition enormously strengthened the position of the Order on -its western or German border; but, at the same time, it led to the long -and desperate struggle with Poland which ultimately brought disaster in -its train. And the conquest illustrates the changed attitude of the -Order, for which the quarrel with the Papacy was partially responsible. -Its aims have become political rather than religious. It is no longer -solely absorbed in the task of forcibly converting the heathen, but can -turn aside to the pursuit of self-aggrandisement at the expense of its -Christian neighbours. - -The Papacy, which had been so enthusiastic a supporter of the Teutonic -Order in the thirteenth century, was on the side of Poland in the -fourteenth. But its ecclesiastical [Sidenote: The Order at the height of -its power.] weapons were blunted by the energetic support which was -given to Lewis the Bavarian, and by the complete alienation of Germany -owing to the residence in Avignon. The first war with Poland ended in -the victory of the Order. In 1343 Casimir the Great concluded the Treaty -of Kalisch, by which he confirmed the cession of Pomerellen and other -disputed territories near the valley of the Vistula. In 1346 Denmark -handed over to the Order its ancient claims on the province of Esthonia. -The Knights had now acquired almost the whole of the Slav territories to -the south-east of the Baltic. Only the Lithuanians remained obstinately -heathen and obstinately independent, and against them the Order waged a -fairly successful war during the grand-mastership of Winzig von Kniprode -from 1351 to 1382. During these years the Teutonic Order was at the -zenith of its power and prosperity. Brandenburg, which might have -contested its ascendency in the north, was rendered impotent by the -extinction of the Ascanian line, and by its rapid transfer through the -hands of successive Wittelsbach and Luxemburg margraves. In Poland -Casimir the Great was succeeded in 1370 by his nephew, Lewis of Hungary, -who had no sympathy with the anti-German prejudices of the Polish -nobles, and was disinclined to employ his forces in the defence of the -heathen peasants of Lithuania. The campaigns of the Order had become a -recognised school of warfare for the active and ambitious youth of -northern Europe. Among the numerous allies who gave their services to -the cause of Christianity were the adventurous John of Bohemia, who lost -his eyesight in the marshes of Prussia, and Henry of Derby, son of John -of Gaunt, who later established the Lancastrian dynasty on the English -throne. Chaucer, in describing the career of his knight, says that - - ‘Full ofte tyme he had the bord bygonne - Aboven alle naciouns in Pruce, - In Lettowe had he reysed and in Ruce.’ - -The death of Kniprode in 1382 was followed by the death of Lewis the -Great of Hungary and Poland. The party of strong Slav sympathies among -the Polish nobles were determined to put an end to the union with -Hungary and the rule of a foreign king. Lewis’s [Sidenote: Union of -Poland and Lithuania.] younger daughter, Hedwig, was invited to assume -the crown of Poland, but she was compelled to offer her hand to Jagello, -the grand prince of Lithuania. Jagello agreed to purchase a bride and a -kingdom by accepting Christianity, and was baptized and crowned by the -name of Ladislas in 1387. The accession of this Lithuanian dynasty, -under whose rule Poland rose to the height of its power, dealt a fatal -blow to the interests of the Teutonic Order. The two great enemies of -the Order, whose quarrels with each other had more than once given the -Knights both military and diplomatic triumphs, were henceforth united in -a common cause. And the conversion of the Lithuanians, who now adopted -the faith of their neighbours and allies, struck at the very foundations -of the Order, which rested upon the conception of a crusade against the -heathen. Now that Prussia was surrounded by a ring of Christian states, -there could no longer be any pretext for a religious war; and foreign -princes and nobles were not likely to take an active interest in what -became from this time a purely political struggle. The stream of -auxiliaries from Europe was dried up at its source, and the Order had to -fall back upon the expensive and unsatisfactory expedient of filling its -armies with mercenary troops. - -For more than three hundred years Germany had been steadily conquering -the Slavs, driving them eastwards, or subjecting them to overwhelming -German influences. [Sidenote: War with Poland.] Thanks to the Hanseatic -League and to the Teutonic Knights, the Baltic had been made into a -German sea. But with the fifteenth century a reaction set in in favour -of both Scandinavians and Slavs. Just as the Union of Kalmar involved a -serious danger to the Hanse towns, so the close association of Lithuania -and Poland threatened the vital interests of the Teutonic Knights. In -Bohemia the same reaction against German predominance found expression -in the Hussite movement, and in the internal quarrels within the -University of Prague (see p. 209). But it was in Prussia that the Slavs -gained their most durable successes, though the victories of Ziska and -Prokop over the crusading armies of Germany made the greater impression -upon Europe at the time. The inevitable struggle which altered -conditions forced upon the Teutonic Order broke out in 1409. In the next -year the largest armies which had ever met in these northern wars -confronted each other on the field of Tannenberg. After a [Sidenote: -Battle of Tannenberg.] terrible contest, in which John Ziska, the future -leader of the Hussites, fought for the men of his own race, superior -numbers gave a decisive victory to the forces of Poland and Lithuania. -The grand-master and the flower of his Knights fell in the battle, and -Prussia seemed to be at the mercy of the conquerors. But the progress of -King Ladislas was checked by the heroic resistance of the fortress of -Marienburg; and he consented, in the Peace of Thorn (1411), to give up -all his conquests except one district, which was to be ceded only for -his own lifetime. The ruin of the Order was postponed for half a -century. - -The defeat at Tannenberg might have proved less fatal in its results if -it had not been accompanied by growing internal weakness. An order of -militant monks may provide [Sidenote: Decline of the Order.] a -magnificent fighting force, but it is unlikely to prove a satisfactory -conductor of civil administration. The great evil in Prussia was the -absence of any substantial common interest between the governors and the -governed. At first the German settlers were bound to the Knights as -their protectors against the original inhabitants; but as time went on, -and new generations grew up in the country of their birth, the original -enmity between Germans and Slavs gradually cooled, and the two peoples -were brought closer together in the ordinary intercourse of industry, -trade, and social life. But this growing union was a source of danger -rather than of gain to the ruling Order, because it deprived them of the -aid of that section of the population which might naturally have been -expected to support the Government. The Knights themselves, being bound -by the priestly vow of celibacy, could not train up successors with a -hereditary knowledge of the people and the country. Each generation of -Knights came from other districts, and had to learn the work of -government afresh. They came for the most part from southern Germany, -and their habits and even their language differed in many respects from -those of the Low Germans who had come in to settle in their towns and -villages. And strict as the disciplinary code of the Order was, it was -difficult to enforce its rules among men who were not secluded from the -world in monasteries, but were busily engaged in the work of war and -administration, and were in constant intercourse with visitors from all -countries. The charges of immorality and unbelief which had been urged -against the Templars could certainly be brought with equal if not with -greater force against the members of the Teutonic Order. The Knights had -none of the ordinary restraints of family affection, private property, -and home life; and it would have been superhuman if most of them had -been able to resist the temptations to which their mode of life and -their despotic authority over their subjects exposed them. For there was -nothing like constitutional life in Prussia outside the Order itself. -The authority of the grand-master was limited by the necessity of -gaining the consent of his chapter and by the great independence of the -provincial masters. But there was no machinery by which the Knights -could receive advice and information from the people whom they ruled. -Even the Prussian nobles, whether of German or Slavonic origin, were -excluded from all voice in the government. After the battle of -Tannenberg an attempt was made to establish a representative diet, in -order to enlist popular sympathy in the task of resisting invasion. But -it was the arbitrary act of an individual grand-master, and it broke the -standing rule which forbade priests to be guided by the counsel of -laymen. The economic policy of the Order was peculiarly affected by this -want of easy intercourse with the traders whose interests were at stake. -The most important towns within its dominions—Danzig, Elbing, Memel, -Thorn, Kulm, and Königsberg—were extremely flourishing, and all except -Memel were members of the Hanseatic League. On the whole, a wise -instinct impelled the Knights to maintain a close alliance with the -League, which so ably championed the cause of Germany in the western -Baltic, and thus the danger of conflicting interests between the Order -and the Hanse towns proved less than might have been expected. But the -Knights themselves embarked in trade, especially in amber; and, after -the fashion of rulers, they sought to regulate the market to bring gain -to themselves, a course of action which excited the jealous hostility of -the professional merchants. And their imitation of the action of the -League proved disastrous. For the maintenance of their great war against -Denmark, the Hanse towns had imposed a duty upon all exports to be -levied at each port (see p. 434). The Teutonic Order imposed a similar -tax for the Polish war, and endeavoured to make it a permanent source of -revenue. But the inevitable comparison was not in their favour. The -Hanseatic League was fighting in the common interests of all German -traders, and it was reasonable to ask them to contribute. The Order was -conducting a war in which the merchants as such had no appreciable -interest at all. The heavy taxation necessitated by the employment of -mercenaries raised the question whether the government of the Order was -worth the expense. Both nobles, citizens, and peasants were gradually -convinced that their welfare was by no means bound up with crusades in -Lithuania and perpetual warfare with Poland. In 1440 a number of nobles -and twenty-one towns combined to form a ‘Prussian League’ for the -defence of their liberties and common interests. There was no overt -defiance of the Order, but the League constituted a state within the -state, and a collision with the older government was sooner or later -inevitable. And when it did occur, it was more than probable that the -foreign enemies of the Order would be able to make use of the League to -serve their own purposes. - -As the alienation of their subjects became more and more pronounced, the -Knights were driven to maintain their power by measures of -ever-increasing severity. They denounced their opponents as traitors. -But they themselves had no better claim to be considered as patriots. -They were not native Prussians, and they had none of that instinctive -devotion to the cause of their country which can hardly ever be acquired -except under the subtle influences of birth and early training. For this -love of the soil loyalty to a corporation proved a very inadequate -substitute. Henry of Plauen, the hero of the defence of Marienburg in -1410, was rewarded for his services by election to the vacant -grand-mastership. But a few years later he incurred the displeasure of -the chapter and was formally deposed. In his chagrin he did not hesitate -to open treacherous negotiations with the Polish king, and ultimately he -died in the prison to which he was justly condemned. Such an instance -was by no means isolated; and, in fact, many of the Knights were -secretly members of the Prussian League. The wonder is, not that the -Order fell, but that its rule was for a time so successful, and that it -lasted as long as it did. - -Under the circumstances that grew up in the fifteenth century, with the -Government divided in itself and confronted by the growing hostility of -its subjects, a renewal [Sidenote: Civil war and Polish invasion.] of -the Polish war could only be attended with disaster. For many years a -quarrel was averted by a series of abject concessions, which were -interpreted as a sign of weakness, and naturally encouraged further -demands. At last the final catastrophe was hurried on by the outbreak of -civil war. The Prussian League had become more and more openly -antagonistic to the rule of the Order, and it was determined to make a -resolute effort to crush the disaffection. In 1453 the Emperor Frederick -III. was induced to condemn the League, and the Order armed its forces -to carry out the imperial decree. The result might have been foreseen. -The League renounced all allegiance to the Teutonic Order, and offered -the suzerainty of Prussia to Casimir of Poland. The offer was accepted. -The Polish king declared Prussia to be annexed to his dominions, and an -army was led by Casimir himself to aid the rebels. For twelve years the -unfortunate country was doomed to suffer all the horrors of civil strife -and foreign invasion. In spite of the tremendous odds against them, the -Knights offered a resistance worthy of their military reputation in the -past. In 1457 the grand-master was forced to quit the fortress of -Marienburg, where seventy of his predecessors had held their residence -for a century and a half. A refuge was found for a time in the eastern -castle of Königsberg, which was to be the future home of kings of -Prussia in times of similar distress. But the town of Marienburg held -out with heroic obstinacy for another three years, and siege operations -there and elsewhere delayed the progress of the Poles long after they -had crushed all resistance in the open field. The grand-master made -frantic appeals to the Emperor and the German princes for aid against -the Slavonic conquerors of the great province which the Order had won -for Germany. To Frederick II. of Brandenburg he sold the Neumark (1455), -which had been handed over to the Teutonic Knights by Sigismund in 1402. -But prayers and bribes were equally unavailing to excite any sentiment -of nationality among princes who had long ceased to regard anything but -their own territorial interests. In 1466 it was at last necessary to -submit to the consequences of defeat [Sidenote: Treaty of Thorn, 1466.] -and to sign the Treaty of Thorn. The whole of western Prussia, with -Pomerellen, including the towns of Danzig, Thorn, Elbing, and Kulm, was -ceded to Poland, and the valley of the Vistula passed once more into the -hands of the Slavs. Eastern Prussia, with Königsberg as its capital, was -left in the hands of the Order, but it was to be held as a Polish fief. -All allegiance to any other secular prince was to be repudiated, and -thus the connection with Germany was formally ended. Future -grand-masters were to do homage on election to the king of Poland, and -were to sit on his left hand in the Polish Diet. - -It is needless to dwell at any length on the subsequent fate of the -Teutonic Order, which had fallen so lamentably [Sidenote: End of the -Teutonic Order.] from its high estate. The Knights of the Sword -repudiated their subordination to a grand-master who was no longer a -sovereign prince, and assumed the independent rule of Livonia and -Esthonia. The House of Jagellon went from one triumph to another; and -its ascendency in eastern Europe seemed to be established when Ladislas, -a younger son of Casimir IV., was elected to the crown of Bohemia in -1471, and to that of Hungary in 1490. Resistance to so great a power as -Poland had now become must have seemed chimerical, yet the Knights -continued to cherish the idea of recovering their lost independence. -With this object in view they resisted all proposals to unite the -grand-mastership with the Polish monarchy, and adopted the policy of -electing successive chiefs from the great families of northern Germany, -in the hope of enlisting their support for the cause of Prussia. Thus in -1498 they chose Frederick of Saxony, and in 1511 Albert of Hohenzollern. -The latter was for a time encouraged by the promise of assistance held -out by Maximilian I. But the Hapsburgs ever preferred the interests of -their house to those of Germany; and the hopes of Albert were dashed to -the ground when he learned that Maximilian had, in 1516, concluded a -treaty and a double marriage alliance with the Jagellon princes in order -to secure to his grandson Ferdinand the succession in Hungary and -Bohemia. In anger and despair Albert determined to repudiate his -allegiance both to Church and Empire. In 1525 he adopted the Protestant -faith, confirmed the cession of West Prussia to Poland, and received -East Prussia as a hereditary duchy for himself and his heirs. Although -an obstinate minority of the Knights refused to acknowledge the validity -of the grand-master’s action, the Teutonic Order was practically -dissolved. The remnant of the state which it had built up with such -strenuous exertions fell a century later to the main line of the -electors of Brandenburg, and gave a title to the monarchy which has -become in later times the paramount power in a united Germany. - -The Order of the Sword lingered a few years longer, only to meet with a -similar fate in the end. In 1561 the last grand-master, Gotthard -Ketteler, finding it impossible [Sidenote: End of the Order of the -Sword.] to maintain independence, imitated the action of Albert of -Hohenzollern. He carved out for himself the secular duchy of Courland, -to be held in vassalage to Poland, while the rest of Livonia and -Esthonia was thrown as an apple of discord into the midst of the rival -Baltic states—Poland, Denmark, Sweden, and Russia. The struggle which -followed is noteworthy, not only because it led to the temporary -ascendency of Sweden in the Baltic, and so to the achievements of its -warrior-kings, Gustavus Adolphus, Charles X., and Charles XII., but also -because it gave occasion for the first appearance of Russia as a -European power. - - - - - CHAPTER XX - THE CHRISTIAN STATES OF SPAIN - - - Suspension of the Moorish wars in the middle of the thirteenth - century—Constitution of Castile—Disorders in the kingdom—Alfonso - XI.’s victories over the Moors—Peter the Cruel and Henry of - Trastamara—John of Gaunt in Spain—John II. of Castile and Alvaro de - Luna—Henry III. and the accession of Isabella in Castile—The - Constitution of Aragon—Acquisition of Sicily and Sardinia—The - general Privilege and the Privilege of Union—Reign of Peter - IV.—Re-union of Sicily with Aragon—Accession of the House of - Trastamara in Aragon—Alfonso V. gains Naples—Relations of Aragon and - Navarre—John II. and Charles of Viana—Union of Castile and - Aragon—Government of Ferdinand and Isabella—The _Santa Hermandad_ - and the Inquisition—Conquest of Granada—Geographical discoveries of - Portugal and Castile—The Bull of Borgia and the Treaty of - Tordesillas. - -The middle of the thirteenth century was an important turning-point in -the history of Spain. Hitherto the Christian [Sidenote: Suspension of -Moorish wars.] states had been engaged in a continuous crusade for the -conquest or expulsion of the Moors, who had held almost the whole -peninsula in the eighth century. But the capture of Cordova in 1236, and -of Seville in 1248, with the reduction of the province of Murcia in -1266, drove the Moors to their last stronghold in the kingdom of -Granada, which they were allowed to retain in comparative peace for -nearly two centuries and a half. This cessation of military activity in -the south was due to several causes. Granada itself was strongly -defended by nature, and its population was more homogeneous than that of -the dominions which had been lost. And the old enemies of the Moors were -now diminished in number. Portugal was cut off from all direct contact -with the infidel by the district round Seville and Cadiz, and Aragon was -equally isolated by the intervention of the Castilian province of -Murcia. The only state which had a conterminous frontier with the Moors -was Castile, and the attention of Castile was distracted from its -southern neighbours by internal feuds and foreign interests. One result -of the termination of the religious war is that Spanish history loses -such unity as it had hitherto possessed, and it is henceforth necessary -to follow the separate history of its component states. And with its -unity the history of the peninsula loses much of its dignity and -importance. The record of internal feuds, of dynastic revolutions, and -of criminal bloodshed, which fills the annals of the Spanish kingdoms, -and especially of Castile, would hardly be worth preserving if it were -not the necessary prelude to the rise of Spain in the sixteenth century -to a foremost position among the powers of Europe. - -Castile, permanently united with Leon since 1230, was the largest, and -ultimately the dominant state of Spain. It had been formed in the course -of a prolonged religious [Sidenote: Constitution of Castile.] war, and -this had left a permanent impress on the constitution. While the kings -had risen to power as military leaders, the nobles and cities had also -earned great independence in a struggle which had often depended more -upon sudden local effort than upon the action of large armies; and the -clergy, as the preachers of religious ardour against the infidel, -retained more authority than in any other country in Europe. When -national exertion was relaxed by the diminution of external danger, a -struggle between the rival forces was inevitable; and though the victory -rested in the end with the monarchy, it was long before this result was -assured. The national assembly, or Cortes, was composed of three -estates—clergy, nobles, and citizens—and its importance varied very much -from time to time. But the royal power was more effectually limited by -the danger of armed resistance than by any formal constitutional -restrictions. The great nobles were independent princes in their own -domains, and could command the allegiance of their vassals in private -feuds with each other, and even in warfare against the crown. For the -vindication of their own rights, and for resisting the encroachments of -the barons, the towns claimed and exercised the right of forming an -armed union or _hermandad_. It was fortunate for the kings that -conflicting interests and mutual jealousy prevented any common action -between classes whose power both of offence and defence was so extremely -formidable. - -Alfonso X., who ruled in Castile from 1252 to 1284, is known in history -as ‘The Wise,’ but the epithet was earned [Sidenote: Disorders in -Castile.] by his remarkable learning rather than by his ability as a -ruler. The only territorial acquisition of his reign, Murcia, was won -for him by the arms of Aragon. He abandoned the war against the Moors -for a vain effort to gain the imperial dignity, which he disputed during -the Great Interregnum with an English rival, Richard of Cornwall. His -later years, and the reigns of his successors, Sancho IV. (1284-1295) -and Ferdinand IV. (1295-1312), were disturbed by a disputed succession -to the crown. Alfonso’s eldest son, Ferdinand de Cerda, died in 1275, -leaving two sons, who are known as the Infantes de Cerda. According to -modern ideas, their hereditary claim would be incontestable. But in the -Middle Ages it was frequently held that nearness of blood gave a better -claim than descent in an elder line. On this ground Alfonso’s second -son, Sancho, was recognised as his father’s heir, and succeeded in -ousting his nephews. But the Infantes de Cerda had many partisans in -Castile, and a prolonged but desultory struggle ensued, in which the -neighbouring kings of Aragon and Portugal were involved. The actual -contest was ended by a treaty in 1305, by which the claimants were -bought off with lavish grants of land. But the disorders to which it had -given rise were not so easily suppressed. Two successive kings, -Ferdinand IV. and Alfonso XI. (1312-1350), came to the throne in their -childhood, and a minority is always an evil in an early stage of -society. Castile in this matter was almost as unlucky as was Scotland a -little later, and the results in the two countries were very similar. -The noble families fought out private wars among themselves, and the -kings became rather partisans than arbiters among their subjects. In -fact, the chief force for the maintenance of order was supplied, not by -the monarchy, but by a great _hermandad_ or brotherhood, which was -formed in 1295 by thirty-four Castilian towns. - -The obvious weakness of Castile, after nearly seventy years of anarchy, -encouraged the Moors to make an effort for the recovery of their lost -power. Abul Hakam, the [Sidenote: War of Alfonso XI. with the Moors.] -Emir of Fez, crossed the Straits of Gibraltar in 1339 with a large army. -He was joined by the ruler of Granada, and their combined forces laid -siege to Tarifa. The approach of danger had a wholesome and healing -effect upon Castile. Alfonso XI. was enabled to make peace with his -rebellious subjects, and also with the king of Portugal, whose daughter -he had married only to desert her for the beautiful Eleanor de Guzman. -In 1340 he advanced to the relief of Tarifa, and gained in the battle of -the Salado the first victory which had fallen to a Castilian king for -nearly a century. The complaisant chronicler of the royal achievement -tells us that only twenty Christians perished in a battle which cost the -lives of two hundred thousand Moslems. It is at any rate authentic that -Abul Hakam was driven back to Africa, and that in 1344 Alfonso captured -the town of Algeciras. He hoped to complete his success by the reduction -of Gibraltar, which would have excluded any further reinforcement from -Africa to the Moors of Granada. But he was carried off by the Black -Death in 1350, and this event led to the abandonment of the siege. -Alfonso’s successes against the infidel have outweighed in the histories -of Spain both the vices of his private character and the disorder that -prevailed in the kingdom during his minority and the greater part of his -reign. - -Few historical epithets have been more thoroughly deserved [Sidenote: -Peter the Cruel.] than that of ‘the Cruel,’ as attached to the name of -Peter I. (1350-1369). Numerous attempts to whitewash his character have -been made in vain, and all that can be said in his favour is that he had -received very great provocation. He was the only son of Alfonso XI. and -Maria of Portugal, and during his father’s reign both he and his mother -had been kept in ignominious seclusion, while every mark of favour was -showered upon the royal mistress, Eleanor de Guzman, and her numerous -children. Henry, the eldest of the bastards, was Count of Trastamara, -and his twin-brother Frederick held the grand-mastership of the great -Order of St. James. It was by no means unnatural that the dowager queen -should urge her son, when he came into power, to avenge the insults -which she had so long endured in angry impotence. Eleanor de Guzman was -strangled in 1351, and two of her sons in later years were murdered by -the king’s own hand. Henry of Trastamara sought safety in exile, first -in Portugal, and afterwards in France. It would be disgusting even to -enumerate the atrocious acts which have been attributed, some with more -and some with less authority, to the youthful monster in his early -years. His treatment of Blanche of Bourbon, whose hand he had solicited -from the French king, is a conspicuous but rather mild illustration of -his ruthless temperament. He was living openly with a mistress, Maria de -Padilla, when the princess arrived, and he refused even to see her. -Later, under considerable pressure, he went through the form of -marriage, but immediately returned to the arms of his mistress; and the -bride, who was never a wife, was consigned to a solitary prison, and -ultimately poisoned. In 1356 Peter put down a rebellion among his -nobles, and took the most sanguinary vengeance upon his defeated -opponents. His thirst for bloodshed seems, in moments of excitement, to -have amounted almost to mania. Yet, for a long time at any rate, he was -not unpopular with the lower orders among his subjects. It was upon the -nobles and the Jews, neither very popular with the people, that his hand -fell with such severity, and he could show at times a coarse good-nature -and a taste for rough buffoonery which won him some popular applause. -This helps to explain why he met with little or no opposition when he -endeavoured to secure the succession to his own illegitimate children. -In 1362 he solemnly swore to the Cortes, and his oath was supported by -the archbishop of Toledo, that he had been for ten years the lawful -husband of Maria de Padilla, and the docile Cortes recognised her -children as legitimate heirs to the crown. But this settlement was not -destined to be carried out. Bastardy in Spain, as in Italy, was not -considered so fatal a bar to inheritance as it was regarded in northern -countries. Henry of Trastamara found supporters in Peter of Aragon and -Charles V. of France, who had both grounds of quarrel with the king of -Castile. The latter, who was preparing to repudiate the treaty of -Bretigni and to renew the war with the English, was not unwilling to -allow Bertrand du Guesclin to train on Spanish soil the military -companies which he was forming for the service of France. In 1365 a -large army crossed the Pyrenees into Aragon, and thence proceeded in the -next year to establish Henry of Trastamara upon the Castilian throne. -Peter fled to Bordeaux to implore the aid of the Black Prince, and -unfortunately succeeded in touching a chivalrous chord in his host’s -character. At the battle of Najara the war-hardened troops, which had -won the victory of Poitiers, proved more than a match for the only -half-trained recruits of du Guesclin (1367). Peter recovered his -kingdom, but he showed as much ingratitude to his auxiliaries as he -showed barbarity towards his own subjects. Neither the Black Prince nor -his army ever completely recovered from their successful but disastrous -campaign in Spain, and Charles V. was able in a few years from 1369 to -expel the English from nearly the whole of their possessions in France -(see p. 95). But the betrayer had no better fortune than the betrayed. -The departure of Peter’s allies enabled Henry of Trastamara to return to -Castile, and with French aid to win the battle of Montiel. In a personal -interview the two half-brothers came to blows, and Henry’s dagger -avenged the death of his murdered kinsfolk. The two surviving children -of Peter and Maria Padilla, Constance and Isabella, had been left at -Bordeaux, and were married to two brothers of the Black Prince—John of -Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and Edmund Langley, duke of York. - -Henry II. had by no means reached the end of his troubles when the death -of Peter enabled him for the [Sidenote: Henry II., 1369-79.] second time -to ascend the throne of Castile. His title was contested by two rival -candidates—Ferdinand of Portugal, whose grandmother had been a daughter -of Sancho IV., and John of Gaunt, who asserted the legitimacy and rights -of his wife as recognised by the Cortes of 1362.[12] The Portuguese king -was the nearer and, for the moment, the more formidable opponent, but -French aid enabled Henry to attack Lisbon and extort a treaty of peace. -The illness of the Black Prince left the conduct of the war in France to -John of Gaunt, and so Henry was able at once to harass his rival and to -repay some of his obligations to Charles V. by sending a Castilian fleet -to cut off direct communication between England and Gascony. Thus the -reign, which had opened so stormily, ended in complete peace, and Henry -of Trastamara handed on the crown to his son [Sidenote: John I. -1379-90.] John I. (1379). His accession gave the signal for a renewal of -the war with Portugal and of the Lancastrian claim. In 1385 the -Portuguese troops won a crushing victory at Aljubarrota, and in the next -year John of Gaunt came to the Peninsula in person to uphold his wife’s -cause. His daughter Philippa was married to the new king of Portugal, -John I., and their united forces invaded Castile and occupied -Compostella. But the Castilians had no desire to accept a foreign -dynasty; and John of Gaunt, never very lucky or very resolute in his -enterprises, was induced to desert his son-in-law and to conclude a -separate peace (1387). Catharine, the only daughter of John of Gaunt and -Constance, was betrothed to John of Castile’s eldest son Henry, the -first heir to the crown who received the title of Prince of Asturias, -and the mother’s claim was renounced in favour of the youthful bride. - -Henry III., though he was only a boy when his father was suddenly killed -by a fall from his horse, proved to be one of [Sidenote: Henry III., -1390-1406.] the ablest kings in the history of Castile. He insisted on a -resumption of domain-lands which had fallen into the hands of the -nobles, and maintained greater order in the kingdom than had been known -for many generations. His marriage with Catharine of Lancaster freed him -from any rival claimants to the throne, and also contributed to the -maintenance of peace with Portugal, whose queen was Catharine’s -half-sister. But, unfortunately, his health was never strong, and he -died in 1406 at the early age of twenty-seven, leaving a boy of two -years old to succeed him. As it happened, the minority [Sidenote: John -II., 1406-1454.] of John II. proved to be the most successful and -orderly part of his reign. The regency was shared between his mother and -his uncle Ferdinand; and so great was the respect inspired by the -latter, that he might easily have supplanted his nephew with the general -approval of the Castilians. But Ferdinand acted with perfect loyalty; -and after his elevation to the throne of Aragon in 1412, he continued to -give honest and disinterested advice to his sister-in-law. -Unfortunately, when John II. was old enough to take the government into -his own hands, he proved wholly unworthy of the care with which his -kingdom had been administered for him. Unwarlike and averse to the cares -of business, he allowed himself to be completely overshadowed by the -famous Alvaro de Luna, grand-master of the [Sidenote: Alvaro de Luna.] -Order of St. James, and constable of Castile. Alvaro de Luna was no -commonplace favourite. He was by general recognition the most -accomplished knight of his country and his age, and he combined with his -brilliant personal attractions political abilities of no mean order. He -set himself to increase the authority of the crown because that -authority was wielded by himself, and he achieved no small measure of -success. He trampled upon the privileges of his brother nobles, and he -prepared the way for the humiliation of the third estate by reducing the -representation in the Cortes to seventeen of the principal cities. But -his government, although despotic, was by no means conducive to order. -The absolutism of a king may be submitted to and even welcomed, but the -absolutism of a subject is certain to excite discontent among those who -consider themselves to be legally his equals. The reign of John II. was -filled by a series of conspiracies and rebellions, and the malcontents -in Castile received formidable assistance from the king’s cousin, John -of Aragon. The constable, however, was as successful in the battle-field -as in the tilt-yard, and no Castilian rebel or foreign foe was strong -enough to effect his overthrow. His ultimate downfall was due to the -ingratitude of his master. John’s second wife, Isabella of Portugal, -indignant that her authority counted for so little in the state, set -herself to sow distrust between her husband and the all-powerful -minister. The more domestic influence triumphed for the moment over the -feeble mind of the king, and Alvaro de Luna was put to death after a -parody of a trial in 1453. - -John II. only survived the constable a year, and his death in 1454 -ushered in a still more troubled period for Castile. He left behind him -three children—Henry, the son of his first wife, Mary of Aragon, and -Isabella and Alfonso, the offspring of Isabella of Portugal. Henry IV., -[Sidenote: Henry IV., 1454-74.] who succeeded his father, was the most -incapable king of Castile until the accession of the unfortunate Charles -II. in the seventeenth century. He was equally feeble in mind and body, -and the contempt of his subjects found expression in his appellation of -‘Henry the Impotent.’ There were several aspirants to fill the position -which Alvaro de Luna had held in the previous reign, and success rested -with Beltran de la Cueva, who had all the showy without any of the solid -qualities of the famous constable. It was currently reported that the -handsome favourite supplemented his influence over the king by securing -the affections of the queen, Joanna of Portugal. The birth of a daughter -increased instead of allaying the scandal, and the unfortunate infanta -was generally known as ‘la Beltraneja.’ Jealousy of the favourite and -disgust with the king’s incompetence combined to provoke a formidable -rebellion (1465). At Avila the rebels went through the formal ceremony -of deposing a puppet dressed up to represent the king. The crown was -offered to Henry’s half-brother Alfonso, on the ground that Joanna was -illegitimate, but the young prince died in 1468, before the civil war -had come to a decisive end. Isabella, to whom the malcontents now -turned, showed that she had inherited the qualities of her mother rather -than those of her father. With a calculating wisdom beyond her years, -she [Sidenote: Isabella.] refused to weaken her claim by allowing her -cause to be associated with rebellion against the monarchy. At the same -time she was equally resolute to avoid any recognition of the legitimacy -of her niece. Her firmness extorted a treaty from Henry IV., by which -she was recognised as his heiress, and on this condition the rebels were -induced to lay down their arms (1468). In the next year Isabella -concluded her all-important marriage with Ferdinand, the heir to the -crown of Aragon. As soon as the immediate danger of deposition was -removed, Henry IV. embarked in a struggle to repudiate the recent treaty -and to secure the succession to his wife’s daughter. But he died in 1474 -without having succeeded in his aim, and his half-sister inherited the -crown. The cause of Joanna was now espoused by her uncle, Alfonso V. of -Portugal, but Isabella succeeded in maintaining the position she had -won. Her accession, and the subsequent union of the crowns of Aragon and -Castile, ushered in a new and more distinguished epoch in the history of -the Spanish peninsula. - -The kingdom of Aragon was formed by the union of the three provinces of -Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. The union was very imperfect, as each -province jealously [Sidenote: Constitution of Aragon.] insisted upon -retaining its own laws and institutions, and resented any attempt to -introduce uniformity of administration. The powers of the monarchy were -more narrowly restricted than in the neighbouring kingdom of Castile. -The privileges of the _ricos hombres_, or great nobles, were so -extensive as to make them almost the equals of their king, and the -desire to maintain these privileges brought about among them a wholly -unusual unity of interest and political action. Ferdinand the Catholic -expressed this difference between the two kingdoms in his saying that -‘it was as difficult to divide the nobles of Aragon as to unite the -nobles of Castile.’ And the citizens were not far behind the nobles in -the spirit of independence, which was especially strong in the maritime -province of Catalonia. The representation of towns in the Cortes of -Aragon dates back to 1133, thirty-three years before any similar -concession was made in Castile, and more than a century before any -regular practice of central representation was established in England. -The Cortes was not a general assembly of the whole kingdom, but each -province had its own Cortes, which possessed within its borders the -supreme control of jurisdiction, legislation, and taxation. In Valencia -and Aragon the assembly consisted, as in Castile and France, of the -ordinary three estates—clergy, nobles, and citizens. But the Cortes of -Aragon contained four estates or arms (_brazos_). Besides the clergy and -the delegates of towns, the secular nobles were divided into two -distinct classes—(1) the _ricos hombres_, who had the right of attending -either in person or by proxy, and (2) the _infanzones_, or lesser -tenants-in-chief, and the _caballeros_, the sub-tenants, who were -entitled to attend in virtue of their knighthood. In the office of -Justiciar, Aragon possessed a unique institution which has always -attracted the interest of historical students. Originally the Justiciar -was merely the president of the Cortes when it sat as a court of -justice, and his functions were of no special political importance. But -in course of time he became the mediator, and ultimately the supreme -arbiter, in all disputes between the monarch and his subjects. In this -capacity he was regarded as at once the depositary and the champion of -constitutional traditions and liberties. The dignity of the office was -enhanced by the character of its successive holders, and the history of -Aragon abounds with instances of their resolute resistance to despotism -on the one hand or to lawless disorder on the other. It is noteworthy -that the responsibility of the Justiciar to the Cortes was secured by -his selection from the lesser nobles or knights. The _ricos hombres_, -whose privileges included exemption from execution or any corporal -punishment, were always excluded from the office. - -James I. of Aragon (1213-1276) is known by the honourable title of the -Conqueror. He brought the long Moorish wars to an end, and completed the -extension of the kingdom by the annexation of the Balearic Islands, -which had long been a nest of Mussulman pirates, and of Valencia. He -also effected the reduction of Murcia, but with rare loyalty handed it -over to the king of Castile, in whose name he had carried on the war -(1266). One result of these victories was that his successors, freed -from the pressure of continual warfare at home, were able to turn their -attention eastwards to events in Italy. Peter III. (1276-1285) was -married to Constance, the daughter and heiress [Sidenote: Aragon and -Sicily.] of Manfred, and thus acquired a claim to be regarded as the -successor of the Hohenstaufen in Naples and Sicily. But it is doubtful -whether this claim would have led to any practical results but for the -massacre of the French in the famous Sicilian Vespers (1282). To protect -themselves from the vengeance of Charles of Anjou, the islanders -appealed to the king of Aragon, and offered him the crown. Hence arose -the prolonged wars against a coalition formed by the Angevin rulers of -Naples, the popes and the kings of France, which constitute the most -prominent episode, not only in the later years of Peter III., but also -in the reigns of his two sons and successors, Alfonso III. (1285-1291) -and James II. (1291-1327). These wars have already been referred to in -connection with the history both of France and of Italy (see pp. 25, -48), and it is unnecessary to tell the story again. The essential points -to remember are that in 1295 Boniface VIII. negotiated a treaty by which -James II. was to marry Blanche, the daughter of Charles II. of Naples, -to receive the island of Sardinia, and resign his claim upon Sicily; but -the Sicilians refused to agree to terms in which they had had no voice, -offered the crown to James’s younger brother Frederick, and succeeded in -1302 in establishing him upon the throne. Hence in the end there was a -double gain. Sicily was secured to a younger branch of the house of -Aragon, and on its extinction reverted to the main line. Some years -later James III. (1327-1336) took Sardinia from the Genoese and Pisans -in virtue of a treaty which had been very imperfectly carried out on his -side, as the only price which he paid for his acquisition had been an -ineffectual attempt to expel his brother from a kingdom which he had -deemed himself too weak to retain. Sardinia remained united with Aragon, -and so with Spain, until the treaty of Rastadt in 1714 gave it to -Austria, and the treaty of London in 1720 transferred it, with the title -of king, to the duke of Savoy. - -These Italian wars were not without their influence on the history of -Aragon. They were waged in the interest of the dynasty, not of the -kingdom, and the Aragonese [Sidenote: Concessions to the Aragonese.] had -a substantial grievance in being called upon to furnish money, men, and -ships for an enterprise in which they had no particular concern. Hence -the kings were compelled to appease their subjects by concessions, which -went far beyond any sacrifices extorted from contemporary rulers in -other countries. The ‘General Privilege,’ granted by Peter III. in 1283, -has been compared, and justly compared, with the English _Magna Charta_. -It provided salutary securities for general and individual liberty, and -its frequent confirmation shows that it was highly valued. But four -years later Alfonso III. went to a dangerous extreme when he signed the -famous ‘Privilege of Union’ (1287). By this his subjects were formally -authorised to take up arms against their sovereign if he attempted to -infringe their privileges. Rebellion may be and often is the only -effectual safeguard against oppression, but it is harmful and -unnecessary to formulate a right to rebel. The Privilege of Union put a -very formidable weapon into the hands of the nobles, who could always -disguise the selfish pursuit of their own interests under the pretence -that they were engaged in opposing despotism. - -Peter IV. of Aragon (1336-1387) was the first king who set himself to -free the monarchy from some of the excessive [Sidenote: Reign of Peter -IV.] restraints which had been imposed upon it. He annexed to the crown -the Balearic Islands, which had been held since 1374 by a younger son of -James the Conqueror and his descendants, under the title of kings of -Majorca. The reigning king, James II., made a prolonged struggle to -retain a dominion which he had done nothing to forfeit, but was -compelled to submit to the superior force of his imperious cousin. This -arbitrary act was followed by an attempt to settle the succession -according to the personal wishes of the king. At the time (1347) Peter -had only one child, a daughter Constance, and the heir-presumptive to -the throne was his half-brother James, Count of Urgel. There was no law -or custom excluding females from the succession in Aragon, but there was -a very strong prejudice in favour of male heirs, and they had usually -been preferred to heiresses, even though the latter stood nearer in the -line of descent. The attempt of James to procure a settlement in favour -of his daughter, combined with the generally high-handed character of -his government, provoked a formidable rising among the nobles, and also -gave them a powerful leader in James of Urgel. Claiming the rights -accorded by the Privilege of 1287, the rebels formed a Union at -Saragossa and formulated their demands. The king, taken by surprise, was -compelled at first to feign compliance; but the opportune death of James -of Urgel, attributed by contemporaries to poison administered by his -brother’s command, together with a rally of the Catalans to the cause of -the king, turned the balance in favour of Peter IV. In 1348 the royal -forces met the rebels on the field of Epila, and gained a complete -victory. The Privilege of Union was promptly revoked, and the parchment -on which it was written was destroyed by the king’s own hands. Thus the -monarchy gained a really considerable triumph, and the nobles were the -only immediate sufferers. In fact, Peter made no attempt to curtail any -popular liberties, and the authority of the Justiciar was more firmly -established in his reign by the grant of a life-tenure to the holders of -the office. His later years were occupied with wars against his cruel -namesake in Castile, with a struggle against the Genoese in Sardinia, -and with the suppression of an attempt on the part of James III. to -recover his father’s kingdom of Majorca. The original doubt about the -succession was removed by the birth of two sons, who successively came -to the throne as John I. (1387-1395) and Martin I. (1395-1410). Their -reigns are chiefly noteworthy for the reunion of Sicily with Aragon. The -two crowns had [Sidenote: Reversion of Sicily.] been separated since the -repudiation of his claims by James II. had given his younger brother -Frederick the opportunity of gaining a kingdom. Since 1302 Sicily had -been peacefully held by the descendants of Frederick I.; and on the -extinction of the male line had fallen to an heiress, Mary, the daughter -of Frederick II. by a marriage with a daughter of Peter IV. of Aragon. -Mary was married in 1391 to her cousin, Martin the Younger, the only son -of Martin I., who was enabled by the support of his uncle and father to -obtain the Sicilian crown. On his early death in 1409, the island -kingdom fell to his father, who for the one remaining year of his life -was king both of Aragon and of Sicily. - -The death of Martin the Younger not only brought the crown of Sicily to -the king of Aragon, but also gave rise to a disputed succession in the -latter kingdom. The [Sidenote: Disputed succession.] elder Martin was -now the only surviving male descendant of Peter IV., and he died in -1410, before any arrangement had been come to about his successor. If -male descent were insisted upon, the obvious heir was James of Urgel, -whose grandfather had been the second son of Alfonso IV. Recent -precedents, notably the accession of Martin himself in preference to the -daughters of John I., were in favour of the exclusion of heiresses, but -there remained the open question whether the male descendants of a woman -could derive a claim through her. Of such candidates, two were most -prominent—Louis, the eldest son of Louis II. of Anjou and John I.’s -daughter Yolande, and Ferdinand, the regent of Castile in the minority -of John II., whose mother was Eleanor, a daughter of Peter IV.[13] There -can be no doubt that the count of Urgel had by far the strongest -hereditary claim; but his own rash assumption that he had only to take -the crown provoked opposition among the rather contentious Aragonese, -and he was ultimately excluded. A joint committee was appointed from the -Cortes of the three provinces to inquire into precedents; and after an -interregnum of two years, their choice curiously fell upon Ferdinand of -Castile, whose claim by descent was unquestionably weaker than that of -his rivals (1412). - -Thus the lucky house of Trastamara, in spite of its illegitimate origin, -had come to furnish a king in Aragon as well as in Castile. And within a -generation events enabled the family to add to these possessions the -kingdom of Naples, and for a time the kingdom of Navarre. Ferdinand I. -did not live long enough to display in Aragon the great qualities which -his administration in Castile had shown him to possess. His elder son -Alfonso V. (1416-1458) [Sidenote: Alfonso V. and Naples.] is more -associated with the history of Italy than with that of Spain. He -inherited from his father Sicily and Sardinia as well as Aragon, and in -1423 his adoption by Joanna II. opened to him the prospect of inheriting -Naples. But the vicious queen soon changed her mind, disinherited -Alfonso, and adopted in his place Louis III. of Anjou, who could claim -through his mother a better right to the crown of Aragon than Alfonso -himself. This double adoption led to the long war between the house of -Aragon and the second house of Anjou, which raged for the last twelve -years of Joanna’s reign, and for eight years after her death. It ended -in the victory of Alfonso, who reigned peacefully in Naples until his -death in 1458 (see p. 271). As he left no legitimate children, Aragon, -Sicily, and Sardinia passed to his brother John II. (1458-1494), but -Naples was transferred to his bastard son Ferrante I. Half a century was -to elapse before the kingdom of the Two Sicilies was re-formed by -Ferdinand the Catholic. - -While Alfonso was engaged in winning the crown of Naples amidst the -turmoil of an Italian war, his younger brother John had succeeded in -establishing an intimate [Sidenote: Relations of Aragon and Navarre.] -relation with Navarre. This little kingdom, which comprised territory on -both sides of the Pyrenees, had for a long time been more closely -connected with France than with Spain.[14] United with the French crown -by the marriage of Blanche of Navarre with Philip IV., it had again -become independent on the extinction of the direct line of the house of -Capet. When Philip of Valois ascended the throne of France, Navarre -passed to the rightful heiress, Jeanne, the daughter of Louis X., and -she was crowned with her husband, Philip of Evreux, in 1329. Their son, -Charles the Bad (1349-1387), played a prominent, though not very -creditable part in French history during the wars with Edward III. (see -Chapter IV.). Charles II. (1387-1425), who succeeded his father, devoted -more attention to art and letters than to politics, and kept his kingdom -in peace and obscurity. His daughter and heiress, Blanche, married John -of Aragon, but the succession was secured to her children. As long as -she lived Blanche ruled Navarre in her own right, and on her death in -1442 her son, Charles of Viana, was entitled to the crown of [Sidenote: -John II. and Charles of Viana.] Navarre. He actually undertook the -administration of the kingdom; but in deference, apparently, to his -mother’s wishes, he forbore to assume the royal title, which was still -borne by his father. In the ordinary course of things, no special -difficulty need have arisen, as Charles would have succeeded his father -in Aragon as well as Navarre. But in 1447 John concluded a second -marriage with Joanna Henriquez, daughter of the Admiral of Castile, and -a woman of equal energy and ambition. She persuaded her husband to -intrust her with the administration of Navarre, and Charles of Viana -found plenty of advisers to remind him that the kingdom was lawfully his -own, and to urge resistance to such an encroachment upon his authority. -Hence arose a civil war between the father and the stepmother on the one -side, and the son on the other. The great Navarrese families of Beaumont -and Egremont, as uniformly hostile to each other as the Orsini and -Colonnas in Rome, gladly welcomed so congenial a pretext for warfare. -The Beaumonts were intimately associated with Charles, so the Egremonts -had perforce to espouse the cause of his father. At Aybar, in 1452, the -royal troops won the victory, and Charles fell a prisoner into his -father’s hands. He was released soon afterwards, but his power had been -destroyed by his defeat, and his position was rendered worse by the -birth of a son, afterwards Ferdinand the Catholic, to the queen in 1452. -Joanna hardly concealed her intention to secure the recognition of her -own son as heir to his father, and her influence over John was -unbounded. The unfortunate prince of Viana set out to Naples in 1458 to -implore the advice and assistance of his uncle Alfonso V. But Alfonso -died in 1458, and John was now king in Aragon instead of merely -lieutenant for his brother. In 1460 Charles of Viana ventured to return -to his father’s kingdom, and, after a feigned welcome, was thrown into -prison at Lerida. This gross injustice—for there was no shadow of a -charge to be brought against the prince—excited a rebellion among the -liberty-loving Catalans. The revolt rapidly spread to the other -provinces, and the king of Castile showed a suspicious interest in the -welfare of the heir to the crown of Aragon. John II. found it politic to -yield to such general pressure. Charles of Viana was released and -appointed governor of Catalonia, but before he could undertake the rule -of his province he was removed by poison. - -This terrible crime enabled John to retain possession of Navarre for his -lifetime, but it rather increased his difficulties [Sidenote: Rebellion -in Catalonia.] in his lawful kingdom. The Catalans renewed their -rebellion to avenge the death of the prince whose cause they had -championed with such fatal results, and besieged the queen and her son -in the fortress of Gerona. Unable to force his way through to their aid, -John was compelled to purchase the assistance of Louis XI. of France by -pledging the provinces of Roussillon and Cerdagne to cover his expenses. -French troops raised the siege of Gerona, but the Catalans maintained an -obstinate resistance. They went so far as to offer the crown to Réné le -Bon of Anjou and Provence, who was a grandson, through his mother, of -John I. Réné, old, and averse to risk or exertion, sent his chivalrous -son, John of Calabria, who had already fought a desperate war against -the reigning Aragonese king of Naples (see p. 277), to carry on the war -with the same family on the soil of Aragon. For a time John was almost -in despair. He had become blind, and in 1468 he lost the wife whom he -had loved and trusted too well. But the old man fought on with a dogged -obstinacy which deserved its reward. In 1469 John of Calabria died, and -in 1472 the fall of Barcelona completed the reduction of Catalonia. On -his death in 1479 John bequeathed to Ferdinand an inheritance which was -only diminished by the loss of Roussillon and Cerdagne, and these -provinces were restored by Charles VIII. in 1493 in the hope of -preventing the sending of aid from Aragon or Sicily to the bastard ruler -of Naples, whom Charles was preparing to attack. - -Death had at last relaxed the tenacious grip which John II. had so long -maintained upon the kingdom of Navarre. Of his three children by his -first wife Blanche—Charles [Sidenote: Navarre after 1479.] of Viana, -Blanche, and Eleanor—only the last, who had married Gaston de Foix, -survived her father; Charles had been poisoned by his father, and -Blanche had been poisoned by her sister. And, after all, Eleanor only -outlived her father for a few weeks. Her grandson, Francis Phœbus, -succeeded her, but died in 1483, and his sister Catharine carried the -kingdom to the house of d’Albret. From this family Ferdinand the -Catholic wrested that part of Navarre which lay on the Spanish side of -the Pyrenees. The remainder came to the house of Bourbon by the marriage -of duke Antony to Jeanne d’Albret, and by the accession of their son -Henry IV. to the throne was ultimately annexed to France. When in the -following century Roussillon and Cerdagne were finally handed over to -the same state (1659), the Pyrenees at last became, as nature seemed to -have intended, although history was always thwarting her intention, a -boundary between two separate states. - -The union of Castile and Aragon by the accession in the two kingdoms of -Isabella (1474) and Ferdinand (1479) laid the foundations of a kingdom -of Spain, and [Sidenote: Union of Castile and Aragon.] opened the way -for a brief period of Spanish predominance in Europe. Yet the union of -the kingdoms was merely personal: it was no more, in some ways it was -even less, than the union of England and Scotland effected by the -accession of James I. in the former kingdom in 1603. The great states of -the peninsula were not welded into one; they remained distinct units, -each with its own national characteristics, its own laws and -institutions, its own sense of corporate life and interests. This -imperfection of the union is a fundamental fact in later Spanish -history; it marks the essential difference between Spain and its more -successful neighbour France; it is a chief cause of the rapid and -apparently irreparable decline of Spain in a later age. Nevertheless, in -spite of its defects, the union was a necessary condition of the -emergence of Spain from its mediæval isolation. The very want of harmony -among the component states contributed to the rise of the royal power, -and the strength and weakness of Spain were equally bound up with the -fate of the monarchy. Without the forces of Aragon it would have been -impossible for Isabella to put down the disorderly independence of the -Castilian nobles, or for Charles V. to repress the communes and to -degrade the Cortes to impotence. And without the forces of Castile -Philip II. could never have ventured to trample upon the hardy liberties -of Aragon. - -The grand period of Spanish history, and even great part of the reigns -of Ferdinand and Isabella, lie beyond the limits of this volume, which -is only concerned with [Sidenote: Government of Ferdinand and Isabella.] -the earlier achievements of these monarchs. The primary duty of the -queen was to strike at the independence of the Castilian nobles, and to -put an end to the lawless anarchy which had reached its height under the -feeble rule of her brother. For this purpose she found an instrument -ready to her hand in the time-honoured privileges of the burgher class. -In 1476 she proposed and carried in the Cortes the organisation of the -_Santa Hermandad_, or Holy Brotherhood, which was to supply a force of -civic police on a most extensive scale. Its affairs were managed by a -central junta, composed of deputies from all the cities of Castile, -which was convened once a year. A small army of two thousand cavalry, -with attendant archers, was formed to enforce the decisions of local -magistrates and of the supreme court. The nobles protested against the -measure as unconstitutional, but the protest of the chief evil-doers is -a proof of its value and its efficiency. Other measures followed in -rapid succession. The extravagant grants of lands and pensions which had -been made to the nobles in recent years were revoked, the fortresses -which had served as centres of brigandage were destroyed, and steps were -taken to codify the numerous laws which had been enacted since the reign -of Alfonso X. The grandmasterships of the orders of Calatrava, -Alcantara, and St. James, which conferred upon their holders powers too -great to be safely intrusted to subjects, were on successive vacancies -annexed to the crown. And the strengthened monarchy showed itself the -enlightened protector of the material interests of its subjects. Trade -and industry were encouraged by the remodelling of taxation, by a -much-needed reform of the currency, and by the removal of the barriers -to commercial intercourse between Castile and Aragon. It has been -reckoned that the royal revenue, without any increased charges upon the -people, was multiplied thirty-fold between Isabella’s accession in 1474 -and her death in 1504. - -The greatest of rulers have their defects, and Isabella’s were a -fanatical hatred of heresy and a feminine passion for religious -uniformity. There can be no doubt that her influence predominated in -bringing about [Sidenote: The Spanish Inquisition.] the introduction of -the Inquisition, which was authorised by a bull of Sixtus IV. in 1478, -and was set in working in 1483 under the presidency of Torquemada. It -may be regarded as the first institution of a united Spain. Its -extension to Aragon excited much opposition among the liberty-loving -people, but the iron will of Ferdinand proved irresistible. One of the -first outcomes of religious persecution was the expulsion of the Jews in -1492. Some two hundred thousand Jews are said to have been driven from -Spain by this edict. It was a cruel measure, but it was not so -disastrous as it has been represented by some writers, who seem to have -forgotten that it was followed, not by the immediate decline of Spain, -but by a period of unexampled prosperity. - -The first overt proof to the world that a new power had arisen in Spain -was furnished by the final extinction of the [Sidenote: Conquest of -Granada.] Moorish dominion in the peninsula. The most signal -illustration of the weakness caused by the internal disorders of Castile -for the last two hundred years is to be found in the prolonged existence -of the kingdom of Granada. The establishment of a united and efficient -state upon their borders was fatal to the Moors. The war began in 1481, -and was steadily but not impetuously prosecuted for ten years. On -November 25, 1491, the capitulation of the Moorish capital was signed. -The terms granted to the conquered were as liberal as prudent policy -could dictate or as their heroic resistance had deserved. Full liberty -as to the exercise of their religion and the maintenance of their own -laws was granted to all who would peacefully submit to Christian rule. -But unfortunately the terms were not observed. After seven years of -tranquillity the bigotry of the Castilian government proved stronger -than considerations either of honour or of policy. The Moors were -suddenly called upon to choose between conversion and exile. Those who -accepted the former alternative had to live under a sort of ban in the -midst of an alien and hostile majority, until the insane edict of -expulsion against the Moriscoes in 1609 deprived Spain of a harmless and -industrious element of its population just at the time when it could -least afford to lose them. - -In one great department of activity—geographical discovery and -expansion—Spain was anticipated and to some extent [Sidenote: Portugal.] -guided by her neighbour Portugal. Portugal began life as one of the -struggling Christian states of Spain, with no essential difference from -the other petty counties or kingdoms which were in the end combined to -form larger states. Gradually Portugal had been hardened into something -like nationality by a long struggle, first to secure its existence -against the Moors, and then to resist that absorption into Castile which -considerations of geography and race seemed to render not only natural, -but almost inevitable. The first end was achieved by the victories of -Alfonso I. (1112-1185), who exchanged the title of count for that of -king; the second by the victory of Aljubarrota in 1385 (see above, p. -474), and the wise government of John I. (1383-1433). It was in the -reign of the latter that Portugal [Sidenote: Geographical discovery.] -began to interest itself in the task of exploring the west coast of -Africa, which was destined to bring to the small kingdom such a lavish -measure of wealth and renown. His third son, who was also the grandson -of an Englishman, John of Gaunt, was the famous Prince Henry the -Navigator. He was inspired with a confident belief that it was possible -to sail round Africa, and that the Portuguese might by this route divert -to themselves the great gains which the Venetians and Genoese enjoyed -from their indirect trade with India through the Levant. His dream was -not fulfilled during his own lifetime, but his efforts contributed to -its later realisation. For forty years he laboured to fit out -expeditions for African exploration, and to these were due the -successive discovery, or in some cases the re-discovery, of Porto Santo -(1419), Madeira (1420), the Canaries, which were later surrendered to -Castile, the Azores (1431-1444), the White Cape or Cabo Blanco (1441), -and Cape Verde (1446). When once the great shoulder of Africa had been -rounded it was easy to reach the Guinea coast. The death of Prince Henry -in 1460 checked, but did not arrest the progress of discovery. Africa -had been found to produce one very valuable commodity—slaves—and -Portugal was keenly interested in the lucrative but demoralising -slave-trade. This served to stimulate frequent voyages to the west coast -of Africa, and it was certain that before long some of the more -adventurous sailors would be induced, either by design or by accident, -to prolong their journeys. Moreover, as the fifteenth century advanced, -the impulse to find a new route to India became constantly stronger. The -Levant was becoming more and more a Turkish lake. First the coast of -Asia Minor and then Constantinople fell into their hands. There was a -growing danger that the great markets in which the Venetians and Genoese -had purchased from Arab caravans the products of the East would be -closed to Christian merchants. Europe could not afford to dispense with -commodities which had become almost necessaries to her peoples, or to -purchase them upon terms which drained the western countries of their -all too scanty supply of the precious metals. A great prize was offered -to the discoverers of a direct maritime connection with India, and the -competition became more and more keen. Portugal, thanks to Prince Henry, -had been first in the race, and she deservedly won the prize. In 1486 -Bartholomew Diaz reached Algoa [Sidenote: The Cape route to India.] Bay, -having at last rounded the Cape, to which he gave the well-merited name -of _Cabo Tormentoso_, or the stormy cape; though King John II., with -greater prescience and less familiarity, insisted upon calling it the -Cape of Good Hope. Twelve years later, in 1498, Vasco da Gama completed -the work by conducting a continuous voyage from Lisbon to Calicut. - -Meanwhile Castile had attempted to solve the great problem of the age. -By the treaty of 1479, when Isabella was recognised and the claims of -Joanna were abandoned by her uncle and husband, Alfonso V., Portugal had -given up the Canaries, but had received the confirmation of past and -future discoveries on the African coast. Thus Spain was debarred from -competing with Portugal on the route to India which Henry the Navigator -had pointed out. But Christopher Columbus, a Genoese mariner who entered -[Sidenote: Discovery of America.] the service of Castile, proposed to -find a way to Asia by sailing westwards. In 1492 the first of his -ever-famous voyages brought him to land which he conceived to be part of -India. He had really found the new world of America, but his fruitful -error has given to the islands at which he first touched the name of the -West Indies. - -These two discoveries, of America and of the route to India round the -Cape, are perhaps the greatest events of the fifteenth century. They -brought men face to face with new problems, new conceptions, new -interests, [Sidenote: Partition of the New World.] which have drawn a -conspicuous line of demarcation between the Middle Ages and later times. -But these belong to a subsequent period. The most immediate result was -to create a danger of collision between Spain and Portugal, which -contemporary statesmanship set itself to avert. A bull of Alexander VI. -in 1493 drew an imaginary line a hundred leagues west of the Azores, and -gave the countries to the west of the line to Spain and those to the -east to Portugal. This arrangement was modified in the next year by the -treaty of Tordesillas between the two countries, which shifted the line -of demarcation some hundred and seventy leagues farther west. This -served to give to Portugal its subsequent claim to Brazil. But the -monstrous pretension of the two pioneers of discovery to monopolise all -its fruits to themselves provoked before long the vigorous resistance of -northern countries which were equally fitted by geography for oceanic -trade. When Spain in 1580 annexed Portugal, the struggle against a -single monopoly became more desperate; and it was this, even more than -differences of religion, which led to those prolonged wars with the -English and Dutch in which the power of Spain was shattered. - -Footnote 12: - - See Genealogical Table Q, in Appendix. - -Footnote 13: - - See Genealogical Table R, in Appendix. - -Footnote 14: - - See Genealogical Table S, in Appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER XXI - THE GREEK EMPIRE AND THE OTTOMAN TURKS - - - The Greek Empire after the recovery of Constantinople in 1261—The - reigns of Michael VIII. and Andronicus II.—The Grand Company of the - Catalans—Civil war and deposition of Andronicus II.—The Seljuk and - Ottoman Turks—Conquests of Othman and Orchan—The tribute of - children—John V. and John Cantacuzenos—Stephen Dushan and the Empire - of Servia—First conquests of the Turks in Europe—Vassalage of the - Greek Empire—Turkish successes against the Slavonic States—Bajazet - I. attacks Constantinople—Battle of Angora—Revival of the Ottoman - power—The Emperor John VI. and the Council of Florence—Wars of - Amurath II. with Hungary—Revolt of Albania under Scanderbeg—Mohammed - II. takes Constantinople—Conquest of Servia, Wallachia, and - Bosnia—Conquest of Greece—War with Venice—The Turks in Otranto—Death - of Mohammed the Conqueror. - -It is not a little curious that the two powers which claimed to -represent the ancient Empire of Rome both perished in the thirteenth -century. The fall of the Hohenstaufen [Sidenote: The Greek Empire after -1261.] and the Great Interregnum mark the real end of the western -Empire. Henceforth it is nothing more than a feeble kingship of Germany -with a shadowy claim to suzerainty over Italy. The eastern Empire was -annihilated by the destructive triumph of the Crusaders in 1204. Its -so-called revival in 1261 was merely the recovery of Constantinople by a -prince who had previously ruled in Nicæa. The rule of Michael Palæologus -and his successors, though the forms of ceremonies of Roman tradition -were carefully maintained, has no claim to be called a Roman Empire at -all; at the most, it is a Greek or Byzantine Empire. Their territories -were smaller than those of several of the western kings. In Europe they -held little more than Constantinople itself, with the adjacent district -of Roumelia and the peninsula of Chalcidice. To the north and west they -were hemmed in by the independent kingdoms of Bulgaria and Servia. The -greater part of the Morea was split up into small states in the hands -either of Frankish princes or of Venice. Venice also held the important -islands of Corfu, Crete, and Negropont, and many of the lesser islands -in the Ægean were ruled by Venetian families. In Asia Minor the -Palæologi succeeded in retaining for a time the greater part of the west -coast with a few towns on the Black Sea; but the rest of the peninsula -was in the hands of the Turkish sultans of Iconium, with the exception -of a small strip in the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea, which -constituted the so-called Empire of Trebizond. It is true that Michael -VIII. himself, and even some of his feeble successors, made a few -acquisitions of territory, especially in the Morea, but these were -counterbalanced by quite equal losses. The Knights of St. John, who -lived in Crete for a few years after their expulsion from Acre in 1291, -seized Rhodes and the small adjacent islands in 1310. And the Genoese, -who had rendered valuable service in the war with the Latin emperors, -demanded very large concessions as their reward. Not only did they -receive the suburb of Pera or Galata, which they fortified against the -Greek emperors, but they established their power at Kaffa in the Crimea, -and in Azof, at the mouth of the Don, thus securing a monopoly of the -Black Sea trade, and they also seized upon the islands of Lesbos and -Chios. - -It is a sorry task to trace the fortunes of the decadent Greek Empire -during the two centuries that were secured to it, not by any ability on -the part of its rulers or any heroism on the part of their subjects, but -partly by a series of accidents which checked the advance of encroaching -neighbours, and partly by the extraordinary defensive strength of the -capital. There is hardly a single episode in this period of Greek -history that inspires any interest or would deserve any attention, but -that the weakness of the Empire was a prominent cause of that rapid rise -of the Ottoman Turks which is one of the great events in history. In -Constantinople itself there is little to record except miserable court -jealousies and intrigues, and the most puerile discussions of minute -questions of religious dogma. The recent establishment of Latin rule had -inspired the Greeks with a bitter hatred of Roman Catholicism, and at -the same time with a consciousness of their own weakness. Hence the -stolid conservatism which characterised the administration in both -Church and State under the Palæologi. ‘The Greeks gloried in the name of -Romans; they clung to the forms of the imperial government without its -military power; they retained the Roman code without the systematic -administration of justice, and prided themselves on the orthodoxy of a -Church in which the clergy were deprived of all ecclesiastical -independence, and lived in a state of vassalage to the imperial Court. -Such a society could only wither, though it might wither slowly’ -(Finlay). - -The fall of the Latin Empire could not take place without causing a -sensation in western Europe, and for some time Michael VIII. had to fear -a possible attempt to effect its restoration. Charles of Anjou, who as -[Sidenote: Michael VIII. and Andronicus II.] the champion of the Papacy -has gained Naples and Sicily from the Hohenstaufen, twice pledged -himself to carry his victorious forces across the Adriatic, in 1266 by -the treaty of Viterbo with the exiled Baldwin II., and in 1281 by the -treaty of Orvieto with Venice and Pope Martin IV. So alarmed was Michael -VIII., that he resorted to the last expedient of a Greek emperor in -distress, and sought to conciliate the Pope by offering to bring about -the union of the Greek with the Latin Church. But his pusillanimity made -him unpopular with his subjects, and proved to be wholly unnecessary. -Both schemes of the Neapolitan king were rendered abortive; the former -by the attack of the luckless Conradin in 1267, the latter by the -Sicilian Vespers in 1282 (see p. 25). These events enabled Michael, who -died in the latter year, to leave an undiminished dominion to his son, -Andronicus II. The new emperor was as superstitious and as timidly -orthodox as any of his bishops could desire, and his personal character -was far better than that of the majority of Eastern despots; but he was -a thoroughly worthless and incompetent ruler. His long reign, which -lasted from 1282 to 1328, was marked by three events which brought the -Empire to the verge of ruin. Ruling over a comparatively small and -unwarlike population, the Greek emperors after 1261 were peculiarly -dependent upon mercenary troops for either defensive or aggressive -warfare. In 1303 chance gave to Andronicus the service of perhaps the -finest fighting force in Europe at that time. The twenty years’ struggle -for the possession of Sicily between the houses of Anjou and Aragon had -just ended in the victory of the latter, and Frederick I. of Sicily was -not unwilling to rid himself of the hardy soldiers from Catalonia and -the other Aragonese provinces who had gained him his crown, but were -likely to be a source of trouble and disorder now that peace had been -concluded. Under the leadership of a brilliant adventurer, Roger de -Flor, these men were formed [Sidenote: The Grand Company.] into the -‘Grand Company of the Catalans,’ and were transported to the eastern -Empire. Properly led, these troops might have taken advantage of the -dismemberment of the Seljuk dominions to gain the whole of Asia Minor -for the Palæologi. But Andronicus II. was incapable of even planning so -ambitious a project. The strength of the Company was wasted in petty -operations; and when the withholding of arrears of pay provoked a -mutiny, the emperor recklessly endeavoured to intimidate the mercenaries -by procuring the assassination of their idolised commander. Vowing -vengeance, the Catalans turned their arms against their employer, routed -the armies that were sent against them, and for the next few years lived -in luxurious idleness upon the spoils which they wrested from the -emperor’s unfortunate subjects. Nor was it possible to expel them, and -they only quitted the dominions of Andronicus when they were tempted in -1310 to enter the service of the duke of Athens. The emperor’s last -years were darkened by a civil war which was almost as disastrous as his -quarrel with the foreign mercenaries. His grandson, another Andronicus, -a [Sidenote: Civil war, 1321-1328.] young man of considerable ability -but of vicious habits, raised the standard of rebellion in 1321 because -he was not admitted to the position of joint-emperor which had been held -by his father till his death in the previous year. The war was -interrupted by several futile attempts to bring about a reconciliation; -but at last the partisans of the young prince, among whom John -Cantacuzenos was the most prominent, gained a complete victory in 1328, -when the capital was taken and Andronicus II. was deposed in favour of -his grandson. Four years later the aged emperor died, after having been -compelled to become a monk in order to render his restoration -impossible. The terrible waste of force in the ravages of the Grand -Company and the miserable contest between grandfather and grandson are -the more significant when it is remembered that in this reign occurred -the first collision between the Greek Empire and its destined -destroyers, the Ottoman Turks. - -The Ottoman Turks, or Osmanlis, as they call themselves, were by no -means the only or the earliest members of the [Sidenote: The Ottoman -Turks.] Turkish race to gain distinction. Long before their appearance -in history the Seljuk Turks had risen to ascendency in western Asia, -first as the soldiers and then as the masters of the Saracen caliphs. A -Seljuk dynasty established itself in the eleventh century in Nicæa with -the title of Sultans of Rome, as ruling over great part of the Roman -Empire. The early crusades had aided the Eastern emperors to drive the -Turks back from Nicæa to Iconium, but they remained the dominant power -in Asia Minor. The disruption of the eastern Empire after the Fourth -Crusade would probably have enabled the Seljuks to extend their -dominions if they had not been at the same time exposed to attacks from -the Moguls in the east. It was in this war that we first hear of the -Ottoman Turks. One of the sultans of Iconium was hard pressed in battle -by the Moguls, when the scale was turned by the intervention of a small -but warlike band of Turks under Ertogrul, the father of Othman, from -whom their later name was derived. The grateful sultan rewarded his -unexpected auxiliaries with a considerable grant of lands; and when the -Seljuk power was broken up on the death of Aladdin III. in 1307, Othman -was one of the numerous emirs who acquired independence. Among these -emirs Othman and his successors gradually rose to acknowledged -pre-eminence, chiefly through their victories at the expense of the -Greek emperors, which attracted to their service the ablest and most -ambitious Turks from [Sidenote: Conquests of Othman and Orchan.] the -other provinces. Just before Othman’s death in 1326 his forces captured -the Greek city of Brusa, which became the Asiatic capital of the -Ottomans. Under his son and successor, Orchan, the Turkish power made -immense strides. Orchan’s first enterprise was the attack on Nicæa, -which may be regarded as the second capital of the Byzantine Empire. No -formal siege was laid to the city, but the Turks constructed strong -forts in the neighbourhood, from which they could harass the inhabitants -and cut off supplies of water and food. Andronicus III. and his -minister, John Cantacuzenos, crossed the Bosphorus to attempt the relief -of Nicæa, but were defeated at Pelekanon (1329), the first battle in -which a Greek emperor confronted the Ottoman Turks in arms. Nicæa -surrendered in 1330, and was treated with such leniency as to create a -temporary impression that the Greeks would be better off under Turkish -than under Byzantine rule. The military incapacity of the emperor -allowed Orchan to continue his aggressions with comparative ease; and at -the end of the next ten years the only territories retained by -Andronicus in Asia Minor were the two towns of Phocæa and Philadelphia, -together with a small strip of territory along the eastern coast of the -Bosphorus. - -Orchan is famous in Turkish history not only as a conqueror, but also as -a legislator and administrator. One of his institutions proved -invaluable to his successors. The law of Mohammed offered two -alternatives to unbelievers—the Koran or tribute. By payment of tribute -the conquered could purchase the security of life and property and the -permission to retain their own religious worship. [Sidenote: The tribute -children.] Orchan introduced the innovation of exacting this tribute not -only in money or goods, but in children. Every Christian village was -compelled to furnish every year a fixed proportion of the strongest and -most promising boys about eight years of age. These children were -brought up in the Mohammedan religion, and were educated with the -greatest care both for body and mind. As they grew older, according as -they excelled in mental or physical qualities, they were drafted either -into the civil administration or into the army. The civil servants taken -from these children formed an administrative body, which was under the -absolute control of the sultan, and was more efficient than could be -found in any other country at that time. The troops were still more -serviceable. They constituted the famous Janissaries (_Yeni Tcheri_ or -new troops), who for two centuries were unsurpassed by any other -military force. With diabolical ingenuity the Turks secured the victory -of the Crescent by the children of the Cross, and trained up Christian -boys to destroy the independence and authority of their country and -their Church. - -A critical period in Byzantine history followed the death of Andronicus -III. in 1341. His young son, John V., was left [Sidenote: John V. and -John Cantacuzenos.] under the regency of his mother, Anne of Savoy. But -the authority of the regent was disputed by John Cantacuzenos, who had -been virtual prime minister under Andronicus, and was now persuaded by -his partisans to assume the imperial title. A prolonged strife of -factions followed, in which both sides were base enough to appeal for -the support of the Turks. Cantacuzenos was successful in gaining Orchan -to his side, but by a bargain which even Greek morality considered -disgraceful. His daughter was married to the Mussulman sultan, and was -sent to reside in the harem at Brusa. But the complaisant father -achieved his object. In 1347 he was recognised as emperor by the -empress-regent, and was to be allowed to hold the executive authority -for ten years, when it was to be shared with John V., who was to marry -Helena, another daughter of Cantacuzenos. The latter was now crowned -again with his wife, and John V. was also crowned with his bride. Thus -Constantinople witnessed the unique pageant of two emperors and three -empresses at the same time. - -This civil war had not only given to the Turks a dangerous insight and -influence in Greek politics, it had also enabled a rival power to extend -itself on the western side of the empire. Stephen Dushan, who had become -king [Sidenote: Conquests of Stephen Dushan.] of Servia in 1333, took -advantage of the anarchy in Constantinople to seize Albania, Epirus, and -Thessaly, and thus to extend his dominions to the Adriatic on one side -and to the Ægean on the other. He assumed the title of Emperor of -Roumania, Slavonia, and Albania. It would probably have been for the -ultimate advantage of Europe if he could have extinguished the Greek -empire altogether by the conquest of Constantinople. But he was not -strong enough to do this, and his territories were divided after his -death in 1355. His conquests left the European dominions of Byzantium -hardly larger than those in Asia. Besides the capital, with the adjacent -part of Thrace, there were Thessalonica and another strip of territory, -about a third of the Morea, and a few islands in the Ægean. Even between -Constantinople and Thessalonica there was no secure communication except -by sea, as the intervening territory was held by Servia. - -The treaty of 1347 was not likely to bring about lasting peace in -Constantinople, and in 1351 a quarrel between John V. and his -father-in-law gives us another illustration of the weakness of the -empire. The dispute became mixed up with the standing quarrel between -the Venetians and the Genoese. The Genoese maintained that alliance with -the Palæologi which had given them their predominance [Sidenote: Renewed -disorder in Constantinople.] in the east, and therefore Cantacuzenos -tried to overthrow them by obtaining the support of Venice. The two -Italian republics fought out their own quarrel in Greek waters, without -much regard to the interests of their allies. The Venetians were -defeated in 1352 in a great naval battle fought within sight of -Constantinople, and Cantacuzenos was compelled to confirm all the -privileges of the victors. His authority never recovered from the blow, -and in 1354 he was compelled to abdicate and become a monk. - -The same year in which John V. became sole emperor witnessed the first -permanent establishment of the Turks [Sidenote: The Turks in Europe.] -upon European soil. Hitherto they had only appeared either as plunderers -or as the auxiliaries of Cantacuzenos. But in 1354 Suleiman, Orchan’s -eldest son, took advantage of an earthquake, which had destroyed the -walls of many towns in Thrace, to seize and garrison Gallipoli. John V., -afraid that the Turks might support Matthew Cantacuzenos, who claimed to -take his father’s place as emperor, was unable to attempt their -expulsion, and Gallipoli became the basis for later conquests. Suleiman -died in 1358, and Orchan in 1359; but the new sultan, Amurath or Murad -I., added one city after another to his rule, till in 1361 he made -himself master of Adrianople, which became the European capital of the -Turks for nearly a century. The fact that these early conquests of -Amurath were gained without serious opposition in the districts in which -the party of Cantacuzenos had been most numerous seems to show that -faction had overpowered all sense of patriotism among the Greeks. The -conquest of Adrianople brought the Turks to the northern boundary of the -Byzantine empire, and for the next few years they were occupied with -wars against the Slavonic states—Bulgaria, Servia, and Bosnia—great -parts of which were conquered or compelled to pay tribute. - -John V., finding himself surrounded by the growing dominions of the -infidel, made desperate efforts to obtain aid from western Europe. In -1369 he [Sidenote: Vassalage of the Empire.] actually went to Rome to -meet Urban V., who had just returned to his capital, and agreed to a -written profession of faith, in which he accepted the Roman view on all -the questions at issue between the two Churches—that the procession of -the Holy Ghost is from both Father and Son; that unleavened bread may be -used in the Sacrament; and that the Church of Rome is supreme in matters -of faith and jurisdiction. But the document was worthless to either -side. The emperor could not coerce the faith of his subjects, and the -Papacy in the middle of the fourteenth century was powerless to rouse -any crusading ardour among the European princes. Discouraged by the -failure of this negotiation, the pusillanimous emperor sought a still -more humiliating path to safety. He became the vassal of the Turkish -sultan, allowed him to occupy Thessalonica; and when his own son -Andronicus headed a successful rebellion, it was put down by Turkish aid -purchased by a treaty which stipulated for the payment of tribute by the -Greek emperor (1381). - -The Slavonic states to the north and west of Constantinople offered a -more resolute, though not in the end a more successful resistance than -the Greeks. In 1387 a great [Sidenote: Turkish conquests in the north.] -league was formed for mutual protection, under the leadership of the -king of Bosnia. For a time this checked the Ottoman advance; but in 1389 -Amurath won a complete victory over the allied forces at Kossova, where -the Servian king was slain. Amurath himself was killed after the battle -by a Servian noble who pretended to be a deserter. But the murder -brought no gain to the Slavonic cause, as Bajazet I. succeeded at once -to his father’s position and reaped all the fruits of the victory. The -new king of Servia had to give his sister in marriage to the sultan, and -to promise both tribute and military service. Wallachia was also made to -pay tribute, and Bulgaria was annexed to the Ottoman dominions, which -were thus extended to the Danube. The most vigorous effort made by a -European combination against the infidel, when Sigismund of Hungary was -joined by a band of French nobles under John of Nevers, heir to the -duchy of Burgundy, only served to give another still more brilliant -victory to Bajazet under the walls of Nicopolis (1396). Sigismund -narrowly escaped captivity; and John the Fearless, as he was afterwards -called, was only allowed to save the lives of twenty-four of his -fellow-prisoners, who were to carry back to Europe the tale of the -prowess and the fantastic mixture of cruelty and magnanimity displayed -by their conqueror. - -Meanwhile John V. had died in 1391, and was succeeded by his second son, -Manuel II., the elder brother, Andronicus, having died in 1381. Manuel -had been compelled [Sidenote: First Turkish siege of Constantinople.] to -lead a Greek contingent into Asia to aid Bajazet in taking Philadelphia, -one of the last cities in Asia Minor which retained its independence, -and was still at Brusa when the news arrived of his father’s death. He -succeeded in escaping to Constantinople, but it was lucky for him that -the sultan was engaged in reducing to obedience the Seljuk emirates -which had not yet recognised the supremacy of the Ottoman dynasty. This -enabled Manuel to make good his position, but he had to accept the same -subjection as had been imposed upon his father. When, however, the great -coalition was formed under Sigismund to resist the Turks, Manuel had -welcomed the prospect of regaining his freedom, and Bajazet had learned -how little he could trust the fidelity of his imperial vassal. After his -victory at Nicopolis the sultan determined to inflict a signal -punishment on all those tributary princes who had ventured to oppose -him. In 1397 he reduced Epirus and Thessaly, while Manuel was harassed -by the recognition of his nephew John, the son of Andronicus, as -emperor. Recognising the futility of relying upon his own strength to -resist the sultan, Manuel came to terms with his nephew, admitted him as -a colleague, and left the administration in his hands, while he himself -set out on a tour through western Europe to implore assistance. During -his absence Bajazet laid regular siege to Constantinople, and would -probably have completed its conquest if he had not been called away to -Asia to resist the attack of the great Tartar leader, Timour, or -Tamerlane, who had already marched victoriously over the greater part of -Asia. In the famous [Sidenote: Battle of Angora, 1402.] battle of -Angora, the Ottoman Turks met with a crushing defeat (1402). Bajazet -himself fell into the conqueror’s hands, and was still a captive when he -died in 1403. - -The battle of Angora gave Constantinople a reprieve for fifty years. -Manuel, whose western journey had given him little beyond experience and -discouragement, was unexpectedly able to return to his capital and to -banish the nephew whom necessity rather than affection had compelled him -to admit as a colleague. It is true that he had to pacify Timour by -paying to him the same tribute as he had owed to Bajazet. But the Tartar -had too much to do in the east to undertake the conquest of Europe, and -his destructive career came to an end in 1405 as he was on his way to -attempt the subjugation of China. The Ottoman power seemed to be -annihilated. Not only did the Seljuk emirs in Asia recover their -independence, but for ten years after Bajazet’s death his four sons -carried on a fratricidal struggle for the succession. Yet all that the -Emperor Manuel could gain from such extraordinary good fortune was the -recovery of Thessalonica and a few districts in Thessaly and Epirus. -When in 1413 Mohammed I. succeeded in reuniting his [Sidenote: Revival -of the Ottoman power.] father’s dominions, the Greek emperor with the -other European vassals hastened to renew their submission; and the -sultan met with so little difficulty in Europe, that he was able to -devote the remaining eight years of his reign to the reduction of the -princes of Caramania and other opponents in Asia. The extraordinary -rapidity with which the Ottomans recovered their power after the -apparently shattering blow of 1402 proves that their authority, thanks -to the wisdom and ingenuity of Orchan, rested upon far stronger -foundations than that of any other Asiatic conquerors. - -Mohammed I. was succeeded in 1421 by his son Amurath II. Manuel -Palæologus, rendered confident by the unbroken peace of the last few -years, was bold enough to stir up opposition against the new sultan by -supporting a pretender who claimed to be a son of Bajazet. Amurath had -no difficulty in defeating and putting to death the rival claimant, and -in 1422 he undertook another siege of Constantinople in order to punish -the emperor’s insolence. An attempt to carry the walls by storm was -repulsed with heavy loss to the assailants, but the raising of the siege -was due to a rebellion in Asia in favour of a brother of the sultan. -When in 1424 Amurath returned to Europe after putting down disorder in -the east, Manuel hastened to appease his wrath by the payment of -increased tribute and by the cession of several cities in Thrace. - -John VI., who succeeded his father, Manuel II., in 1425, was perhaps the -feeblest of all the Palæologi. His whole reign was spent in endeavouring -to evade dangers [Sidenote: Reign of John VI.] which he was incapable of -confronting. The best known event of his reign is the Council which was -held in 1438 and 1439, first at Ferrara, and then at Florence, to -negotiate for the union of the eastern and western Churches (see p. -236). As far as the powers of the Council went, the treaty of union was -fully and finally ratified. But the Greeks could resist their own ruler -with more courage and confidence than they could face the infidel -assailant, and such a storm of reprobation greeted the return of the -emperor and the envoys that they hastened to disavow their formal acts. -The decrees of the Council of Florence remained a dead letter. It was -fortunate for John that he had no occasion to rely either upon western -aid or upon the loyalty of his subjects. His very weakness and pliancy -disarmed hostility and avoided all occasions of rupture. His reign was a -period of almost complete peace. Thessalonica, which had repudiated the -rule of Constantinople and put itself under the protection of Venice, -was conquered by Amurath in 1430. But with this exception the Sultan -paid little attention to the Byzantine empire, and devoted all his -energies to war with more formidable enemies in the north and west. - -In 1427 a new king came to the throne of Servia, and set himself from -the first to repudiate the vassalage to which his predecessors had been -subjected since the great battle of Kossova. The Wallachians and -Bosnians were inspired by the same sentiments, and George [Sidenote: -Amurath II.’s wars with Hungary.] of Servia purchased the aid of -Sigismund of Hungary by ceding the great border fortress of Belgrade. -Against this powerful confederacy Amurath waged a successful war for -several years. In 1438 he had advanced as far as Semendria; and Albert -of Austria, who had succeeded Sigismund on the throne of Hungary, vainly -endeavoured to compel the sultan to raise the siege. Semendria fell, but -the war was checked for a time by an outbreak of dysentery in both -armies, and Albert perished of the disease. This was followed by an -event which for a moment turned the balance in favour of the Christians. -In 1440 Hungarians offered their vacant crown to Ladislas of Poland in -order to enlist the aid of the great house of Jagellon. For four years -the combined Slavs and Magyars not only held their own against the -dreaded Janissaries, but even gained some notable successes. Under the -leadership of John Hunyadi the allies repulsed the Turks from the walls -of Hermanstadt and defeated them in the open field (1442). In the next -year Hunyadi crossed the Danube, routed a Turkish army near Nissa, and -pursued the fugitives in a brilliant march across the Balkans. These -successes extorted from Amurath the treaty of Szegedin (July 12, 1444), -by which he abandoned his suzerainty over Servia and Bosnia, and allowed -Wallachia to be annexed to Hungary. So chagrined was the sultan at this -unexpected reverse, that he resigned the government to his son, -Mohammed, and retired to seclusion at Magnesia. This news inspired the -Christian princes and prelates with the belief that the Ottoman power -was on the verge of ruin, and that another effort would suffice to bring -about its complete overthrow. The representations of Pope Eugenius IV. -and his legate persuaded Ladislas, against the advice of Hunyadi, to -repudiate the treaty of Szegedin and to renew the war. The Hungarian -army crossed the Danube into Bulgaria, marched to the coast of the Black -Sea, and captured the important town of Varna. But Amurath had been -roused from his retirement by the news of this act of Christian -treachery. Hastily collecting his troops, he advanced to Varna. In the -battle which ensued the invaders were scattered to the winds, and -Ladislas was slain (November 10, 1444). Servia and Bosnia were once more -reduced to submission; and although Hunyadi tried to renew the struggle -in 1448, he was defeated and taken prisoner in the second battle of -Kossova. - -Amurath had retired for the second time to Magnesia after the victory of -Varna, but he was recalled by the outbreak of disorders which Mohammed -was unable to quell, and he continued to rule till his death in 1451. -During his last years he was busied with a rising in Albania, headed by -George Castriot, or Scanderbeg, as the Turks [Sidenote: Scanderbeg in -Albania.] called him. This famous patriot had been trained in the -Turkish service, and thoroughly understood the strength and the weakness -of their tactics. Collecting round him a band of hardy mountaineers, he -avoided all conflicts in the open ground; and, aided by the difficult -character of the country, maintained a harassing guerilla warfare for -more than twenty years. But though he caused great annoyance to his -enemies, he was not strong enough to divert them from the career of -successful aggression which has given to a prince, who had twice shown -an apparent incapacity for government, the name of Mohammed the -Conqueror. - -Mohammed II. ascended the throne with the firm determination to reduce -the tributary states into complete subjection, and to begin the work -with the Greek Empire. The year 1452 was spent in open preparation -[Sidenote: Mohammed II. takes Constantinople.] for the siege of -Constantinople. A fort was built upon the Bosphorus, troops and stores -were collected from all parts of the Turkish dominions, and foreign -engineers were employed to construct larger cannon than had ever yet -been employed in warfare. Constantine, who had succeeded his brother -John in 1448, was fully aware of the danger which threatened his -capital. To remove any difficulties with the western powers he confirmed -the acts of the Council of Florence, and the union of the Churches was -formally celebrated in St. Sophia. The bigoted Greeks looked on in -sullen indignation, and resolved to do nothing for a prince who thus -paltered with heresy. And Latin Christendom was not prepared to do -anything in return for this tardy acceptance of its creed. France and -England were exhausted by their long struggle, which was just ending in -the loss of the English possessions on the mainland; Philip of Burgundy -was absorbed in the extension of his rule in the Netherlands; Germany -was hopelessly distracted; and Frederick III., the weakest of emperors, -was unable to govern even his own hereditary provinces. In the eastern -states the disputes that had gathered round the succession of Ladislas -Postumus distracted attention from vital interests in the distant Balkan -peninsula. The only peoples who could give any aid to the Greeks were -the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalans, whose trade with the Levant -impelled them to do all in their power to maintain the feeble ramparts -of Christianity against the Turks; and their forces, scanty as they were -in proportion to the work to be performed, provided the only efficient -garrison for the city of the eastern Cæsars. In the spring of 1453 the -great siege began. The first general assault was repulsed; and a Genoese -squadron, by superior weight and seamanship, forced its way through the -immense Turkish flotilla which attempted to exclude the arrival of -supplies and reinforcements by sea. But this was the last success of the -defenders, whose limited numbers had to hold five miles of -fortifications against an overwhelming attack. On the 29th of May the -last assault was ordered, and after a desperate struggle for two hours -the Janissaries forced an entrance through a great breach which the -artillery had made in the wall. The Emperor Constantine, whose heroism -did something to redeem the cowardly incapacity of his predecessors, -fell at the head of the defenders of his capital. The mass of the Greeks -did nothing to resist the advance of the victorious assailants, and -Mohammed II. made a triumphal progress to the Church of St. Sophia, -which witnessed on that day the first celebration of the worship of the -Prophet. The measures of the conqueror were marked by consummate wisdom. -To conciliate the bigotry of the natives, which had signally contributed -to his victory, and to interpose a permanent barrier between his new -subjects and western Christendom, Mohammed proclaimed himself the -protector of the Greek Church, and allowed the installation of a new -Patriarch, whose gratitude should take the form of servility to his -Mussulman patron. To remove the disastrous results of the siege, -Mohammed set himself to restore the buildings of the city, and to -encourage the immigration of settlers from all parts of his dominions. -Before the end of his reign Constantinople was more populous and more -flourishing than it had been at any time under the rule of the -Palæologi. - -The European powers were aghast when the news arrived that -Constantinople had fallen; but as they had been impotent to save the -city, they were still more unable to attempt its recovery with any -prospect of success. This was fully recognised by those states which -were most immediately concerned. The Venetians and Genoese continued -their inveterate rivalry in the haste with which they made terms with -the conqueror, and purchased the retention of their trading privileges -and of their possessions in the east by the payment of tribute. The two -brothers of Constantine, Demetrius and Thomas, who had established -themselves as petty princes at Patras and Mistra in the Morea, obtained -temporary recognition upon similar terms, and even received Turkish aid -to put down a rebellion among their subjects. Leaving these self-seeking -vassals in their humiliating dependence, Mohammed turned his arms to the -subjection of the tributary states in the [Sidenote: Conquest of Servia, -Wallachia, and Bosnia.] north. In 1455 he advanced through Servia, -expelled its king, and in the next year laid siege to Belgrade. Here he -met with his first and most serious reverse. The crusading army raised -by Hunyadi and Capistrano not only relieved the fortress, but drove the -sultan and his shattered army in disorderly flight to Sofia (see p. -412). This signal triumph saved Hungary and eastern Germany from serious -danger for eighty years, but it failed to effect the liberation of the -Balkan states. The Hungarian hero died on the scene of his greatest -exploit; and the subsequent death of Ladislas Postumus, and the -difficulties attending the succession, distracted the attention of -Hungary from the eastern war. Mohammed II. returned to the attack with -renewed vigour, and in 1457 and 1458 Servia was again overrun and made a -province of the Ottoman dominions. For the next three years Mohammed was -engaged with war in Albania and in Greece, but in 1462 he again turned -northwards and completed his work by the annexation of Wallachia (1462) -and of Bosnia (1464). - -The incompetence of the two surviving Palæologi, Thomas and Demetrius, -and their incessant quarrels with each other, created such anarchy in -the Morea that intervention [Sidenote: Conquest of Greece.] was almost -forced upon the Turks. At first a few garrisons were sent to the chief -cities for the enforcement of order, but in 1460 an army was despatched -to take more stringent measures. Resistance was hopeless. Demetrius was -taken prisoner and conveyed to Asia Minor, where a small territory was -assigned to him rather as a place of exile than as a principality. -Thomas fled in a Venetian galley to Corfu, and thence made his way to -Rome. By the end of the year the whole of the peninsula, with the -exception of a few harbours which were held by the Venetians, was in -Turkish occupation. At the same time, the Turks were also active to the -north of the isthmus of Corinth. The last duke of Athens was put to -death by the bowstring; and his duchy, with the other Frankish -principalities which had survived since the partition of Greece among -the Crusaders, was annexed by the Turks. In the Ægean the conquest of -the islands was undertaken by a Turkish fleet, and was completed in 1462 -by the capture of Lesbos. Only Rhodes continued to make good its -resistance under the Knights of St. John. - -The annexation of Greece constituted a serious danger to the Venetians, -who now held the only considerable possessions in the east which were -left under Christian rule. So far they had gained rather than lost by -the fall of Constantinople, because their treaty with Mohammed in 1454 -had given them greater advantages over the Genoese than they could have -extorted from the Palæologi, who had usually favoured their rivals. But -a series of significant events convinced them that the sultan was not -likely to observe the treaty any longer than his interest impelled him. -While he was still confronted with serious problems in the north and the -south, he had good reason for desiring to pacify Venice. But his -successive conquests had removed these difficulties from his way, and -there was no longer any substantial reason for allowing the Venetian -dominions to escape the fate that had attended the other tributary -states. There had always been a party in Venice which had opposed the -[Sidenote: War with Venice.] policy expressed in the treaty of 1454; and -the obvious approach of danger, heralded by the fall of Lesbos, enabled -this party to gain the upper hand in 1463. It is needless to trace the -history of the war, which has been already alluded to in connection with -the history of Venice (see Chapter XII.). On the whole, it was -creditable to the capacity and the resolution of the great maritime -republic; and though the Venetians could not prevent the loss of -Negropont and the conquest of Albania, which had been left under their -protection on the death of Scanderbeg, they obtained better terms than -were given to any other opponent of Mohammed. By the treaty of -Constantinople in 1479 the Turks obtained Albania and the islands of -Negropont and Lemnos, but Venice was able to keep her possessions in the -Morea and some of her trading privileges in the Levant on payment of -increased tribute. The Venetian quarter in Constantinople was restored -under the administration of a bailiff appointed by the Republic. - -The conquests of Mohammed II. were not confined to Greece and the Balkan -peninsula. In Asia Minor he extinguished [Sidenote: Other conquests of -Mohammed II.] the independence of the feeble empire of Trebizond (1461), -which had been allowed to remain in harmless obscurity under a branch of -the Comneni ever since their expulsion from Constantinople in 1204. He -also completed the subjection of the princes of Caramania, the most -inveterate opponents of the Ottoman ascendency. To the north of the -Black Sea he extorted tribute from the Tartars of the Crimea, and ruined -the Genoese by depriving them of their valuable establishments at Kaffa -and Azof. In 1480 he undertook an enterprise which made almost more -sensation in Europe than the siege of Constantinople. A Turkish force -landed on the coast of Apulia and took possession of Otranto. For the -moment men believed that the conqueror of the eastern empire would -complete his fatal work by the capture of Rome, the capital of the west. -But the dreadful anticipation was never realised. The death of Mohammed -in [Sidenote: Mohammed’s death, 1481.] 1481 led to the recall of the -garrison from Otranto. Under his successor Bajazet II., the only one of -the early Ottoman rulers who did not display conspicuous courage and -ability, the progress of the Turkish arms was stayed for a generation, -to be resumed again under Selim I., the conqueror of Egypt, and under -the great Suleiman, who at last overcame the obstacle offered by -Belgrade, and added to his dominions the greater part of Hungary. - - - - - CHAPTER XXII - THE RENAISSANCE IN ITALY - - - Some differences between mediæval and modern history—The period of - the Renaissance is the transition between the two periods—The - Renaissance in its wider and in its narrower sense—Prominence of - Italy in the Renaissance—The revival of letters—Dante, Petrarch, and - Boccaccio—The age of collectors—The age of criticism—The revival of - art—(1) Painting—(2) Sculpture—(3) Architecture—Humanism and the - Reformation—The impulse given to education. - -The division of history into periods is always arbitrary, and always, if -too rigidly interpreted, misleading. Yet some sort of division is not -only convenient, but almost [Sidenote: Mediæval and modern history.] -necessary, and the distinction between mediæval and modern history is as -clearly marked as any distinction of the kind can be. It is, of course, -impossible to fix upon any date, and to say that here the Middle Ages -come to an end and modern times begin, just as it is impossible to say -that on a given day in the year winter ends and spring begins. The -changes in history, as in the seasons, are gradual, and not sudden. -Between the great historic epochs there is a period of transition in -which the changes which mark them off from each other are slowly -developing, sometimes advancing, sometimes apparently receding, but -ultimately, by a gradual evolutionary process, reaching completion. And -another word of caution is necessary. It must be borne in mind that the -Middle Ages—the period which follows the disruption of the Roman Empire -by the immigration of the German peoples, and ends with the formation of -the great national states which still exist—do not constitute a complete -homogeneous and stationary epoch. Social and political changes were not -perhaps quite as rapid before the fifteenth century as they have been -since the Reformation, but changes were constantly taking place. A -generalisation about the eighth century cannot be applied without -serious modifications to the eleventh or the twelfth. All attempts to -estimate the Middle Ages as a whole can only be extremely superficial -and general. - -It follows that it is impossible to give any adequate account of the -differences between mediæval and modern history in a few perfunctory -sentences or paragraphs. The [Sidenote: Differences between the two -periods.] differences are real and substantial, but they must be felt -rather than expressed, and can only be properly and usefully -comprehended by a prolonged study of the past. There is, it may be said, -a difference of historical atmosphere, to which some historians, eager -above measure to find comparisons and parallels, have never become -acclimatised, in spite of great learning and research. The often-quoted -phrase that ‘history is past politics’ has been responsible for a woful -number of anachronisms. For the historical student imagination, the -power of projecting himself by a sort of instinct into the conditions -and life of the past, is almost as necessary a quality as painstaking -industry. And imagination is rather fettered than assisted by the -attempt to express what it sees, in precise and formal language. For the -immediate purpose of this chapter it will be better to abandon all -attempt at minute precision or completeness of analysis, and to be -content with pointing out three salient characteristics of the Middle -Ages, which the modern reader should grasp at the outset. These may -serve to guide him to the appreciation of other and deeper distinctions -between that period and the more familiar times that have followed it. - -In the first place, the modern conception of the state as a nation was -very imperfectly grasped in the Middle Ages. The modern nations, such as -the French, English, Spaniards, and others, were in process of -formation, but they only became fully conscious of their distinct -corporate unity at the end of the period. Mediæval theorists—guided by -the traditions of the Roman Empire, as modified by the influences of -Christianity—regarded Christendom as a single state under two heads—the -Pope and the Emperor—who held ecclesiastical and secular authority as -delegates of the Deity. The best concrete illustration of this -conception of unity is offered by the Crusades, which ended in failure, -partly on account of the distance of the scene of action, but mainly -because the unity of Christendom was theoretical rather than real. -Internally western Christendom was organised under what is called the -Feudal System, a semi-agricultural and semi-military organisation, in -which the mutual rights and duties of classes to each other were -regulated by the tenure of land, while industry, the most potent of -modern forces, had no place in it. Allied with feudalism was the -fantastic body of rules and customs known as Chivalry. Chivalry was as -essentially non-national as Christianity itself. A French and a German -knight had more in common with each other than either had with a French -or German citizen or peasant. - -In the second place, the social unit in the Middle Ages was not what it -is now, the individual man, but a corporation; either the feudal unit -which in England is called the manor, or the municipal commune, or -within the commune the guild. There was no scope for the activity of the -individual by himself. The only way in which an able and ambitious man -could hope to rise from obscurity to eminence was by entering the -greatest of all corporations—the Church. - -Thirdly, the mediæval period was a period of ignorance. Learning and -education were for the most part monopolised by the clergy, and in their -hands were bound down by prescription and by ecclesiastical authority. -Everybody knows with what ill-will the Church regarded freedom of -inquiry and scientific research: the charge of heresy was always ready -to be brought against a Roger Bacon or a Galileo. Moreover, quite apart -from the influence of the Church, learning and literature were withheld -from the mass of the people by their expense. Printing was unknown, and -paper was only introduced at the very end of the period. Parchment was -so expensive that many of the manuscripts of ancient writers were erased -in order to make room for monkish chronicles or service-books. Moreover, -such literature as existed was in Latin, and that in itself was -sufficient to close it alike to nobles, burghers, and peasants, most of -whom were unable to read or write even their native tongue. And -ignorance was, as usual, accompanied by gross superstition. To realise -this it is only necessary to peruse the lists of marvels with which the -mediæval chroniclers fill their pages, or to study the working of the -judicial system in which the guilt or innocence of an accused person was -decided by the ordeal. - -The period of the Renaissance, in its proper and most comprehensive -meaning, may be regarded as the age in which the [Sidenote: The -Renaissance.] social and political system of the Middle Ages came to an -end, in which mediæval restrictions upon liberty of thought and inquiry -were abolished. It may be said to begin in the thirteenth century, to be -in full progress during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and to -be continued in an altered form in the religious struggles of the -sixteenth century. It is, in fact, the period covered by the present -volume. To this great epoch of transition, ‘The Close of the Middle -Ages,’ belong a number of changes of the first magnitude: the decline of -the Empire and the Papacy, and of the ideas and traditions with which -they were connected; the growth and the hardening into shape of the -French, Spanish, and English nations; the rise of national literatures -and of the conception of national churches; the breaking up of feudalism -and chivalry by the growing importance of industry; the overthrow of -aristocratic and ecclesiastical predominance by the rise of the people -to political influence; the growth of strong territorial monarchies -based upon popular support, though in every country except England the -monarchy kicked away its support as soon as it was no longer needed. -With these changes must be coupled the results of the great inventions -and discoveries of the age: the employment of the compass and the -astrolabe, and the consequent development of maritime adventure, which -led to the finding of a new way to India and a new world across the -Atlantic, and so to an enormous extension of knowledge and a complete -alteration of the great trade-routes of the world; the discovery of -gunpowder, and the revolution which it effected not only in the art of -war, but also in the organisation of society, which in the Middle Ages -was inextricably bound up with the military system; the invention of -printing, followed by a vast extension and popularisation of literature -and knowledge; and, finally, the great astronomical discovery of -Copernicus, which overthrew the old belief in the stability and central -position of the earth, and dealt a fatal blow to the vast structure of -superstition which had been erected upon that belief. - -All these vast changes belong to the Renaissance; they are all part of -the development which has been aptly called a new birth; no one of them -can be fully appreciated apart from the rest. Some of them have been -alluded to in the preceding pages of this volume; all of them merit the -most careful consideration; their mere enumeration is enough to show -their immense importance. But a single chapter can only serve as a sort -of sign-post, and the dictates of prudence compel a limitation of -attention to two movements with which the name of the Renaissance has -been pre-eminently and sometimes exclusively associated—the revival of -letters and the revival of art. And it is to the Renaissance in this -narrower sense that Italy rendered its most active and enduring -services. - -The revival of literature and art was peculiarly the work of Italy. It -is not merely that the Italians began the work and that other nations -carried it on to completion. The recovery of ancient literature and art -and the application of the lessons to be learned from them to -contemporary needs were both begun and completed in Italy. It was only -after this completion [Sidenote: Prominence of Italy in the -Renaissance.] that the other countries came in to learn the lessons -which Italy was able and ready to teach them. It is true that the spirit -inspired by this teaching was applied by the other nations with great -results to the reform of religion, to the extension of geographical -knowledge, and to new discoveries in the realms of science. But this -must not blind us to the magnitude and completeness of the task -accomplished by Italy single-handed; nor must it be forgotten that, in -the departments of painting and sculpture at any rate, the actual -achievements of the Italians have never been surpassed by their pupils. - -Nor is there anything surprising in the prominence of the part played by -Italy in the intellectual Renaissance. Although Italy, like the other -provinces of Rome, fell a victim to the barbarian invaders, yet the -tradition of supremacy which Roman victories had created was not wholly -destroyed, and it was revived with the growing authority of the Papacy -during the Middle Ages. Moreover, the geographical position of Italy was -of immense importance in an age when the Mediterranean was still the -centre of the world’s commerce. Trade and manufactures brought wealth to -the great civic communities of Italy, to Florence, Venice, and Genoa, -and wealth has rarely failed to create a sense of self-importance, a -consciousness of power and a desire for freedom, while at the same time -it supplies the leisure requisite for prolonged intellectual exertion. -But it may be thought—after what has been said before—that the Church, -having its central seat and authority in Italy, would be strong enough -to suppress independence of thought and inquiry. But to this suggestion -two answers may be made. It is an old saying that familiarity breeds -contempt. The Italians had no objection to the presence of the Papacy in -their midst. On the contrary, it flattered their pride to think that -Rome was still the head of a great spiritual empire, as it had once been -of a vast territorial power. Moreover, the tribute of other states was -poured into Italy by way of the papal coffers; and Italians had, if not -a monopoly, at any rate a preponderant share in the cardinalate and -other lucrative offices in the Church. But at the same time the Italians -by no means felt the same superstitious awe and reverence of the Church -and Papacy as prevailed in more distant countries. The ecclesiastical -thunders of excommunication and interdict were much less dreaded by -people who could see the working of the machinery which could produce -such awful sounds. The abuses of the papal court, which ultimately -produced the indignant revolt of the greater part of northern Europe, -were so familiar to the Italians that they were hardly scandalised by -them. Thus though the Italians, as a whole, showed little zeal for -religious reform, they were, at any rate the wealthier classes, usually -free from superstition and unlikely to tolerate ecclesiastical -despotism. - -It is also to be noted that the popes in Italy did not always pursue a -policy of enlightened devotion to their spiritual interests. These -interests were, or were [Sidenote: The Papacy and the Renaissance.] -thought to be at a later time, opposed to freedom of thought, and -therefore to such an advance in literature and art as would favour such -freedom. But the popes were secular princes as well as heads of the -Church. The central provinces of Italy constituted a considerable -temporal principality; and it frequently happened that the interests of -this principality by no means coincided with the interests of Roman -Catholicism throughout Europe. The same motives which made so many -Italian princes the munificent patrons of literature and art appealed to -the popes also in their secular capacity. They, too, desired to have a -magnificent and learned court; they were ambitious to compete with the -Medici of Florence and with the kings of Naples; they wished to have -their palaces and their churches built and adorned by the most eminent -artists of their time; they were eager that their praises should be -handed down to posterity by men whose genius would secure immortality to -their patrons as well as to themselves. Thus individual popes, such as -Nicolas V. and Leo X., were the industrious furtherers of the -Renaissance; and they unconsciously stimulated a movement which was -destined to overthrow the magnificent structure of ecclesiastical -autocracy which had been built up by their great predecessors from -Gregory VII. to Innocent III. Such shortsightedness has many parallels -in history. It is easy to recall how the French nobles in the eighteenth -century flirted with a philosophy which preached the doctrine of popular -rights and liberties; and how the French monarchy gave practical aid to -a rebellion which secured such rights and liberties in North America, -thus encouraging the advance of that Revolution which for a time swept -the French monarchy and the French nobility from the face of the earth. - -Turning now to a rapid survey of the actual achievements of Italy, we -find that the revival of literature and art was not only a stimulus to -intellectual progress and a [Sidenote: The Revival of letters.] -deathblow to ignorance and superstition; it also marks a great step in -the freedom of the individual from mediæval restrictions. In art, and -still more in literature, the individual found a career by which he -could exercise his highest talents, and in which he could attain a -personal eminence hitherto impossible. Dante, who stands on the -threshold of the Renaissance, was the first great man in the Middle Ages -who stood out by himself, unconnected with any corporate body or -institution. He used to boast exultingly that he was his own party. The -_Divine Comedy_ gave literary form to the first of the new living -languages of Europe. For Italy the work was almost too great; it has -left too weighty an impression upon his fellow-countrymen. To this day -it is the highest ambition of an Italian writer to use the language of -Dante, and he must have frequent recourse to a dictionary to make sure -that his words were really current in the thirteenth century. It is -never wholesome to have too marked a distinction between the language of -literature and that of ordinary life, and this servile habit of looking -back has checked the growth of a really great Italian literature in -later times. But Dante, with all his greatness, was not really imbued -with the modern spirit. He had not emancipated himself from the ideas of -his time, though he had raised himself above them. In his _De Monarchia_ -he willingly surrendered himself to the scholastic philosophy, and made -a vigorous effort to defend the already effete and worthless theory of a -universal empire. Dante stands on the threshold of the Renaissance, but -he is rather the last giant of the Middle Ages than the herald of a new -epoch. - -Dante was followed by Petrarch, whose sonnets have influenced literary -form in all countries, while his passionate devotion to the literature -and liberty of the ancients makes him the first of Italian humanists. A -contemporary of Petrarch was a man of still greater original genius, -Giovanni Boccaccio. Like Petrarch, Boccaccio was a great lover and -student of ancient literature, and he did much to introduce the study of -Greek into Italy. But it is as the author of the _Decameron_ that he is -entitled to the greatest fame. In this collection of stories he -displayed a contempt for superstition and a delight in life which were -alien to the spirit of the Middle Ages. Chaucer borrowed many plots of -the _Canterbury Tales_ from the _Decameron_; and through Chaucer and -other writers Boccaccio has influenced the whole of later English -literature. - -These three great men were followed by a crowd of collectors, men who -travelled throughout Europe and even [Sidenote: The age of collection.] -beyond it in search of manuscripts of ancient authors. It is almost -impossible nowadays to appreciate the extraordinary ardour with which -the search was carried on. In some cases the greed for these new and -valuable possessions tempted men into actions which in a less worthy -cause would have merited the name of fraud. The greatest of these -collectors, who really performed an invaluable service to the world with -marvellous industry and success, were Poggio Bracciolini, Francesco -Filelfo, and Niccolo Niccoli, the founder of the library of St. Mark in -Florence. Their most bountiful patrons were Cosimo de’ Medici, the -‘father of his country,’ and Pope Nicolas V. During this period, which -is roughly the first half of the fifteenth century, the Italian language -seemed likely to fall into oblivion. The only great writers in Italy -were Poggio and Æneas Sylvius, and they both wrote solely in Latin. That -Italian did not go wholly out of fashion was due, in the first place, to -the influence of the Medici in Florence. One great object of their -ambition was to attract the most learned men of the day to their court. -But their anomalous position as despots masquerading in republican robes -compelled them to appeal to popular favour. Hence even their studies had -to some extent to be regulated so as to please the people. The -magnificent Lorenzo himself set an example by writing the famous -‘carnival songs’ to be sung at popular festivals. These songs have a -place of their own in the history of Italian literature; but they are of -special importance as showing how a great prince, in the midst of Greek -and Latin studies, could find time to cultivate the language of the -people. The finest Italian poem of the century is the _Giostra_ of -Politiano, who was not only an eminent scholar, but also a courtier and -a favourite companion of Lorenzo de’ Medici. - -In classical studies the second part of the fifteenth century was not so -much an age of collection as an age of criticism. [Sidenote: The age of -criticism.] Men set themselves to read and interpret the treasures which -had been already brought together, and they were insensibly led to apply -the teaching of ancient writings to the circumstances and problems of -their own time. Prominent among the scholars who gave to the world the -fruits of their researches were Lorenzo Valla in Rome and Naples, and -Ficino and Politiano in Florence. It is impossible to over-estimate the -solvent influence of these studies upon human thought. Much of the -scholastic philosophy which had been based upon a corrupt translation of -Aristotle from the Arabic gave way at once before a study of the -philosopher’s original text. All kinds of delusions and superstitious -beliefs were overturned by the new spirit of inquiry. Lorenzo Valla -published a treatise to prove that the pretended Donation of -Constantine, upon which the popes had professed to base their claim to -temporal sovereignty, was a forgery. Valla was at this time in the -service of Alfonso the Magnanimous of Naples, who had quarrelled with -the Pope. Under his protection Valla went on to attack the whole -ecclesiastical system, and especially the moral decline of monasticism. -These may serve as illustrations of the influence exerted by the new -culture. In fact, so great was the energy displayed in the work of -destruction, that it seemed probable that all the old religious bonds -would be broken before anything had been found to take their place. If -Italy had stood alone, this might have been the case. But by this time -the new learning had begun to spread to other countries. The more sober -temperament of the Germans revolted against the extravagances of many of -the Italian scholars. Luther and Reuchlin were impelled by the critical -spirit of the age to revolt against the mediæval system, but they were -not content with mere negation, and their revolt, constructive as well -as destructive, has been called the Reformation. - -If we can trace to the Italians the origin of modern literature, we may -with still greater confidence call them the creators of modern art, or -at any rate of the arts [Sidenote: The revival of art.] of painting and -sculpture. Architecture was the only form of art which did not fall into -decay during the Middle Ages, and in which the northern peoples may -claim at least equality with the people of Italy. But in painting and -sculpture the Italians can claim not only that they are entitled to all -the glories of their revival, but also that they brought these arts to -their highest perfection. This is far more than can be said of their -services to literature. - -In the Middle Ages painting was so bound down by fixed [Sidenote: 1. -Painting.] and arbitrary rules that it hardly deserved the name of an -art. It was employed only for religious purposes, and it was forced to -conform to the dominant religious spirit. Custom and tradition regulated -not only the subject and its treatment, but even the very colours to be -employed. Any departure from these recognised rules, if it had been -possible, would have been regarded as impious. The altar-pieces of -mediæval churches were covered with stiff and lifeless representations -of madonnas and saints. These had a conventional value, and no artistic -standard was dreamt of. There were many pictures, but no artists. The -individual, as was so often the case in the Middle Ages, was repressed -and kept down by the society of which he was perforce a member. Anybody -can obtain a concrete illustration of the differences in painting -between the Middle Ages and modern times, who can compare a picture of -Cimabue or any other contemporary artist with a picture by Titian. The -Renaissance, which bridges over the gap between these artists, is the -steady though gradual assertion of the freedom of the individual from -the bondage of mediæval rules and traditions. The change may be traced -in the increased love of nature, in the new reverence for and study of -the human figure, and in the improvement of artistic methods. The most -important of the technical changes were the introduction of fresco for -wall-pictures, the discovery of oil-colours, which is to be credited to -the Flemings, and the employment of copper-plate and woodcuts, which -made it possible to reproduce and disseminate great works of art. But -still more important than any change in method was the change in the -very spirit of art; for the old stereotyped forms were substituted -imitations of the beautiful from Nature. The study of anatomy and -perspective became necessary for a painter. Works of art ceased to be -mechanical copies of a pattern prescribed by ecclesiastical authority; -they became an index to the mind of the free artist. The change marks a -complete alteration in the motives of religion as well as of art. -Religion ceased to be a superstitious reverence for something unearthly -and inhuman; it was brought into closer relation with the ordinary life -of men and women. - -The beginning of the Renaissance in painting is usually placed in the -fourteenth century. At that time two great art cities, Florence and -Siena, were especially prominent. The first great Florentine artist -whose name has been handed down to posterity is Cimabue. His Sienese -contemporary was Duccio. In their works we see the first conception of -the beauty of the human face and figure, though they were still bound -down to the old stiffness of composition and the prescribed distribution -of colours. They were followed by a number of artists who have obtained -lasting renown. In Florence Giotto, equally great as a painter, -sculptor, and architect, founded a school which raised the whole -character of art, besides effecting a great improvement in technique. -Giotto was the first to substitute dramatic painting for the stiff and -lifeless representation of human figures which had hitherto been -universal. With him may be coupled the name of Andrea Orcagna, Ambrogio -Lorenzetti, and Fra Angelico, though the last-named belongs -chronologically to a somewhat later period. But of these men the same -observation may be made as of Dante in literature. They are rather the -greatest men of an age which is already passing away than the beginners -of a new period. Giotto especially is the Dante of art. He and his -contemporaries sum up in a pictorial form the mediæval theories and -conceptions of religion and of human life. To their representation they -contribute a vast improvement in manner and style, as did Dante in his -great poem, but what they represent is essentially mediæval. In fact, if -any one wished to see the Middle Ages before his eyes, he might be -referred to three great pictures of this period. The gloomy personal -religion, which weighed down the spirits of thoughtful men in the Middle -Ages, may be seen in Orcagna’s picture, ‘The Triumph of Death,’ in the -Campo Santo of Pisa. On the other hand, the converse side of religious -life in the Middle Ages, the grand and awe-inspiring organisation of the -Church, is represented in ‘The Church Militant and Triumphant,’the work -of Giotto’s pupils, in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella in -Florence. And the stormy political life of a mediæval commune may be -studied in the frescoes of Ambrogio Lorenzetti, entitled ‘Civil -Government,’ on the walls of the Palazzo Publico of Siena. - -It is when we leave the school of Giotto and his pupils, and turn to the -next generation of painters in the fifteenth century, that we find the -artistic change associated with the Renaissance in full progress. -Florence was still the most important city in the history of art. The -first great painter in this transition period was Masaccio. His frescoes -in the Brancacci Chapel of the Church of the Madonna del Carmine at -Florence may be taken as illustrating the next marked advance in -independence and artistic beauty from the days of Giotto. These works -exercised great influence upon all later artists, and especially upon -Raphael, who made them the subject of special study. Masaccio was -followed by a large number of eminent painters, among whom may be named -Filippo Lippi, in connection with whom Browning’s poem gives so vivid a -picture of the artistic struggles of the early Renaissance, Sandro -Botticelli, who was the first to introduce classical myths and -allegories as alternative subjects with the old Biblical stories, -Filippino Lippi, Domenico Ghirlandaio, and Luca Signorelli. The last is -perhaps in some way the ablest, though by no means the most pleasing, of -the fifteenth century painters. In the boldness of his conceptions, in -his knowledge of anatomy, and in his contempt for arbitrary and -meaningless rules, he is not only the forerunner but the rival of -Michael Angelo. But Florence, although the most important, was by no -means the only city in which this artistic revolution was taking place. -The same sort of work was being done in Perugia by Pietro Perugino, the -tutor of Raphael, in Padua by Andrea Mantegna, one of the greatest of -fifteenth century painters, and, above all, in Venice by Giovanni and -Gentile Bellini and by Vittore Carpaccio. It was the work of these men, -in addition to that of the Florentine and many other painters, which -prepared the way for the supreme artists of the sixteenth -century—Leonardo da Vinci, Michael Angelo, Raphael, Andrea del Sarto, -Giorgione, Titian, and Tintoretto. These painters still devoted their -talents mainly to the illustration of religious subjects; but they -treated these subjects in a human and secular spirit. The religious and -devotional aspect was subordinated to the desire for artistic perfection -of form and colour, and to the exciting of natural associations in the -minds of men and women. There is nothing really irreligious in their -art, though it shows a new way of regarding both art and religion. At -the same time, it is possible to discover in these artists of the -completed Renaissance a certain relaxation of moral earnestness and -purpose as compared with their predecessors; their very mastery of -colour and of drawing seems to mislead them; there is no longer the -noble struggle to express a lofty meaning in spite of difficulties and -drawbacks. It was the perception of these differences which led many -thoughtful artists and art students, who formed what has been called the -pre-Raphaelite school, to devote themselves to the study of the earlier -and less faultless painters of the fifteenth century, and somewhat to -undervalue the more mature artists who had been the idols of previous -generations. - -The Renaissance marks almost a greater epoch in the history of sculpture -than in that of painting. In some [Sidenote: 2. Sculpture.] respects the -change which took place was the same. Great artists revolted against the -prescribed forms of the Middle Ages, and produced works of greater -beauty and greater originality. But sculpture was more profoundly -influenced than painting by the revived study of antiquity. The great -painters of ancient Greece were mere names, their works had perished. It -was therefore only the classical spirit that influenced painting. Direct -imitation was impossible. With sculpture it was otherwise. Greek and -Roman statues were still in existence, and many that had been buried -were unearthed and welcomed with passionate reverence. In some of these -statues had been realised the utmost possible beauty of form and truth -to nature that were possible in sculpture. It was impossible to surpass -them, and before long the passion for antiquity led to a servile -imitation of the ancient originals. But the first enthusiasm did produce -a few great master-workers who rivalled the artists of Greece. The first -to inaugurate the new epoch in the history of sculpture was Niccolo da -Pisano. A Greek sarcophagus, still preserved, had been brought to Pisa, -and Niccolo was induced by its beauty to make a thorough study of Greek -forms and methods. From this time he set himself to reconcile, as far as -was possible, the Greek love of beauty with the traditions of Christian -art. He was followed in the next century by a number of great sculptors, -most of whom were Florentines. Among their names the most important are -those of Lorenzo Ghiberti, who carved the gates for the Baptistery in -Florence, which Michael Angelo declared worthy to be the gates of -Paradise; Luca della Robbia, whose chief works are reliefs in -terra-cotta; Donatello, the sculptor of the famous figure of David; and -Andrea Verrocchio, the modeller of the grand equestrian statue of -Bartolommeo Coleone, which stands near the Scuola di San Marco in -Venice. After them came the great masters of Renaissance -sculpture—Benvenuto Cellini and Michael Angelo. The Memoirs of the -former may be commended to any one who wishes to study the purely -artistic temperament, uninfluenced by considerations of religion or -morality, which was produced in the later stages of the Renaissance. -Sculpture, it must be remembered, was more essentially non-religious and -pagan than painting. The beauty of the face was necessarily subordinate -to beauty of figure. Thus the new religious impulse of the sixteenth -century, which led to the Reformation in northern Europe and to the -counter-Reformation in the south, was in many ways alien or hostile to -sculpture, and from this time the art tended to decline. - -In architecture the Renaissance exerted an overwhelming and permanent -influence, and here again Italy led the way, but it may be questioned -whether the influence resulted in unmixed gain. Architecture had never -been a lost art, as painting and sculpture had been. Nor was classical -influence a new thing, for the Romanesque style of the early Middle Ages -had been based upon ancient models. Beyond the Alps the early Romanesque -buildings had been followed by the great Gothic churches and cathedrals -which remain the great monument of the religious zeal of the Germanic -peoples in the later Middle Ages. Gothic architecture had been -introduced into Italy by German builders in the later part of the -thirteenth century. But Italian Gothic was a different style of -architecture from that which prevailed in the northern countries. From -the first it had been modified by national usages and by considerations -of climate. The great Gothic churches of Italy are the cathedrals of -Orvieto and Siena, and they are very different from the Gothic -cathedrals of Germany, France, and England. The excessive height in -proportion to the width and length, the enormous arches, and the flying -buttresses are absent in Italy. Italy never departed altogether from the -classical models. - -The Renaissance in architecture, as in sculpture, was the result of the -revival of classical studies; and its formal changes [Sidenote: 3. -Architecture.] are to be seen in the return, first to the round arch of -the Romanesque period, and later, in the use of the flat top or lintel -of the Greeks and Romans. The great building of the early or -transitional Renaissance is the Cathedral of Florence, with its -magnificent dome, the work of Filippo Brunellesco, and the progress of -the movement, may be traced in St. Peter’s in Rome, designed by -Bramante, but modified and completed after his death, and finally in the -palaces built by Palladio in Vicenza and Verona. Thus only the beginning -of the architectural Renaissance belongs properly to the period covered -in this volume, whereas much more progress had been made in painting and -sculpture by the end of the fifteenth century. And its ultimate results -were in many ways alien to the true spirit of the real Renaissance. -Gothic architecture, whatever its defects, had given great scope for -originality. After the main design had been agreed upon, the completion -of details had been left in great measure to the ability and imagination -of the individual workmen. But the architecture of the later Renaissance -laid supreme stress upon symmetry and uniformity. Thus the workmen could -no longer be allowed to be original. Every detail, as well as the -central design, had to be fixed from the outset. The result was -magnificent and imposing, but it was purchased at the sacrifice of -originality and imagination. When the first vigour of the intellectual -revival was spent, there was a marked decline in architecture as in -sculpture, because in both the imitative faculty was cultivated rather -than the power of independent creation. - -The Renaissance, like all great historic movements, contained good and -evil intermingled together. Its two prominent [Sidenote: Humanism and -the Reformation.] directions, especially in its earlier period, were the -revival of classical influences in literature and art, and the -vindication of originality of thought and of individual freedom. Both -had their special dangers, and they only went together for a limited -distance. The first tended to degenerate into the slavish and mechanical -imitation of ancient models; the second led in many cases to atheism, to -licence, to the chaos of pure negation. Nor were these the only evils. -The Renaissance spirit of free inquiry, when applied to religion, gave -rise to the Reformation, and the religious Reformation hastened to turn -against the spirit that had given it birth. Extreme Protestantism or -Puritanism was in many ways diametrically opposed to humanism. -Savonarola, who may be said to represent the Puritan spirit upon Italian -soil, urged his followers to make bonfires of their pictures, their -personal ornaments, and even of their books. The English Puritans -denounced the love of beauty in art as a carnal and misleading pleasure. -The Protestants, who owed their origin to the assertion of freedom of -thought and worship, soon came to erect a rigid system of dogma and -church government, which was fully as repressive and intolerant as that -against which they had revolted. The persecution which they resisted -with such heroism impelled them, unfortunately, not to practise -toleration, but to become persecutors in their turn. - -That the good results of the Renaissance were not entirely destroyed or -overwhelmed either by the evils of the movement [Sidenote: Spread of -education.] itself or by the reaction provoked by those evils, is due to -the impulse which the Renaissance and the Reformation both gave to -education. In every country the introduction of the new learning and the -reformed religion was followed by the creation of new schools and -universities, and by the improvement of educational methods in the -institutions which already existed. To the spread of education we owe -the greatest and most permanent result of the Renaissance, the union, -instead of the antagonism, of morality and culture. And this union has -resulted in a higher morality than that inspired by compulsory beliefs -and compulsory observances—the morality of the free mind and conscience -of the individual. - - - - - APPENDIX - GENEALOGICAL TABLES - - -[Illustration: A. The Succession in Bohemia. (See p. 15.)] - -[Illustration: B. The Succession in Tyrol. (See pp. 107 and 120.)] - -[Illustration: C. The House of Hapsburg.] - -NOTE.—The Hapsburg territories were divided between Albert III. and his -brother Leopold, the former taking Austria, and the latter all the rest. -Of the sons of Leopold, Ernest succeeded to Styria and Carinthia, -Frederick to Tyrol and the lands in Swabia. The Albertine line became -extinct with the death of Ladislas Postumus, when Austria passed to -Frederick III., and the latter’s son, Maximilian I., reunited all the -territories of the house. - -[Illustration: D. The House of Wittelsbach.] - -[Illustration: E. The House of Luxemburg.] - -NOTE.—Luxemburg was transferred by Elizabeth, daughter of John of -Görlitz, to her husband’s nephew, Philip the Good of Burgundy, to the -exclusion of her own nearest surviving relative, Ladislas Postumus. - -[Illustration: F. The Later Capets in France.] - -[Illustration: G. The House of Valois.] - -[Illustration: H. The Duchy and County of Burgundy.] - -NOTES.—The duchy and county were united by the marriage of Eudes IV. -with Jeanne, daughter of Philip V. of France (see p. 64). On the death -of Philip de Rouvre the duchy fell to the crown, and was granted by John -to his fourth son, Philip the Bold. The County, with Artois, passed to -Margaret, widow of Lewis II. of Flanders: and her grand-daughter, -another Margaret, brought these provinces, together with Flanders, -Nevers, and Rethel, to the Valois dukes of Burgundy. - -[Illustration: I. The First House of Anjou in Naples and Hungary.] - -NOTES.—Charles I., called in by the popes, acquired both Naples and -Sicily, but lost the latter in the Sicilian Vespers, 1282 (see p. 25). -Joanna I., in order to disinherit her nephew, afterwards Charles III., -adopted as her heir Louis of Anjou, who could claim a distant descent -from Charles II. Louis obtained possession of Provence, but he and his -descendants carried on a long and unsuccessful struggle for the crown of -Naples. - -[Illustration: K. The Second House of Anjou in Naples.] - -NOTE.—Several members of the family made strenuous efforts to gain the -crown of Naples, but without any substantial success. Réné le Bon, who -spent a long life in Provence, disinherited his grandson, Réné of -Lorraine, and left his possessions to his nephew, Charles of Maine, with -remainder to the French crown. This enabled Louis XI. to annex Provence -in 1481, and also gave rise to the claim upon Naples which was put -forward by Charles VIII. in 1494. - -[Illustration: L. The House of Aragon in Sicily and Naples.] - -[Illustration: M. The Houses of Visconti and Sforza in Milan.] - -[Illustration: N. The Medici in Florence.] - -[Illustration: O. The Union of Kalmar.] - -[Illustration: P. The Palæologi.] - -[Illustration: Q. Castile.] - -[Illustration: R. Aragon.] - -[Illustration: S. Navarre.] - -NOTE.—Spanish Navarre was annexed to Spain by Ferdinand the Catholic in -1512. French Navarre was permanently united to France by an edict of -Henry IV. in 1607. - -[Illustration: T. Some European Connections of the House of Portugal.] - - - - - INDEX - - - Abul Hakam, 471. - - Acciaiuoli, Angelo, 299, 301, 302. - - Acre, siege of, 452; - fall of (1291), 55, 168, 456. - - Adolf of Nassau, King of the Romans, 11, 52; - relations with France, 12; - confirms the Swiss league, 129; - death, 13. - - —— Count of Holstein, 444; - Duke of Schleswig, 445; - offered Danish crown, 446; - death, 447. - - Adrianople, captured by the Turks, 502. - - - Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, 524; - at the Council of Basel, 234, 235, 239; - reconciles Frederick III. with the Papacy, 239-241, 272, 405; - elected Pope as Pius II., 276. - - Agincourt, battle of, 329. - - Aiguillon, siege of, 75, 77. - - Ailly, Pierre d’, 194. - - Aladdin III., last Sultan of Iconium, 499. - - Albania, 501, 508, 511, 513. - - Albert I. of Hapsburg, 11, 12; - chosen King of the Romans, 13; - policy of, 14, 15; - action in Swabia, 129; - murdered, 16. - - —— II. of Austria, 111, 133, 134, 136. - - —— III. of Austria, 136; - shares Hapsburg territories with his brother Leopold, 137, 398. - - —— IV. of Austria, 398. - - —— V. of Austria (II. as King of the Romans), 397, 398, 239; - King of Hungary and Bohemia, 399; - elected in Germany, 400; - death, 401, 507. - - —— Achilles of Brandenburg, 406. - - —— the Bear, 3, 453. - - —— of Hohenzollern, last Grand-master of the Teutonic Order, 466. - - —— Duke of Mecklenburg, 436, 437, 441. - - Albert, son of above, King of Sweden, 436, 437, 442; - abdicates, 443. - - —— II. of Saxony, 3. - - —— III. of Saxony, 226. - - Alberti, Benedetto, 165, 166. - - Albizzi, the, 163, 164. - - —— Maso degli, 166, 289. - - —— Piero degli, 289. - - —— Rinaldo degli, 289, 292, 293, 294. - - Albornoz, Cardinal, 160, 161, 176, 177. - - Albret, house of, in Navarre, 487. - - Alexander V., 200, 201. - - —— VI., 281, 287; - bull of, 493. - - Alfonso III. of Aragon, 480, 481. - - —— V., 239; - King of Aragon and Alfonso I. of Naples, 269, 271, 272, 484, 525; - death of, 297, 484. - - —— II. of Naples, 257, 285, 287. - - —— X. of Castile, 6, 8, 48, 470. - - —— XI. of Castile, 470; - war with the Moors, 471. - - —— son of John II. of Castile, 476, 477. - - —— V. of Portugal, 477, 492. - - —— of Poitiers, 47. - - Algeciras, 471. - - Aljubarrota, battle of, 474, 491. - - Alsace, acquired by Charles the Bold, 377, 408; - recovered by Sigismund of Tyrol, 379, 380, 409. - - Altenburg, battle near, 16. - - Alvaro de Luna, Constable of Castile, 475, 476. - - _Ammonizio_ in Florence, 163. - - - Amurath I., 502; - killed, 503. - - —— II., 506; - his wars with Hungary, 507, 508. - - Anagni, outrage at, 29, 54; - papal election at, 186. - - Andrea del Sarto, 529. - - Andrew of Hungary, marries Joanna I. of Naples, 152; - murdered, 152, 153. - - Andronicus II., 497; - deposed, 498. - - —— III., 498, 499; - death of, 500. - - —— son of John V., 171, 503, 504. - - Angelico, Fra, 527. - - Angora, battle of, 505. - - Anjou, first house of, acquires Provence, 9, 24; - acquires Naples and Sicily, 24; - loses Sicily, 25, 48, 50, 479, 480; - acquires Hungary, 15, 16, 26, 123; - becomes extinct, 155, 271. - - —— second house of, acquires Provence, 154; - claims Naples, 154, 155, 260, 266, 269, 271, 275, 277, 278, 286; - its possessions and claims pass to French crown, 258, 279, 389. - - Anne of Beaujeu, 390, 391, 392. - - —— of Bohemia, 208. - - —— of Brittany, 391, 392. - - —— of Burgundy, marries Duke of Bedford, 336; - death of, 346. - - Antony, Duke of Brabant, 321, 322, 337; - killed at Agincourt, 329. - - Aquitaine, Duchy of, 45, 95. - - Aragon, constitution of, 478; - acquires Sicily, 25, 479; - loses Sicily, 26, 480; - acquires Sardinia, 480; - annexes the Balearic islands, 481; - recovers Sicily, 482; - falls to house of Trastamara, 483; - acquires and loses Naples, 484; - relations with Navarre, 484-487; - united with Castile, 477, 487. - - Architecture, influence of the Renaissance on, 531, 532. - - Arezzo, annexed to Florence, 167. - - Arles, kingdom of, 12, 56, 78, 116, 184. - - Armagnac, Bernard of, 322, 330, 331, 351. - - Armagnacs, the, 323, 326-332. - - ‘Armagnacs,’ the, in Switzerland, 408. - - Army, standing, in France, 352, 353, 354, 355. - - Arras, treaty of (1414), 327; - (1435), 347, 349, 359, 361; - (1482), 388, 416. - - Artevelde, Jacob van, 71, 72; - murder of, 74. - - —— Philip van, 317, 318. - - Artois, succession in, 67; - passes to Margaret of Flanders, 90; - acquired by house of Burgundy, 320; - ceded to Louis XI., 388; - surrendered by Charles VIII., 393, 417. - - Ascania, house of, 3, 10; - extinction in Brandenburg, 107, 110, 458; - extinction in Saxony, 226. - - Athens, duchy of, 498, 512. - - Auberoche, battle of, 74. - - Austria, under Ottokar, 3; - transferred to the Hapsburgs, 10, 127; - separated from the other Hapsburg territories, 137, 398; - succession of Ladislas Postumus, 409; - falls to Frederick III., 414; - reunion of territories, 409. - - Avesnes, house of, 14. - - Avignon, papal residence in, 4, 17, 30, 140, 155, 185, 458; - sold to Clement VI., 153; - quitted by the Popes, 122, 185; - Clement VII. returns to, 122, 186. - - Avila, Henry IV. deposed at, 477. - - Aybar, battle of, 485. - - Azof, Genoese in, 495, 513. - - Azores, the, 491, 493. - - - Baden in Aargau, 138. - - Bagnolo, treaty of, 257, 284, 311. - - Bajazet I., 503, 504; - defeat at Angora and death, 505. - - —— II., 513. - - Baldwin, Archbishop of Trier, 17, 98. - - Balearic Islands, conquered by James I. of Aragon, 479; - annexed to Aragon, 481. - - Balliol, Edward, claims crown of Scotland, 68. - - —— John, King of Scotland, 51. - - Baltic, Danish preponderance in, 420, 428; - decline of, 431; - attempted restoration by Waldemar III., 433, 435, 437; - overthrown by Hanseatic League, 438, 439, 444; - trade in, 449; - diminished importance of, 450. - - Barbiano, Alberigo da, 151. - - Barcelona, treaty of, 392. - - Barnet, battle of, 373. - - Baroncelli, 160. - - Basel, Council of, 229-242, 270, 272, 273. - - Baugé, battle of, 333. - - Bayonne, 96; - surrendered to France, 357. - - Beatific Vision, heresy of the, 101. - - Beaufort, Edmund, 357. - - —— Henry, Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal, 326, 342, 345, 346, 347, - 355, 356; - at council of Constance, 220; - heads crusade against the Hussites, 227, 228. - - Beaujeu, Anne of, 390, 391, 392. - - Bedford, John, Duke of, 334, 336-346; - quarrel with Burgundy, 346, 347; - death of, 348. - - Belgrade, 507, 514; - relief of, in 1456, 406, 412, 511. - - Bella, Giano della, 32. - - Bellini, Gentile, 529. - - —— Giovanni, 529. - - Beltran de la Cueva, 477. - - Benedict XI., 29, 54. - - —— XII., 99, 102, 106. - - —— XIII., 187, 217, 218, 221, 266. - - Bentivoglio, Giovanni, 180, 181. - - Bergamo, 144; - subject to Milan, 147; - acquired by Venice, 249, 251, 253. - - Bergen, German ‘factory’ in, 426. - - Berri, Charles, Duke of. _See_ Charles of Berri. - - Béthune, Robert of, 54. - - _Bianchi_, the, 22. - - Black Death, 79, 110, 153, 471. - - —— Prince, the, 69, 79, 80, 90; - gains battle of Poitiers, 81; - supports Peter the Cruel, 93, 473; - illness and ill-success, 94; - quits France, 95; - death, 96. - - Blanche of Bourbon, wife of Peter the Cruel, 472. - - —— of Navarre, 485. - - —— daughter of John II. of Aragon, 487. - - Blanchetaque, ford over the Somme, 76, 328. - - Blois, Charles of, 73; - death of, 92. - - Boccaccio, 523. - - Boccanegra, Simone, 169. - - Boguslav of Pomerania, 445. - - Bohemia, succession in, 15, 16; - acquired by John of Luxemburg, 18; - under Charles IV., 113; - disturbances under Wenzel, 192, 193; - Hussite movement in, 207-210, 223; - crusades against, 224, 225, 227; - conclusion of compacts, 231; - accession of Sigismund, 232; - accession of Albert of Austria, 399, 401; - election of Ladislas Postumus, 410, 413; - election of George Podiebrad, 414; - war with Hungary, 415; - falls to house of Jagellon, 416, 417. - - Bologna, seized by Giovanni Visconti, 160, 175. - - —— recovered by Albornoz, 161. - - —— under Giovanni Bentivoglio, 180. - - —— subjected to Milan, 181. - - Bona of Savoy, 261, 262, 305. - - Boniface VIII., 13, 15, 22, 28; - quarrel with Philip IV. of France, 29, 54. - - —— IX., 187, 195, 244, 245, 265, 266. - - Bordeaux, trade of, 70; - rising in 1452, 357. - - Borgia, Alfonso, 274. - _See_ Calixtus III. - - —— Cæsar, 259. - - —— Rodrigo, 275, 287 (Alexander VI.). - - Bosnia, 502; - wars with the Turks, 503; - annexed by Mohammed II., 511. - - Botticelli, Sandro, 528. - - Boucicault, Marshal, 244. - - Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of, 237, 277, 363, 367. - - Brabant, duchy of, 119, 123, 321, 337, 339; - acquired by Philip the Good, 344. - - Braccio da Montone, 151, 267, 268; - death of, 269. - - Bramante, designs St. Peter’s, 531. - - Brandenburg, 3; - acquired by house of Wittelsbach, 107; - transferred to house of Luxemburg, 120, 123, 191, 201; - given to Frederick of Hohenzollern, 203, 216. - - Bremen, 422, 451; - expelled from Hanseatic League, 429; - restored, 432. - - Brescia, calls in John of Bohemia, 144, 146; - seized by Milan, 147; - battle of (1401), 151, 181, 196, 225; - acquired by Venice, 249, 251. - - Brienne, Walter de, 147, 148. - - Brittany, duchy of, 45; - Succession war in, 73, 92, 97; - united with French crown, 391, 392. - - Bruce, Robert, King of Scotland, 68. - - Bruges, centre of mediæval trade, 69, 422, 426. - - Brun, Rudolf, 131; - practically despot in Zürich, 132, 136; - death, 138. - - Brunellesco, Filippo, 531. - - Brünn, treaty of, 417. - - Brusa, in Asia Minor, 499. - - Buchan, Constable of France, 336, 337. - - Buonconvento, death of Henry VII. at, 42. - - Bureau, Gaspar, 352, 355. - - —— Jean, 352, 355. - - Burgundian party in France, 323, 324, 326, 348. - - Burgundy, county of, 12, 56. - _See_ Franche-Comté. - - —— duchy of, 45; - given to Philip the Bold, 90, 320; - annexed by Louis XI., 386, 388. - - —— old kingdom of, 12. - - Bussolari, Jacopo, 177. - - - Cabochiens, the, 327. - - Cade, Jack, rising of, 357. - - Cagliari, naval battle off, 170. - - Calais, taken by Edward III., 77; - besieged by Philip the Good, 351. - - - Calixtus III., 274, 275. - - Cambray, League of, 259. - - Campobasso, Count of, 385. - - Canale, Niccolo, 256. - - Canaries, the, 491. - - Cane, Facino, 179, 244. - - Cangrande della Scala, 141, 143. - - Cantacuzenos, John, 498-502. - - —— Matthew, 502. - - Cape of Good Hope, 259, 492. - - —— Verde, 491. - - Capet, house of, 43, 44, 63, 65. - - Capistrano, Fra, 412. - - Caramania, princes of, 505, 512. - - Caravaggio, battle of, 252. - - Carinthia, 9; - united with Tyrol, 10; - acquired by Hapsburgs, 107. - - Carmagnola, Francesco, 247, 249, 291; - executed, 250. - - Carobert, King of Hungary, 15, 16, 26, 152. - - Carpaccio, Vittore, 529. - - Carrara, Francesco, 171, 174, 179, 180. - - —— —— the younger, 179, 183, 245. - - Casimir the Great of Poland, 458, 459. - - —— IV. of Poland, 415, 464, 465. - - Cassel, battle of (1328), 70. - - Castile, constitution of, 469; - disorders in, 470; - under Peter the Cruel, 93, 472-474; - united with Aragon, 477, 487; - share in discovery, 492, 493. - - Castillon, battle of, 358. - - Castracani, Castruccio, Lord of Lucca, 31, 33, 105, 142, 143, 292. - - Castriot, George (Scanderbeg), 255, 256, 508, 513. - - Catalans, Grand Company of the, 497. - - Catalonia, 478; - rebels against John II., 486. - - _Catasto_, the, 291, 295, 296. - - Catharine, daughter of John of Gaunt, marries Henry III. of Castile, - 475. - - —— of Navarre, marries Jean d’Albret, 487. - - Cauchon, Pierre, Bishop of Beauvais, 342, 344, 345. - - Celestine V., 28. - - Cellini, Benvenuto, 530. - - Cerda, Ferdinand de, 48. - - —— Infantes de, 48, 470. - - Cerdagne, ceded to France, 389, 486; - restored to Aragon, 392, 487. - - Cesarini, Cardinal, 228, 229, 230, 236. - - Cesena, Michael of, 100. - - _Chambre des Comptes_, 58. - - Champagne, acquired by France, 48, 65, 66; - offered by Bedford to Philip the Good, 343; - promised by Louis XI. to his brother Charles, 371. - - Chandos, John, 90, 92; - death, 94. - - Charles IV., King of Bohemia and Emperor, 108; - reign of, 109-123; - character, 112; - government of Bohemia, 113; - policy in Italy, 114; - issues the Golden Bull, 117; - his motives, 118; - his territorial acquisitions, 119, 120; - importance of his rule in Germany, 184; - relations with Rienzi, 159; - visit to Lübeck, 187, 441; - death, 123. - - Charles IV., King of France, 65. - - —— V., King of France, regent for his father, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88; - accession to the throne, 90; - government, 90, 91, 92; - renews the English war, 94, 473; - successes, 95, 96, 474; - death, 97, 315. - - —— VI. of France, 194; - reign of, 315-333. - - —— VII., King of France, 260, 330, 332; - accession, 334; - reign, 334-361; - reforms of, 352-355; - death, 361. - - —— VIII., King of France, 264, 287, 313; - minority, 390, 391; - marries Anne of Brittany, 392; - sets out for Naples, 393. - - Charles the Bold of Burgundy, 364-367; - wars with Liége, 368, 369; - quarrels with Louis XI., 370-376; - changed policy of, 377; - acquisitions in Germany, 377; - seeks a crown, 378; - war with the Swiss, 379, 380, 384; - death of, 385. - - —— I. of Anjou, King of Naples and Sicily and Count of Provence, 9, 24, - 25, 479. - - —— II., King of Naples, 9, 15, 25, 26. - - —— III., King of Naples, 154, 190; - assassinated in Hungary, 155, 191. - - —— of Calabria, son of Robert of Naples, 142, 143. - - —— of Durazzo, 152, 153. - - —— (I.) of Maine, 279, 354, 356. - - —— (II.) of Maine, 279, 389. - - —— I. (the Bad) of Navarre, 79, 80, 93, 96, 484; - relations with Marcel, 85, 87, 88. - - —— II. of Navarre, 484, 485. - - - —— of Berri, brother of Louis XI., 361; - joins League of Public Weal, 365; - acquires Normandy, 367; - loses it, 369; - receives Guienne, 371; - death of, 376. - - —— of Valois, brother of Philip IV., 17, 25, 26, 49, 50, 53, 62. - - —— of Viana, 485, 486, 487. - - Chatillon, Jacques de, 53. - - Chaucer, Geoffrey, 459, 523. - - Chiana, val di, 308. - - Chioggia, war of, 172, 173. - - Christian of Oliva, 454, 455. - - —— of Oldenburg, succeeds in Denmark and Norway, 446; - acquires Sweden, Schleswig and Holstein, 447; - loses Sweden, 448; - death, 448. - - —— II. of Denmark, 449. - - Christopher II., King of Denmark, 431, 432, 433. - - —— of Bavaria, 445; - King of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, 446; - death, 446. - - Cibo, Franchescetto, 285. - - Cilly, Count of, 411; - death, 412. - - Cimabue, 526, 527. - - Cinque ports, the sailors of the, 51. - - _Ciompi_, the, 32; - rising of, 164. - - Clarence, Thomas, Duke of, 326, 333. - - Clarence, George, Duke of, 372, 373. - - Clement V., 30, 55, 457. - - —— VI., 99, 107, 110, 158, 159, 160. - - —— VII., schismatic pope at Avignon, 162, 186. - - —— VII., 285. - - Clementia of Hapsburg, 9, 15. - - —— of Hungary, second wife of Louis X., 63, 64. - - _Clericis laicos_, papal bull, 29, 52. - - Clisson, Olivier de, 97, 319. - - Coleone, Bartolommeo, 300, 301; - statue of, 530. - - Cologne, importance in German trade, 422; - rivalry with Lübeck and Hamburg, 427; - position in Hanseatic League, 432; - Hanse meeting at, 437, 439. - - Colonna, the family of, 28. - - —— Oddo, 220, 269. - _See_ Martin V. - - —— Stefano, 157. - - Columbus, Christopher, 492. - - Commines, Philippe de, 23, 49, 308, 361, 362, 377, 403. - - Comminges, Count of, 377. - - _Compactata_, the, 231, 232, 410. - - _Condottieri_, foreign, 150; - native, 151. - - Conflans, treaty of, 367, 369. - - Conradin, 496; - execution of, 24. - - _Conseil du roi_, the, 58. - - Constance, Council of, 205, 206, 211-220, 267. - - —— daughter of Manfred, marries Peter III. of Aragon, 24, 479. - - —— daughter of Peter IV. of Aragon, 481. - - —— of Castile, marries John of Gaunt, 474, 475. - - Constantine Palæologus, last of the Byzantine emperors, 509; - his heroic death, 510. - - Constantinople, recovered from the Latins by Michael Palæologus, 494; - first siege by the Turks, 505; - second siege, 506; - final siege and capture, 273, 509, 510; - treaty of, 256, 283, 308, 513. - - Copenhagen, captured by Hanse forces, 438. - - Cordova, 468. - - Cornaro, Catarina, 257, 258. - - Corsica, seized by the Genoese, 168. - - Cortes of Castile, 60, 469, 488; - of Aragon, 60, 478, 479. - - Cortona, annexed to Florence, 167, 289. - - Cossa, Baldassare, 201, 266, 267. - _See_ John XXIII. - - _Cour du roi_, the, 44, 57, 58. - - Courland, duchy of, 466. - - Courtrai, battle of, 53. - - Cracow, University of, 209. - - Crecy, battle of, 76. - - Crema, 252. - - Cremona, 251, 259. - - Crevant, battle of, 337. - - Crimea, the, 168, 495, 513. - - Crusades, the, 55. - - Cyprus, 168; - acquired by Venice, 257. - - - Dalmatia, 202, 204, 246. - - Dante, 22, 41, 42, 139, 522, 523, 527. - - Danzig, 458, 462, 465. - - Dauphiné, 12; - acquired by France, 78; - Louis XI. in, 354, 357, 359. - - David II., King of Scotland, 68, 77. - - Denmark, relations with Germany, 410; - war with the Hanseatic League, 433-438; - united with Sweden and Norway, 443; - with Schleswig and Holstein, 447; - separated from Sweden, 448, 449. - - Diaz, Bartholomew, 259, 492. - - Diesbach, Nicolas von, 380. - - Dinant, 368; - taken by Charles the Bold, 369. - - Discoveries at end of fifteenth century, 259, 491-3. - - Ditmarsh, peasants of, 448. - - Döffingen, battle of, 189. - - Donatello, 530. - - Doria, Luciano, 172. - - —— Paganino, 170. - - —— Pietro, 172. - - Douglas, Earl of, and Count of Touraine, 336, 337. - - Duccio, Sienese painter, 527. - - Dunois, bastard son of Louis of Orleans, 342, 352, 354, 365. - - Dupplin Moor, battle of, 68. - - Durazzo, house of, 152, 153, 191, 195. - - Dushan, Stephen, King of Servia, 501. - - - Easterlings or Osterlings, 428. - - _Écorcheurs_, the, 351. - - Education, stimulated by the Renaissance, 533. - - Edward I., King of England, 29, 60; - wars with France, 51, 52. - - —— II., King of England, 52; - marries Isabella of France, 53; - deposed, 65. - - —— III., King of England, 65, 66, 67, 69, 111; - war in Scotland, 68; - allied with the Flemings, 71; - relations with Lewis the Bavarian, 72, 75; - claims the French crown, 71; - war in France, 71-78, 80, 81, 88, 89, 94, 95; - death, 96. - - —— IV., King of England, 365, 370, 372, 373, 375, 386; - invades France, 381, 382; - death of, 388. - - Eger, peace of, 190, 192. - - Eleanor, daughter of Peter IV. of Aragon, 483. - - —— of Navarre, marries Gaston de Foix, 487. - - Electors, the seven, 7, 98, 108; - as regulated by the Golden Bull, 116, 117. - - Elizabeth, widow of Lewis the Great, 190, 191. - - Elna, fortress of, 49. - - Elsa, val d’, 308. - - Epila, battle of, 482. - - Ercole d’Este, 283, 301, 308. - - Eric Glipping, King of Denmark, 446. - - —— Menved, King of Denmark, 430, 431, 446. - - —— of Pomerania, 443; - succeeds to the Scandinavian kingdoms, 444; - deposed, 445. - - Ernest of Styria, 398. - - Ertogrul, Turkish leader, 499. - - Esthonia, 453, 458, 465, 466. - - Étaples, treaty of, 392. - - Eudes IV., Duke of Burgundy, 63, 64, 65; - death of, 79. - - Eugenius IV., 229, 270-272, 508; - quarrel with Council of Basel, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236; - deposed, 238; - triumphs over the Council, 239-241. - - Evreux, Louis, Count of, 49. - - —— Philip, Count of, marries Jeanne of Navarre, 66. - - _Execrabilis_, papal bull, 277, 407. - - - Falier, Marin, 169, 171. - - Falköping, battle of, 443. - - Fastolf, Sir John, 340. - - Felix V., anti-Pope, 238, 239, 242. - - Ferdinand I. of Aragon, 475, 483. - - —— II. (the Catholic) of Aragon, 477, 485, 487, 488, 489. - - —— IV. of Castile, 470. - - —— de Cerda, 48, 470. - - Ferrante I., King of Naples, 260, 282, 283, 285-287, 307, 309. - - Ferrara, war with Venice, 257, 283, 311; - Council of, 236, 272. - - Ficino, Marsilio, 525. - - Filelfo, Francesco, 523. - - _Filioque_ controversy, 236, 503. - - Flanders, county of, 45, 90; - at war with Philip IV., 53, 54, 62; - commerce of, 69, 320; - allied with Edward III., 71; - Philip van Artevelde and war with France, 317, 318; - acquired by Dukes of Burgundy, 320; - relations with Louis XI., 387. - - Flor, Roger de, 497. - - Florence, 141, 150; - constitution of, 31-35, 148, 149, 165, 166, 296, 297, 303, 310; - offers lordship to Charles of Calabria, 142; - fails to get Lucca, 146, 147; - Walter de Brienne in, 148; - parties in, 163, 164; - oligarchical government from 1382 to 1435, 166, 167, 288-293; - wars with Milan, 179, 180, 181, 248, 249, 291, 292; - under Medicean rule, 293-314; - Council of, 236; - cathedral of, 531; - importance in history of art, 527, 528, 530. - - Foix, house of, in Navarre, 487. - - Forli, 282, 309. - - Foscari, Francesco, 248, 249, 252; - deposition and death, 254. - - —— Jacopo, 253. - - Fougères, attack upon, 357. - - - Franche-Comté, 12, 56, 64, 79, 90; - acquired by Valois Dukes of Burgundy, 320; - attacked by the Swiss, 380; - annexed by Louis XI., 387, 388; - surrendered by Charles VIII., 393, 417. - - Francis I. of Brittany, 357. - - —— II. of Brittany, 363, 366, 369; - death, 391. - - Franciscans, their quarrel with John XXII., 101, 103. - - Frankfort, Diet of, 187. - - Fraticelli, the, 101, 159. - - Frederick III., Burggraf of Nuremberg, 8, 10, 16. - - —— I. of Brandenburg, 216, 395. - _See_ Hohenzollern, Frederick of. - - —— II. of Brandenburg, 465. - - —— (the Handsome) of Hapsburg, elected King of the Romans, 98; - captured by his rival, 99; - death, 105. - - —— of Tyrol, 395, 398; - opposes Sigismund at Constance, 212, 213, 215, 216, 219. - - —— III., Emperor, 239, 402, 404-411, 464; - relations with the Papacy and Council of Basel, 240, 241; - joint ruler in Styria, 398; - character, 403; - acquires Austria, 414; - relations with Charles the Bold, 378, 380, 416; - last years, 417; - death, 418. - - —— I. of Sicily, 26, 482, 497. - - —— II. of Sicily, 482. - - Friuli, 246. - - Froissart, 49, 69. - - - Gabelle, the, 61; - upon salt, 82, 91. - - Galata, 168, 495. - - Gallipoli, seized by the Turks, 502. - - Gama, Vasco da, 259, 492. - - Gaston de Foix, 487. - - Gavre, battle of, 359. - - Genappe, 359, 361. - - Genoa, 35; - rivalry with Venice, 167-173, 255, 502; - factions in, 169; - relations with France, 180, 247, 260, 263; - relations with Milan, 175, 176, 247, 260, 262, 263; - relations with Greek empire, 495, 502, 509; - loss of Kaffa and Azof, 513. - - Gerhard, Count of Holstein, 444. - - Gerona, siege of, 49, 486. - - Gerson, Jean, 194, 218, 323. - - Ghent, 69, 70, 71. - - Ghiara d’Adda, 252, 259. - - Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 530. - - Ghirlandaio, Domenico, 528. - - Giac, Pierre de, 338. - - Giano della Bella, 32. - - Gibraltar, 471. - - Giorgione, 529. - - Giotto, 527, 528. - - Girona, fortress of, 49. - - Glarus, 133; - leagued with the Swiss, 134, 135, 136, 138. - - Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 337, 338. - - Golden Bull, the, 116-118, 187. - - Göllheim, battle of, 13. - - Gonfalonier of justice, 33. - - Görlitz, John of, 123, 193. - - Gothland, island of, 425, 433. - - Granada, kingdom of, 468, 471; - conquest of, 490. - - Grand Company of the Catalans, 497. - - Grandella, battle of, 24. - - Granson, 380, 385; - battle of, 261, 384. - - Gregory IX., grants Prussia to Teutonic knights, 455. - - ——X., 9, 24, 27, 48. - - ——XI., 122, 162, 182, 185. - - ——XII., 187; - negotiations with Benedict XIII., 197, 198; - deposed at Pisa, 200; - relations with Ladislas of Naples, 204, 266, 267. - - Guelfs and Ghibellines in Italy, 22, 31, 39, 40, 139, 140, 141, 143, - 144, 145. - - Guesclin, Bertrand du, 90, 92, 93, 94, 473; - death, 97. - - Guienne, lost by the English, 357; - ceded to Charles of Berri, 372; - recovered by French crown, 376. - - Guinea Coast, 491. - - Guinigi, Paolo, 180, 244. - - Gunther of Schwartzburg, 111. - - Guy, Count of Flanders, 53, 54. - - Guzman, Eleanor de, 471, 472. - - - Hagenbach, Peter of, 377, 379, 380. - - Hainault, united with Holland and Zealand, 14; - acquired by house of Wittelsbach, 75, 108, 320; - acquired by house of Burgundy, 321, 337, 339. - - Hakon, King of Norway, 434, 438; - marries Margaret of Denmark, 435, 436, 442; - death, 442. - - Halidon Hill, battle of, 68. - - Hallam, Robert, Bishop of Salisbury, 220. - - Hamburg, 422, 451; - allied with Lübeck, 427, 428; - supports Holstein against Denmark, 444. - - Hans, or John, King of Denmark and Norway, 447, 448. - - _Hansa_, meaning of word, 423, 424; - _Hansa Alamanniæ_, 428. - - Hanseatic League, 5, 19, 183, 420; - origin of, 429; - war with Denmark, 121, 433-438; - zenith of its power, 439; - decline of, 449-451. - - Hapsburg, house of, 4, 16, 19, 98, 119; - in Swabia, 126; - acquires Austria, 10, 127; - acquires Carinthia, 107; - acquires Tyrol, 120; - partition of territories, 137, 398; - acquires Hungary and Bohemia, 399, 401, 410; - hold on imperial crown, 400; - loses Hungary and Bohemia, 413,414; - acquires the Netherlands, 388, 389, 416; - reunion of territories, 404, 409, 417. - - Hawkwood, John, 151, 167, 179; - death of, 180. - - Hedwig, Queen of Poland, marries Jagello of Lithuania, 190, 191, 459. - - Helsingborg, siege of, 434, 438. - - Henry VII., Emperor, 17, 18, 129, 457; - in Italy, 39-42; - death, 42, 98. - - —— of Trastamara (Henry II.), 472; - claims crown of Castile, 93, 473; - gains it, 94, 474. - - —— III. of Castile, 475. - - —— IV. (the Impotent) of Castile, 476, 477. - - —— IV., King of England, 323, 324, 26, 459. - - —— V., King of England, 218, 327-333. - - —— VI. of England, 334. - - —— VII., King of England, 391, 392. - - —— Duke of Lower Bavaria, 3. - - —— Duke of Carinthia and Count of Tyrol, 15; - King of Bohemia, 16; - deposed, 18; - death, 106. - - —— Count of Holstein, 444, 445. - - —— of Mecklenburg, marries Ingeborg of Denmark, 436, 442. - - —— the Navigator, 491, 492. - - —— of Wettin, Margrave of Meissen, 3. - - _Hermandad_, in Castile, 470, 471. - - Hermann von Salza, 454. - - Hermanstadt, 507. - - Herrings, battle of the, 340. - - Hesse, Lewis of, 402. - - Hohenstaufen, house of, 2, 400. - - - Hohenzollern, Frederick of, 202, 203, 213, 214, 222, 395, 399, 400, - 402; - receives Brandenburg (1415), 215; - attempted reforms in Germany, 226, 227, 228; - death, 403. - - —— house of, 4, 400; - acquires Brandenburg, 215. - - Holland, 14; - acquired by house of Wittelsbach, 75, 108, 320; - acquired by dukes of Burgundy, 321, 337, 339. - - Holstein, relations with Denmark, 430, 434, 435, 438; - united with Schleswig, 442, 444, 445; - acquired by Christian of Oldenburg and made a duchy, 447. - - Honorius IV., 28. - - Humanism, 524, 532. - - Humbert, the last Dauphin of Vienne, 78. - - Hungary, succession in, 15; - passes to house of Anjou, 15, 26; - acquired by Sigismund, 191; - accession of Albert of Austria, 399; - accession of Ladislas of Poland, 409, 507; - accession of Ladislas Postumus, 410; - election of Mathias Corvinus, 414; - falls to house of Jagellon, 417, 465. - - Hunyadi, John, 410, 411, 507, 508; - relieves Belgrade, 412, 511; - death, 412, 511. - - —— Ladislas, 412, 413. - - Hus, John, 207, 209, 210; - goes to Constance, 211; - imprisoned, 214; - trial, 216; - executed, 217. - - Husinec, Nicolas of, 223, 225. - - - Iconium, Turkish sultans of, 495, 498, 499. - - India, trade with, 491. - - Indies, the West, 492. - - Ingeborg, daughter of Waldemar III., 442, 443. - - Innocent VI., 117, 160, 161. - - —— VII., 187. - - Interregnum, the Great, 6. - - Isabel of Bavaria, wife of Charles VI. of France, 321, 330, 332. - - Isabella of Castile, 476, 477, 487, 488, 489. - - —— of France, wife of Edward II., 53, 65. - - —— of Portugal, wife of John II. of Castile, 476. - - Italy, 20; - causes of disunion in, 21-23. - - - Jacqueline of Hainault, 337, 339. - - Jacques Cœur, 352; - fall of, 358. - - Jacquetta of Luxemburg, 346. - - - Jagello, 191, 192, 459. - _See_ Ladislas V. of Poland. - - Jagellon house in Poland, 183, 191, 208, 225, 410, 459, 466; - acquires Bohemia, 415, 416, 465; - acquires Hungary, 417, 466. - - James I. (the Conqueror) of Aragon, 479. - - —— II. of Aragon, 25, 26, 480. - - —— III. of Aragon, 480. - - Janissaries, formation of the, 500. - - Janow, Mathias of, 207. - - Jeanne, heiress of Champagne and Navarre, wife of Philip IV. of France, - 48, 49, 53. - - —— daughter of Louis X., 63; - excluded from the succession in France, 64; - Queen of Navarre, 66; - death, 79. - - —— Countess of Blois, 73, 77. - - —— Darc, 334, 340-345. - - Jerome of Prag, 208, 217. - - Jews, expelled from Spain, 489. - - Joanna I., Queen of Naples, 152, 153, 154, 186. - - —— II., Queen of Naples, 155, 267. - - —— of Portugal, wife of Henry IV. of Castile, 477. - - —— ‘la Beltraneja,’ 477, 492. - - —— Henriquez, second wife of John II. of Aragon, 485, 486. - - Jobst of Moravia, 123; - receives Brandenburg from Sigismund, 191, 193; - candidate for empire, 201, 202; - death, 203. - - John XXII., 99, 145; - his heresy, 101; - death, 102. - - - —— XXIII., elected Pope, 201; - quarrel with Naples, 204, 211, 267, 268; - summons Council of Constance, 205; - conduct at Constance, 213-215; - deposed, 216, 217; - death, 221. - - —— I. of Aragon, 482, 483. - - —— II. of Aragon, 484, 485, 486, 487. - - —— King of Bohemia, 18, 75, 98, 107, 112; - his expedition to Italy, 144, 145, 146; - crusade in Prussia, 459; - death of, 76, 108. - - —— III., Duke of Brittany, death of, 73. - - —— the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, 321-332; - murder of, 332, 338. - - —— of Calabria, 260, 299, 486; - joins League of the Public Weal, 365, 367. - - John I. of Castile, 474, 475. - - —— II. of Castile, 475, 476. - - —— or Hans, King of Denmark and Norway, 447, 448. - - —— I., posthumous son of Louis X., 64. - - —— II., King of France, 79-90; - captured at Poitiers, 81; - death of, 89. - - —— of Gaunt, 95; - relations with Castile, 474. - - —— V., Greek Emperor, 171, 234, 236, 500, 501, 502, 503; - death of, 504. - - —— VI., Greek Emperor, 236, 506, 509. - - —— Cantacuzenos, 498, 499, 500; - crowned Emperor, 501; - abdicates, 502. - - —— Palæologus, nephew and colleague of Manuel II., 504, 505. - - —— of Hapsburg assassinates his uncle, Albert I., 16. - - —— I. of Portugal, 474, 491. - - —— II. of Portugal, 492. - - —— of Procida, 24. - - John Henry, Margrave of Moravia, 107. - - Joinville, 49. - - Julius II., 281, 287. - - Justiciar of Aragon, the, 478, 479. - - - Kaffa, in the Crimea, 168, 170, 495, 513. - - Kalisch, treaty of, 458. - - Kalmar, union of, 183, 443, 444, 445, 446, 447, 449, 460. - - Karl Knudson, 445; - King in Sweden, 446; - deposed, 447, 448. - - Katharine of France marries Henry V., 332. - - Ketteler, Gotthard, 466. - - Kniprode, Winzig von, 458, 459. - - Königsberg, 456, 462, 464. - - Korybut, 225. - - Kossova, battle of, 503; - second battle of, 508. - - Kremsier, Milecz of, 207. - - Kroja, 256. - - Kulm, 454, 455. - - Kulmerland, 454, 455. - - - Ladislas, King of Naples, 155, 195, 196, 197, 199, 204, 211, 245, 246, - 266, 289; - death of, 205, 267. - - —— Postumus, 360, 409; - succeeds in Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary, 410; - released from guardianship, 411; - death, 413. - - - Ladislas V. of Poland (_see_ Jagello), 191, 225, 459, 460. - - —— VI. of Poland, King of Hungary, 409, 507; - killed at Varna, 410, 508. - - —— King of Bohemia and Hungary, 465. - - —— King of Bohemia, 416; - King of Hungary, 407. - - Lahnstein, imperial election at, 195. - - Lampugnani, Andrea, 261. - - Lancaster, Henry of, 74, 77. - - Lausanne, interview at, 9. - - Lecoq, Robert, Bishop of Laon, 83. - - Leghorn. _See_ Livorno. - - Leipzig, University of, 210. - - Leo X., 285; - furthers the Renaissance, 522. - - Leopold of Hapsburg, son of Albert I., 129. - - —— —— son of Albert II., 136, 213; - shares the Hapsburg territories with Albert III., 137, 398; - killed at Sempach, 138, 189, 398. - - Lesbos, taken by the Turks, 512. - - Levant, trade in, 167, 168, 256, 492. - - Lewis the Bavarian, 98; - quarrel with the Papacy, 90-103; - causes of failure, 103; - his visit to Italy, 104, 105; - his policy of territorial aggrandisement, 75, 106, 107; - confirms the Swiss League, 130; - death, 108, 110. - - —— of Brandenburg, son of Lewis the Bavarian, 107, 108; - death, 120. - - —— the Roman, brother and successor of above, 120. - - —— the Great, King of Hungary and Poland, 121, 123, 459; - expedition to Naples, 152, 153; - war with Venice, 171; - death, 190, 459. - - —— II., Count of Flanders, 70, 76, 77. - - - —— de Mâle, Count of Flanders, 77, 78; - death of, 320. - - —— II., Count Palatine and Duke of Upper Bavaria, 3, 8, 10. - - —— Elector Palatine, 213. - - —— of Taranto, 152, 153. - - Liége, attacked by Charles the Bold, 368, 369, 370, 371. - - Limoges, massacre at, 95. - - Lipan, battle of, 232. - - Lippi, Filippo, 528. - - —— Filippino, 528. - - Lithuania, 421, 453, 458; - united with Poland, 191, 459, 460. - - Livonia, 421, 453; - Order of the Sword in, 454, 465, 466. - - - Livorno, annexed to Florence, 167, 289. - - Lodi, treaty of, 253, 298. - - London, German _hansa_ in, 426, 427. - - Loredano, Antonio, 256. - - Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, 527, 528. - - Loria, Roger di, 49. - - Lorraine, succession in, 345; - seized by Charles the Bold, 383, 385. - - Louis IX. of France, death of, 46. - - —— X. of France, 44, 62; - death of, 63. - - —— XI., King of France, 261; - as Dauphin, 354, 358, 359, 360; - accession, 361; - character and policy, 362; - reign, 361-390. - - —— XII., King of France, 258, 259, 264, 391. - - —— I. of Anjou, Count of Provence and titular King of Naples, 154, 190, - 317. - - —— II. of Anjou, 155, 195, 198, 266, 269, 326, 330. - - —— III. of Anjou, 269, 335; - claim to Aragon, 483; - death, 271. - - —— de Mâle, Count of Flanders, 316, 318, 320. - _See_ Lewis de Mâle. - - —— Duke of Orleans, brother of Charles VI., 319, 321; - assassination of, 198, 218, 322. - - Lübeck, 6, 183, 422, 423; - alliance with Hamburg, 427, 428; - leadership in Hanseatic League, 439; - visit of Charles IV. to, 187, 441; - retains independence, 451. - - Lucca, under Castruccio Castracani, 142, 143; - under John of Bohemia, 145; - disputed between Florence and Verona, 146, 147; - seized by the Pisans, 147. - - Luna, Peter de (Benedict XIII.), 187, 194, 197. - - Luther, Martin, 525. - - Luxemburg, duchy of, 17, 123; - acquired by Philip the Good, 339, 359, 538. - - —— house of, 4, 16, 17, 19, 112, 119, 123, 184, 185, 192, 195, 201; - gains Bohemia, 18; - gains Brandenburg, 120; - gains Hungary, 190-192; - extinction of male line, 397; - extinction of, 414. - - Luxemburg, John of, captor of Jeanne Darc, 344. - - Luzern joins the Swiss Confederation, 130, 131. - - Lyons, 12; - seized by Philip IV. of France, 18, 56. - - - Macalo, battle of, 249, 250. - - Madeira, 491. - - Magnus, King of Sweden, 431, 432, 433, 434, 435; - deposed, 436. - - _Maillotins_, the, 317, 318. - - Mainz, Pragmatic Sanction of, 237. - - Majorca, kingdom of, 481, 482. - - Malatesta, Carlo, 249. - - —— Pandolfo, 291. - - Mantegna, Andrea, 528. - - Mantua, Congress of, 277. - - Manuel II., Greek Emperor, 504, 505, 506. - - Marcel, Etienne, 82-88. - - Marchfeld, battle of the, 10. - - Margaret of Anjou, 278; - marries Henry VI. of England, 356; - reconciled with Warwick, 372; - defeated at Tewkesbury, 373. - - —— of Artois, daughter of Philip V., 67, 90. - - —— of Burgundy, first wife of Louis X., 63. - - —— heiress of Flanders, Artois, and Franche-Comté, 320, 541. - - —— daughter of Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, betrothed to Dauphin, - 388; - repudiated by Charles VIII., 392, 417. - - —— Maultasch, 106; - Countess of Tyrol, 107; - death of her son, 119. - - —— daughter of Waldemar III., marries Hakon of Norway, 435, 436, 442; - arranges Union of Kalmar, 443; - war with Holstein and death, 444. - - —— daughter of Christian I., marries James III. of Scotland, 448. - - —— of York, marries Charles the Bold, 370. - - Maria of Hungary, marries Sigismund, 190, 191, 192. - - Marienburg, 457, 461, 464. - - Marienwerder, 455. - - Marigny, Enguerrand de, 62. - - Marin Falier, 169. - - _Marmousets_, the, 318, 321. - - Marsiglio of Padua, 100; - death, 105. - - Marsilio Carrara, 143, 147. - - Martin IV., 28. - - - —— V., election of, 220; - returns to Rome, 221, 267-269; - publishes crusade against the Hussites, 224; - summons Council of Siena, 228; - death, 229, 270. - - —— I. of Aragon, 482, 483. - - —— the Younger of Aragon, 482, 483. - - Mary of Aragon, wife of John II. of Castile, 476. - - —— of Burgundy, 386, 387; - marries Maximilian, 388; - death, 388. - - —— of Sicily, marries Martin the Younger of Aragon, 482. - - Masaccio, 528. - - Masovia, Konrad of, 454, 455. - - Mastino della Scala, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 169. - - Mathias Corvinus, 277, 279; - elected King of Hungary, 414; - relations with Bohemia, 415; - war with Austria, 416; - death, 417. - - Matthew Cantacuzenos, 502. - - Maximilian I., 466; - marries Mary of Burgundy, 388, 416; - elected King of the Romans, 417. - - Medici, Cosimo de’, 290, 292; - exiled, 293; - recalled, 294; - rule in Florence, 295-299; - patronage of literature, 524. - - —— Giovanni de’, 290, 291, 292. - - —— Lorenzo de’, the Magnificent, 282; - rule in Florence, 302-312; - relations with Innocent VIII., 285; - his poems, 524; - death, 263, 286, 312. - - —— Maddalena de’, 285. - - —— Piero (I.) de’, 299-302. - - —— —— (II.) de’, 263, 313; - flight from Florence, 314. - - —— Salvestro de’, 164, 165, 290. - - —— Vieri de’, 166, 290. - - Meinhard, Count of Tyrol and Duke of Carinthia, 10. - - —— son of Margaret Maultasch, 119; - death, 120. - - Meloria, battle of, 31, 168. - - Mercenary troops in Italy, 149-151; - in France, 94, 333, 351, 352. - - Michael VIII. (Palæologus), 494, 496. - - —— Angelo, 528, 529, 530. - - —— of Cesena, 100. - - Mocenigo, Tommaso, 248, 249. - - Mohammed I., 505, 506. - - —— II., 255, 256, 273, 279, 406, 411, 412, 508, 509; - takes Constantinople, 510; - conquers the Balkan provinces, 511; - conquers Greece, 511-513; - death, 283, 513. - - Molai, Jacques de, 56. - - Moldau, the, 113. - - Mons-en-Puelle, battle of, 54. - - Montefeltro, Federigo da, 307. - - Montereau, 332, 338. - - Montesecco, 305, 307. - - Montfort, John de, claims Brittany, 73, 74. - - —— —— son of above, John IV. of Brittany, 74, 92, 96. - - Montiel, battle of, 94, 474. - - Mont-lhéri, battle of, 366. - - Morat, 380, 384; - battle of, 385. - - Moravia, 107, 123; - annexed to Bohemia, 204. - - Morea, 495, 511; - conquered by the Turks, 256, 512; - Venetian possessions in, 495, 512, 513. - - Moreale, Fra, 151. - - Morgarten, battle of, 130. - - Mühldorf, battle of, 99. - - Murad. _See_ Amurath. - - Murcia, annexed to Castile, 468, 469, 470, 479. - - - Näfels, battle of, 138. - - Najara, battle of, 93, 94, 473. - - Namur, acquired by Philip the Good, 339. - - Naples, 23; - acquired by first house of Anjou, 24; - under Joanna I., 152-154; - claimed by second house of Anjou, 154, 155, 266, 267, 269, 271, 275, - 277, 278, 542; - acquired by Alfonso V. of Aragon, 271; - passes to Ferrante, 275; - rising against Ferrante, 285, 286, 312; - claimed by Charles VIII., 279, 287, 313, 392. - - Narbonne, conference at, 218. - - Nassau, John of, Archbishop of Mainz, 212, 213, 215. - - Navarre, united with France, 48, 65, 484; - severed from France on accession of Valois line, 66, 484; - united with Aragon, 485; - independent after death of John II., 487; - split into Spanish and French Navarre, 487, 550. - - Navarrette, battle of, 93, 473. - - Negropont, 168; - taken by the Turks, 256, 513. - - _Neri_, the, 22. - - Neroni, Diotisalvi, 299, 301, 302. - - Netherlands, the, acquired by Valois, Dukes of Burgundy, 320, 321, 339, - 359. - - Neumark, the, 465. - - Neuss, besieged by Charles the Bold, 379, 381, 416. - - Nevill’s Cross, battle of, 77. - - Neville, Anne, marries Prince of Wales, 372. - - —— Isabel, marries Duke of Clarence, 372. - - Nicæa, 494, 498; - taken by the Turks, 499. - - Niccolo da Pisano, 530. - - Nicolas, son of John of Calabria, 278; - death, 378. - - —— III., 24, 27. - - —— IV., 28. - - —— V., 272, 273, 274, 522, 524. - - Nicopolis, battle of, 193, 202, 322, 403, 504. - - Nissa, 507. - - Northampton, treaty of, 68. - - Novgorod, German ‘factory’ at, 425, 429. - - Novigrad, 191. - - - Ockham, William of, 100. - - Olaf, King of Denmark and Norway, 442; - death, 443. - - Oleggio, Giovanni d’, 177. - - Olgiati, Girolamo, 261, 262. - - Oliva, Christian of, 454, 455. - - Orcagna, Andrea, 527. - - Orchan, 499; - his government, 500; - death, 502. - - Ordinances of Justice in Florence, 32. - - Orkneys transferred from Denmark to Scotland, 448. - - Orleans, siege of, 340, 341; - states-general of, 352. - - —— Charles, Duke of, 326, 329, 335; - release of, 346. - - —— Louis, Duke of, 321, 322; - assassination of, 198, 218, 322. - - —— —— Duke of, afterwards Louis XII., 258, 259, 264, 390, 391. - - Orsini, the house of, 28, 156, 270, 313. - - —— Clarice, 302, 313. - - Orvieto, cathedral of, 531. - - Osterlings or Easterlings, 428. - - Othman, 499. - - Otranto, occupied by the Turks, 283, 285, 310, 513. - - Otto of Brandenburg, cedes the electorate to Charles IV., 120. - - —— IV., Count of Burgundy, 56. - - Ottokar, King of Bohemia, 3, 8; - crusade in Prussia, 456; - war with Rudolf I., 9, 10; - death, 10. - - Ottoman Turks, origin of, 499; - their conquests in Europe, 502, 503, 504, 507, 508; - they capture Constantinople, 510; - further conquests, 511, 512, 513, 514. - - - Padilla, Maria de, 472, 473. - - Padua, subjected to Milan, 179; - revolt of, 180; - seized by Venice, 245. - - Palermo, rising at, 25. - - Palladio, architect, 531. - - Papal States, 26, 27. - - Paris, University of, 194, 197, 201, 209. - - Parliament, the model (1295), 60. - - —— of Paris, the, 59. - - —— the Florentine, 33. - - Patay, battle of, 341. - - Paul II., 280, 415. - - Pavia, Council at, 228. - - Pazzi, conspiracy of the, 262, 282, 305-307. - - —— Francesco, 305, 306. - - —— Jacopo, 305, 306. - - Pecquigni, treaty of, 382. - - Pelekanon, battle of, 499. - - Peniscola, 221. - - Pera, suburb of Constantinople, 168, 178, 495. - - Péronne, interview at, 370; - treaty of, 371. - - Perpignan, 198; - death of Philip III. at, 49. - - Perugino, Pietro, 528. - - Peter III., King of Aragon and Sicily, 24, 25, 48, 479, 480, 481. - - —— IV., King of Aragon, 481, 482. - - —— I. (the Cruel) of Castile, 93, 94, 472-474. - - Petit, Jean, 218, 323. - - Petrarch, 114, 523. - - _Pfahlbürger_, 18, 117, 188. - - Philadelphia, 499, 504. - - Philip de Rouvre, Duke and Count of Burgundy, 79, 320; - death of, 89. - - —— I. (the Bold) of Burgundy, 81, 90, 315, 317, 319, 320, 321, 324; - death of, 322. - - —— II. (the Good) of Burgundy, 332, 333, 336, 349, 359, 361, 364, 405; - quarrel with Gloucester, 337; - acquisitions in the Netherlands, 339, 360; - hands over Jeanne Darc, 344; - rupture with Bedford, 346; - makes treaty of Arras, 347-348; - death of, 369. - - —— III., King of France, 46-49; - acquires marquisate of Provence, 47; - Champagne and Navarre, 48; - wars in Spain, 48, 49. - - —— IV., King of France, 14, 16, 19; - reign, 49-62; - quarrel with Boniface VIII., 29, 54; - wars with England, 53-55; - war in Flanders, 53, 54; - suppresses the Templars, 55; - administrative reforms, 56-61; - annexes Lyons, 18, 56; - death, 62. - - —— V., King of France, marries heiress of Franche-Comté, 56; - accession of, 64; - death, 65. - - —— VI. of France, 106; - accession to the throne, 65, 66; - reign, 66-79; - war with Flanders, 70; - war with England, 72-77; - annexes Dauphiné, 78. - - Philippa, daughter of John of Gaunt, 474, 475. - - Platina, 280. - - Plauen, Henry of, 463. - - Piccinino, Jacopo, 278, 285, 309. - - —— Niccolo, 249, 251, 292. - - - Piccolomini, Æneas Sylvius, 234, 235, 239-241, 272, 276, 405, 524. - _See_ Pius II. - - Pisa, decline of, 31; - supports Ghibellines, 141; - loses her maritime importance, 168; - Council of, 198, 199, 200, 210, 211; - subjected to Milan, 180; - subjected to Florence, 167, 244. - - Pisani, Niccolo, 170, 171. - - —— Vettor, 172. - - Pistoia, annexed to Florence, 167. - - Pitti, Luca, 297, 299, 301. - - - Pius II., 255, 276-280, 415. - _See_ Piccolomini, Æneas Sylvius. - - Podiebrad, George, 401, 410, 413; - King of Bohemia, 414; - war with Hungary, 415; - death, 416. - - Poggio Bracciolini, 523, 524. - - —— Imperiale, 308. - - Poitiers, battle of, 81. - - Poland, 183, 190, 455, 467; - united with Lithuania, 191, 192, 459; - wars with the Teutonic Knights, 458, 460, 464, 465. - - Politiano, 524. - - Pomerania, 209, 453, 455. - - Pomerellen, 458. - - Porcaro, Stefano, 273. - - Portolungo, battle of, 171. - - Porto Santo, 491. - - Portugal, 468, 490; - its share in geographical discovery, 491, 492, 493. - - Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 237, 355, 363, 406. - - Prague, University of, 113; - disputes between the Bohemians and the other nations, 209; - exodus of Germans from, 210; - four articles of, 223, 231; - death of Ladislas Postumus at, 413. - - _Praguerie_, the, 46, 353, 354. - - Premyslides, dynasty of, in Bohemia, 15 - - Privilege of union in Aragon, 481; - revoked, 482. - - Procida, John of, 24. - - Prokop, son of John Henry of Moravia, 123. - - —— Hussite leader, 225, 227, 228; - attends Council of Basel, 231; - killed, 232. - - Provence, 12; - marquisate of, 47, 56; - county of, 9, 47; - acquired by first house of Anjou, 24; - acquired by second house of Anjou, 154; - united with France, 279. - - Prussia, 55, 209, 453, 454; - conquered by Teutonic Knights, 455, 456, 457; - divided into east and west, 465. - - Prussian League, 463, 464. - - Public Weal, war of the, 46, 365-367. - - Puritanism, 532. - - - Raphael, 528, 529. - - _Reichstädte_, 5. - - Renaissance, the, 20, 518, 519; - prominence of Italy in, 520; - Papal patronage of, 521; - in literature, 522-525; - in art, 525-532; - its relation with the Reformation, 532; - stimulates education, 533. - - Réné le Bon, 260, 271, 354, 378, 486; - claims Lorraine, 345, 346; - relations with Charles the Bold, 383, 389; - death of, 389. - - —— of Lorraine, 279, 286, 312, 378, 381, 385; - claims Provence, 391. - - Rense, meeting of electors at, 102, 106, 117. - - Reuchlin, 525. - - Reutlingen, battle of, 121. - - Rheims, coronation of Charles VII. at, 341. - - Rhodes, held by Knights of St. John, 55, 457, 495, 512. - - Riario, Girolamo, 281, 282, 283, 304, 305. - - —— Piero, 281. - - —— Raffaelle, 306. - - Ricci, the, 164. - - Richard of Cornwall, 6; - death of, 7. - - —— II., King of England, 208, 323, 325. - - Richemont, Arthur of, 329, 336; - Constable of France, 338, 339, 346, 347, 350, 352. - - Rienzi, Cola di, 156-161. - - Riga, Bishop of, 454. - - _Ritterschaft_, in Germany, 5. - - Robbia, Luca della, 530. - - Robert, Count of Artois, 53. - - —— of Artois, grandson of above, 67. - - —— King of Naples, 26, 42, 99, 140, 141, 153. - - —— I., King of Scotland, 68. - - Rocca Secca, battle of, 204, 266. - - Roosebek, battle of, 318. - - Rosenberg, Ulrich von, 410. - - Roussillon, ceded to France, 389, 486; - restored to Aragon, 392, 487. - - Rovere, Giovanni della, 281. - - —— Giuliano della, 281 (Pope Julius II.). - - —— Lionardo della, 281. - - Rovigo, 257; - polesina of, 311. - - Rudolf III. of Hapsburg, chosen King of the Romans (Rudolf I.), 8; - relations with Papacy, 9, 24, 26; - war with Ottokar, 9, 10; - action in Swabia, 126, 127; - death, 11. - - —— IV. of Hapsburg, 120, 136; - activity in Swabia and death, 137. - - Rupert III., Elector Palatine and King of the Romans, 151, 181, 195, - 196; - death, 201. - - Russia, 467. - - - Sachsenhausen, imperial election at, 98. - - St. Jacob, battle of, 408. - - St. John, Knights of, 55, 56, 453; - occupy Rhodes, 457, 495, 512. - - St. Pol, Count of, Constable of France, 365, 367, 373, 374, 375; - capture and death, 382, 383. - - St. Maur des Fossés, treaty of, 367. - - St. Tron, battle of, 369. - - Salado, battle of the, 471. - - Salic Law, the so-called, 64, 73. - - Salviati, Francesco, 305, 306, 307. - - Salza, Hermann von, 454. - - Sancho IV. of Castile, 48, 470. - - _Santa Hermandad_, 488. - - Sapienza, battle of, 171. - - Sardinia, 168, 170; - acquired by King of Aragon, 480. - - Sarto, Andrea del, 529. - - Sarzana, 309, 312. - - Savelli, the family of, 28. - - Savonarola, attitude towards art, 532. - - Savoy, 12; - relations with Charles the Bold, 380, 384, 385. - - Scali, Giorgio, 165. - - Scaligers, their rule in Verona, 141, 143, 147. - - Scanderbeg, 255, 256, 508, 513. - - Scarampo, 272. - - Schaffhausen, 215. - - Schauenburg, house of, in Holstein, 444, 445, 446. - - Schleswig, united with Holstein, 442, 444, 445; - acquired by Christian I. of Denmark, 447. - - Schwartzburg, Gunther of, 111. - - Schwiz, canton of Swiss League, 126, 127, 407. - - Scutari in Albania, 256, 308. - - Selim I. conquers Egypt, 514. - - Semendria, siege of, 401, 507. - - Sempach, battle of, 138, 189. - - Senlis, treaty of, 393. - - Servia, under Stephen Dushan, 501; - attacked by the Turks, 503, 507, 508; - made a Turkish province, 511. - - Seville, 468. - - Sforza, Ascanio, 287. - - —— Attendolo, 151, 267, 268; - death of, 269. - - —— Caterina, 282. - - —— Francesco, 249, 250, 251, 292; - Duke of Milan, 252, 253, 259, 298; - relations with France, 260, 365; - death of, 261, 300. - - —— Galeazzo Maria, 261, 282, 300, 305; - relations with Burgundy, 380, 384. - - —— Gian Galeazzo, 262, 263, 264. - - —— Ippolita, 260. - - —— Ludovico, il Moro, 262, 263, 264, 286, 392. - - Shetland Islands, transferred to Scotland, 448. - - Sicilian Vespers, 25, 48, 140, 479, 496. - - Sicily, 23; - acquired by Charles I. of Anjou, 24; - transferred to house of Aragon, 25, 26, 48, 50, 140, 479, 480; - united with Aragonese crown, 26, 482, 484. - - Siena, 18, 31, 244; - Council at, 228; - cathedral of, 531. - - Sigismund, second son of Charles IV., 121; - inherits Brandenburg, 123; - acquires Hungary, 190-192, 201; - pawns Brandenburg to Jobst, 193; - fights at Nicopolis, 193, 504; - elected King of the Romans, 202, 203, 204; - forces Pope to summon Council of Constance, 205; - gives safe-conduct to Hus, 211; - action at the Council, 212-220; - succeeds in Bohemia, 224, 232; - death, 239. - - —— of Tyrol, 398, 408; - relations with Charles the Bold, 377, 378, 379, 409. - - Signorelli, Luca, 528. - - Silesia, 209. - - Simonetta, Francesco, 261, 262. - - Sirk, Jacob von, Archbishop of Trier, 240, 241, 405. - - Sixtus IV., 257, 281-284; - quarrel with Florence, 304-310; - establishes Inquisition in Spain, 489. - - Skaania, province of, 433, 438; - fishing stations in, 428, 450. - - Slavs in Northern Germany, 288, 420; - subjected to German rule, 421, 453, 456; - revolt against German influences, 208, 209, 210, 225, 228, 460, 465. - - Sluys, naval battle off, 72. - - Soderini, Niccolo, 299, 300, 301, 302. - - —— Tommaso, 302, 304. - - Somme Towns, the, ceded to Burgundy, 348; - recovered by Louis XI., 364; - restored, 367; - again recovered, 386, 388. - - Soncino, battle of, 250. - - Sorel, Agnes, 347, 354, 358. - - Sound, channel of the, 428, 437, 438, 439. - - States-General, origin of the, 59, 60; - meeting at Orleans (1439), 352; - meeting at Tours (1484), 390, 391. - - Stephen, duke of Bavaria, 109, 120. - - Stephen Dushan, King of Servia, 501. - - Stralsund, treaty of, 121, 438, 439, 441. - - Strozzi, Tommaso, 165. - - Sture, Sten, 448. - - —— Sten the Younger, 449. - - —— Svante, 448. - - Suffolk, William, Duke of, 356. - - Suleiman, son of Orchan, 502. - - Swabia, duchy of, 2, 8, 125, 126; - Hapsburg possessions in, 137, 213, 377, 379, 398, 407, 409. - - Swabian League, 137, 138, 184, 187, 188, 189. - - Swiss Confederation, 19, 183, 189; - rise of, 124-138; - at war with Frederick III., 408; - at war with Charles the Bold, 379, 380, 384, 385, 409. - - Sword, Order of the, 454; - united with Teutonic Order, 453; - recovers independence, 465; - dissolved, 466. - - Szegedin, treaty of, 507, 508. - - - Taborites, extreme Hussites, 224; - their defeat at Lipan, 232. - - Tagliacozzo, battle of, 24. - - _Taille_, the, made a royal tax, 353. - - Tannegui du Châtel, 331, 332, 338. - - Tannenberg, battle of, 396, 460. - - Tarifa, 471. - - Tauss, battle of, 228. - - Templars, the, 452; - suppression of, 50, 55, 56, 456. - - Teutonic Order, 19, 55, 183, 191, 208; - foundation of, 452; - conquers Prussia, 455, 456; - transferred to Prussia, 457; - at the zenith of its power, 458; - war with Poland, 460; - decline of, 461-466. - - Tewkesbury, battle of, 373. - - Thessalonica, 503, 505; - conquered by the Turks, 507. - - Thorn, 455, 462; - first peace of (1411), 461; - second peace of (1466), 465. - - Tiepolo, Bajamonte, 39. - - Timour, the Tartar leader, 193, 505. - - Tintoretto, 529. - - Titian, 526, 529. - - Tordesillas, treaty of, 493. - - Torquemada, 489. - - Torre, Guido della, 36, 40, 41. - - —— Martino della, 35. - - Tours, States-General at, 390. - - Trastamara, Henry of, 93, 94, 472, 473. - - —— House of, acquires crown of Castile, 474; - acquires crown of Aragon, 483. - - Trebizond, Empire of, 495, 513. - - Tremouille, George de la, 339, 340, 346, 347. - - Treviso, 143, 245; - subjected to Venice, 147, 171; - lost by Venice, 174; - recovered, 179. - - Trivulzio, Gian Jacopo, 308. - - Troyes, treaty of, 332, 333. - - Turin, peace of, 174. - - Tyler, Wat, 316. - - Tyrol, county of, 10, 15; - passes to Margaret Maultasch, 107, 108; - acquired by Hapsburgs, 120. - - - Unterwalden, 126, 127. - - Urban V., 122, 161, 162, 185, 503. - - —— VI., election of, 122, 162, 185, 186. - - Urgel, house of, 481, 482, 483. - - Uri, 126; - united with Schwiz and Unterwalden, 127. - - Uzzano, Niccolo da, 289, 290, 292. - - - Valencia, 478; - annexed to Aragon, 480. - - Valla, Lorenzo, 524, 525. - - Valois, house of, 45; - accession in France, 65, 66; - dukes of Burgundy, 90, 184, 320, 321. - - Varna, battle of, 410, 508. - - Vaudemont, Antony of, 345. - - —— Frederick of, 346. - - —— Réné of, 378. - - Venaissin, the, 30, 47. - - Venice, constitution of, 36-39; - policy of, 140, 247, 248; - rivalry with Genoa, 168-173, 255; - relations with Greek Empire, 255, 495, 502, 509; - acquisitions on the mainland, 245, 249, 258, 259; - war with the Turks, 255, 256, 512, 513; - war with Ferrara, 251, 283, 284, 311; - decline of, 259. - - Verdun, treaty of, 43. - - Verme, Jacopo del, 167, 179, 181. - - Verneuil, battle of, 337. - - Verona, 20, 143, 147; - annexed to Milan, 179; - acquired by Venice, 245. - - Verrocchio, Andrea, 530. - - Viana, Charles of, 485, 486, 487. - - Vicenza, 143, 179; - acquired by Venice, 245. - - Vienne, Dauphins of, 78. - - —— Jean de, 77. - - Vinci, Leonardo da, 529. - - Visconti, Azzo, 143, 145, 174, 175. - - —— Bernabo, 161, 175, 176, 177. - - —— Carlo, 261. - - —— Caterina, 243, 245. - - —— Filippo Maria, 243, 271; - character, 246; - restores duchy of Milan, 247; - quarrel with Eugenius IV., 231, 239; - war with Florence, 249; - war with Venice, 249, 270; - death, 251. - - —— Galeazzo, 142, 143. - - —— Gian Galeazzo, 167, 174, 176; - obtains sole rule in Milan, 177; - his aggressions, 178, 179, 180; - made Duke of Milan, 194; - death, 181, 196, 287. - - —— Gian Maria, 243; - death, 244. - - —— Giovanni, Archbishop and Lord of Milan, 170, 174, 175. - - —— Lucchino, 175. - - —— Matteo, 36, 40, 140; - imperial vicar in Milan, 41. - - —— Matteo II., 175. - - —— Otto, Archbishop of Milan, 36. - - —— Stefano, 174, 175. - - —— Valentina, marries Louis of Orleans, 178, 252, 321, 325. - - —— Virida, 176, 252. - - Vistula, valley of the, 453, 455, 465. - - _Vitalien-Bruder_, 443. - - Vitelleschi, Cardinal, 272. - - - Waldemar of Brandenburg, death of, 107; - the false, 110, 111. - - Waldemar III., King of Denmark, 121, 420, 433; - wars with the Hanse towns, 183, 434-438; - death, 442. - - Waldhäuser, Konrad, 207. - - Wallachia, 507; - annexed by the Turks, 511. - - Warwick, Earl of, the King-maker, 365, 372, 373. - - Welf, house of, 3. - - Wendish towns, 426, 431, 432, 435. - - Wenzel II., King of Bohemia, 9, 10; - death, 15. - - —— III. of Bohemia, 15. - - —— brother of Charles IV., 123; - marries Duchess of Brabant and Limburg, 119. - - —— eldest son of Charles IV., 112, 137, 187, 188; - elected King of the Romans, 121; - King of Bohemia, 123; - opposition in Germany, 192; - troubles in Bohemia, 192-193; - visit to France, 194; - declared deposed, 195; - death of, 224. - - Wettin, house of, 3; - obtains Saxony, 226. - - —— Frederick of, 16. - - Wisby, 425, 427, 429, 432; - captured by Waldemar III., 433. - - Wittelsbach, house of, 3, 118; - divided into two branches, 115; - acquisitions of, under Lewis the Bavarian, 75, 107, 108; - opposition to Wenzel, 192. - - Woodville, Elizabeth, 365, 374. - - Wordingborg, treaty of, 436. - - Würtemberg, 187. - - —— Eberhard of, 189. - - Wyclif, John, 207, 208. - - - Yolande of Aragon, wife of Louis II. of Anjou and mother-in-law of - Charles VII. of France, 335, 336, 338, 341, 483. - - —— daughter of Réné le Bon, 278, 346. - - —— sister of Louis XI., 380, 384. - - York, Richard, Duke of, 357. - - - Zagonara, battle of, 291. - - Zeno, Carlo, 172, 173. - - Ziska, John, 223, 225, 460. - - Zug, a Swiss canton, 134, 135, 136, 138, 189. - - Zürich, 131, 134, 136, 138; - joins the Swiss League, 132; - war with the other cantons, 407, 408. - - - - -[Illustration: France.] - -[Illustration: Burgundy.] - -[Illustration: Italy.] - -[Illustration: Swiss Confederation.] - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - ○ Text that was in bold face is enclosed by equals signs (=bold=). - ○ Notes printed in the margin of the book have been moved into the - paragraphs near where they appear, contained in square brackets, - and begun with the word "Sidenote". - ○ Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are - referenced. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Close of the Middle Ages, -1272-1494, 3rd Ed., by R. 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Lodge - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Close of the Middle Ages, 1272-1494, 3rd Ed. - -Author: R. Lodge - -Release Date: June 26, 2020 [EBook #62493] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1272-1494 *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, David King, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_on'>on</span> -<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c000' /> -</div> -<div> - <h1 class='c001'>The Close of the Middle Ages</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><i>In Eight Volumes. Crown 8vo. With Maps, etc.</i></div> - <div class='c000'><i>Six Shillings net each Volume.</i></div> - <div class='c000'><i>The Complete Set £2, 8s. net.</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c003'>PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY</p> - -<p class='c004'>General Editor—ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A.,</p> - -<p class='c004'>Student of Christ Church, Oxford.</p> -<p class='c005'>The object of this series is to present in separate Volumes a -comprehensive and trustworthy account of the general development -of European History, and to deal fully and carefully with the -more prominent events in each century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Volumes embody the results of the latest investigations, -and contain references to and notes upon original and other -sources of information.</p> - -<p class='c004'>No such attempt to place the History of Europe in a comprehensive, -detailed, and readable form before the English Public -has previously been made, and the Series forms a valuable continuous -History of Mediæval and Modern Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'><b>Period I.—The Dark Ages.</b> 476-918.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>C. W. C. Oman</span>, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History -in the University of Oxford. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period II.—The Empire and the Papacy.</b> 918-1273.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>T. F. Tout</span>, M.A., Professor of Mediæval and Modern History -at the Owens College, Victoria University, Manchester. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period III.—The Close of the Middle Ages.</b> 1272-1494.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>R. Lodge</span>, M.A., Professor of History at the University of -Edinburgh. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period IV.—Europe in the 16th Century.</b> 1494-1598.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>A. H. Johnson</span>, M.A., Historical Lecturer to Merton, Trinity, -and University Colleges, Oxford. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period V.—The Ascendancy of France.</b> 1598-1715.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>H. O. Wakeman</span>, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College, -Oxford. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period VI.—The Balance of Power.</b> 1715-1789.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>A. Hassall</span>, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period VII.—Revolutionary Europe.</b> 1789-1815.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>H. Morse Stephens</span>, M.A., Professor of History at Cornell -University, Ithaca, U.S.A. <i>6s. net.</i></p> - -<p class='c007'><b>Period VIII—Modern Europe.</b> 1815-1899.</p> - -<p class='c006'>By <span class='sc'>W. Alison Phillips</span>, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of -St. John’s College, Oxford. <i>6s. net.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>THE DARK AGES, 476-918</p> - -<p class='c004'>By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A., Chichele Professor of Modern History in the -University of Oxford.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume I. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘A thorough master of his subject, and possessed of a gift for clear expositions, -he has supplied the student with a most valuable and helpful book.’—<i>Spectator.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘No better exponent of this era, so full of difficulties and complications, -could have been chosen.’—<i>Journal of Education.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Oman has done his work well. His narrative is clear and interesting, -and takes full account of recent research.’—<i>English Historical Review.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘This volume will be valued by all historical students as supplying a real -want in our historical literature, and supplying it well.... His touch is -sure and his insight keen. For the accuracy of his facts his historical -reputation is a sufficient guarantee.’—<i>Times.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY, 918-1273</p> - -<p class='c004'>By T. F. TOUT, M.A., Professor of Mediæval and Modern History -at the Owens College, Victoria University, Manchester.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume II. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘This admirable and impartial work.... A more trustworthy historical -treatise on the period and subject has not hitherto appeared.’—<i>Morning -Post.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘One of the best of the many good historical textbooks which have come -out of our universities in recent years.’—<i>Times.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Altogether Professor Tout has given us a most trustworthy adjunct to -the study of mediæval times, which all who may be called upon to interpret -those times to others may safely recommend and themselves profit by.’—<i>English -Historical Review.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1273-1494</p> - -<p class='c004'>By R. LODGE, M.A., Professor of History at the University -of Edinburgh.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume III. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘The book is admirably written, it contains maps and genealogical tables, -an exhaustive index, and a bibliography which students will value as an aid -to the interpretation of the whole period as well as a clue to any part of it.’—<i>Standard.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘We are exceedingly thankful for the Series, and as we have already said, -to Prof. Lodge. There is no longer any excuse for English-speaking teachers -to be wholly ignorant of the history of Europe. The obligation lies on them -to purchase these volumes, and then read, mark, learn, and inwardly digest -them, so that they can supplement their teaching with intelligible comment.’—<i>School -World.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘The book must be regarded as quite indispensable to all English students -of the late Middle Ages.’—<i>University Correspondent.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Professor Lodge’s book has the supreme merit of clearness, not less than -that of conciseness.’—<i>Pall Mall Gazette.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘A work of great value on one of the most difficult and at the same time -one of the most important periods of European history. The book is a -monument of skill and labour.’—<i>Aberdeen Journal.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>EUROPE IN THE 16th CENTURY, 1494-1598</p> - -<p class='c004'>By <span class='sc'>A. H. Johnson</span>, M.A., Historical Lecturer at Merton, Trinity, -and University Colleges, Oxford.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume IV. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘A singularly clear, thorough, and consistent account of the great movements -and great events of the time, and the volume may be accepted as one -of the best extant handbooks to a period as complex as it is important.’—<i>Times.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘In the present volume Mr. A. H. Johnson has made a useful and unpretentious -contribution to a Series of which it can be said more truly than of -most series that it supplies a real want. Mr. Johnson is well known as one -of the most experienced and successful teachers of history at Oxford, and the -book has all the merits which the fact of being written by a good teacher can -give it. It is clear, sensible, and accurate, and commendably free from fads -or bias.’—<i>Manchester Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘There is certainly no other single book in English which covers the -ground so adequately.’—<i>University Correspondent.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Johnson’s narrative is clear and accurate, and his grasp of the history -of his period wonderfully strong and comprehensive.’—<i>Journal of Education.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>THE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE, 1598-1715</p> - -<p class='c004'>By <span class='sc'>H. O. Wakeman</span>, M.A., Late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume V. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘His story is no dry compendium, but a drama, each act and scene of -which has its individual interest.’—<i>Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Wakeman has produced an excellent sketch, both clear and concise.’—<i>Oxford -Magazine.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Wakeman’s book is a sound, able, and useful one, which will alike -give help to the student, and attract the cultivated general reader.’—<i>Manchester -Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘A thoroughly scholarly and satisfactory monograph.’—<i>Leeds Mercury.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>THE BALANCE OF POWER, 1715-1789</p> - -<p class='c004'>By <span class='sc'>A. Hassall</span>, M. A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume VI. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Although it contains more than 400 pages, we felt as we read its last page -that it was too short. It is not, however, too short to prevent its author -dealing adequately with his subject according to the scheme of the whole -Series. There is little detail in it, and but little theorising, and what it -contains are clear statements of masterly summaries.... We may cordially -recommend this interesting and well-written volume.’—<i>Birmingham -Daily Gazette.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Treated with much accuracy, patience, and vigour.’—<i>Educational Times.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘The author has struggled manfully with the difficulties of his subject, and -not without a distinct measure of success. He has availed himself of the -latest researches on the period, and his narrative is well ordered and -illustrated by excellent maps and some useful appendices.’—<i>Manchester -Guardian.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE, 1789-1815</p> - -<p class='c004'>By <span class='sc'>H. Morse Stephens</span>, M.A., Professor of History at Cornell University, -Ithaca, U.S.A.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume VII. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘As a piece of literary workmanship can hardly be surpassed.... The -result is a boon to students, and a serviceable book of reference for the -general reader.’—<i>Daily News.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Stephens has written a very valuable and meritorious book, which -ought to be widely used.’—<i>Manchester Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘An admirable, nay, a masterly work.’—<i>Academy.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘To say that Mr. Morse Stephens has compiled the best English textbook -on the subject would be faint praise.’—<i>Journal of Education.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘We are happy to extend a hearty welcome to this much-needed Series, -which, if it throughout keeps on the same high level of this volume, will fill -up a painful gap in our accessible historical literature.’—<i>Educational Times.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘The volume contains one of the clearest accounts of the French Revolution -and the rise of the First Napoleon ever written. In fact, it is the work -of a real historian. The style of the book is strong and picturesque.’—<i>Western -Morning News.</i></p> -<p class='c003'>MODERN EUROPE, 1815-1899</p> - -<p class='c004'>By <span class='sc'>W. Alison Phillips</span>, M.A., formerly Senior Scholar of St. John’s -College, Oxford.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forming Volume VIII. of <span class='sc'>Periods of European History</span>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>‘An exceedingly difficult task has been accomplished, we may say without -hesitation, to admiration. We have read the book with the keenest and -quite unflagging enjoyment, and we welcome it as one of the very best -histories that have been written within the last few years.’—<i>Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘It has achieved, with a remarkable success, the difficult task of compressing -into a compact space the long history of a time of extraordinary complications -and entanglements; but—much more important—it has never lost -vigour and interest throughout the whole survey.... The completeness of -the book is really extraordinary.... The book is by far the best and -handiest account of the international politics of the nineteenth century that -we possess.... Should give Mr. Alison Phillips distinct rank among historians -of the day.’—<i>Literature.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Altogether, the book offers a most luminous and quite adequate treatment -of its subject, and makes a worthy conclusion of a Series that well deserves to -be popular.’—<i>Glasgow Herald.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘He presents his materials with model clearness and arrangement, and with -a sound literary style, which will make the book attractive to the general -reader as well as useful to the student.’—<i>Scotsman.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘Mr. Phillips shows decided literary power in the handling of a not too -manageable period, and few readers with any appreciation of the march of -history, having once commenced the book, will be content to lay it aside -until the last page is reached.’—<i>Manchester Guardian.</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>‘This thoughtful volume will give the intelligent reader both profit and -pleasure.’—<i>Spectator.</i></p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='xxlarge'><b>THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES</b></span></div> - <div class='c000'><span class='xxlarge'><b>1272-1494</b></span></div> - <div class='c008'><span class='large'>BY</span></div> - <div class='c000'><span class='xxlarge'><b>R. LODGE, M.A.</b></span></div> - <div class='c000'><span class='xlarge'><b>PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH</b></span></div> - <div class='c008'><span class='xlarge'><b><i>PERIOD III</i></b></span></div> - <div class='c008'>RIVINGTONS</div> - <div><i>34 KING STREET, COVENT GARDEN</i></div> - <div>LONDON</div> - <div>1906</div> - <div class='c000'><i>Third Edition. Fourth Impression</i></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><i>All Rights Reserved</i></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span> - <h2 class='c009'>PREFACE</h2> -</div> -<p class='c005'>The period treated in this volume is one of unique -interest and significance in the history of Europe. -Within these two centuries the political and social -conditions of the so-called Middle Ages came to an -end, and the states system of Modern Europe took -its rise. But the importance of the period is more -than equalled by the almost superhuman difficulty of -narrating its events in anything like orderly and intelligible -sequence. Such unity as had been given -to Western Europe by the mediæval Empire and -Papacy disappeared with the Great Interregnum in the -middle of the thirteenth century; and such unity as -was afterwards supplied by the growth of formal international -relations cannot be said to begin before the -invasion of Naples by Charles VIII. of France at the -end of the fifteenth century. In the interval between -these two dates there is apparent chaos, and only the -closest attention can detect the germs of future order -in the midst of the struggle of dying and nascent -forces. It is easy to find evidence of astounding intellectual -activity and instances of brilliant political -and military achievement, but the dominant characteristic -of the age is its diversity, and it is hard to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>find any principle of co-ordination. A cursory glance -over some of the most striking episodes of the period -will serve to illustrate the multiplicity of its interests. -The hundred years’ war between England and France; -the rise and fall of the House of Burgundy; the -struggle of old and new conceptions of ecclesiastical -polity in the Papal schism, in the Councils of Constance -and Basel, and in the Hussite movement; the marvellous -achievements of the republic of Venice, and -of Florence under both republican and Medicean rule; -the revival of art and letters, not only in one or two -great centres, but in numerous petty states which -would otherwise be wholly obscure; the growth and -decline of unique corporations, such as the Hanseatic -League and the Teutonic Order; the extension and -gradual union of the Christian states of Spain at the -expense of Mohammedanism, and at the same time -the gloomy story of the conquest of the Eastern -Empire by the Turks;—all these episodes might well -be treated in a volume apiece, but it is difficult to -arrange them within the compass of a book which -should deal with the general development of Europe. -No doubt it may be held that some of these events are -of more permanent importance than others, and that -the essential fact to grasp in the period is the rise -of great and coherent states like France, Spain, and -England. But it is equally true that the important -events are unintelligible without some knowledge of -the less important events with which they are connected; -that in this period Germany and Italy are -<span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>more prominent than Spain and England, or even -than France; and that Germany and Italy are not -coherent states at all. The former is a bundle of states, -and the latter can hardly be said to be as much. And -it may be urged with some force that German history -in the fourteenth century cannot be studied without -some attention being paid to Poland, Hungary, and -Denmark; that the history of Venice and Florence -cannot be isolated from that of Genoa and Pisa; and -that even in tracing the growth of states which achieved -some measure of unity it is necessary to note the -absorption of the formerly distinct and independent -provinces.</p> - -<p class='c004'>I have stated the difficulty, which is indeed sufficiently -obvious, but I cannot claim to have found -a thoroughly satisfactory solution. My endeavour -has been to make the narrative as clear and intelligible -as the conflicting needs of conciseness and of -frequent transitions will admit. I may perhaps point -out to my readers that in an age in which dynastic -interests and claims become of greater and greater -importance, in which royal marriages are a prominent -factor in international politics and vitally affect the -growth of the greatest states, a careful study of genealogy -is imperatively necessary. This will explain -and justify the insertion of a number of genealogical -tables in the Appendix, which the student of the -period may find not the least useful part of the -volume.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>R. Lodge.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Edinburgh</span>, <i>April 1901</i>.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span> - <h2 class='c009'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> -<table class='table0' summary=''> -<colgroup> -<col width='88%' /> -<col width='11%' /> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Bibliographical Note</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#biblio'>x</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Chronological Table</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chrono'>xii</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>I. <span class='sc'>Germany and the Empire after the Interregnum, 1273-1313</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap01'>1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>II. <span class='sc'>Italy and the Papacy, 1273-1313</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap02'>20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>III. <span class='sc'>France under the later Capets, 1270-1328</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap03'>43</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>IV. <span class='sc'>France under the early Valois, 1328-1380</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap04'>66</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>V. <span class='sc'>Lewis the Bavarian and the Avignon Popes, 1314-1347</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap05'>98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>VI. <span class='sc'>Charles IV. and the Golden Bull</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap06'>109</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>VII. <span class='sc'>Rise of the Swiss Confederation</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap07'>124</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>VIII. <span class='sc'>Italy in the Fourteenth Century, 1313-1402</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap08'>139</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>IX. <span class='sc'>The Schisms in the Papacy and Empire, 1378-1414</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap09'>182</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>X. <span class='sc'>The Hussite Movement and the Council of Constance, 1409-1418</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap10'>206</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XI. <span class='sc'>The Hussite Wars and the Council of Basel, 1419-1449</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap11'>222</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XII. <span class='sc'>Milan and Venice in the Fifteenth Century, 1402-1494</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap12'>243</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XIII. <span class='sc'>Naples and the Papal States in the Fifteenth Century</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap13'>265</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XIV. <span class='sc'>Florence under the Medici</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap14'>288</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XV. <span class='sc'>Burgundians and Armagnacs in France, 1380-1435</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap15'>315</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XVI. <span class='sc'>Revival of the French Monarchy, 1435-1494</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap16'>349</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XVII. <span class='sc'>Germany and the Hapsburg Emperors, 1437-1493</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap17'>394</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XVIII. <span class='sc'>The Hanseatic League and the Scandinavian Kingdom</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap18'>419</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span>XIX. <span class='sc'>The Teutonic Order and Poland</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap19'>451</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XX. <span class='sc'>The Christian States of Spain</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap20'>468</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XXI. <span class='sc'>The Greek Empire and the Ottoman Turks</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap21'>494</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>XXII. <span class='sc'>The Renaissance in Italy</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#chap22'>515</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Appendix—Genealogical Tables</span>—</td> - <td class='c011'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>A—The Succession in Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_a'>535</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>B—The Succession in Tyrol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_b'>535</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>C—The House of Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_c'>536</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>D—The House of Wittelsbach</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_d'>537</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>E—The House of Luxemburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_e'>538</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>F—The Later Capets in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_f'>539</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>G—The House of Valois</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_g'>540</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>H—The Duchy and County of Burgundy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_h'>541</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>I—The First House of Anjou in Naples and Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_i'>542</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>K—The Second House of Anjou in Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_k'>543</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>L—The House of Aragon in Sicily and Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_l'>544</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>M—The Houses of Visconti and Sforza in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_m'>545</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>N—The Medici in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_n'>546</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>O—The Union of Kalmar</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_o'>546</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>P—The Palæologi</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_p'>547</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>Q—Castile</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_q'>548</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>R—Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_r'>549</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>S—Navarre</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_s'>550</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>T—Some European Connections of the House of Portugal</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#gene_t'>551</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Index</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#index'>553</a></td> - </tr> -</table> -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 class='c012'>LIST OF MAPS</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><i>At end of Book</i></p> - -<p class='c004'>1. <span class='sc'>France, to show the Additionst to the Monarchy between 1273 and 1494.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>2. <span class='sc'>Possessions and Claims of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 1467-1477.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>3. <span class='sc'>Italy in the Fifteenth Century.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>4. <span class='sc'>The Swiss Confederation.</span></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span> - <h2 id='biblio' class='c009'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</h2> -</div> -<p class='c005'>[The following list has no pretensions to be an exhaustive bibliography -of the period, nor does it profess to include all the authorities consulted -by the author. It is merely compiled with the object of offering suggestions -to any student who wishes to read more widely, either on the whole -period, or on any part of it. Those books which cannot be classed under -any of the great European states are placed under the head of ‘General.’]</p> -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>General</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Lavisse et Rambaud, <i>Histoire Générale du IV<sup>e</sup>. Siècle à nos jours</i>, -Tome <span class='fss'>III</span>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Creighton, <i>History of the Papacy during the Reformation, Vols. I.-III.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>. [A popular and useful selection from the -translation of Lord Berners has been published by Messrs. -Macmillan and Co. in the ‘Globe’ Series. The most complete -edition is that by Kervyn de Lettenhove.]</p> - -<p class='c013'>Leroux, <i>Recherches Critiques sur les relations politiques de la France -avec l’Allemagne</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Fournier, <i>Le Royaume d`Arles</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Oman, <i>History of War in the Middle Ages</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>H. C. Lea, <i>History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>R. L. Poole, <i>Illustrations of Medieval Thought</i>.</p> - -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Germany</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Nitzsch, <i>Geschichte des Deutschen Volkes</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Lorenz, <i>Deutsche Geschichte im 13-14 Jahrhunderte</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Zeller, <i>Histoire de l’Allemagne</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Droysen, <i>Geschichte der preussischen Politik, Vols. I. and II.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Dierauer, <i>Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Palacky, <i>Geschichte von Böhmen</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Loserth, <i>Hus und Wiclif</i> (translated).</p> - -<p class='c013'>Sartorius, <i>Geschichte des Ursprunges der Deutschen Hanse</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Schäfer, <i>die Hansestädte und König Waldemar von Dänemark</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Treitschke, <i>Das Deutsche Ordensland Preussen, -Historische und politische Aufsätze, Vol. II.</i></p> -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Italy</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Villani, <i>Croniche</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Sismondi, <i>Histoire des Républiques italiennes du moyen âge</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>Cipolla, <i>Storia delle Signorie Italiane, dal 1313 al 1530</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Gregorovius, <i>Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter</i> (translated).</p> - -<p class='c013'>Romanin, <i>Storia documentata di Venezia</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>H. F. Brown, <i>Venice, an Historical Sketch</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Machiavelli, <i>Storia Fiorentina</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Perrens, <i>Histoire de Florence</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Guido Capponi, <i>Storia della republica di Firenze</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Napier, <i>Florentine History</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Villari, <i>Machiavelli</i> (translated), <i>Vol. I.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Von Reumont, <i>Lorenzo de’ Medici</i> (translated).</p> - -<p class='c013'>Armstrong, <i>Lorenzo de’ Medici</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>J. A. Symonds, <i>Renaissance in Italy</i>.</p> -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>France and the Netherlands</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Martin, <i>Histoire de France</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Michelet, <i>Histoire de France</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Langlois, <i>Le règne de Philippe le Hardi</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Boutaric, <i>La France sous Philippe le Bel</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Perrens, <i>Étienne Marcel</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>S. Luce, <i>Histoire de la Jacquerie</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Vanderkindere, <i>Le siècle des Arteveldes</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Vallet de Viriville, <i>Histoire de Charles VII.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Beaucourt, <i>Histoire de Charles VII.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Cosneau, <i>Le Connétable de Richemont</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>P. Clément, <i>Jacques Cœur et Charles VII.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Philippe de Commines, <i>Mémoires</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Barante, <i>Histoire des Ducs de Bourgogne</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Kirk, <i>History of Charles the Bold</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Clamageran, <i>Histoire de l’Impôt en France</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Gasquet, <i>Précis des Institutions Politiques et Sociales -de l’ancienne France</i>.</p> -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Spain</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Lafuente, <i>Historia general de España</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Burke, <i>History of Spain, 2 vols.</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>Schäfer und Schirrmacher, <i>Geschichte von Spanien</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Prescott, <i>Ferdinand and Isabella</i>.</p> -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Fall of the Greek Empire</span>—</p> - -<p class='c006'>Gibbon, <i>Decline and Fall</i>.</p> - -<p class='c013'>Finlay, <i>Byzantine and Greek Empires</i></p> - -<p class='c013'>La Jonquière, <i>Histoire de l’Empire Ottoman</i>.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_xii'>xii</span> - <h2 id='chrono' class='c009'>CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE</h2> -</div> -<p class='c005'>[This table has been drawn up in order to bring together in their -chronological sequence those events in different parts of Europe which -are necessarily treated in the text under the head of different states. The -chief events in English History are inserted to serve as guide-posts, even -though in some cases no direct reference may be made to them in the -following pages.]</p> - -<table class='table1' summary=''> -<colgroup> -<col width='90%' /> -<col width='9%' /> -</colgroup> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1273. Election of Rudolf of Hapsburg as King of the Romans. Crowned at Aachen, October 24</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_8'>8</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1274. Death of Henry, King of Navarre and Count of Champagne and Brie. Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> of France annexes Champagne and Brie, and assumes the government of Navarre</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_48'>48</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1276. First war between Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span> and Ottokar of Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_9'>9</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pope Gregory X.</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of James <span class='fss'>I.</span> (the Conqueror) of Aragon. Accession of Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_479'>479</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1277. Election of Pope Nicolas <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Archbishop Otto Visconti obtains the lordship of Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1278. Ottokar of Bohemia killed in the battle of Marchfeld (August 26). Accession of Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1280. The Teutonic Knights complete the conquest of Prussia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_456'>456</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pope Nicolas <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1281. Election of Pope Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1282. The Sicilian Vespers (March 30) lead to the transfer of Sicily from the house of Anjou to Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Constitutional changes in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Austria, Styria, and Carniola acquired by house of Hapsburg, and Carinthia given to Meinhard of Tyrol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of the Greek Emperor Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, and accession of Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_497'>497</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England conquers Wales</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_155'>155</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1283. Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon issues the ‘General Privilege’</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_481'>481</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>1284. Battle of Meloria. The Pisans, defeated by the Genoese, lose their maritime importance</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>X.</span> (the Wise) of Castile. Accession of Sancho <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles of Valois accepts the crown of Aragon from the Pope. War between France and Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1285. Death of Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Naples (January 7). Accession of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pope Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (March 12). Election of Honorius <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> of France (October 5). Accession of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon (November 11). Accession of Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> in Aragon and of James in Sicily</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1286. Accession of Eric Menved in Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_430'>430</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Alexander <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Scotland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_157'>157</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1287. Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon issues the ‘Privilege of Union’</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_481'>481</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1288. Death of Pope Honorius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> Election of Nicolas <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1291. Death of Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span> (July 15)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_11'>11</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Formation of League between Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden (origin of Swiss Confederation)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_127'>127</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Fall of Acre puts an end to Christian dominion in the East</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_456'>456</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon. Succeeded by his brother, James <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1292. Election of Adolf of Nassau as King of the Romans (May 5)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_11'>11</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Nicolas <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, followed by two years’ interregnum in the Papacy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> awards the Scottish crown to John Balliol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_157'>157</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1293. ‘Ordinances of Justice’ in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1294. Election of Pope Celestine <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Abdication of Celestine. Election of Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Outbreak of war between England and France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_51'>51</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1295. John Balliol joins France against Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Archbishop Otto Visconti. Succeeded by his nephew Matteo</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Sancho <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile. Accession of Ferdinand <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_470'>470</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1296. Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> deposes John Balliol and conquers Scotland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> issues the bull <i>Clericis laicos</i></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1297. Rising in Scotland under Wallace</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_160'>160</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Closing of the Great Council in Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_38'>38</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1298. Peace between England and France negotiated by Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiv'>xiv</span>1298. Death of Adolf of Nassau. Election of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_13'>13</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1302. Settlement of the long Sicilian wars. Frederick, brother of James <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, recognised as King of Sicily</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_26'>26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Defeat of French army by the Flemings at Courtrai (July 11)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ First meeting of the States-General in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_60'>60</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Matteo Visconti driven from Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1303. Outrage at Anagni, and death of Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span> invites the ‘Grand Company of the Catalans’ into Greece</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_497'>497</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1304. Election (February 25) and death (July 27) of Benedict <span class='fss'>XI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1305. Election of Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, who remains in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_30'>30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Bohemia. Election of Wenzel <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1306. Death of Wenzel <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Bohemia. Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span> procures the crown for his son Rudolf</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1307. Death of Rudolf of Bohemia. Accession of Henry of Carinthia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_16'>16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Break-up of Seljuk Empire on death of Aladdin <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_299'>299</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1308. Murder of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span> Election of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (of Luxemburg)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_17'>17</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1309. Charles Robert, grandson of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples, recognised as King of Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Headquarters of the Teutonic Order transferred from Venice to Marienburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_457'>457</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> fixes his residence in Avignon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_30'>30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples. Accession of Robert</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_26'>26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1310. Origin of the Council of Ten in Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_39'>39</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> sets out on an expedition to Italy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Henry of Carinthia driven from Bohemia, and the crown given to Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s son John</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_18'>18</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1311. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> restores Matteo Visconti in Milan, and appoints him imperial vicar</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Teutonic Knights acquire Pomerellen</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_458'>458</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1312. Suppression of the Templars</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_55'>55</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Annexation of Lyons by Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_56'>56</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> crowned Emperor in St. John Lateran</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_41'>41</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Ferdinand <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile. Accession of Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_470'>470</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1313. Death of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> near Siena</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1314. Battle of Bannockburn (June 24)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_168'>168</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Double election in Germany of Lewis the Bavarian and Frederick of Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France (November 29). Accession of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_62'>62</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and papal interregnum for two years</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xv'>xv</span>1315. Swiss victory at the battle of Morgarten</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_129'>129</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1316. Election of Pope John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span> of France. Exclusion of his daughter Jeanne in favour of her uncle, Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> (so-called Salic Law)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_64'>64</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1319. Death of Eric Menved, and accession of Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span> in Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_431'>431</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1322. Defeat and capture of Frederick of Hapsburg at Mühldorf</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France. Accession of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Galeazzo Visconti succeeds his father Matteo in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_174'>174</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1323. Lewis the Bavarian protests against the intervention of John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> Beginning of quarrel between Empire and Papacy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Waldemar, the last Ascanian Margrave of Brandenburg. Lewis the Bavarian gives Brandenburg to his eldest son Lewis</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1326. Orchan succeeds Othman as leader of the Ottoman Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_499'>499</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1327. Lewis the Bavarian enters Italy and is crowned in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1328. Lewis crowned Emperor in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Deposition of John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, and election of anti-pope</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Scottish independence recognised by treaty of Northampton</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France. Accession of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (of Valois)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Separation of France and Navarre: the latter goes to Jeanne, daughter of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_66'>66</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> defeats the Flemings at Cassel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span> deposed in favour of his grandson, Andronicus <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_498'>498</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Castruccio Castracani, Lord of Lucca</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Galeazzo Visconti</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_174'>174</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1329. Orchan defeats the forces of Andronicus <span class='fss'>III.</span> at Pelekanon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_499'>499</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Mastino della Scala succeeds Cangrande in Verona</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_143'>143</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Azzo Visconti becomes imperial vicar in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1330. Death of Frederick of Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Lewis the Bavarian returns to Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Luzern joins the league of the Swiss cantons</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_130'>130</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John of Bohemia enters Italy and occupies Brescia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_144'>144</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1332. League of Italian states against John of Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_145'>145</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward Balliol obtains the Scottish crown, and does homage to Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span> followed by eight years’ interregnum in Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_432'>432</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xvi'>xvi</span>1333. John of Bohemia abandons Italy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_146'>146</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> wins battle of Halidon Hill, takes Berwick, and restores Edward Balliol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ David Bruce escapes to France, and French intervention in Scotland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1334. Death of John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, and election of Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_102'>102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1335. Death of Henry, Duke of Carinthia and Count of Tyrol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Carinthia acquired by Hapsburgs, while Tyrol goes to Margaret Maultasch, wife of John Henry of Moravia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1336. Rudolf Brun effects a revolution in Zürich</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_131'>131</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rising in Ghent under Jacob van Artevelde</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_71'>71</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of James <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon, and accession of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_481'>481</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1337. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> claims the French crown and seeks allies in Flanders and Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_71'>71</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1338. Electoral meeting at Rense, and diet at Frankfurt to protest against papal pretensions in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_102'>102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Meeting of Lewis the Bavarian and Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> at Coblentz</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ League against Mastino della Scala. Verona loses its ascendency in northern Italy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_147'>147</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1339. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> invades France from Flanders. Beginning of Hundred Years’ War. Unsuccessful campaign in Picardy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Azzo Visconti. Succeeded by his uncle Lucchino</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1340. Naval victory of the English at Sluys</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward repulsed from Tournay, concludes truce with Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Succession dispute in Brittany on death of John <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span> of Castile defeats the Moors in battle of the Salado</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_471'>471</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> restores monarchical power in Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_433'>433</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1341. Lewis the Bavarian divorces Margaret of Maultasch from John Henry of Moravia, and marries her to his son, Lewis of Brandenburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Andronicus <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and accession of John <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_500'>500</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1342. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> supports John de Montfort in Brittany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Carobert of Hungary, and accession of Lewis the Great</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_152'>152</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, and election of Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1343. Death of Robert of Naples, and accession of Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_152'>152</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Expulsion of Walter de Brienne, and constitutional changes in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_148'>148</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Kalisch between Poland and the Teutonic Order</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_458'>458</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1345. Murder of Andrew of Hungary, husband of Joanna of Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_152'>152</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xvii'>xvii</span>1345. Assassination of Jacob van Artevelde</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_74'>74</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of William <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand. His territories pass to a son of Lewis the Bavarian</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1346. Opposition in Germany to Lewis the Bavarian. Election of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> as King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Crécy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_76'>76</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of John of Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Defeat of the Scots at Nevill’s Cross</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Esthonia handed over by Denmark to the Teutonic Order</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_458'>458</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1347. Lewis the Great of Hungary attacks Naples. Joanna flies to Provence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_153'>153</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Triumph of Rienzi in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_157'>157</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> takes Calais (August 4)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Lewis the Bavarian (October 11)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Abdication of Rienzi (December 15)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_159'>159</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John Cantacuzenos recognised as joint emperor in Constantinople</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_501'>501</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1348. Outbreak of the Black Death in Europe</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Epila. Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon revokes the ‘Privilege of Union’</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_482'>482</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Lewis de Mâle recovers his authority as Count of Flanders</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Foundation of the University of Prague by Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_113'>113</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Joanna of Naples sells Avignon to Pope Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_153'>153</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1349. Death of Lucchino Visconti. Succeeded by Giovanni, Archbishop of Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Annexation of Dauphiné to France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Jeanne of Navarre, and accession of Charles the Bad</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> succeeds in overcoming opposition in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_111'>111</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1350. Death of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France (August 22), and accession of John</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, Duke and Count of Burgundy. Succeeded by Philip de Rouvre</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span> of Castile, and accession of Peter the Cruel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_471'>471</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Giovanni Visconti obtains Bologna</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Outbreak of war between Venice and Genoa</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_170'>170</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1351. Zürich joins the Swiss League</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_132'>132</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Peace between Lewis of Hungary and Joanna of Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_153'>153</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1352. Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Austria attacks Zürich. Glarus and Zug join the Confederation</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_134'>134</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pope Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and election of Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_160'>160</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xviii'>xviii</span>1353. The accession of Bern completes the eight old cantons of the Swiss Confederation</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_135'>135</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span> sends Cardinal Albornoz to recover the Papal States, almost lost during the residence in Avignon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_160'>160</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Genoa, defeated in naval war with Venice, submits to Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_170'>170</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1354. Rienzi’s return to Rome and his death</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_161'>161</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Genoese victory in the battle of Sapienza</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_171'>171</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Giovanni Visconti. Milanese dominions divided between his three nephews</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_175'>175</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John Cantacuzenos compelled to abdicate</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_502'>502</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Turks seize Gallipoli, their first possession on European soil</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_502'>502</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1355. Renewal of English invasion of France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_80'>80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> crowned Emperor in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_114'>114</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Important meeting of States-General in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_81'>81</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Conspiracy and death of Marin Falier in Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_169'>169</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Peace between Venice and Genoa</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_171'>171</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Assassination of Matteo Visconti. Partition of Milanese territories between Bernabo and Galeazzo</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_176'>176</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Stephen Dushan, King of Servia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_501'>501</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1356. Battle of Poitiers, and capture of John of France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_81'>81</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ States-General under the guidance of Etienne Marcel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_83'>83</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> issues the Golden Bull</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Genoa repudiates Milanese suzerainty</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1358. Rising of the Jacquerie in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_87'>87</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Assassination of Marcel, and restoration of order and royal authority by Charles, Duke of Normandy, acting as regent during his father’s captivity</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Austria, leaving his territories to the joint rule of four sons</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_136'>136</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1359. Death of Orchan. Succeeded by Amurath or Murad <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_502'>502</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1360. Treaty of Bretigni (May 8) ends first period of the Hundred Years’ War</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Cardinal Albornoz recovers Bologna from the Visconti</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1361. Death of Philip de Rouvre. Duchy of Burgundy granted by John of France to his fourth son, Philip</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_90'>90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sack of Wisby by Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> Beginning of war between Denmark and the Hanseatic League</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_433'>433</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Amurath <span class='fss'>I.</span> seizes Adrianople, which becomes the European capital of the Turks till 1453</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_502'>502</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1362. Death of Pope Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and election of Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_161'>161</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Defeat of the Hanseatic League by Danish fleet</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_434'>434</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xix'>xix</span>1363. Death of Meinhard, Duke of Upper Bavaria and Count of Tyrol. Upper Bavaria united with Lower Bavaria: Tyrol acquired by the Hapsburgs</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_120'>120</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Marriage of Margaret of Denmark to Hakon of Norway</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_435'>435</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1364. John of France returns to England and dies there. Accession of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_188'>188</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of mutual inheritance between the houses of Luxemburg and Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_120'>120</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles of Blois killed at battle of Aurai</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_92'>92</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Deposition of Magnus of Sweden in favour of Albert of Mecklenburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_436'>436</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1365. Death of Rudolf of Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_137'>137</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Settlement of Breton war by the recognition of John de Montfort</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_92'>92</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Wordingborg between Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Hanse towns</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_436'>436</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1366. Peter the Cruel, driven from Castile by Henry of Trastamara, flies to the Black Prince at Bordeaux</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1367. The Black Prince wins the battle of Najara, and restores Peter the Cruel in Castile</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> returns from Avignon to Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Meeting of Hanseatic League at Cologne declares war against Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_437'>437</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1368. Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> visits Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Cardinal Albornoz</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Triumph of the Hanseatic fleet: capture of Copenhagen</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_438'>438</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1369. Battle of Montiel. Death of Peter the Cruel. Accession of Henry of Trastamara (Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span>) in Castile</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Renewal of war between France and England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The eastern Emperor John <span class='fss'>V.</span> visits Rome, and agrees to a union between the Greek and Latin Churches</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_503'>503</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1370. Partition of Hapsburg territories between Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Leopold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Massacre at Limoges by order of the Black Prince</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> returns from Rome to Avignon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Stralsund. Hanseatic League at the zenith of its power</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_438'>438</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Casimir the Great of Poland. Succeeded by Lewis of Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_459'>459</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1372. Defeat of the English fleet by Spaniards and French off La Rochelle</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1373. Disastrous expedition of John of Gaunt to France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> acquires Brandenburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_441'>441</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xx'>xx</span>1375. Truce between England and France, leaving England in occupation of Calais, Bordeaux, and Bayonne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Denmark. Accession of Olaf</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_442'>442</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1376. Death of the Black Prince (June 8)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of Wenzel as King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1377. Death of Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of England. Accession of Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span> leaves Avignon for Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1378. Death of Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span> in Rome. Election of Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rising of the ‘Ciompi’ in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_164'>164</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Outbreak of war between Venice and Genoa</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_172'>172</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Galeazzo Visconti dies and is succeeded by Gian Galeazzo</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of anti-pope Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (Sept. 20). Beginning of the great schism</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of the Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (Nov. 29). Partition of his dominions</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_123'>123</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1379. The Genoese seize Chioggia and blockade Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_172'>172</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, and accession of John <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_474'>474</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1380. Death of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France, and accession of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Hakon of Norway. Union of Norway and Denmark under Olaf</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_442'>442</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Genoese are forced to capitulate at Chioggia. Triumph of Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_173'>173</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Lewis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1381. Rising of the lower classes in England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_316'>316</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1382. Counter-revolution in Florence establishes oligarchy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_166'>166</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rising of the <i>Maillotins</i> in Paris</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_317'>317</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rising of the Flemings under Philip van Artevelde</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_317'>317</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ French defeat of the Flemings at Roosebek</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_318'>318</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Suppression of the <i>Maillotins</i> in Paris</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_318'>318</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Naples. Accession of Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_154'>154</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1383. Death of Lewis de Mâle. His son-in-law, Philip of Burgundy, acquires Flanders, Artois, Nevers, Rethel, and Franche-Comté</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_320'>320</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1385. Gian Galeazzo Visconti imprisons his uncle, Bernabo, and reunites the Milanese dominions</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Naples claims crown of Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_191'>191</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Portuguese victory at Aljubarrota over Castilians</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_474'>474</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Louis of Anjou, who had obtained Provence but had been defeated by Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span> as a claimant to Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_154'>154</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1386. Jagello of Lithuania marries Hedwig, younger daughter of Lewis the Great, becomes a Christian, and is crowned King of Poland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxi'>xxi</span>1386. Valentina Visconti married to Louis of Orleans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Naples assassinated in Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Swiss victory at Sempach. Defeat and death of Leopold of Hapsburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_138'>138</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John of Gaunt advances the claim of his wife, Constance, in Castile</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_474'>474</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Schleswig ceded by Denmark to Count of Holstein</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_442'>442</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1387. Sigismund of Luxemburg crowned King of Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_192'>192</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Outbreak of town-war in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_189'>189</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon. Accession of John <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_482'>482</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John of Gaunt withdraws his wife’s claim and makes peace with John <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Castile</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_475'>475</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Gian Galeazzo seizes Verona and Vicenza, and ruins the house of Scala</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_179'>179</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Olaf of Denmark and Norway. Succeeded by his mother, Margaret</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_443'>443</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1388. Padua subjected by Gian Galeazzo Visconti</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_179'>179</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Albert of Sweden deposed; crown offered to Margaret of Denmark and Norway</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_443'>443</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1389. Peace of Eger closes the town-war in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_190'>190</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Hapsburgs recognise by treaty the independence of the Swiss Confederation</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_138'>138</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Turkish victory at Kossova</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_503'>503</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Amurath <span class='fss'>I.</span> succeeded by Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_503'>503</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span> Election of Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1390. Death of John <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Castile, and accession of Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_475'>475</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1391. Mary of Sicily marries Martin the Younger, son of Martin <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_482'>482</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Greek emperor, John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and accession of Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_504'>504</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1392. Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> becomes insane. The Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans dispute for the government of France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_319'>319</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1394. Death of Avignon Pope, Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> Election of Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1395. Wenzel creates Gian Galeazzo Duke of Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_178'>178</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1396. Genoa submits to France through fear of Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_180'>180</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Nicopolis</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1397. The three Scandinavian kingdoms accept the Union of Kalmar</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_443'>443</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1398. Meeting of Wenzel and Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France at Rheims</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_194'>194</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1399. Gian Galeazzo obtains rule in Pisa and Siena</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_181'>181</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas, son of Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span>, finally secures crown of Naples against Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxii'>xxii</span>1399. Revolution in England. Accession of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (of Lancaster)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_325'>325</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1400. A party of German princes depose Wenzel and elect a rival King of the Romans, Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1401. Battle of Brescia (Oct. 24): Milanese troops rout the forces of Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1402. Death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti (Sept. 3)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Angora: Timour defeats the Turks and captures Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span> Constantinople saved for the time</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_505'>505</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1404. Death of Philip the Bold of Burgundy. Succeeded by John the Fearless</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_322'>322</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span> Election of Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venice allied with Milan against Francesco Carrara</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_245'>245</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1405. Death of Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span> Election of Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venice acquires Verona and Padua</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_245'>245</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Timour or Tamerlane, the Tartar leader</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_505'>505</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1406. Pisa subjected to Florence (Oct. 9)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_244'>244</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Castile, and accession of John <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_475'>475</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1407. Assassination of Louis of Orleans in Paris</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_322'>322</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1408. Ladislas of Naples occupies Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_266'>266</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1409. Council of Pisa. Election of a third Pope, Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_199'>199</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Exodus of Germans from Prague</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_210'>210</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Martin the Younger. Sicily passes to his father, Martin <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_482'>482</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1410. Outbreak of civil war between Burgundians and Armagnacs in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_326'>326</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pope Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> Election of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_201'>201</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_201'>201</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Double election of Sigismund (Sept.) and Jobst (Oct.)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Recovery of Rome from Ladislas of Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_267'>267</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Tannenberg: defeat of the Teutonic knights by the Poles</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_460'>460</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Martin <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Aragon and Sicily. Disputed succession</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_483'>483</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1411. Death of Jobst of Moravia (Jan. 12)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_203'>203</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sigismund again elected King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_204'>204</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The <i>Cabochiens</i> supreme in Paris</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_327'>327</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas defeated by papal and Angevin forces at Rocca-Secca</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_267'>267</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Peace of Thorn between Poland and the Teutonic Order</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_461'>461</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1412. Assassination of Gian Maria Visconti. Filippo Maria rules in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_246'>246</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxiii'>xxiii</span>1412. Death of Margaret, ‘the Union Queen.’ Accession of Eric of Pomerania, in the Scandinavian kingdoms</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_444'>444</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Crowns of Aragon and Sicily given to Ferdinand <span class='fss'>I.</span> (of Castilian house of Trastamara)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_483'>483</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1413. The Armagnacs seize Paris and put down the <i>Cabochiens</i></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_327'>327</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas of Naples drives John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> from Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_267'>267</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Mohammed <span class='fss'>I.</span> reunites the Ottoman dominions</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_505'>505</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1414. Defeat of the Burgundians. Treaty of Arras</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_327'>327</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Ladislas of Naples. Accession of Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Meeting of the Council of Constance</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1415. Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> invades France. Capture of Harfleur (Sept. 22). Battle of Agincourt</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_328'>328</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Deposition of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> at Constance (May 29)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_216'>216</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sigismund gives Brandenburg to Frederick of Hohenzollern</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_216'>216</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John Hus put to death at Constance (July 6)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_217'>217</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sigismund leaves Constance to travel through Europe</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_217'>217</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Spanish kings abandon Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> and adhere to the Council of Constance</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_218'>218</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1416. Death of Ferdinand <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon and Sicily. Succeeded by Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_484'>484</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1417. Sigismund returns to Constance</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_219'>219</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of Pope Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> ends the schism</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, unsuccessful claimant to Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_269'>269</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Maso degli Albizzi, leader of the Florentine oligarchs</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_289'>289</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> renews the invasion of Normandy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_331'>331</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1418. Dissolution of the Council of Constance</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_220'>220</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Burgundians seize Paris from the Armagnacs</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_331'>331</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1419. Death of Wenzel. Vacancy of Bohemian throne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_224'>224</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Fall of Rouen completes the English conquest of Normandy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_331'>331</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Assassination of John the Fearless at Montereau (Sept. 10)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_332'>332</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Philip the Good, who succeeds to the Burgundian dominions, allies himself closely with England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_332'>332</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1420. Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> publishes a crusade against the Hussites</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_225'>225</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Troyes (May 21) gives the regency and the succession in France to Henry V.</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_332'>332</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Hussites in Bohemia formulate the ‘four articles of Prag’</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_223'>223</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1421. Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> re-enters Rome with the help of the Colonnas</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_221'>221</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Baugé: defeat and death of Thomas of Clarence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_333'>333</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Mohammed <span class='fss'>I.</span> Succeeded by Amurath <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_506'>506</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxiv'>xxiv</span>1422. Death of Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the last Ascanian Elector of Saxony</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_226'>226</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Establishment of the house of Wettin in Saxony</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_226'>226</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> of England (Aug. 31), and accession of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_333'>333</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France. Succeeded in the north by Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, in the south by Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_333'>333</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Attempted reform of military and financial system in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_227'>227</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1423. English and Burgundian victory at Crevant</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_337'>337</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Francesco Foscari becomes Doge of Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1424. John, Duke of Bedford, defeats French and Scots at Verneuil</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_337'>337</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Gloucester marries Jacqueline of Hainault and quarrels with Philip of Burgundy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_337'>337</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of the Hussite leader, John Ziska</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_225'>225</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1425. Death of Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, and accession of John <span class='fss'>VI.</span> in Constantinople</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_506'>506</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Bedford recalled to England by quarrel of Gloucester and Beaufort</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_338'>338</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ League of Florence and Venice against Filippo Maria Visconti</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1426. Venice acquires Brescia from Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1427. Defeat of fourth crusade against the Hussites. Proposed constitutional reforms in Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_227'>227</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1428. Siege of Orleans by English and Burgundians</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_340'>340</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venice acquires Bergamo from Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_249'>249</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1429. Jeanne Darc raises siege of Orleans (April 19)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_341'>341</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> crowned at Rheims</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_341'>341</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1430. Jeanne Darc captured at Compiègne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_344'>344</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1431. Trial and execution (May 28) of Jeanne Darc</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_345'>345</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and election of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Meeting of the Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_229'>229</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Utter failure of the fifth crusade against the Hussites</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_228'>228</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venetian reverses in the war with Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1432. Death of Bedford’s wife, Anne of Burgundy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_346'>346</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Trial and execution of Carmagnola</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Bedford marries Jacquetta of Luxemburg</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_346'>346</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Quarrel between Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_230'>230</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sigismund crowned Emperor in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_230'>230</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1433. Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, driven from Rome to Florence, is compelled to recognise the Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_231'>231</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The <i>Compactata</i> arranged between the Hussites and the Council</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_231'>231</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxv'>xxv</span>1433. Exile of Cosimo de’ Medici from Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_293'>293</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1434. Defeat of the Taborites at the battle of Lipan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_233'>233</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Fall of the Albizzi in Florence. Recall of Cosimo de’ Medici, and establishment of Medicean ascendency</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_294'>294</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1435. Treaty of Arras between Philip the Good and Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_347'>347</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Bedford</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_348'>348</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples. Disputed succession between Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Aragon and Réné of Provence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_271'>271</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1436. Loss of Paris by the English</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_350'>350</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sigismund at last obtains the Bohemian crown</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_233'>233</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1437. Renewed quarrel between Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and the Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_235'>235</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Sigismund. Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Austria succeeds in Hungary and Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_398'>398</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1438. Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_237'>237</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> (Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Austria) as King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_399'>399</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Council at Ferrara, transferred to Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_236'>236</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1439. States-General of Orleans issue the <i>Ordonnance sur la Gendarmerie</i></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_352'>352</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Pragmatic Sanction of Mainz</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_237'>237</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> (Oct. 27)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_401'>401</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Union of Greek and Latin Churches agreed to at Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_236'>236</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Deposition of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> by the Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_238'>238</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of anti-pope Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_238'>238</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1440. The <i>Praguerie</i> in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_354'>354</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> as King of the Romans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_402'>402</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas Postumus becomes Duke of Austria and King of Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_409'>409</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Hungarians elect Ladislas <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Poland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_409'>409</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ ‘Prussian League’ formed in opposition to the Teutonic Order</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_463'>463</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1441. Peace between Milan and Venice. Venice keeps Brescia and Bergamo</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_251'>251</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venice acquires possession of Ravenna</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_251'>251</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1442. Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Aragon finally secures the crown of Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_271'>271</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Blanche of Navarre. Her husband, John of Aragon, keeps the crown, excluding his son, Charles of Viana</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_485'>485</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1443. Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> returns to Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_239'>239</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1444. Battle of Varna. Death of Ladislas of Poland and Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxvi'>xxvi</span>1445. Organisation of standing army in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_354'>354</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas Postumus accepted as King of Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_410'>410</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Æneas Sylvius arranges terms between Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_240'>240</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Marriage of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England with Margaret of Anjou</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_356'>356</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1446. Banishment of the dauphin Louis to Dauphiné</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_358'>358</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1447. Death of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (Feb. 23), and election of Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Filippo Maria Visconti. Republic in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_252'>252</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1448. Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> approves concordat with Germany</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of John <span class='fss'>VI.</span> Succeeded by Constantine Palæologus</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_509'>509</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Christopher vacates the three Scandinavian crowns</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_446'>446</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Swedes elect Karl Knudson</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_446'>446</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> (of Oldenburg) becomes King of Denmark</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_446'>446</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1449. Dissolution of the Council of Basel</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_241'>241</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Renewal of war in France. Invasion of Normandy by the French</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_357'>357</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1450. Grand jubilee in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Francesco Sforza makes himself master of Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_253'>253</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Disorder in England. Rising of Jack Cade</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_357'>357</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Loss of Normandy by the English</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_357'>357</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Denmark obtains crown of Norway</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_446'>446</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1451. French conquest of Guienne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_357'>357</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Amurath <span class='fss'>II.</span> Succeeded by Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_508'>508</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1452. Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> crowned Emperor in Rome</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_411'>411</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Ladislas Postumus released from tutelage by Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_411'>411</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1453. Capture of Constantinople by Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> (May 29)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_509'>509</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Battle of Castillon (July 17). The English retain only Calais</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_358'>358</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Civil war in Prussia leads to Polish invasion</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_464'>464</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1454. Peace of Lodi between Venice and Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_253'>253</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venice concludes a treaty with the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_254'>254</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile. Succeeded by Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (‘The Impotent’)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_476'>476</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1455. Death of Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> Election of Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_274'>274</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Beginning of the Wars of the Roses in England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_238'>238</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1456. Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> repulsed from Belgrade</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_411'>411</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Hungarian leader, John Hunyadi</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_411'>411</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The dauphin Louis, driven from Dauphiné by his father, takes refuge in the Burgundian dominions</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_359'>359</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1457. Compulsory abdication of Francesco Foscari in Venice</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_254'>254</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Ladislas Postumus. Austria passes to the Styrian branch of the Hapsburgs</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_414'>414</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxvii'>xxvii</span>1457. Karl Knudson driven from Sweden. Coronation of Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> reunites the three Scandinavian kingdoms</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_447'>447</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1458. Death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> Aragon, Sicily, and Sardinia pass to his brother, John <span class='fss'>II.</span>; Naples to his natural son, Ferrante</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of Mathias Corvinus in Hungary</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_414'>414</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Election of George Podiebrad in Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_414'>414</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span> Election of Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_276'>276</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Servia conquered by the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_511'>511</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1459. Futile congress at Mantua to arrange a crusade against the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_276'>276</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Adolf, Count of Holstein and Duke of Schleswig</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_447'>447</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1460. John of Calabria revives the Angevin claim to Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_277'>277</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> issues the bull <i>Execrabilis</i></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Turkish conquest of the Morea</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_511'>511</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Prince Henry the Navigator</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_491'>491</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Denmark, etc., obtains Schleswig and Holstein</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_447'>447</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1461. Death of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of France, and accession of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_361'>361</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Charles of Viana. Rising in Catalonia against John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_486'>486</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> subdues the empire of Trebizond</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_513'>513</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Yorkist victory at Towton, and accession of Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_244'>244</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1462. John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, hard pressed by Catalans, cedes Roussillon and Cerdagne to Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Conquest of Wallachia by the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_511'>511</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Turkish conquests in the Ægean</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_512'>512</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1463. Venice decides to go to war with the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1464. Genoa subjected to Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_260'>260</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John of Calabria leaves Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_278'>278</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> at Ancona. Election of Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_280'>280</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Cosimo de’ Medici</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_299'>299</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Conquest of Bosnia by the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_511'>511</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1465. War of the Public Weal in France</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_365'>365</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> enters Paris after the battle of Montlhéri</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_366'>366</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Conclusion of the Treaty of Conflans</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_367'>367</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1466. Death of Francesco Sforza. Succeeded by Galeazzo Maria</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_261'>261</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Conspiracy in Florence against Piero de’ Medici</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_300'>300</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Thorn: West Prussia ceded to Poland, and East Prussia retained by Teutonic Order as a Polish fief</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_465'>465</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1467. Death of Scanderbeg, the defender of Albania against the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_256'>256</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxviii'>xxviii</span>1467. Death of Philip the Good, and accession of Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_369'>369</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1468. Interview at Péronne between Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_370'>370</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rebellion in Liége forces Louis to make treaty of Péronne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_371'>371</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ War between Hungary and Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_415'>415</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1469. Death of Piero de’ Medici. Lorenzo becomes practically lord of Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_302'>302</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles the Bold acquires Alsace and the Breisgau from Sigismund of Tyrol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_377'>377</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of John of Calabria</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_486'>486</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Marriage of Isabella of Castile to Ferdinand of Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_477'>477</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Margaret, daughter of Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span>, marries James <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Scotland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_448'>448</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1470. Warwick and Clarence driven from England to France. Reconciliation of Warwick with Margaret of Anjou</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_372'>372</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Renewed war between Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_374'>374</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1471. Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England defeats his opponents at Barnet (April 14) and Tewkesbury (May)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_373'>373</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of George Podiebrad. Bohemians elect Ladislas, son of Casimir <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Poland</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_416'>416</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span> Election of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_281'>281</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Constitutional changes in Florence strengthen the Medici</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_303'>303</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1472. Death of Charles of Guienne (May 24)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_376'>376</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Truce between Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_376'>376</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Altered policy of Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_376'>376</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ John <span class='fss'>II.</span> takes Barcelona and puts down the Catalan rebellion</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_486'>486</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1473. Death of Nicolas of Calabria. Charles the Bold’s aggressions in Lorraine</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_378'>378</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Interview at Trier between Charles the Bold and Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_404'>404</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1474. Charles the Bold lays siege to Neuss</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_378'>378</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ The Swiss stirred into hostility to Charles the Bold</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_379'>379</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile. Accession of Isabella</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_477'>477</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1475. Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> invades France. Treaty of Pecquigni</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_381'>381</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles the Bold overruns Lorraine</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_381'>381</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Execution of the Constable St. Pol</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_383'>383</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1476. Charles the Bold undertakes to chastise the Swiss. Battles of Granson (March 2) and Morat (June 22)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_384'>384</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Murder of Gian Galeazzo Sforza in Milan</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_261'>261</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1477. Death of Charles the Bold before Nanci (Jan. 5)</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_386'>386</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> occupies Burgundy, Franche-Comté and Artois</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_387'>387</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxix'>xxix</span>1477. Mary of Burgundy married to Maximilian</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_388'>388</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1478. Conspiracy of the Pazzi in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Florence at war with Naples and the Papacy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1479. Death of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon. Succeeded by Ferdinand the Catholic, but Navarre passes to his daughter Eleanor</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_487'>487</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Florentine reverses. Lorenzo de’ Medici goes to Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_308'>308</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Regency of Bona of Savoy in Milan overthrown by Ludovico Sforza</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_262'>262</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Constantinople ends the long war between Venice and the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1480. Occupation of Otranto by the Turks</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Florence makes peace with Naples and Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_309'>309</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Important constitutional changes in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_310'>310</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Réné le Bon, succeeded by Charles of Maine</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_389'>389</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1481. Death of Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span>. Evacuation of Otranto. Temporary decline of Turkish power</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_513'>513</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Charles of Maine enables Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> to acquire Anjou, Maine, and Provence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_389'>389</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1482. Death of Mary of Burgundy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_388'>388</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Arras settles the Burgundian succession</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_388'>388</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Venetian attack upon Ferrara</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Coalition of Milan, Naples, and Florence against Venice and the Papacy</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1483. Death of Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_388'>388</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> Accession of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> Regency of Anne of Beaujeu</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_390'>390</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> deserts Venice and joins the hostile league</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_284'>284</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1484. Meeting of States-General at Tours</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_391'>391</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Bagnolo ends the Ferrarese war</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and election of Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_284'>284</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ War between Mathias Corvinus and Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_416'>416</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1485. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> establishes the Tudor dynasty in England</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_391'>391</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Rising of Neapolitan barons against Ferrante. Offer of the crown to Réné of Lorraine</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_286'>286</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Mathias Corvinus seizes Vienna</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1486. Bartholomew Diaz rounds the Cape of Good Hope</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_492'>492</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Maximilian elected King of the Romans in his father’s lifetime</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1488. Death of Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Brittany. Succeeded by daughter Anne</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_391'>391</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1490. Death of Mathias Corvinus. Succeeded by Ladislas of Bohemia</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xxx'>xxx</span>1491. Anne of Brittany compelled to marry Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Pressburg, by which Maximilian recovered the Austrian territories which had been conquered by Mathias Corvinus</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ End of the regency of Anne of Beaujeu</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1492. Columbus discovers the new world of America</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_492'>492</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Annexation of Moorish kingdom of Granada to Spain</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_490'>490</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, and election of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_287'>287</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Lorenzo de’ Medici. Succeeded by Piero <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_312'>312</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> invades France, but is bought off by treaty of Étaples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1493. Bull of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span> dividing the new world between Spain and Portugal</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_493'>493</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Barcelona restores Roussillon and Cerdagne to Aragon</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Senlis cedes Artois and Franche-Comté</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_393'>393</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Neapolitan exiles, advised by Venice, and supported by Ludovico Sforza, urge Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> to claim Naples as representing the house of Anjou</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Death of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> Maximilian unites all Hapsburg dominions</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_417'>417</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>1494. Death of Ferrante of Naples. Succeeded by Alfonso <span class='fss'>II.</span></td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_287'>287</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Treaty of Tordesillas between Spain and Portugal</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_493'>493</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> sets out to assert his claim to Naples</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_393'>393</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c010'>“ Expulsion of Piero de’ Medici, and restoration of republican government in Florence</td> - <td class='c011'><a href='#Page_314'>314</a></td> - </tr> -</table> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> - <h2 id='chap01' class='c009'>CHAPTER I <br /> GERMANY AND THE EMPIRE AFTER THE INTERREGNUM, 1273-1313</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The Empire—German divisions—The Interregnum—Rudolf of Hapsburg—His -War with Ottokar—Adolf of Nassau—His relations with France—His -fall—Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>—The Succession in Hungary and Bohemia—The -Election of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>—His Italian Expedition—His Concessions to the -Princes—His son John and the Bohemian Crown—The French seizure of -Lyons—The importance of the Period 1273-1313 in German History</p> - -<p class='c005'>Ever since <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 962 the German monarchy had been combined -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Empire and the German monarchy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with the Roman Empire, and the union proved harmful -to both offices. The universal authority of the -Emperor could hardly fail to become shadowy -and unreal, but it was rendered more distasteful -to non-German princes and peoples by the immediate -association of the Empire with a distinct kingdom, -with which they might have causes of quarrel. And as the -Empire became more and more localised, so the German -kingship became steadily weaker. The shadowy character of -the higher dignity tended to produce the same impression as -to the more real and practical office. The princes who held -their lands of the German king aimed more and more at the -independence of the external kings and rulers, who, in feudal -theory, held of the Emperor. The imperial claims brought -the Empire into collision with the Papacy, and the German -monarchy suffered from the blows which the Emperor’s power -received in the great Contest of Investitures. Moreover, the -Empire carried with it the crown of Italy; and the constant -waste of money and men in the vain attempt to establish a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>real dominion in the southern peninsula, not only weakened -individual German rulers, but also led to constant absences -from Germany which gave occasion to their northern vassals -to acquire independence. Above all the Empire was, by -tradition and by the very conception of the office, elective. -Thus the German kings were deprived of all the advantages -which normal hereditary succession gave to the rulers of -England and France. Not only did disputed elections give -rise to civil war with all its evils, but the constant change -from one family to another rendered impossible any consistent -policy of strengthening the central power. When at -last the Hapsburgs obtained quasi-hereditary possession of -the imperial dignity, disunion had made such progress that it -was too late to apply a remedy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The decline of the central power and the consequent rise -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>German divisions.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of a large number of semi-independent political units, each -with a separate existence of its own, though held -together by certain common duties and interests, -make German history in this period peculiarly difficult and -complicated. And the number of these units was far greater -in the thirteenth century than would have seemed likely at an -earlier date. The great duchies formed by the Karolings had, -by the policy of subsequent rulers, been broken up or allowed -to become extinct. The great duchy of Swabia, for instance, -came to an end with the Hohenstaufen, and was never revived. -But the extinction of each duchy brought with it an -immense increase of the number of tenants-in-chief. Every -noble, town, and even village which had previously held of -the duke, now claimed to hold directly of the Emperor; and -though many of the weaker units fell victims to the greed of -powerful neighbours, yet some, like the original members of -the Swiss Confederation, succeeded in retaining the coveted -position. In Germany, too, primogeniture was in those days -a rare exception, and the practice of equal partition among -brothers necessarily led to a great increase in the number of -princely tenants of the Emperor.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>It is, of course, impossible in this volume to attempt to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The lay princes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -trace the separate history of the various principalities and -states which fill the rather ill-defined territory -known as Germany. But it is necessary at starting -to have a clear conception of some of the chief families -which play so important a part in subsequent history. The -four most prominent princely houses in the middle of the -thirteenth century were those of Ascania, Welf, Wittelsbach, -and Wettin. The first was sub-divided into two lines, descended -from the two sons of Albert the Bear. The elder -son had held the marks of Brandenburg in the north, which, -since 1267, were split up among several brothers. The -younger son, Bernard, had in 1180 received from Frederick -Barbarossa the diminished duchy of Saxony, which was now -held by his grandson, Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1261-1298). The great -family of Welf, so powerful in the previous century, was now -confined to the duchy of Brunswick, afterwards sub-divided -into Lüneburg (Hanover) and Wolfenbüttel (Brunswick). -The House of Wittelsbach was represented by two brothers, -Lewis <span class='fss'>II.</span>, who combined the duchy of Upper Bavaria with -the Palatine county (<i>Pfalzgrafschaft</i>) of the Rhine, and -Henry, who held the duchy of Lower Bavaria. Henry of -Wettin, whose descendants acquired Saxony in the fifteenth -century and retain it to the present day, was at this time -Margrave of Meissen and Landgrave of Thuringia. But the -most powerful individual prince at this time was Ottokar, -ruler of the Slav kingdom of Bohemia, which was brought by -geography and history into close connection with Germany. -To Bohemia, which he inherited in 1253 from his father, -Wenzel <span class='fss'>I.</span>, Ottokar had added by marriage and diplomacy -Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, and thus held a -secure predominance in south-eastern Germany. There were -also three lesser families, as yet insignificant, and not regarded -as belonging to the princely class, which were destined within -this period to rise to importance in Germany, while two of -them have taken a position among the greatest dynasties -<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>Europe has ever seen. The House of Luxemburg, in the -thirteenth century the lords of a petty county near the -western frontier, produced in the next century four Emperors, -and founded a territorial power which survived the family -which had created it. The Hapsburgs, hitherto known only -as active and successful nobles in Swabia, within this period -built up a considerable state in south-eastern Germany, and -succeeded to the position which the Luxemburgs had founded. -Finally, the Hohenzollerns, who in the thirteenth century -combined scattered territories in Franconia with the office of -Burggraf of Nürnberg, acquired the electorate of Brandenburg -in the fifteenth century, and though their power grew more -slowly than that of the Luxemburgs and Hapsburgs, yet it -rested on a surer foundation, owed more to ability and policy -than to fortune, and may prove in the end both more brilliant -and more durable.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Among the great territorial princes of Germany must be -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Bishops.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -reckoned the very numerous ecclesiastical tenants-in-chief of -the Empire. A large area of German soil, especially -along the valleys of the Rhine and the Main, -was held by bishops and monasteries. Of these clerical -princes the most powerful and prominent were the Rhenish -archbishops of Mainz, Köln, and Trier. In former times the -bishops had been severed from the secular princes by class -interests and traditions, and the separation had been encouraged -by many of the Emperors, whose policy was to -exalt themselves by playing one off against the other. But -after the middle of the thirteenth century this distinction -tends to become obscured. The rivalry between Emperors -and Popes, though it does not disappear, ceases to be the -dominant factor in German relations; and during the papal -residence in Avignon (1305-1376) the German bishops become -to some extent alienated from the Papacy. The result -is that the German princes, both clerical and secular, come to -form a fairly united class; and the most obvious interest -which binds them together is the desire to strengthen their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>own independence, their ‘liberty,’ as they call it, by weakening -the central power. On the other hand, the lesser tenants-in-chief -below the princely rank, known in later history as the -<i>Ritterschaft</i>, or knights, are impelled to cling to the monarchy -for support against the constant danger of princely encroachments.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Besides the princes and knights, there is a very important -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The imperial cities.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -body of tenants-in-chief—the <i>Reichstädte</i>, or imperial cities. -These had risen to importance, partly through the -economic conditions which gave them wealth, and -partly through the policy of several of the Emperors, who had -encouraged the growth of municipal life as a source of revenue -and as a check upon the power of the princes. German cities -may be divided roughly into two great groups: those in the -south, like Augsburg, Nürnberg, Ratisbon, etc., which obtained -importance from their position on the great commercial -routes leading from Venice and Genoa to different parts of -Europe; and those in the north, on the Baltic and the -German Ocean, whose function was to carry on the trade -between the east and the west of Northern Europe, and to -exchange at Bruges the products of the north for the commodities -brought by the southern merchants (see p. <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>). The -strength of the towns lay in their wealth and their walls; their -weakness in their isolation and mutual jealousy. This weakness -the southern cities never overcame; their leagues for -common objects were never durable, and therefore never -effectual. But the northern towns were left more to themselves: -they came into contact with less developed states, -and they were subject to the pressure of more constant and -more immediate political interests. The necessity of securing -trade privileges in the countries lying to the east and west of -the Baltic, and the duty of defending their commercial routes -against the aggressive Scandinavian state of Denmark, which -commanded the outlets from the Baltic, forced the northern -towns into a semi-federal union, and the Hanseatic League -became for a time a great political power in the north. In -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>the end the northern cities also succumbed, owing mainly to -a great change in trade routes, and partly to the growing -predominance of the princes. But at the beginning of this -period the future destiny of the German towns was unknown, -and to contemporaries it seemed quite possible that cities -like Nürnberg and Augsburg, or Lübeck and Hamburg, -might obtain an independence and a power not markedly -inferior to that which was actually acquired at this time by -Venice and Florence, which were in theory equally tenants-in-chief -of the Empire, though further removed from the -exercise of imperial authority.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The decline of the German kingship had begun in the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Interregnum and its results.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -eleventh century, but a partial revival had been effected by -the great Hohenstaufen Emperors, Frederick -Barbarossa, Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> With -the fall of the Hohenstaufen both Empire and -monarchy sank lower than they had ever done before. -During the Great Interregnum (1256-1273), two rival kings, -the Englishman Richard of Cornwall, and the Castilian king, -Alfonso <span class='fss'>X.</span>, had secured the nominal adherence of conflicting -parties in Germany, but neither had attempted to rule the -country. In these years not only did the tenants-in-chief -enjoy complete independence of any external authority, but -the imperial domains were either annexed by the princes, or -squandered by the two royal claimants in the attempt to -purchase adherents. This rendered it impossible to revive -the old monarchy, and produced changes which seemed to -render German unity for ever hopeless. Hitherto the elected -Emperor had resigned his hereditary dominions, and had -supported himself on the domain-lands, travelling about from -one estate to another. This was no longer possible. The -only way in which a future king could hope to secure any -respect or obedience was to acquire such a territorial power -as would make him formidable. Such a policy, consistently -pursued by a line of hereditary kings, might have resulted in -the gradual formation of a territorial monarchy like that of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>France. But the princes made use of their right of election, -at first to prevent the kingship passing to successive members -of the same family, and always to impose conditions which -should secure their own independence. The evil results -became abundantly plain in the century which followed the -Interregnum. Each successive Emperor set himself, not so -much to strengthen the monarchy, as to aggrandise his own -family; and the more successful he was, the more dangerous -and objectionable did that family become to his successor. -The same conditions which produced nepotism in the Papacy, -led to the adoption of a consistent policy of dynastic aggrandisement -by all the Emperors from Rudolf of Hapsburg -onwards.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1272 the death of Richard of Cornwall forced his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Rudolf I.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -adherents to consider the question of a new election, and at -the same time Pope Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span>, alarmed by the -excessive power of the House of Anjou in Italy, -and afraid lest German disunion might give occasion for -French aggression north of the Alps, used all his influence -to urge on the unanimous choice of a new king in Germany. -For a long time the right of election had tended to fall into -fewer hands. The early German kings were selected by the -chief men and approved by the acclamations of a mass -meeting of all freemen. Gradually the form of popular -approval disappeared, and the princely tenants-in-chief assumed -an absolute power of nomination. Since then the -practice had grown up of a preliminary choice by some of the -chief princes, to be ratified by the rest. But in the thirteenth -century the idea arose that certain princes could elect without -any further ceremony. Superstition and custom seem to -have combined to suggest the number seven for these electors, -as they came to be called. But there were several contending -claimants for the right to be included in the favoured seven, -and it was not till the next century that these disputes were -finally settled. On the present occasion the lead was taken -by the great Rhenish princes, the Count Palatine with the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>three Archbishops. The only chance of securing a general -adhesion of the princes was to choose a king who was not so -strong as to excite either fear or jealousy. Mainly through -the exertions of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Hohenzollern, Burggraf of -Nürnberg, the choice of the electors fell upon his cousin -Rudolf, Count of Hapsburg, who was crowned at Aachen on -October 24, 1273. It is not a little curious that the election -of the first Hapsburg was brought about by the influence of -a Hohenzollern.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Rudolf’s position was no easy one when, at the age of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rudolf’s policy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fifty-five, he was called from his successful career in the petty -politics of Swabia<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c015'><sup>[1]</sup></a> to assume the German kingship. -He had a large family of daughters, whose -marriages served to gain him adherents. At the coronation -ceremony one had been married to Lewis of Wittelsbach, and -another to Albert of Saxony. But such a tie was insufficient -to secure the docile obedience of his sons-in-law if he endeavoured -to exercise any real authority over them. Alfonso of -Castile retained the title of king of the Romans, and though -for the time he was powerless, his pretensions might easily -serve as a pretext for malcontents. A more formidable -opponent was Ottokar of Bohemia, whose claim to a voice in -the election had been disregarded, and who refused to acknowledge -the ‘pauper count’ of Hapsburg. In these circumstances -Rudolf showed all the prudence and foresight that -had already won him a reputation. He realised that it was -no longer possible to revive the pretensions of the Hohenstaufen. -He could not afford to alienate the Pope or to aim -at the recovery of an Italian kingdom. He must content -himself with obtaining what reality he could for the royal -power in Germany, and must find a territorial basis for that -power. The most obvious method of doing this was the -restoration of the duchy of Swabia in his own family, which -would enable him to achieve the aims which he had hitherto -pursued. But such a step would involve a quarrel with Lewis -<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>of Wittelsbach, who claimed to be regarded the heir of the -Hohenstaufen. Rudolf could not venture on such a risk, -and he fell back on the plan of wresting from Ottokar the -German fiefs in the south-east, which the latter had seized -during the Interregnum. Before attempting this, Rudolf had -to gain over the Pope, the close ally of the Bohemian king. -Through the agency of Frederick of Hohenzollern he concluded -a concordat with Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span>, by which he confirmed -all previous concessions of Italian territory to the Papacy, and -recognised the Angevin kingdom of Naples and Sicily. These -promises were subsequently confirmed in a personal interview -with Gregory at Lausanne (October, 1275). In March 1280 -Rudolf made a direct treaty with Charles of Anjou, by which -he confirmed his possession of Provence, and agreed to marry -his daughter Clementia to Charles’s grandson. Thus the -policy of Frederick II. was finally abandoned. To secure -undisturbed freedom of action in Germany, Rudolf resigned -Italy to the Pope and the House of Anjou.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Rudolf’s alliance with the Pope made him strong enough -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Ottokar.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to take active measures against Ottokar, whose refusal to -recognise the election on the ground that his vote -had been rejected irritated the German princes. -At successive diets, in 1274 and 1275, he was summoned to -justify his occupation of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola, -and on his refusal was called upon to resign these fiefs. -In 1276 Rudolf collected an imperial army and advanced -into Austria, where he was welcomed by a general rising of -the German nobles against Slav rule. Vienna capitulated, -and Ottokar, finding resistance hopeless, made peace on -November 21. On condition that Bohemia and Moravia -should be secured to him, he resigned the German provinces. -The treaty was to be confirmed by a double marriage of his -daughter to Rudolf’s son Hartmann, and of his son Wenzel -to one of Rudolf’s numerous daughters. Rudolf was so -confident in the results of his victory, that he hastened to -disband his army. But Ottokar had no intention of carrying -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>out the treaty of Vienna, and he succeeded in gaining over -many of the chief German princes by representing the danger -of allowing a strong Hapsburg power to be established on the -Danube. The result was a renewal of the struggle in 1278 -under widely altered conditions. The death of Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span> -(1276) had deprived Rudolf of much of the advantage gained -by his concordat with the Papacy. The Archbishops of -Mainz and Köln turned against him. Lewis of Wittelsbach -remained obstinately neutral. Henry of Lower Bavaria, -whom Rudolf had gained over in 1276 by a politic marriage, -openly supported Ottokar, who was also aided by the -Ascanian margraves of Brandenburg. In place of the imposing -army of 1276, the only German princes who sent -active aid to Rudolf were Frederick of Hohenzollern and the -Bishop of Basel. But the balance was turned in his favour -by the alliance of Ladislaus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Hungary and by the support -of the Austrian and Styrian nobles, whom Ottokar had failed -to conciliate. In a great battle on the Marchfeld, the victory -was decided by a charge of the heavy-armed cavalry under -Frederick of Hohenzollern, and Ottokar himself perished on -the field (August 26, 1278). His death made Rudolf’s -victory decisive. Otto of Brandenburg, who undertook the -guardianship of the young king of Bohemia, Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, -negotiated a treaty in October which renewed the stipulations -of 1276 as to the cession of the Austrian provinces and the -double marriage between the Hapsburg and Bohemian -families. In December 1282 Rudolf formally invested his -sons, Albert and Rudolf, with the imperial fiefs of Austria, -Styria, and Carniola. The duchy of Carinthia was given to -Meinhard, Count of Tyrol, whose daughter was married to -Albert of Austria.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The establishment of the Hapsburg dynasty in Austria is -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rudolf in later years.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -an important event in German history. It was the great -achievement of Rudolf’s reign, and it was his last -notable success. His later attempts to strengthen -the central monarchy in Germany were, in the main, fruitless. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>A series of edicts to secure the public peace by restricting the -practice of private war, gained the grateful approval of the -towns and the lesser nobles, but were rendered ineffectual -by the absence in Germany of an efficient system of jurisdiction -and police. An ordinance prohibiting the creation -of any new county (<i>Grafschaft</i>) without royal consent -illustrates the general aim of Rudolf’s government, but -proved little more than a dead letter. The recovery of the -lost imperial domains, which Rudolf had pledged himself -to undertake at his election, was a task beyond his strength. -Even the towns, on whose support he reckoned, were alienated -by his attempt to raise an imperial revenue by their -taxation; and the appearance of a number of pretenders -claiming to be Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> showed a tendency to contrast -Rudolf’s government with that of his predecessor, who had -been enabled to spare his German subjects by the wealth -which he extracted from Italy. A still more serious difficulty -was the obstinate refusal of the electors to choose his son -Albert as his successor during his own lifetime. This was -the most pressing object of Rudolf’s last years, and it was -unfulfilled when he died on July 15, 1291, at the age of -seventy-three. If he had lived two centuries earlier, he -might have ranked among the greatest of German kings; as -it is, he will always be remembered as the founder of the -greatest of German dynasties.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The objection to Albert of Austria rested on the considerable -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Adolf of Nassau.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -territories, both in the east and in Swabia, -which he inherited from his father. The same -motives which had induced the electors in 1273 to choose -Rudolf, led them to look for a successor whose position -should be still more humble than Rudolf’s had been. The -influence of the Archbishop of Mainz, Gerhard von Eppenstein, -secured the election of another ‘poor count,’ Adolf of -Nassau (May 5, 1292). He had purchased votes by promises, -which he could only fulfil by pawning the scanty remnants -of the imperial domains. But Adolf’s ambition was greater -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>than his material power, and he had no intention of reigning -as the submissive puppet of the electors. No sooner had he -received the crown at Aachen (June 24) than he led an -army against Albert, and forced him to do homage and to -surrender the royal insignia which he had retained on his -father’s death. To repress the great princes, Adolf set -himself to conciliate the towns and the lesser nobles. -Taking advantage of the death of Frederick of Meissen -and Thuringia, he claimed those territories as vacant -imperial fiefs, and prepared to found there a hereditary -principality as his predecessor had done on the Danube. -Still more noteworthy was the attitude which he assumed -towards France. The kingdom of Arles or Burgundy, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations with France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -founded by Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span> (888-912) and enlarged by -Rudolf <span class='fss'>II.</span> (912-937) had, after the death of -Rudolf <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1032), fallen to the German king, Conrad <span class='fss'>II.</span> -Since then the crown of Arles had been regarded as one of -the three crowns, with those of Germany and Italy, which -passed on election to successive kings of the Romans. But -as the German monarchy declined, the supremacy in Burgundy -became more and more nominal, and many Emperors -neglected the ceremony of coronation at Arles altogether. -The kingdom split up into a number of quasi-independent -provinces, of which the chief were the free county of Burgundy -(Franche-comté), Savoy, Dauphiné, the Lyonnais, and -Provence. These provinces, though in theory they were -held as fiefs of the Empire, were gradually subjected to -systematic aggressions from the side of France, and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -(1285-1314) pursued this policy of absorption more boldly -and openly than any of his predecessors. Adolf sought to -strengthen himself by posing as the champion of the unity of -the Empire, and in 1294 concluded a treaty with Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> -of England by which the two princes pledged themselves not -to lay down their arms until Philip had withdrawn from the -territories he was trying to wrest from both of them. But -the war which followed only brought out clearly the disunion -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>and military impotence of Germany. The German princes -cared nothing for the border provinces as compared with -their own interests and independence. It was easy for -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> to stir up opposition to Adolf, and when peace was -negotiated by Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> in 1298, no satisfaction was -given to the imperial claims.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the electors and princes had been seriously -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Adolf’s fall.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -alarmed by Adolf’s alliance with the lesser nobles and towns, -and by his temporary successes in Thuringia. To -put down the prince whom they had chosen, they -turned to Albert of Austria whom they had rejected. Albert, -who had already formed a close alliance with Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span> of -Bohemia, and had been in communication with the French -king, was eager to strike a blow for his father’s crown. The -Archbishop of Mainz summoned a meeting of princes to -Frankfort on May 1, 1298, and Albert set out to attend it -with an army at his back. Adolf, however, collected troops -from his supporters among the lesser nobles, and prepared to -dispute his passage. By superior strategy Albert marched -round his opponent to the south, and succeeded in reaching -Mainz, whither the meeting was transferred. Here the electors -formally declared Adolf’s deposition (June 23), but the -irregular proposal of Albert of Saxony to elect Albert of -Austria on the spot met with no support. The army of the -princes now advanced against the king, and after a desperate -struggle near Göllheim, Adolf was slain—struck from his horse, -it was said, by the hand of his rival (July 2). He had made -a brief but creditable attempt to rule as a German king, but -was too weak to face the hostile coalition of the princes. His -schemes in Thuringia and Meissen perished with him, and -the House of Wettin recovered its territories.</p> - -<p class='c004'>After Albert’s victory as champion of the electors, the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Albert I.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -latter could no longer avoid choosing him to fill the vacant -throne; but they soon had ample reason to recognise -the wisdom of their previous refusal. Albert -inherited his father’s policy, with more restless energy and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>greater military capacity. What he might have done for the -Hapsburg dynasty and the German monarchy if his career -had not been prematurely cut short by assassination it is impossible -to say, but the ten years of his reign are full of great -enterprises, most of which promised successful results. The -reputation for cruelty which he bears in history is mainly due -to the sternness of his manner and appearance, increased by -the loss of an eye, and to the fables which have grown up -round him in the more than dubious traditions of the Swiss.</p> - -<p class='c004'>To coerce Pope Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, who refused to acknowledge -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Albert’s policy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his election, Albert concluded a treaty with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of -France, who had a quarrel of his own with the -Papacy, and thus abandoned the attempt of Adolf -to defend the Burgundian frontiers. In December, 1299, he -had a personal interview with Philip, and arranged a marriage -between the French princess Blanche and his eldest son -Rudolf. In German politics he set himself to favour the -towns against the princes, and infuriated the latter by an -edict abolishing all tolls on the Rhine imposed since the -death of Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> in 1250. The death of the Count of -Holland and Zealand (October, 1299) gave him an opportunity -to claim these provinces as vacant imperial fiefs in -opposition to John of Hainault, who claimed the inheritance -through his mother. This scheme, however, proved a failure, -and the House of Avesnes succeeded in adding Holland and -Zealand to Hainault. Encouraged by Albert’s check in the -north-west, the Rhenish archbishops and the Elector Palatine, -furious at the threatened loss of their tolls, formed a league -against the king whom they had voted for two years before. -But Albert was not so powerless as Adolf had been. Backed -by the enthusiastic support of the cities and aided by French -auxiliaries, he took the aggressive against his opponents, and -compelled them not only to abolish the tolls, but to recognise -the right of the towns to receive burghers of the pale -(<i>Pfahlbürger</i>)—that is, to confer the privileges and immunities -of citizenship on residents in the suburbs outside the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>walls. Few German kings since Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span> had been so -successful in coercing their powerful vassals as was Albert in -these campaigns of 1301 and 1302.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the next few years Albert’s attention was mainly -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Hungary.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -absorbed in eastern affairs. The death of Andrew <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the -last male of the Arpad dynasty in Hungary, left -that kingdom without any obvious heir. There -were two candidates, who were descended from the royal -family through females—Otto of Lower Bavaria, and Charles -Robert or Carobert, the grandson of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the Angevin -king of Naples. But the Magyar nobles passed over both, and -offered the crown to <span class='sc'>Wenzel II.</span> of Bohemia, who accepted it -for his son Wenzel <span class='fss'>III.</span> Such an accession of power to the -Premyslides was entirely opposed to Albert’s interests, both -as King of Germany and as Duke of Austria. As he had no -love for the Wittelsbachs in Lower Bavaria, he did not hesitate -to espouse the cause of Carobert, the son of his sister -Clementia, and the candidate supported by Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, -with whom Albert had reconciled himself in 1302. For a -time the Bohemian power proved too strong, but the death of -Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span> (June, 1305) and the growing discontent in -Hungary with the conduct of the young king, enabled Carobert -to secure the crown, though his title was disputed for a -time by Otto of Wittelsbach.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the next year (August, 1306) the murder of the young -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Wenzel <span class='fss'>III.</span> left the Bohemian crown itself vacant. The sister -of the late king had married Henry of Carinthia -and Tyrol, the brother of Albert’s wife.<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c015'><sup>[2]</sup></a> In spite -of this relationship Albert claimed the kingdom as a vacant -fief, and conferred it upon his eldest son Rudolf. The -consent of the Bohemian nobles was extorted or purchased, -and an agreement that Rudolf’s brothers should succeed if he -himself died childless, seemed to secure to the Hapsburgs -the permanent possession of a kingdom which, added to their -Austrian territories, would make them all-powerful on the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>eastern frontier of Germany. This was the greatest of -Albert’s achievements, and, if the acquisition had been permanent, -would have made his reign as important in Hapsburg -history as his father’s had been. But his last years were -clouded with disappointment. An attempt to renew his predecessor’s -claims upon Meissen and Thuringia was repulsed -by Frederick of Wettin, who defeated the royal army, under -Frederick of Hohenzollern, near Altenburg (May 31, 1307). -This defeat was followed by the sudden death, on July 4, of -the youthful Rudolf of Bohemia. The Bohemians had tired -of Hapsburg rule, and in spite of the agreement made at -Rudolf’s election, they now offered the crown to Henry of -Carinthia. Albert had already made one incursion -into Bohemia, and was preparing another, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Albert’s death.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -when he was treacherously murdered by his nephew, John -(May 1, 1308).</p> - -<p class='c004'>John was the son of Albert’s brother Rudolf and Agnes, -daughter of Ottokar, and seems to have resented his uncle’s -refusal either to support his candidature for the Bohemian -crown, or to give him any share of the Hapsburg territories. -The assassination, therefore, was the result of mere personal -pique, but it was as important as if it had arisen from a deep-laid -political scheme. If Albert had lived longer he would -very probably have established his son Frederick in Bohemia, -and rendered his election to the German kingship inevitable. -In that case the Hapsburgs might have founded a territorial -monarchy in Germany, and the House of Luxemburg would -never have risen from obscurity. The complaint that Albert -neglected to enforce imperial pretensions in Italy is well -founded, but should rather be set to the credit of his political -capacity. The Italian connection was fatal to the best interests -of Germany. A far more serious criticism is his -failure to resist the aggressions of France. He aided the -House of Anjou to acquire the crown of Hungary in addition -to that of Naples, and although for the moment Charles -Robert’s candidature was opposed by Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, it was certain -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>that in the long-run the Angevin and Capet interests would -combine the two families. He made no opposition to the -transference of the papal residence from Rome to Avignon, -though the disadvantage to Germany was obvious when -Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> filled the Rhenish archbishoprics with partisans -of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It resulted from these changes that French influence was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Henry VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -very prominent in the election of 1308, and was strong enough -to secure the exclusion of Albert’s heir, Frederick -the Handsome. Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s brother, Charles of -Valois, came forward as a candidate and was openly supported -by the Pope. But the secular princes were strong -enough to resist such a sacrifice of German interests to -ecclesiastical pressure, although their own interests prevented -them from supporting the Hapsburg. At this juncture, the -Archbishop Baldwin of Trier (appointed in 1307) suggested -as a compromise the choice of his brother, Henry of Luxemburg. -He was the descendant of the counts of Limburg and -Arlon, who had acquired Luxemburg by marriage in 1214. -His territorial power was too small to inspire jealousy in -Germany, while he was connected with France by education -and by military service in the war against Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> As no -other candidate had any chance of election, Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> was -chosen without opposition on October 28, 1308. The Hapsburgs -found it necessary to acknowledge the new king on -condition of receiving confirmation of their fiefs.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The personal career of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> belongs rather to the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Italian expedition.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -history of Italy than that of Germany, and will be considered -in the following chapter. From the first he -seems to have looked on Germany as a foreigner, -and abandoned the policy of his predecessor for the wild dream -of reviving the imperial power of the Hohenstaufen in Italy -at the head of the Ghibelline party. In 1310 he set out on -his southern expedition, which resulted in little beyond his -coronation in Rome (June 29, 1312). He never returned to -Germany. But before his departure he took some steps -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>which were fraught with future consequence. To conciliate -the princes he withdrew the concessions by which Albert had -purchased the support of the towns. In 1310 -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Concessions to the princes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he prohibited the creation of <i>pfahlbürger</i>, and -restored their tolls to the Rhenish princes. In the same -year he seized the opportunity to obtain a great acquisition -for his family. The Bohemians were in rebellion against -Henry of Carinthia, and offered the crown to Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s son, -John, on condition that he should marry Elizabeth, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John of Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -daughter of Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span> The offer was -accepted; but so little did Henry care even for his family -interests in comparison with his chimerical schemes, that he -did not delay his advance into Italy, and left the securing of -his son’s throne to the Archbishop of Mainz, Peter von -Aspelt. Fortunately, the enterprise did not require his -presence. Henry of Carinthia was expelled, and John of -Luxemburg was firmly seated on the Bohemian throne.</p> - -<p class='c004'>During the Italian expedition, which ended in Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>France seizes Lyons.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -death near Siena (August 24, 1313), the interests of the -German monarchy were neglected, the princes -were left in complete independence, and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -was enabled to carry on his aggressions with impunity. In -1310 he took advantage of a dispute between the archbishop -and the citizens of Lyons to send French troops into the city, -and in 1312 the former was compelled to make a treaty by -which he acknowledged the suzerainty of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Forty years had now elapsed since the close of the Great -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Importance of period 1273-1313 in German history.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Interregnum. The kingly office had been revived, and had -been held by four princes, each of whom had -shown considerable vigour and capacity. But -the absence of hereditary succession had rendered -impossible the pursuit of any efficient scheme -for the enforcement of central authority and the repression of -princely independence. The greatest successes in this -direction had been gained by Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>, but they had -been rendered nugatory by his untimely death and by his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>successor’s absorption in dreams of reviving the universal -empire. Germany in 1313, as in 1273, was a mere bundle of -states under a nominal head, while its neighbours England -and France had been receiving a strong national organisation -under the capable rule of Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> That -Germany escaped for a century from the worst consequences -of her disunion was mainly due to the jarring -interests of the neighbouring states which led to the Hundred -Years’ War.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But it is misleading to regard the history of these forty -years as a mere chronicle of heroic efforts ending in hopeless -failure. The very divisions of Germany, while they weakened -its nationality, gave greater scope and variety to local development. -From this period we date the rise to greatness of the -two vigorous dynasties of Luxemburg and Hapsburg. To -it we have also to look for the first origins of the Swiss Confederation -[see chap. <a href='#chap07'>vii</a>.], for the rise of the Hanseatic -League [see chap. <a href='#chap18'>xviii</a>.], and for the establishment of a great -territorial power in Prussia by the Teutonic Order [see chap. -xix.]. It is necessary to follow the fortunes of the monarchy -in order to understand why German development was so -different from that of other contemporary states, but the real -interest of German history is to be found in the vigorous -growth of these political organisations on the extremities -rather than in the declining vitality of the central power.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span> - <h2 id='chap02' class='c009'>CHAPTER II <br /> ITALY AND THE PAPACY, 1273-1313</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Italy in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries—Causes of Italian disunion—The -Guelfs and Ghibellines—The Italian towns—The House of Anjou -in Naples—The Sicilian Vespers—The Popes and their States—Celestine -<span class='fss'>V.</span> is succeeded by Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>—The last of the Mediæval Popes—The -difficulties of Benedict <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Clement<span class='fss'> V.</span>—The retirement of Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> -to Avignon and beginning of the ‘Babylonish Captivity’—The condition -of Tuscany—The Florentine Constitution—Genoa and Milan—The -Venetian Constitution—Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> makes an Expedition into Italy—Its -failure—Death of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span></p> - -<p class='c007'>The two centuries which are treated in this volume constitute -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the most brilliant period in Italian history since the age of -Augustus. The absence of any central authority, -which disappeared even more completely in Italy -than in Germany, opened the way for the growth -of a number of political organisations, whose -history is as fascinating as their variety is bewildering. In -addition to the great dynasties of Anjou, Visconti, and -Medici, we have to watch the fortunes of the great republics -of Venice, Florence, and Genoa, of the temporal states -of the Church, and of a number of lesser families, such as the -House of Este in Ferrara, the della Scalas in Verona, the Gonzagas -in Mantua, the Montefeltri in Urbino, whose kaleidoscopic -changes are narrated with such wealth of detail in the -volumes of Sismondi. But what gives its special importance -to the history of this period is that in it Italy becomes the -teacher of Europe. It is to Italy that we trace that great -movement, known as the Renaissance, which began with the -revival of classical learning, but led on to the growth of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>national literatures, to the rise of a new spirit in the arts of -painting and sculpture, and to the enfranchisement of human -thought from the fetters of superstition, routine, and the -formulas of scholasticism. In the fifteenth century, Italy -originated the art of writing history as distinguished from the -compilation of mediæval chronicles. And finally, Italy -instructed Europe in politics as well as in letters and art. -The foremost European rulers of the sixteenth century learnt -the maxims of government from Italian princes and Italian -writers: the great states of modern times learnt from Italy the -practices of diplomacy and the theory of the balance of power. -Political science, which had made no progress since the days -of Aristotle, was revived by the writings of Machiavelli and -Guicciardini.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Yet Italy profited less than any other state from the -lessons which she taught. France, England, and Spain, all -of them the pupils of Italy, became strong, united, and -wealthy states, while Italy herself, in the very middle of an -intellectual and artistic activity which has remained the -wonder of the world, subsided into political insignificance, -and only finds a place in subsequent history as the stage on -which other nations fight out their quarrels. The solution -of this crucial problem, the combination of intellectual -progress with political decadence, can only be -found in a careful study of the conditions which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Causes of Italian disunion.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -prevented the people of Italy from following the -normal tendencies of the period, and becoming a nation. -The causes of disunion are too numerous and deep-seated -to be summed up in a few sentences. But it may be -instructive to form a clear conception, at starting, of some of -the most notable conditions which influenced the course of -Italian history in the period which we have to consider. In -the first place, geography in Italy, as in Greece, tended to -disunion. The Apennines cut off the Lombard plain from -the rest of Italy, and divided the latter into two unequal -parts which were again split up by the lateral offshoots into -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>divisions, not quite so small as those of Greece, but almost -equally marked off. The nominal subjection to an elective -emperor, who was also king of Germany, rendered impossible -the rise of any strong native power which could weld -together the separate political units. The influence of the -Papacy, which in the thirteenth century combined the -sovereignty of an Italian state with the spiritual headship -of Latin Christendom, proved almost as great an -obstacle as the Empire to national union. The great length -of Italy, by increasing isolation, hindered the growth -of common interests. The leagues occasionally founded -for common aims, such as the Lombard league against -Frederick Barbarossa and the league of Venice against -Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, were never more than temporary alliances, -and fell to pieces as soon as their immediate object was -gained.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The long quarrel between the Popes and the Hohenstaufen -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Guelfs and Ghibellines.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Emperors bequeathed a fatal heritage to Italy in the -party feuds of Guelfs and Ghibellines. These -famous factions not only set one state against -another, but also gave rise to violent discord within each state. -And the parties lasted long after the original cause of quarrel -had come to an end. When the Hohenstaufen had perished -with Manfred and Conradin, when Rudolf of Hapsburg had -abandoned all imperial claims over central and southern Italy, -when the Papacy itself had quitted Italy to find a home on -the further boundary of Provence, it seemed as if party feuds -must inevitably die out for want of the fuel which had -originally kindled them. But the blaze of mutual hatred -continued to rage as fiercely as ever. The famous strife of -the <i>Bianchi</i> and <i>Neri</i> in Florence, which drove Dante into -exile from his native city, was fought out when Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span> and -Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> were in close alliance. These stereotyped and -quasi-hereditary feuds were not only destructive of all sense of -nationality, but they were strong enough to overpower the far -stronger and more local sentiment of common citizenship.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>Perhaps the strongest of all the disruptive forces in Italy -was the development, in the northern and central provinces, -of the municipality or commune as the normal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Commune as a political unit.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -unit of political life. This applies not only to -the republics proper, but also to those cities -whose liberties were overthrown by the rise of some -dominant family. The subjection of lesser cities by more -powerful neighbours did not create a state in which all -subjects stood in an equal relation of submission to a -despotic government, but one in which subject communes -were enslaved by a dominant commune, and were excluded -by it from all voice in the government. The citizens of -Pavia and Cremona were not the direct subjects of the -Visconti on a level with the Milanese themselves. They -were the subjects of Milan, and were ruled by Milanese -governors, just as Pisa and Pistoia were ruled by Florentines. -The absorption of the lesser cities continued, until in the -fifteenth century Italy practically consisted of five dominant -states—Naples, Milan, Venice, Florence, and the Papacy. -The result was the creation of a large subject population, -deprived of that share in politics which Italian citizens had -learnt in earlier times to consider their dearest right, and -constituting a permanent and dangerous element of discontent. -It was from this population that the condottieri -recruited those mercenary armies to which Italian writers -agree in attributing the disasters that befel their country, and -it was this population which welcomed foreign invasion as a -chance of escaping from domestic oppressions. Commines -tells us that the Italians ‘welcomed as saints’ the French -army that followed Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> to Naples, and the phrase -is significant of the unsoundness of the political condition of -Italy and of the utter absence of any sense of nationality.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The quarrel between Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> and the Popes had -been embittered by the former’s possession of Naples and -Sicily, which brought him into threatening proximity to the -territories in central Italy which the Popes claimed to rule. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>To drive the Hohenstaufen from Italian soil the Popes -did not hesitate to call in foreign assistance. After a vain -attempt to draw England into the quarrel, the -crown of Sicily was offered as a papal fief to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The House of Anjou in Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Charles of Anjou, the brother of Louis <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, and -Count of Provence through his wife Beatrix. At the battle -of Grandella near Benevento (February 26, 1266) Manfred, -the illegitimate son of Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span>, was slain; and the still -more famous battle of Tagliacozzo (August 23, 1268) was -followed by the capture and execution of Conradin, the last -male representative of the House of Hohenstaufen. These -two victories secured Charles’s possession of Naples and Sicily, -though the marriage of Manfred’s daughter, Constance, to -Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon created a rival claim which proved a -source of subsequent danger.</p> - -<p class='c004'>As the acknowledged head of the Guelf party, which was -for the moment supreme, Charles of Anjou seemed likely to -establish his ascendency over the greater part of Italy. The -Pope, claiming supremacy during the Interregnum, appointed -him imperial vicar and senator of Rome, while a number of -cities in Tuscany and Lombardy acknowledged his lordship. -But his ambitious schemes were suddenly checked by the -very power of which he posed as the champion. The Papacy -discovered that it had called in a protector who might prove -as dangerous a neighbour as the Hohenstaufen. Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span> -and Nicolas <span class='fss'>III.</span>, secured in their position by the concessions -of Rudolf of Hapsburg, did not hesitate to oppose the further -progress of the Neapolitan kings by a policy of mediation between -the Guelfs and Ghibellines. The election of Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -(February 24, 1281), a creature of Charles, seemed to offer -a new opportunity for Angevin aggression. The ascendency -of the Guelf faction was revived, and Charles was planning -an enterprise against Constantinople, when he was -arrested by the news of a great disaster. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sicilian Vespers, 1282.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Sicilians had long resented the harshness of -French rule, and John of Procida, an old partisan of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>Hohenstaufen, had returned from his refuge in Aragon to -encourage the malcontents and to secure for them foreign -assistance. His plans were still incomplete, when a sudden -rising at Palermo was provoked by a brutal insult offered to -a woman by a French soldier during a procession on Easter -Monday (March 30, 1282). The people rose with shouts of -‘Death to the French!’ and more than four thousand men, -women, and children were massacred that evening. The -whole of Sicily joined in the rebellion, and offered the crown -to Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon. When Peter arrived in August he -found that Charles, thirsting for vengeance, had -already laid siege to Messina. But the Catalan -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>House of Aragon in Sicily.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fleet under Roger di Loria, the most distinguished -naval commander of his time, was too formidable to be -faced by the mere transport vessels with which Charles was -provided. Sicily was perforce evacuated, and was never -recovered by the House of Anjou. The Sicilian Vespers -gave rise to a twenty years’ struggle, which concerns the -history of France and Spain as well as Italy. The Pope -decreed Peter’s deposition, both in Sicily and in Aragon, and -offered the latter crown to Charles of Valois, the second -son of Philip the Fair. But papal bulls failed to overcome -Aragonese obstinacy and Sicilian devotion. In 1283 Charles’s -son of the same name was captured in a naval battle by -Roger di Loria, and remained a prisoner for the next five -years. In 1285 Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Anjou died (January 7), after a -career which had known no failure till towards its close. The -same year witnessed the successive deaths of Pope Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -(March 12) and of Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> (November 11). The latter was -succeeded in Aragon by his eldest son Alfonso, and in Sicily -by his second son James. In 1288 the mediation of Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> -of England resulted in the conclusion of a treaty by which -Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou was released to take possession of the -Neapolitan crown, and Sicily was confirmed to the House of -Aragon. But the treaty was never observed. No sooner was -Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> free than Nicolas <span class='fss'>IV.</span> absolved him from his obligations, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>recognised him as king of the Two Sicilies on the same -terms as his father, and renewed the excommunication against -James. The war continued without a break. In 1291 -Alfonso died, and James succeeded to the crown of Aragon. -Wearied of the long struggle, and anxious to free his Spanish -kingdom from the attacks of Charles of Valois, James agreed -to renounce the crown of Sicily. But the Sicilians refused to -return to French rule, and raised to the throne Frederick, the -youngest son of Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span>, who continued the struggle even -in opposition to his own brother. At last, in 1302, after an -unsuccessful attack on Sicily by Charles of Valois, peace -was concluded. Frederick was to marry Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span>’s sister -Eleanor, and to retain the kingdom of Sicily during his lifetime, -but on his death it was to revert to the House of Anjou. -This last stipulation was never fulfilled, and Sicily and Naples -remained under separate rulers till 1435, when they were reunited -under an Aragonese king. The only other notable -event in the reign of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples was the acquisition -of the Hungarian crown by his grandson, Carobert, which has -been already narrated (see p. <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>). In 1309 Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> died, -and the crown of Naples passed to his second son, Robert, -the superior hereditary claims of Carobert of Hungary being -passed over. For the next thirty-four years Robert was the -acknowledged head of the Guelf party in Italy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>To the north of the kingdom of Naples lay the temporal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Papal States.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -dominions which the Popes claimed by virtue of real or -pretended donations from Emperors and others. -These territories had by this time reached the -boundaries which they retained to the present century. -They included the whole of Romagna, the Pentapolis, the -March of Ancona, and the Patrimony of St. Peter, with the -city of Rome and the Campagna. The concordat with -Rudolf of Hapsburg abolished all imperial suzerainty over -these districts, and thus secured to the Papacy a territorial -principality which Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> had threatened to annihilate. -But the victory, great as it appeared, was in reality deceptive. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>It had been won with the aid of the House of Anjou, whose -protection might easily be converted into an oppressive -patronage. And the difficulties of temporal rule were a -serious addition to those of the spiritual oversight of Christendom, -especially as the Popes were usually elected in advanced -years, and their tenure of office was necessarily brief. More -than two centuries elapsed before papal suzerainty in central -Italy developed into direct papal government; and during -that period the absorption in secular interests not only diverted -the attention of the Popes from their higher duties, but also -tended to lower their estimation in the eyes of Europe. The -localisation of the Papacy in central Italy, while it gave some -appearance of security to the papal power, really degraded it, -just as the identification with the German monarchy degraded -the dignity of the Empire.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There is little reason to linger over the history of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Popes, 1272-1290.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -individuals who fill the papal chair from the end of the -Interregnum till the departure to Avignon. -Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span> (1271-1276), elected after a vacancy -of nearly three years, was a man of high character and ability, -but he did not rule long enough to accomplish any great ends. -He set himself to restore order in Germany, to put an end to -party strife in Italy, and to check the arrogant ambition of -Charles of Naples. The council which he held at Lyons in -1274 is chiefly notable for the regulations drawn up to prevent -delays and external intervention in papal elections. Ten days -after the death of a Pope, the cardinals present on the spot -were to be shut up in conclave, and were to remain excluded -from intercourse with the outside world until they had agreed -on the choice of a successor. Gregory’s short-lived successors -were mainly occupied with their relations with Naples, with -party struggles in Italy, and with the growth of the noble -families in Rome. Temporal dominion, in which hereditary -succession was impossible, brought with it the vice of nepotism, -the desire to make the most of a short tenure of office for the -aggrandisement of relatives. Nicolas <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1277-1280) bestowed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>lavish grants on the great House of Orsini, to which he -belonged; Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1281-1285) was a mere puppet of -Charles of Anjou, and resided in his company at Viterbo; -Honorius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1285-1287) was a Savelli, and exalted his family -at the expense of the Orsini; while Nicolas <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1288-1292) -raised the Colonna as a counterpoise to the other two families. -From this time the history of Rome was filled with the -feuds of these great baronial houses, and they exercised a -most disastrous influence on the spiritual as well as on the -temporal position of the Popes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>On the death of Nicolas <span class='fss'>IV.</span> these baronial factions were so -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Celestine V., 1294.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -predominant and so evenly balanced in the conclave that no -election could take place for two years. At last, -in 1294, a sudden impulse induced the cardinals -to throw aside all secular considerations and to offer the -highest ecclesiastical dignity to a man whose only claim was -his reputation for sanctity. Celestine <span class='fss'>V.</span> had for years lived -a hermit’s life in a cave near Sulmona. His election was a -unique experiment in papal history, and it was unsuccessful. -Personal piety was no sufficient substitute for the worldly -wisdom and experience required for the occupant of the papal -chair. After five months he was persuaded to abdicate, and -ultimately died (May, 1296) in a prison to which he was -consigned by his successor, Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>The pontificate of Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> is by far the most important -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Boniface VIII., 1294-1303.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of this period. He has been called the last of the -mediæval Popes. He was certainly the last who -attempted to exercise that general authority over -Christendom which Gregory <span class='fss'>VII.</span> had claimed and -Innocent <span class='fss'>III.</span> had acquired. His complete failure proved how -little the Papacy really profited by its victory over the Empire. -In order to weaken the authority of the Emperors, the Popes -had encouraged the growing nationality of the outlying -kingdoms, forgetful that they were forging a weapon which -might be used against themselves. Honorius <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Innocent -<span class='fss'>IV.</span> had waged a desperate struggle against Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>But the defeat of the Hohenstaufen did not, as they expected, -leave the Papacy supreme. Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> found equally -formidable opponents in Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -of France. The Papacy might defeat the Empire, because -the latter was opposed to all the tendencies of the age, but -it was powerless against the force of national development. -To coerce the French and English kings, who refused to -submit to his arbitration, Boniface issued the bull <i>Clericis -laicos</i> which forbade the clergy to pay taxes to the secular -power. Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> replied by outlawing the clergy, and -forced them to acknowledge their membership of the state -and to contribute to its support. Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> retaliated by -prohibiting the export of money from France, and thus cut off -French contributions to Rome. When the Pope claimed -Scotland as a papal fief and forbade any further English -invasions, Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> brought the bull before a parliament at -Lincoln (1301), which decreed that the king should not -answer before the Pope on any question concerning his -temporal rights. Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> met the exorbitant papal pretensions -by a similar protest from the national representatives -at a meeting of the States-General (1302). And the French -king did not content himself with verbal protests. Taking -advantage of the discontent of the Colonnas, French troops -entered Anagni, where Boniface was residing, and for a -few days kept him a prisoner. This insult was a terrible -blow to the proud Pope, and a few weeks later he died -(October, 1303).</p> - -<p class='c004'>Benedict <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, the new Pope, had a difficult task to avoid -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Benedict XI., 1303-1304.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -either a degrading submission to France or a new quarrel -with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and the Colonnas. To escape -intimidation he withdrew to Perugia, and for a -time succeeded in maintaining a conciliatory but not dishonourable -attitude. At last he found it necessary to issue -a bull against the chief authors of the outrage at Anagni -(June 29, 1304). Four weeks later the Pope was dead, and -contemporaries were almost unanimous in attributing his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>death to poison. The posthumous reputation of Boniface -<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> was now the vital question at issue, and the -cardinals were almost evenly divided into a French party -which condemned him, and an Italian party which anathematised -his assailants. So irreconcilable were the two -parties that the cardinals, though shut up in the palace -at Perugia in accordance with the constitution of Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span>, -spent ten months in the vain attempt to choose a new Pope. -At last the deadlock was terminated by a strange compromise. -The supporters of Boniface were to name three -non-Italian prelates, and the hostile party was to choose one -of them. One of the three was the Archbishop of Bordeaux, -whose diocese lay within the dominions of Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> His -selection was due to the belief that he was the bitter enemy of -the French king. But tradition maintained that -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> contrived to buy him over to his side, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Clement V., 1305-1313.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and he was chosen Pope as Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> The coronation ceremony -took place at Lyons, and the new Pope never ventured -into Italy. His pontificate was one long struggle to avoid or to -moderate the concessions which Philip expected from him. The -charges against Boniface were ultimately referred to a council -at Vienna, which exonerated his memory. But on most -points Clement had to follow the wishes of the French king, -especially in the condemnation of the Templars. In 1309 -Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> fixed his residence at Avignon, which was not -then a French town, and was probably chosen partly for that -reason, and partly for its neighbourhood to the Venaissin, -already a papal possession. But Avignon was in Provence, -which was held by the House of Anjou, and it was only -separated from France by the Rhone. As long as the Popes -continued to live there, they were exposed to overwhelming -French influence, and could hardly escape the charge, made -both from England and Germany, that they were mere -vassals of the king of France. It says much for the vitality -of the papal system that the ‘Babylonish captivity,’ as the -next seventy years have been called, did not result in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>complete loss, not only of the Italian provinces, but of all -spiritual authority in Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The district of Tuscany, which lies to the north-west of -the Papal States, had been split up since the death of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Tuscany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Countess Matilda into a number of city states, -mostly republics, but which from time to time -were subject to native or foreign despots. Siena, which -became in the fifteenth century mistress of southern Tuscany, -had not yet risen into prominence and never ranked among -the great states of Italy. Pisa, hitherto the most powerful of -the Tuscan communes and one of the greatest of Italian -ports, began to decline when the restoration of the Eastern -Empire (1261) established the ascendency of Genoa in the -Levant. In the naval struggle which followed, the two -republics were fairly evenly balanced; but a great Genoese -victory off the island of Meloria (1284) inflicted a blow from -which Pisa never recovered, though she retained her independence -for another century. Lucca rose to some importance -under Castruccio Castracani, and from time to time successfully -resisted the aggressions of Florence, but has no -continuous history that attracts attention. By far the most -important of the Tuscan cities was Florence, destined to be -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -for a brilliant period the chief home of Italian -art and literature, to acquire the supremacy over -the whole of Tuscany, and to become for a few years in the -present century the capital of an Italian kingdom. It is at -the end of the thirteenth century that the foundation was laid -of the Florentine constitution, which has always attracted -special attention on account both of its own peculiarities and -of the greatness of the city in which it grew up.</p> - -<p class='c004'>No city in Italy had been more convulsed than Florence -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitution of Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -by the struggle between Guelfs and Ghibellines, and these -factions were the more embittered against each -other by their coincidence with class distinctions. -The feudal nobles, although by no means united, were preponderantly -Ghibelline, while the wealthy burghers were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>inclined to the cause of the Papacy and Charles of Anjou. -After the defeat of Manfred in 1266 the supremacy of the -Guelfs was established, and was never overthrown from that -date. For some years the government was moderate and -pacific, but the news of the Sicilian Vespers in 1282 frightened -the Guelfs into an attempt to secure their power by -constitutional changes. The existing magistrates were superseded -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The ‘Priori.’<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -by the ‘<i>Priori delle Arti</i>,’ at first three and -afterwards six in number. These constituted the -signory and held the chief executive power. They were -chosen from the seven greater guilds (<i>arti maggiori</i>) and held -office for two months at a time, re-election being forbidden -(<i>divieto</i>) until after an interval of two years. The greater -guilds, which had long existed as trade corporations before -their rise to political importance, consisted of the <i>Calimala</i>, -or cloth merchants, the wool-weavers, the bankers, the silk -manufacturers, physicians, furriers and lawyers. About the -same time a number of lesser guilds (<i>arti minori</i>) were -organised, and their number increased within the next sixteen -years to fourteen. Henceforth we can trace the existence -of four main divisions of the people of Florence: (1) the -<i>grandi</i>, or nobles; (2) the <i>popolo grasso</i>, the members of the -seven greater guilds; (3) the <i>popolo minuto</i>, or members of -the fourteen lesser guilds; (4) the <i>ciompi</i>, though this name -is of later origin, including those citizens who had no guild -organisation, and therefore no machinery either for self-government -or for influencing the conduct of public business.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By the constitution of 1282 the nobles were not excluded -from office, but if they wished to qualify themselves for it they -had to enter a guild. Many of them fulfilled this condition, -and several nobles held the office of prior during the next ten -years. But class jealousies continued to create domestic -quarrels, and in 1293 Giano della Bella, himself -of noble origin, proposed and carried the famous -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ordinances of Justice, 1293.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -‘Ordinances of Justice.’ To qualify for office a man must -really practise the trade or craft to which he belonged. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span><i>grandi</i> were not only to be excluded from any share in the -government, but they were subjected to serious social disqualifications. -In time of disorder they were confined to -their houses on penalty of exile. A noble could not accuse -a citizen or bear witness against him without the consent of -the signory, and the severest penalties were imposed on a -noble who wounded or killed a citizen. The duty of enforcing -these ordinances was intrusted to a specially -created official, the gonfalonier of justice, who -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Gonfalonier.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was to be appointed every two months and was to be a -member of the signory. The gonfalonier, who was intrusted -with the command of a large force of infantry, became the -most dignified officer of the state, though his actual powers -were not greater than those of the priors. From this time -one of the harshest penalties was to confer nobility upon a -political offender, and the greatest reward that could be -conferred upon a deserving <i>grande</i> was to degrade him to -the rank of a citizen. To protect the signory from attack a -fortified <i>Palazzo Pubblico</i> was built for their reception, a -building which is now famous as the <i>Palazzo Vecchio</i>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Although the actual government of Florence from 1293 -may be considered to be a plutocracy, in that the actual -conduct of affairs was monopolised by the wealthy -burghers, yet the constitution possessed a real -democratic basis. The ultimate power of making any constitutional -change rested with the <i>parlamento</i>, a mass meeting -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Parliament.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of all citizens in the great piazza. Such a meeting could at -any time appoint a <i>balia</i>, <i>i.e.</i> a committee with full powers to -alter the laws; and it was by this method that most of the -revolutions in Florentine history were accomplished.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Early in the fourteenth century the Florentine constitution -assumed the main features which it retained till the fall of -the republic. In 1321 a disastrous war with -Castruccio Castracani discredited the signory, and -displayed the weakness of a government which changed -every two months. To remedy this, a council of twelve -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The ‘Buonuomini.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span><i>buonuomini</i> was created, two from each <i>sesto</i> or district. -They were to hold office for six months instead of two, and -the signory was to take no important step without consulting -them. Two years later a far more important change was -made, when the system of filling offices by lot was introduced. -Hitherto the members of the outgoing administration had -elected their successors. But the city was disquieted by -factious quarrels at each election, and there was no security -for that equality which was rapidly becoming a -passion among the Florentines. In 1323 it was -determined to hold a <i>squittinio</i>, or scrutiny, every two -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The ‘Squittinio,’ 1323.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -years in place of the elections every two months. A committee -was formed of the signory for the time being with the -councils of the greater guilds and other influential citizens. -A list was drawn up of all citizens qualified for office by age -and by being clear of debt to the state (<i>netti di specchio</i>). -Their names were then put up to ballot in the committee. -The voting was by black and white beans, the former being -in favour of the candidate. All the names which received not -less than two-thirds of the black beans were placed in bags -(<i>imborsare</i>), and from these bags they were drawn to fill -vacancies as they arose. When the bags were empty a new -<i>squittinio</i> became necessary. It resulted from this system -that qualified citizens had a fairly equal chance of selection, -but there was no security that offices would go to the most -capable, and the arrangement was liable to serious abuses. -The party which could obtain a majority in the selecting -committee (<i>balia</i>), was certain to secure most of the offices -for its own partisans for at least two years.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By 1323 the Florentine constitution had assumed a fairly -definite shape. At its head stood the gonfalonier of justice -and the six priors, who had the chief conduct of affairs -and the right of initiating legislation. Then came the twelve -<i>buonuomini</i>, who were a sort of privy council to the signory, -and served as a check on its power. Next in rank were the -<i>capitano del popolo</i>, once the chief magistrate of the city, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>the sixteen gonfaloniers of companies, who were responsible -for police and military arrangements. These were known as -the three greater offices (<i>i tre maggiori</i>). In critical times -special magistracies were sometimes created for a limited -time, such as the eight of war (<i>otto di guerra</i>), or the ten of -the sea (<i>dieci del mare</i>). There were two legislative councils: -the <i>consiglio del popolo</i>, three hundred in number, containing -only <i>popolani</i>; and the <i>consiglio del commune</i>, numbering two -hundred and fifty, to which nobles were also admitted. Besides -the regular municipal magistracies, there was an -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The ‘Parte Guelfa.’<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -important body, the <i>parte guelfa</i>, which exercised -very great political influence. This corporation, which had -its own captains and council, had been formed after the great -Guelf victory of 1267 to administer the confiscated property -of the exiled Ghibellines. Its great wealth and efficient -organisation were employed for the assiduous maintenance of -Guelf ascendency, and in later times for resisting the claims -of the lower classes to a voice in the government.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Of the northern states only three deserve special mention -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Genoa.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -at this time. Genoa, isolated in the north-western corner and -surrounded by mountains, plays a very slight part -in the general history of Italy, though it has some -considerable importance as commanding the direct route from -Provence to the peninsula. The energies of its citizens were -mainly absorbed in the acquisition of wealth by eastern trade, -in maintaining wars with Pisa and Venice, and in the incessant -feuds of the great families of Doria and Spinola. -Milan, which had long held a predominant position among -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the Lombard towns, was already beginning to lose -its republican independence. There, as in Florence, -class divisions were mixed up with the quarrels of factions. -In 1259 the Guelf leader, Martino della Torre, headed the -citizens in a successful struggle against the Ghibelline nobles, -and took advantage of his victory to assume the lordship of -the city. The neighbouring towns of Lodi, Como, Vercelli, -and Bergamo fell one after another under the rule of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>Della Torre. But in 1277 a revolution was effected by the -Ghibellines under the Archbishop of Milan, Otto Visconti, -to whom the lordship of the city was transferred, and from -whom it passed on his death in 1295 to his nephew Matteo -Visconti, the ancestor of the later dukes of Milan. But the -Visconti dynasty was not yet permanently established, and in -1302 a Guelf league was formed among the chief Lombard -towns which forced Matteo to withdraw, and Guido della -Torre became the ruler of Milan.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Venice, the last of the important northern states, was even -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -more isolated from Italy than Genoa, both by geography and -by its absorbing interests in the Levant. The -overthrow of the Greek Empire in 1204 had given -Venice a commanding position in the east, but the restoration -of 1261 had raised a very formidable rival in Genoa, and -for more than a century the two republics were engaged in a -series of costly and exhausting wars. But the main interest -of Venetian history at this time lies in the building up of -that oligarchical constitution which gave to Venice a vigour -and consistency of political action quite unique in Italy, and -enabled her in the fifteenth century to establish a very formidable -power on the mainland.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The institutions of Venice, though sufficiently alien from -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitution of Venice.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -modern usages, were simplicity itself as compared with those of -Florence. This simplicity is due primarily to -the entire absence in Venice of a landed nobility, -whose power had to be overthrown in other Italian cities by -a series of revolts on the part of the citizens, and also to the -fact that Venice remained completely untouched by the -faction fights of Guelfs and Ghibellines. At the head of the -state stood the doge, elected for life, and in early -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Doge.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -times possessed of almost autocratic power. But -his authority had been gradually limited by the compulsory -association of councillors, by the exaction of a solemn oath -on election (<i>promissione ducale</i>), and by the creation of new -institutions. By the fourteenth century the doge had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>become an ornamental sovereign, surrounded by great pomp -and ceremonial, presiding in all assemblies, but possessed of -no power of initiation and of no means of exerting more than -personal influence. A doge of strong character might still -mould the destinies of Venice, but it was by persuading his -colleagues, not by the exercise of any regal authority. The -election of the doge rested originally with the whole people. -In 1172 a council, which grew into the <i>Maggior Consiglio</i>, was -intrusted with the task, which was gradually delegated to -small committees chosen in various ways. At last, in 1268, -the elaborate system was adopted which lasted till the fall of -the republic. All members of the Grand Council over thirty -years of age drew balls from an urn, and thirty of these balls -were gilt. The thirty who drew the gilt balls were reduced -to nine by a second drawing of lots. The nine elected forty, -seven votes being a necessary minimum. The forty were -reduced by lot to twelve, who elected twenty-five, each -receiving at least nine votes. The twenty-five were reduced -by lot to nine, who elected forty-five, who must each receive -seven votes. The forty-five were reduced to eleven, who -chose forty-one, each to receive nine votes. The forty-one -then took an oath and proceeded to vote for the vacant -office. The voting was repeated until some candidate had -received at least twenty-five votes, and he became doge. -The form of demanding popular approval of the election did -not become obsolete until the election of Francesco Foscari -in 1423.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the doge were associated six ducal councillors, who -were necessarily consulted on every subject and without -whom the doge could do nothing. In fact, the ducal -functions were really discharged, not by the doge, but by a -committee of seven of whom the doge was one. The <i>Collegio</i> -or cabinet of ministers (<i>savii</i>), conducted the routine work of -administration, and prepared all business for the other public -bodies. The business of every department passed through -the <i>Collegio</i>, in which the six <i>savii grandi</i> presided in weekly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>terms. The <i>Quarantia</i>, or Forty, was originally created in -the twelfth century to act as a permanent senate, but it was -gradually limited to judicial functions, and became the great -law-court of Venice. The functions of the senate fell to the -<i>Pregadi</i>, a body of a hundred and sixty members, whose -name was derived from the originally voluntary consultation -of prominent citizens by the doge. The <i>Pregadi</i> became a -permanent part of the constitution in 1229. Their chief -business was the first consideration of all legislative proposals, -the appointment of ambassadors, and the general supervision -of foreign affairs.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At the basis of the constitution was the <i>Maggior Consiglio</i>, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Great Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which had gradually taken the place of the primary assembly -of all citizens. The council was originally elective, -and its rise was a natural result of the growth -of Venetian population. But in 1297 a law was carried which -finally changed the government of Venice from a democracy -to a close oligarchy. A list was drawn up of all who had -sat in the Great Council for the last four years, and their -names were put up to ballot in the <i>Quarantia</i>. All who -received twelve votes were to be members of the council. -Three electors were to be appointed every year to make a -list of any other candidates, and their names, if approved by -the doge and his councillors, were to be balloted by the -<i>Quarantia</i>. For a few years the addition of names was -frequent, though few candidates were successful unless their -ancestors had at some time or other had a seat in the council. -But in 1315 the names of all eligible candidates were drawn -up once for all and placed in a book, and in 1319 the three -annual electors were abolished. Henceforth membership of -the Great Council became a hereditary privilege, and the -admission of a member’s son as soon as he had reached the -age of twenty-five was regarded as a matter of course. The -<i>serrata del Maggior Consiglio</i>, or closing of the Great Council, -divided the Venetian population into two sharply defined -classes: the nobles, who had the privilege of membership, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>and the lower classes, who were for ever excluded from any -voice in the government.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Although the abolition of popular election in 1297 was a -change to which things had long been tending, it could -hardly take place without exciting considerable discontent. -Several conspiracies were formed against the new oligarchy, -and after the failure of a formidable plot under Bajamonte -Tiepolo in 1310, it was determined to devise -some new machinery for the detection and -repression of future revolts. Ten members were chosen by -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Council of Ten, 1319.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the Great Council to act as a sort of committee of public -safety. So useful did they prove that they were renewed -year after year, and in 1335 they were made a permanent -part of the constitution. The Council really consisted of -seventeen, as the doge and his six councillors were associated -with the Ten. The latter were elected yearly, and could not -hold office again till a year had elapsed. The proper -function of the Ten was to act as a court of exceptional -jurisdiction, somewhat like the Star Chamber in England. -In this capacity they served as the efficient bulwark of the -Venetian aristocracy, and coerced the inferior citizens into -passive acquiescence in the rule of their superiors. As time -went on, the Ten became more and more powerful, and -began to interfere in the general conduct of affairs. So -great became the passion for secrecy in the Venetian -government, that in the sixteenth century the Ten began -to delegate their functions to a sub-committee, the three -Inquisitors of State.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For sixty years Italy had been allowed to take its own course -without any attempt at interference on the part of its nominal -suzerain in Germany. The news that Henry of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Henry VII. in Italy, 1310-1313.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Luxemburg, elected in 1308, was preparing to -visit Italy and to revive the imperial power, -made a profound impression in the peninsula, where the -Guelf and Ghibelline parties were as active and bellicose as -ever. These party names had by this time ceased to express -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>any essential difference of principle. The imperial suzerainty -in the north, and the papal suzerainty in the south were -equally shadowy, and neither seemed substantial enough to -fight for. The idea that the Guelfs were the champions of -republican liberty as against aggressive despots, had ceased -to have any real foundation in facts. A Della Torre was -just as dangerous to the liberties of Milan as a Visconti. -Since the Popes had called in the House of Anjou, and -especially since a Pope had fixed his residence in Avignon, -it was impossible to contend that the Guelfs were the -champions of Italian independence against foreign domination. -The anomalous relations of Italian parties were reflected -in the equally anomalous position of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> A -German prince elected by German princes to the throne of -the Hohenstaufen, he seemed destined to revive the -principles of Ghibellinism and to assume the headship of a -revived Ghibelline faction. On the other hand, Henry was -French by education and sympathies, he owed his election -to the clerical partisans of France acting under papal -influence, and he was accompanied in his march by legates -whom the Pope had authorised to confer upon him the -imperial crown in Rome. It was no empty pretence of -moderation, but the expression of a real policy, when Henry -professed that he belonged to neither faction and intended -to act as a mediator between them. And his actions corresponded -with his professions. As he passed through the -Lombard cities he insisted on the return of all political -exiles, whichever party they belonged to. In Milan, where -he received the iron crown of Lombardy (January 6, 1311), -he recalled Matteo Visconti without overthrowing the rule -of Guido della Torre. But the Italians themselves had no -sympathy with his impartiality. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, like most of his -German predecessors, was in need of money, and the -attempt to levy a contribution of 100,000 ducats provoked -a rising in Milan. The rising was suppressed, but it resulted -in an inevitable alliance between the Emperor and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>Ghibellines. Guido della Torre and his family were driven -into exile, and an attempted rebellion in the Guelf cities was -suppressed. Brescia alone made any lengthy resistance to -the German army. Before leaving Lombardy, Henry -appointed imperial vicars in the chief cities, and in Milan -he intrusted the office to Matteo Visconti, thus finally -establishing the dynasty which ruled Milan for a century -and a half, and at one time seemed likely to unite the whole -of northern Italy under its sway.</p> - -<p class='c004'>From this time the difficulties of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> rapidly -increased. The force of circumstances had compelled him -to become a Ghibelline against his will. The hopes which -that party built upon his arrival are expressed in the <i>De -Monarchia</i> of Dante. Peace could only be bestowed upon -Italy by a strong monarchy, and such a monarchy could only -be established by a German king with the traditions of the -Empire at his back. But the more enthusiastic the -Ghibellines became, the more resolute was the opposition -of the Guelfs. Robert of Naples, the close ally of Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span>, -did not venture to embark on open hostilities, but he was -rendered both jealous and uneasy by Henry’s progress, and -did not hesitate to intrigue against him. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -succeeded in obtaining the lordship of Genoa and Pisa, the -latter of which was always on the Ghibelline side. But -Florence, the leading Guelf city in Tuscany, obstinately -refused to admit the German king or his troops, and he -was compelled to pass on one side on his journey to Rome. -There he found the greater part of the city occupied by -the Guelf family of Orsini, assisted by a Neapolitan force. -A battle would have been necessary to obtain possession -of St. Peter’s, and the coronation ceremony had to take -place in the church of St. John Lateran (June 29, 1312). -Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> was now convinced that the reduction of Italy to -obedience could only be accomplished by force of arms. -King Robert had as yet avoided any declaration of war, and -it would have been dangerous to attack Naples while the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>Guelfs in the north were strong enough to cut off communications -with Germany. It was decided to strike terror into the -Guelfs by the reduction of Florence. The German troops -advanced to the city walls in September, 1312, but they -found them too strong and too well garrisoned to venture on -an attack. Henry retreated to Pisa to await reinforcement. -Against Robert of Naples, who was preparing to give active -assistance to Florence, he issued the imperial ban, and -concluded an alliance with the Aragonese king of Sicily. -Henry had commenced his march to meet the -Neapolitan troops, when he suddenly died of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Henry VII., 1313.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fever at Buonconvento, twelve miles from Siena -(August 24, 1313). The Ghibellines believed that he had -been poisoned by a Dominican monk in administering the -sacrament. The schemes of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> were entirely out -of date: the Holy Roman Empire, as Dante understood it, -was already an anachronism: and the Emperor’s death is -only important as marking the failure of the last serious -attempt to reduce Italy to obedience to a German king. -The forces of disunion were strong enough to break up any -monarchy; it was only an added weakness that the monarchy -was claimed by a foreigner.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span> - <h2 id='chap03' class='c009'>CHAPTER III <br /> FRANCE UNDER THE LATER CAPETS, 1270-1328</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Progress of the French Monarchy—Its difficulties—Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>—The inheritance -to Toulouse, Champagne, and Navarre—Wars with Castile and -Aragon—Accession of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and the importance of his reign—His -War with England and Flanders—His relations with the Papacy—The -suppression of the Templars—His policy of annexation—His domestic -government—The King’s Court and its departments: the <i>conseil du roi</i>, -the <i>chambre des comptes</i>, and the <i>Parlement</i> of Paris—The States-General—Financial -maladministration—Death of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>—His -death and the succession question—The Salic Law—The short reigns of -Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> and Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p> - -<p class='c007'>The history of the modern kingdom of France begins with -the break-up of the great Karoling Empire in the treaty of -Verdun (843). Western Francia, split off from the other -dominions of Charles the Great, continued for a century to -be ruled by his degenerate descendants. But the decentralising -movement did not stop with the division of the Frankish -Empire into three fairly well-defined units. The dukes and -counts, who had been provincial governors under Charles the -Great, took advantage of the growing weakness of the central -power to make their position hereditary and practically independent. -Superficial unity was only maintained by the -necessity of making head against the attacks of the Northmen. -The successful resistance of Paris to these invaders gave to -the dukes of Paris, the lords of the Isle de France, the royal -title which the Karolings at Laon were too feeble to defend. -But the early kings of the House of Capet were as powerless -as their predecessors. They themselves belonged to the -feudal nobles, they owed the crown to the support of their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>fellows, they were avowedly only <i>primi inter pares</i>. Hugh -Capet himself acknowledged this when he undertook to do -nothing of importance without consulting the tenants-in-chief. -During the eleventh century France was little more than -a geographical expression: its political unity was a mere -shadow: its ecclesiastical unity was independent of the -crown. But in the twelfth century two movements began -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Progress of the French monarchy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which were destined to exert the most decisive -influence on the fortunes of France: the rise of -the communes, and the growth of the royal power. -There was no formal alliance between the crown and the -bourgeoisie, but they had obvious common interests in opposition -to the feudal nobles, and they rendered the most vital -assistance to each other. Feudalism, attacked both from -above and from below, seemed destined to perish. The three -kings who dealt the most fatal blows to aristocratic isolation -were Philip Augustus (1180-1223), Louis <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1226-1270), and -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1285-1314). The third estate rendered its greatest -service to the monarchy by giving birth to the class of lawyers. -To their superior training and their persistent advocacy of the -principles of Roman Law was due the gradual break-down of -feudal jurisdiction. The <i>cour du roy</i>, at first either the court -of the royal domain or the court of peers for the trial of cases -concerning tenants-in-chief, became, as the Parliament of -Paris, the supreme judicial court for the whole of France. -Side by side with the advance of the central judicial power, -another great change was going on—the extension of the royal -domain. In the great fiefs female succession was admitted -in default of male heirs, and this proved fatal to the permanence -of many of the old families. With regard to the crown -there was no acknowledged rule of succession, because no -occasion for dispute arose. From the accession of Hugh -Capet in 987, to the death of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span> in 1316, there was -never wanting a son to succeed to his father. This uninterrupted -male succession for so many generations, almost unparalleled -among the reigning families of Europe, was an -<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>invaluable element of strength to the crown in its struggle -with feudalism. One by one the great fiefs fell in, were conquered, -or were acquired by marriage with heiresses. The -most notable successes were the acquisition of Normandy by -Philip Augustus, and of Languedoc after the Albigensian -crusade. By the time of Philip the Fair the only provinces -which retained their feudal independence were the county of -Flanders in the north, the duchy of Brittany in the west, the -duchy of Burgundy in the east, and the duchy of Aquitaine in -the south. The royal power and the territorial unity of France -had advanced <i>pari passu</i>, and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> found himself strong -enough to attempt acquisitions beyond the traditional frontiers -of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>So far—during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—the -tendency towards centralisation, in spite of temporary obstacles -and checks, had achieved that success which usually attends -directness and persistence of aim, and a politic, if sometimes -unscrupulous, choice of means. But at the death of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -this progress was suddenly arrested, and during -the next two centuries a struggle had to be carried -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Difficulties of the monarchy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -on, differing in many respects from that which -had gone before, but still involving many of the same -problems and ultimately terminating in a victory for -the same side. One essential factor in this struggle was the -tenure of the duchy of Aquitaine by a foreign prince—the king -of England. Obvious interest impelled English kings, like -Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>, to ally themselves with all the -forces of disunion in France, and their efforts were aided and -stimulated by the chance which gave them a colourable claim -to the French crown. But the difficulties of the French kings -of the House of Valois were not due merely to English intervention. -There were two fatal flaws in their own policy and -that of their predecessors. (1) While taking every advantage -of the movement of the lower classes, the kings had done little -or nothing to satisfy their legitimate aspirations. They gave -the lawyers a distinguished position in the service of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>crown, and that was all. Before long, the third estate was -sure to weary of an alliance in which all the substantial -advantages were on one side; and if the commons were able -or willing to form a coalition with the nobles against the -crown, they might impose checks upon the royal power similar -to those which were enforced by the English parliament. -That this danger was a real one will be seen when we come -to consider the attitude adopted by the States-General at the -time of the battle of Poitiers.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c015'><sup>[3]</sup></a> (2) While destroying the -old feudal nobility, the French kings had created a new one. -As the great fiefs fell in, many of them were granted out again -as appanages to members of the royal family. Doubtless it -was considered that blood-relationship would be sufficient to -unite their interests with those of the monarchy. But this -proved a complete miscalculation. Relationship counts for -very little in politics as against the impulse given by selfish -interests. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> tried a similar policy in England, and -it led to the Wars of the Roses. In France it led to the long -contest of the Burgundians and Armagnacs, to the <i>Praguerie</i> -of 1440, and to the League of the Public Weal of 1465. The -<i>féodalité apanagée</i>, as French writers call these nobles of royal -birth in contradistinction to the old <i>féodalité territoriale</i>, did -not long delay to assume the same attitude as their predecessors, -and became the opponents of the monarchy which had -created them. Their overthrow tasked the devotion of the -capable servants of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, and gave full employment to -the mingled craft and resolution of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>The futile expedition to Tunis, the expiring effort of that -crusading impulse which had urged mediæval Europe to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Philip III., 1270-1285.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -heroic deeds, cost France the life of the noblest -of her long line of kings. Louis <span class='fss'>IX.</span> was almost -the only French ruler who combined the highest moral virtues -with eminent political capacity. His son and successor, -Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>, could claim neither of his father’s characteristics. -He was illiterate, and the rashness which earned him the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>name of <i>le Hardi</i> was not redeemed by any clear insight or -any signs of ability. He was only in name the head of the -House of Capet: the real master of French policy was his -uncle, Charles of Anjou. Paris looked for guidance to -Naples, rather than Naples to Paris. That the French -monarchy continued to advance, in spite of the incapacity of -the king, is a signal proof of its inherent strength and of the -ability of the trained lawyers who served it. The reign of -Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>, obscure as it appears at first sight, was marked by -the acquisition of three important provinces, of which two -remained permanently subject to the crown.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Among the numerous victims who perished on the return -journey from Tunis were Alfonso of Poitiers (August 21, -1271), brother of St. Louis, and his wife Jeanne -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Toulouse inheritance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Toulouse, the last descendant of the famous -House of St. Gilles. They left no children, and their vast -inheritance, including the counties of Toulouse, Poitou, -Auvergne, and the marquisate of Provence,<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c015'><sup>[4]</sup></a> fell to the French -crown. The only exceptions were the district of Agenais, -which was claimed by the English king, and the Venaissin, -near Avignon, which was ceded to the Papacy in accordance -with the treaty of Meaux in 1229. Thus France completed -the absorption of Languedoc, which had been begun in the -crusade against the Albigenses. It is true that Philip undertook -to rule his new territories as count, and not as king, and -that he created a special parliament and law-court at Toulouse, -but these concessions to local independence were only -temporary and illusory.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1274 occurred another important death, that of Henry, -King of Navarre and Count of Champagne and Brie, leaving -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Champagne and Navarre.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>an only daughter, Jeanne, aged three years. The widow, -Blanche of Artois, carried the infant heiress to France and -threw herself on the protection of the king. Philip -at once occupied Champagne and Brie, which -were henceforth united to the crown. At the same time he -procured a dispensation from Pope Gregory <span class='fss'>X.</span> for the future -marriage of Jeanne to his own second son Philip, who soon -afterwards became heir to the throne by the death of his -elder brother. The people of Navarre revolted against this -high-handed settlement of their fate by a foreign prince, but -their resistance was crushed by a French army, and Philip -assumed the government of the kingdom as guardian for his -future daughter-in-law.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These territorial gains were the only notable successes of -Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>’s reign, and his remaining years were mainly occupied -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Wars with Castile and Aragon.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with two futile wars in Spain. Alfonso <span class='fss'>X.</span>, -formerly the claimant of the throne of the Cæsars, -was still reigning in Castile, but the actual conduct -of affairs fell in his old age to his sons, Ferdinand de la -Cerda and Sancho. The elder, who had married Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>’s -sister Blanche, died in 1275, leaving two sons. The Castilian -Cortes, in regulating the succession, passed over these children, -and secured the crown on Alfonso’s death to Sancho, who -had earned the name of ‘the Brave’ for his exploits against -the Moors. Philip was indignant at the exclusion of his -nephews, and took up arms to support their claims. But his -invasion of Castile was so reckless and ill-planned as to gain -him the name of <i>le Hardi</i>, and he was unable to force a -passage through the mountains. His intervention was naturally -fruitless, and Sancho succeeded to Castile on his father’s -death.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The second war was more prolonged. The Sicilian Vespers -in 1282 (<i>v.</i> p. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>), which resulted in the transfer of Sicily to -Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon, made a profound impression in France, -and many nobles hurried to offer their services to Charles of -Anjou. The Pope excommunicated Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and offered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>the crown of Aragon to Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span>’s second surviving son, -Charles of Valois, on condition that it should never be united -to France. The offer was accepted in 1284, and in the next -year Philip himself headed a great expedition against Aragon, -which was dignified by the name of a crusade. The capture of -the fortresses of Elna and Girona, both after an obstinate resistance, -were the only successes of the campaign. Roger di -Loria with his Catalan sailors destroyed the French fleet, and -cut off the possibility of receiving supplies by sea. At the -same time disease broke out in the French army. Philip -found it necessary to retreat, and died at Perpignan -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Philip III., 1285.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -on October 5, 1285. He left three sons: -Philip, who in 1284 had married Jeanne, heiress -of Navarre; Charles, Count of Valois and Alençon, and -titular King of Aragon; and Louis, Count of Evreux, whose -descendants afterwards ruled in Navarre.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was seventeen years old when he succeeded his -father, and he died at the age of forty-seven. In the course -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Philip IV., 1285-1314.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of these thirty years he set a mark upon French -life and government which has never been completely -effaced, not even by the floods of successive revolutions. -Yet our knowledge of his reign, and especially of his -person and character, is singularly scanty. That he was -good-looking we know from his being called <i>le Bel</i>, but we -are not informed whether he was tall or short. His character -we have to infer from his actions, and we are forced to conclude -that it was far less attractive than his face. This dearth -of contemporary records is the more notable when it is contrasted -with the striking picture which we possess of his -grandfather, and with the wealth of narrative on the subject -of the fourteenth century wars. Philip was not the man to -be the hero of a Joinville or a Froissart, and no Philippe de -Commines had yet arisen. There is little that is heroic or -picturesque about his reign. The most striking scene, the -humiliation of Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, is repulsive in itself and is discreditable -to Philip’s memory. It may even be said that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>there was little result to show for his restless activity. The -two enterprises which he had most at heart—the annexation -of Aquitaine and Flanders—ended in failure. His only -territorial acquisition of importance was Lyons. The suppression -of the Templars was not an achievement to be proud of. -A notable victory was gained over the Papacy, but it was -gained by discreditable methods; and, after all, the residence -at Avignon brought no permanent advantages to France. -Philip’s great work lay in the comparatively obscure details of -domestic government, in the improvement and completion of -administrative machinery, and in the removal of all obstacles -in the way of an efficient despotism. These are achievements -which escape the notice of historians who are attracted by the -heroes of chivalry, but they produce far more definite and -deep-seated results than the most brilliant exploits on the -battlefield. It must be admitted that Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was cruel -and cold-blooded; that his regard for the letter of the law -was a mere disguise for unscrupulousness; that this unscrupulousness -was the more repulsive for the hypocrisy which -could always find pretexts to justify it; it may even be -admitted that his failures in external politics outweighed his -successes,—yet he must be always memorable as the real -founder of that administrative centralisation which has ever -since been the dominant characteristic of the government -of France, and has been a prominent cause of the subsequent -greatness, if also of the subsequent disasters, of that -country.</p> - -<p class='c004'>If this estimate of the reign be correct, it is obvious that -we need not linger long over Philip’s foreign relations, and -that our attention will be better devoted to his domestic -measures. The war with Aragon, which he inherited, never -interested him, as the only possible gainers by it were his -brother and his cousin. After lasting for nearly twenty years, -it ended in the final loss of Sicily by the House of Anjou, and -the abandonment by Charles of Valois of his claims on Aragon -on condition that his cousin, Charles II. of Naples, should -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>give up to him his appanages of Anjou and Maine. Before -this settlement had been arrived at, Philip had turned his -attention to a far more exciting enterprise—the attempt to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Wars with England.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -wrest Guienne and Gascony from Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> of -England. These provinces had been united to the -English crown since the marriage of Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> with Eleanor -of Aquitaine, and on the whole they were fairly satisfied -to remain subject to their distant ruler, whose island kingdom -gave them a convenient market for the produce of their -vineyards. But Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> had his hands full with the -suppression of discontent in his recent conquests in Wales, -and with enforcing his lately acknowledged suzerainty over -Scotland. This gave Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> an opportunity which he -was not slow to seize. Taking advantage of a naval quarrel -between some Norman sailors and the mariners of the -Cinque Ports, and of the refusal of the Gascons to acknowledge -the judicial authority of the French courts, Philip summoned -Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> to appear before him to answer for the breach -of his obligations as a vassal (November, 1293). Edward -was aware that a contumacious attitude towards his suzerain -would set a dangerous example to John Balliol in Scotland, -and did all in his power to avoid a rupture. Unable to go to -France in person he sent as a proxy his brother Edmund, -who had married Philip’s mother-in-law, Blanche of Artois. -On this docile envoy Philip played what can only be described -as ‘the confidence trick.’ He assured him of his perfect -friendliness to England, offered the hand of his sister -Margaret to Edward, who was now a widower, and in return -he demanded that, as a mere sign of trust and submission, -Gascony should be ceded to him for a period of forty days. -Edmund consented; but on the expiration of the time, -Philip declared the English king to be contumacious for not -having appeared in person, and his troops remained in -occupation of the Gascon fortresses. After this there was no -alternative but war. Edward was at an immense disadvantage. -He had a war with Scotland and Wales on his hands; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>his subjects, especially the clergy, were discontented at his -exactions, and the enemy was already in possession of a large -part of his territories. His only ally of importance, Adolf of -Nassau, was too impotent in Germany to effect any diversion. -On the other hand, Philip offered aid to John Balliol, and -thus laid the foundation of that permanent alliance between -France and Scotland which lasted till the reign of Mary -Stuart. The actual hostilities were unimportant, but the -balance of success was decidedly against the English. It -was at this time that Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>’s attempt to interfere led -to his first quarrel with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and to the issue of the -bull <i>Clericis laicos</i> (<i>v.</i> p. <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>). In 1297 the war assumed a -new phase. Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> had succeeded in deposing John -Balliol and in conquering Scotland, so that he was now free -to take part in the continental war. At the same time he -found an ally in Count Guy of Flanders, who had hitherto -been kept passive by Philip’s detention of his daughter as a -hostage. But Edward was again hampered by quarrels with -the clergy and the barons, and the latter refused to serve in -Gascony if the king persisted in going in person to Flanders. -The result was that Guienne and Gascony were left defenceless, -while Edward and his Flemish ally were unable to make -head against the French. This check and the outbreak of a -Scotch rebellion under Wallace forced Edward to make -overtures for peace, and Philip determined to postpone the -annexation of Aquitaine until he had completed the reduction -of Flanders. Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> had been compelled by difficulties -in Italy to draw closer to the French king, and he had -published a modified interpretation of his bull against clerical -contributions to secular rulers. He was now allowed to act -as mediator, though Philip protested that he accepted his -mediation as a private person and not as Pope. It was -arranged that both parties should retain their possessions -as they stood until the conclusion of a final settlement. -As a security for future peace, Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> was to marry -Philip’s sister, Margaret, and the young Edward of Wales -<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>was betrothed to Philip’s daughter, Isabella. Both kings -abandoned their allies (June 30, 1298).</p> - -<p class='c004'>While Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> returned to defeat Wallace at the battle -of Falkirk, Flanders was left at Philip’s mercy. The Flemish -citizens had no love for their count, and would render him -no assistance. In this hopeless position, Guy -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Flanders.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was induced by the treacherous promises of -Charles of Valois to trust to the clemency of his suzerain. -He was at once thrown into prison, and his fief was declared -forfeited to the crown (1300). On his first visit to his new -province, Philip’s cupidity was excited by the wealth which -he found there. His wife, Jeanne of Navarre, exclaimed, -when she saw the jewellery of the ladies of Bruges: ‘I -thought I was the only queen in France, but I find that here -there are six hundred.’ The attempt to gratify the greed thus -aroused was certain to lead to discontent. The Flemings -were as fond of their wealth as they were jealous of their independence. -They soon discovered that it was better to be -oppressed by their count than to be both oppressed and pillaged -by their French governor, Jacques de Chatillon. The signal -for a general rebellion was given in Bruges, as twenty -years before in Palermo, by a massacre of the French. -Philip despatched a large feudal army under Robert of -Artois to crush the insurgents. The French nobles reckoned -on an easy victory over unwarlike and ill-armed citizens, -but they were undone by their own confidence and recklessness, -and were utterly routed in the famous battle of Courtrai -(July 11, 1302). This was the first of a great series of -battles which taught Europe that an infantry force, if properly -led and handled, could more than hold their own against -mounted and heavily accoutred men-at-arms. It was some -time before the lesson was thoroughly learned; but when it -was mastered, the military system of the Middle Ages collapsed, -and with it perished the social organisation which rested on -the invincibility of the knightly force. Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> advanced -in person to recover the lost honour and power of France, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>but the approach of winter compelled him to retire without -having done anything towards the suppression of the rebellion. -The great disaster of 1302, the first which Philip -had yet experienced, came at the crisis of his quarrel with -the Papacy, and forced him to moderate his ambition. In -1303 he concluded a final peace with Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> and resigned -his acquisitions in Aquitaine. In 1304, Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> being -dead, a great effort was made for the reduction of Flanders. -At Mons-en-Puelle (August 18), by carefully avoiding the -ruinous mistakes at Courtrai, Philip succeeded in defeating -the Flemings; but his victory was hardly won, and was by no -means so decisive as that of his opponents had been. -Within three weeks the rebels had re-formed their army and -were as formidable and undaunted as ever. Philip found -himself compelled to recognise that he had undertaken a -task beyond his strength, and he hastened to escape from it -by concluding a treaty (June, 1305). Robert of Béthune, -the eldest son of Count Guy, who had died in prison in 1303, -was invested with the fiefs of Flanders, Nevers, and Rethel; -the Flemings undertook to pay 200,000 livres to the French -king, and to hand over as security for the payment Douai, Lille, -and other towns on the southern frontier. It was long since -a French king had suffered such a humiliating check. In -1300, Philip seemed to have secured the whole of Flanders -and the greater part of Aquitaine. Four years later he had -lost both provinces.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Philip’s relations with the Papacy have been already alluded -to (<i>v.</i> p. <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>). In his quarrel with Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> he had -substantial justice on his side, and the national development -of France necessitated an energetic resistance to the -exorbitant pretensions of the mediæval Papacy. But these -considerations do not justify the brutality of the French -soldiery at Anagni, nor the vindictiveness with which Philip -persisted in blackening the character of Boniface after the -latter’s death. Equally inexcusable was his treatment of the -ill-fated Benedict <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, though there is no reasonable ground -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>for believing the charge that Philip’s agents poisoned the Pope -in consequence of his excommunication of Boniface’s assailants. -In Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> the king was face to face with a Pope -upon whose subservience he had reasonable claims, and who -was fully his match in diplomatic subtlety and in the want of -scruples. The hold which Philip obtained upon -the Papacy at this time enabled him to effect the -blackest action of his reign, the destruction of -the Templars. The crusades in the East had come to an -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Suppression of the Templars.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -end with the fall of Acre in 1291, and the Orders which had -been formed for the defence or conquest of Palestine must -inevitably fall victims to the jealousy which their wealth and -independence excited in Europe, or they must undertake -some new task which would justify their existence and give -them a renewed hold on the public opinion of Europe. The -Knights of St. John and of the German Order of St. Mary -chose the latter course, and secured a prolongation of their -corporate existence—the one in Prussia, and the other in the -island of Rhodes. The Templars, who had been the most -prominent in the wars of Palestine, were the least prepared -to find a new occupation, and their inaction impaled them on -the other horn of the dilemma. It is needless to go through -the long catalogue of charges, some horrible and some -absurd, which were brought by the king’s agents against the -Order. It was inevitable that a celibate society of warriors -should give occasion for the belief that the vow of chastity -was not always observed. It is credible that in their intercourse -with the Saracens many of the knights may have been -led into unbelief, or even to adopt a contemptuous and -irreverent attitude towards Christianity. But it is not -credible that the whole Order was guilty of the obscenity, -blasphemy, and irreligion that were charged against its -members. Confessions extorted under horrible tortures and -recanted when health and sanity were restored, do not -constitute evidence from which any reasonable conclusions -can be drawn. But Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was deaf to all considerations -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>of justice or of clemency, and his iron will extorted a condemnation -from judicial tribunals and from the Pope. In -1310, after the trial had lasted for two years, fifty-four knights -were burned in Paris, and many other executions followed. -In 1312 the Order was formally suppressed, and its possessions -transferred to the Knights of St. John. This last -provision was only imperfectly fulfilled, and much of the -Templars’ hoarded wealth never passed from the hands of the -king. In 1314 the last grand master, Jacques de Molai, -after a solemn retractation of all extorted confessions, and a -denial of the truth of all charges against the Order, perished -at the stake on an island in the Seine.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Philip’s last success was an encroachment on those border -territories between France and Germany which constituted -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Encroachments in Arles.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the obsolete kingdom of Arles. The first step -towards their annexation to France had been -taken when Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> inherited the marquisate -of Provence (see above, p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>). In 1291 Philip IV. had -arranged a marriage between his second son, Philip, and -Jeanne, daughter and heiress of Otto <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, Count of Burgundy. -This marriage brought Franche-Comté under French influence, -but did not result in the final annexation of the -province, which was not accomplished till the treaty of -Nymegen in 1678. For a long time the city of Lyons and -the adjacent territory had been objects of French covetousness, -and constant quarrels between the archbishop and the -citizens offered frequent pretexts for intervention. At last, in -1312, taking advantage of the Emperor Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s absence -in Italy, Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> ventured to take the final step, and Lyons -was incorporated with France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>We must now turn to Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s domestic government, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Domestic Government.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which constitutes his sole claim to a place among the -great kings of history. His aims were those -of his predecessors—those, in fact, of all kings in -the later Middle Ages who wished to extend their power. He -had to destroy feudalism as a basis of government, or, in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>words of a great historian, to ‘eliminate the doctrine of -tenure from political life.’ The essential vice of the feudal -system was that every man was directly bound only to the -immediate lord of whom he held his land; the connection -with that lord’s suzerain was purely indirect. Hence came -an inevitable tendency to disruption; the tie between vassal -and lord was stronger than the indirect tie between the sub-tenant -and the king; if a great noble rebelled he could -compel his tenants to follow him even against his suzerain. -For this system, which had many merits, but was inconsistent -with either national unity or a strong government, Philip -desired to substitute an organisation in which all Frenchmen, -whether tenants-in-chief or sub-tenants, should stand in equal -subjection to the law and to the king as the source and -guardian of the law.</p> - -<p class='c004'>To accomplish this end, an efficient administrative -machinery was necessary, and of this the foundations had -been laid by Philip’s predecessors. The country was divided -into <i>bailliages</i> in the north and <i>sénéchaussées</i> in the south. -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> regulated and extended the functions of the bailiffs -and seneschals, and employed them not only to carry out -his edicts in the provinces, but also to supply him with that -accurate local information without which centralisation is -useless and incompetent. Besides these local officials, he -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The King’s Court.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had the <i>cour du roi</i> which attended his person. -This body, the earliest institution of Capetian -France, was originally merely the court of the king’s domain, -and consisted of the household officers and the immediate -domain tenants. From time to time, however, the king must -have had to decide questions concerning the great tenants-in-chief, -and by the essential principle of feudalism such -questions must be referred to their equals. Hence arose the -court of peers, the creation of which is assigned by tradition -to Philip Augustus when he summoned John of England to -answer for the murder of Arthur of Brittany. Whether this -court ever had a separate existence from the domain court is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>difficult to decide, but if it had, it soon lost it. In the reign -of Louis <span class='fss'>IX.</span> the domain court was transformed, when necessary, -into a court of peers by the addition to it of some of the -great vassals. At the same time, the court was made more -efficient by the introduction of trained lawyers. Under -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> these lawyers became the real managers of the -work of justice and administration; and the nobles, though -retaining the right of attendance, preferred as a rule to absent -themselves from business in which their want of legal training -placed them at a conspicuous disadvantage. The work of -the court included all departments of government: the -advising of the king, the management of finance, and the -administration of justice. And the judicial work was -enormously increased, partly by the compulsion of the nobles -to allow appeals from their local courts to that of the suzerain, -and partly by the reservation of an increasing number of <i>cas -royaux</i>—<i>i.e.</i> cases which had to be brought in the first instance -before the king. It was impossible for one body of men to -discharge such a vast mass of business, and the court was -gradually split up into three great departments, which continued, -with modifications in detail, to conduct the routine -administration of France till the Revolution.</p> - -<p class='c004'>(1) The first of these divisions was the <i>conseil du roi</i>, which -corresponds roughly to the Privy Council in England. It -consisted of the great officers of the household with fifteen -councillors of state and two or more secretaries. Its chief -business was to advise the king in all affairs of government. -Ordinary jurisdiction was delegated to the Parliament, but -the council continued to exercise judicial power. Appeals -could in the last instance be made to the king in council, and -he could evoke cases to it from other courts.</p> - -<p class='c004'>(2) The <i>chambre des comptes</i> was the financial division of -the royal court, and resembles the English Exchequer. It -received and audited the accounts of the bailiffs and seneschals; -it had jurisdiction in all financial suits, and it -registered all edicts and deeds which concerned the domain.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>(3) The most famous of the three bodies was the great -law-court of France, the Parliament of Paris. Its functions -correspond to those of the courts of King’s Bench and -Common Pleas in England, but its peculiar history arises -from the maintenance of a corporate unity and authority -which the English judges never possessed. Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> not -only gave to the Parliament a separate existence, he also -fixed its sessions in Paris, and organised its three earliest -sub-divisions. The <i>chambre des requêtes</i> decided the lesser -cases of first instance brought directly before the Parliament. -The <i>chambre des enquêtes</i> received and prepared -for further consideration all appeals from lower courts. The -<i>grande chambre</i> was the largest and most important of the -sub-divisions, and is often called the Parliament by itself. In -it the peers retained the right of sitting down to the Revolution, -but they only appeared on formal occasions. The -<i>grande chambre</i> decided all important appeals, and cases of -first instance concerning the peers, the royal officers, and the -members of the sovereign courts. At first the Parliament -only met twice a year, at Easter and All Saints. But the two -sessions proved insufficient to discharge the growing business -of the court, and, later in the century, it was made a permanent -court, and its members were appointed for life or -during the royal pleasure. In addition to its judicial work, -the Parliament had to register all royal edicts, treaties of -peace, and other formal documents. This was originally a -duty rather than a right; and it was not till much later -that the Parliament based upon this practice a claim to -remonstrate against, or even to veto, the edicts of the king.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The organisation of this administrative machinery is the -greatest achievement of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s domestic government. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The States-General.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -But his reign is also noteworthy for the origin -of the States-General, which at one time -promised to become the basis of a constitutional system of -government such as was our Parliament established in -England, but was ultimately crushed into insignificance by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>the crown which had created it as a mere instrument to -serve its own ends. The first meeting was held in 1302, -when Philip wished to parade the unanimity of his subjects -in opposing the pretensions of Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> They were -summoned again in 1308 to condemn the Templars, and in -1314 to support the king in a renewed war with Flanders. -Philip may have found a model for these assemblies either -in the provincial estates of Languedoc and Brittany, or in -the Cortes of Castile and Aragon, but it is more than probable -that he was inspired by the example of his great -contemporary, Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England, who in 1295 had -summoned the famous ‘model parliament,’ and had himself -in 1301 obtained a protest against the papal claims from a -parliament at Lincoln.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The States-General under Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> are especially remarkable -for their numbers. All tenants-in-chief, whether -clerical or lay, were invited to attend in person, and those -who were prevented by any unavoidable cause might send -proxies. The cathedral chapters and monasteries sent -representatives; and so did all the towns of any size in the -kingdom. There was no attempt to determine the condition -which entitled a man either to vote or to be elected. The -only class which was unrepresented was the peasantry. -When the States met, they were divided into three estates: -clergy, nobles, and citizens. The meeting only lasted a day, -and there was no general discussion. The royal spokesman -explained the object for which they were summoned, and -then each estate separately drew up a document in accordance -with the wishes of the king.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is obvious that the summons of the States-General was -not in any way forced upon the king by external pressure, but -was a mere expedient to strengthen his hands. The assembly -never got rid of this taint on their origin. If a French king -thought his end could be best attained by summoning the -States-General, he summoned them: but if, on the contrary, -he thought it advisable to treat separately with the various -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>provinces, he did so. Later in the century an attempt was -made to secure regular assemblies with definite authority, -but the attempt was a failure, and parliamentary government -was never established in France until the nineteenth century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The whole of Philip’s rule is marked by the steady -encroachments upon feudal independence and privilege of -an unscrupulous but efficient despotism. He claimed for -the crown the right of creating peers, which he exercised in -favour of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples and of Robert of Artois. He -raised to the rank of nobles men who had no qualification -either by descent or by tenure, and was thus enabled to -reward those ministers who borrowed from Roman Law the -phrase, <i>quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem</i>, and coined -from it a French legal adage, which the monarchy might have -taken for its motto: <i>que veut le roi, si veut la loi</i>. But there -was one glaring defect in Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s government, which he -also bequeathed to his successors. His financial -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Financial maladministration.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -administration was as incompetent as it was -tyrannical and oppressive. He strained to the -utmost the normal sources of revenue, the income from the -domain and the feudal incidents. When these were -exhausted, he imposed <i>gabelles</i> or taxes on the sale of -commodities. But these taxes he was foolish enough to -farm out to his creditors in order to obtain large sums of -ready money. Such an expedient, especially in early times, -always results in loss to the state and oppression to the taxpayer. -More ruinous, because more dishonest, was the -constant debasement of the coinage, which Philip carried -to such lengths that contemporaries called him the ‘false -coiner.’ Thus the founder of the French monarchy was -also responsible for the defect which ultimately ruined his -creation. It is an extraordinary thing that France, one of -the richest countries in Europe, and in some ways one of the -most efficiently governed, never had a sound financial system -under the old monarchy. Philip’s successors imitated the -defects as well as the merits of his rule. To his devices of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>farming the taxes and of debasing the currency they added -the disastrous practice of selling offices, and of increasing -their value by granting their holders exemption from taxation. -Many Frenchmen saw and deplored the evil results of this -system, but no one was strong enough to apply a drastic -remedy. The deficit which resulted was the immediate -occasion, though not the cause, of the great revolution. It -may be fanciful, but it is not preposterous, to contend that, -if Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had been a capable and honest financier, -the Bourbons might still be seated on the throne of -France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Such a harsh government as that of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> could -not possibly be popular. His direct attack upon their -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Philip IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -interests exasperated the <i>noblesse</i>, and his -financial extortions alienated the <i>bourgeoisie</i>. -In 1314 a new war broke out with Flanders, and Philip -attempted to defray its expense by a heavy tax upon all -commodities, to be levied on their sale, from both seller -and purchaser. This caused an explosion, and for the -first and only time nobles and third estate were leagued -together against the king. Such an alliance threatened to -ruin the monarchy, and Philip was forced to yield. He -abolished the tax, and promised to redress the grievances -of his subjects as regards the coinage. Soon after this -humiliation he died (November 29, 1314).</p> - -<p class='c004'>During the next fourteen years Philip’s three sons ruled -in rapid succession, and their reigns are chiefly notable for -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis X., 1314-16.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the establishment of the all-important rule of succession -which excluded females from the succession to the French -throne. The eldest, Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, was only twenty-four -years old at his father’s death, and took no -interest in the work of government. The conduct of affairs -was allowed to fall into the hands of his uncle, Charles of -Valois, who had always sympathised with the feudal opposition -to Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> The triumph of the reactionary party was -seen in the trial and execution of Enguerrand de Marigny, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>one of the chief advisers of the late king. But the nobles, -freed for the moment from royal domination, were short-sighted -enough to throw over their recent alliance with the -bourgeoisie, and thus lost an excellent chance of imposing -permanent restrictions upon the power of the crown. The -concessions which they obtained were solely in the interests -of their own class, and even they were not national concessions -but were embodied in a series of provincial charters. -The absence of national unity, to which these events -testified, was a cause of the ultimate victory of the monarchy, -which had never again to face such a hostile union of classes -as had been formed for the moment in 1314.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Apart from this momentary victory of the feudal nobles, -the reign of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span> is absolutely uneventful. He got rid of -his first wife, Margaret of Burgundy, in order that he might -marry Clementia, sister of Carobert of Hungary. He also -undertook an expedition to Flanders in order to force the -Count to observe his treaty obligations; but the campaign -was wholly unsuccessful, and soon afterwards the young king -died, on June 5, 1316. His death was more -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession question in 1316.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -important than his life, as it gave rise to the first -doubtful succession since the reign of Hugh -Capet. For the first time for more than three centuries there -was no male heir to the crown, as Louis only left a daughter, -Jeanne, the offspring of his first marriage. As the question -of female succession had never arisen before, there was no -rule to decide either way. But the problem in this case was -further complicated by the fact that Clementia, Louis’s second -wife, was expecting a child to be born five months after her -husband’s death. Until this event took place nothing could -be settled, and during the necessary interregnum the regency -was naturally intrusted to Philip, the elder brother of the late -king. Meanwhile the interests of Jeanne were maintained by -her maternal uncle, Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Burgundy, with whom Philip -concluded a treaty. This provided that if Clementia gave -birth to a son he should succeed to the whole inheritance, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>but if the posthumous child were a daughter, then Jeanne was -to have Navarre, Champagne, and Brie until she was of -marriageable age, when she was to choose whether to renounce -the crown of France or to demand a formal consideration of -her claims.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In November, 1316, Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>’s widow gave birth to a son, -who is reckoned in the list of French kings as John <span class='fss'>I.</span> The -child was born on a Sunday, and died on the -following Friday. Thus the claims of Jeanne -were left in full force, but they were seriously prejudiced by -the fact that during the previous five months her uncle had -obtained a firm hold of the reins of government, which he -was by no means prepared to resign. The Duke of Burgundy -was bribed to abandon the cause of Jeanne by a marriage -with Philip’s daughter, and by the gift of Franche-Comté and -500,000 crowns as his bride’s dowry. The French lawyers, -sharing the general prejudice against female rule, which -resulted from so long a period of male succession, hunted -out a clause in the laws of the Salian Franks which forbade -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The so-called Salic Law.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the inheritance by women of <i>terra Salica</i>. This clause they -arbitrarily applied to the crown, and thus coined the famous -expression, the Salic Law. But it must never be forgotten -that the exclusion of women from the throne of France rests, -not upon any ancient rule, but upon the precedent of Jeanne’s -exclusion in 1316, followed and confirmed by further exclusions -in 1322 and 1328.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Once securely established on the throne, Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> showed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Philip V., 1316-22.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -himself a resolute and able ruler. The reaction in favour of -feudal independence was checked; the lawyers -recovered their ascendency in the royal counsels; -and the administrative machinery of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was once more -set in working order. Numerous assemblies were held, in -which the third estate was fully represented; and a vigorous -attempt was made to improve trade, and to check provincial -isolation by establishing uniformity in coinage, weights, and -measures. But Philip did not live long enough to carry out -<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>designs which, if successful, might have given him a place -among the great administrators of France. He died in 1322 -leaving only daughters, and his brother Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -had little difficulty in seizing, not only the throne, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles IV., 1322-28.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -but also Navarre, Champagne, and Brie, which ought to have -been left in the hands of Jeanne. The reign of Charles is of -little importance except in connection with England, where -Edward <span class='fss'>II.</span> was deposed and murdered by a conspiracy -headed by his faithless wife and Charles’s sister, Isabella of -France. To his nephew, the young Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Charles -handed over Guienne, but retained the district of Agen, to -be the source of future disputes. With Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s death -(January 31, 1328) the main line of the House of Capet came -to an end. There was still one doubt as to the rule or custom -of succession. That women could not themselves hold the -crown had been settled by three successive precedents within -twelve years. But could they transmit a claim to their male -descendants? There were in 1328 two possible claimants on -this ground—Philip, the son of Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Burgundy by a -daughter of Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of England, whose -mother was a sister of the three last kings. But France was -not likely to adopt a rule of succession which might at any -moment give the crown to a foreign prince. And so the -crown passed to the nearest male heir, Philip of Valois.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span> - <h2 id='chap04' class='c009'>CHAPTER IV <br /> FRANCE UNDER THE EARLY VALOIS, 1328-1380</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The accession of Philip of Valois—His relations with Navarre and England—Robert -of Artois—Philip’s action in Gascony, Scotland, and Flanders -brings on War with England—Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Jacob van Artevelde—Edward -<span class='fss'>III.</span> claims the French Crown—Beginning of the Hundred Years’ -War—English Expedition into Picardy—The succession in Brittany -followed by a war—The Murder of Artevelde—The battle of Crecy and -siege of Calais—Annexation of Dauphiné to France—Accession of King -John and renewal of the war with England—Battle of Poitiers—Etienne -Marcel and the States-General of 1355 and 1357—The Ordinance of -March 3, 1357—Anarchy in France—The Murder of the Marshals—Royalist -reaction—The Jacquerie—The Murder of Marcel and the capture -of Paris—English Invasion of 1359 followed by the Treaty of -Bretigni—The succession to Burgundy—Charles <span class='fss'>V/</span>’s Government—Success -of his policy in Brittany and Spain—The reconquest of the -English Provinces—Last years of Charles <span class='fss'>V/</span>—Du Guesclin and de -Clisson.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The first result of the accession of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was the severance -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Accession of Philip of Valois, 1328.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the crowns of France and Navarre, which had been -united since the marriage of Philip the Fair (see -p. <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>). Navarre was now given up to Jeanne, -the daughter of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, and her husband, Philip -of Evreux. In return Jeanne abandoned all other claims, -either to the French crown or to the provinces of Champagne -and Brie. By this bargain Philip secured his throne against -one possible claimant, and confirmed the exclusion of female -succession in France. Another rival, Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of England, -who could contend that females might transmit a claim to a -male heir, was not at the moment very formidable. He was -very young, he had obtained the throne through his father’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>deposition in 1327, and for the time he was under the tutelage -of his mother Isabella and her paramour Mortimer. So far -from putting forward a claim to the French crown, Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> -came over to Amiens in 1329, and recognised Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -by doing homage to him for his inherited possessions in -Aquitaine.</p> - -<p class='c004'>So confident was Philip in the strength of his position that -he did not hesitate to provoke enemies both at home and -abroad, and this recklessness ultimately led to a quarrel with -England, and to the outbreak of a war which lasted more -than a hundred years, and exercised the most decisive influence -upon the development of both nations. -Among the nobles who had contributed most to -bring about Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>’s accession was his brother-in-law, -Robert of Artois. He was a grandson of Count Robert of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Robert of Artois.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Artois, who had fallen in the battle of Courtrai in 1302. In -spite of the normal preference for male succession, the grandson -had been excluded in favour of his aunt Matilda, whose -daughter Jeanne had married Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> Robert had made -several efforts to vindicate his claim to Artois, but without -success. On the accession of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, however, he was -confident of obtaining justice, and at once commenced a suit -for the purpose of proving that the inheritance had been unlawfully -withheld from him. Matilda and Jeanne came to -Paris to defend their rights, and both of them died within a -short interval of each other, not without strong suspicions of -foul play. Their claims now passed to Margaret, the daughter -of Jeanne and Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> Robert of Artois found himself -accused, not only of employing poison to rid himself of his -rivals, but also of forging documents in support of his claims, -and of employing magic arts against the king himself. His -supposed accomplices were tortured into some sort of confession, -and Robert, finding that he had lost the royal favour -on which he had reckoned, fled from the court. The suit -was decided against him (1332), and he himself sentenced to -banishment. He found a refuge in England, and in his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>eagerness for revenge set himself to urge Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> to claim -the French throne on the ground of his mother’s descent from -Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> might have paid little attention to such -obviously interested advice had not events elsewhere brought -him into hostile relations with France. Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was suspected, -with some justice, of desiring to imitate his uncle’s -policy in Gascony, and to bring that province directly under -his rule. More serious still was his conduct in regard to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Scotland.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Scotland. The treaty of Northampton in 1328, by which the -independence of Scotland had been recognised, -had stipulated for the restoration of their lands to -those nobles who had supported England in the war. Robert -Bruce died in 1329 without carrying out this part of the -treaty, and the nobles who ruled during the minority of his -son David were not likely to give up possessions which had -fallen into their own hands. The dispossessed nobles determined -to maintain their own cause in arms, and a successful -battle at Dupplin Moor enabled them to place Edward -Balliol upon the Scottish throne. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had given no -aid to this expedition, but now that the revolution was accomplished, -he was willing to profit by it and to receive Edward -Balliol’s homage. But the partisans of David Bruce rallied -from their first defeat and drove Balliol from the throne. -Edward <span class='fss'>III</span>. now led an army into Scotland, won the battle of -Halidon Hill (1333), captured Berwick, and restored Balliol. -The result was a renewal of the Scottish war, and the party of -independence appealed for aid to France. Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> did not -hesitate to secure such a useful ally in case of future difficulties -with England. French troops were despatched to Scotland, -and the safety of the young Scottish king was secured -by sending him to France. From this time may be dated the -permanent alliance between France and Scotland, which was -at once a grievance and a source of serious embarrassment -to English rulers.</p> - -<p class='c004'>English and French troops were now fighting each other as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>auxiliaries on Scottish soil, and it was obvious that the two -countries must soon be involved in open strife. The final -impulse was supplied by events in Flanders. In the fourteenth -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Flanders.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -century Flanders was the most important trading -and manufacturing country in western Europe. -Ghent was the Manchester, and Bruges the Liverpool, of that -day. In Bruges we are told that merchants from seventeen -kingdoms had settled homes, while strangers journeyed thither -from all parts of the known world. It was the great centre-point -of mediæval commerce, where the products of north, -south, and east were brought together and exchanged against -each other. Still more important to the Flemings themselves -and to their relations with England was the manufacture of -wool. England produced the longest and finest wool, which -was woven into cloth and worsted on the looms of Ghent -and Ypres. With France, on the other hand, the relations -of the Flemings were purely political. The Count of Flanders, -who found his subjects very difficult to govern, was the vassal -of the French king, and his authority could hardly be maintained -without the aid of his suzerain. To the material -interests of the Flemings France was almost wholly alien. -France, as contrasted with the other states of Europe, was -little affected by the commercial spirit of the age. While -Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> and the Black Prince, who appear in the pages of -Froissart as mirrors of chivalry, were yet sufficiently practical -to encourage the industrial interests of their subjects, the -Valois kings pursued a totally different policy. They crushed -industry by excessive and ill-judged imposts. They maintained -no police to give safety to the foreign merchant, and -foreign wares were kept out of France by the insecurity of the -roads and the heavy duties upon imports. This difference is -paralleled by the difference in the military system of the two -countries. The English king, supported by the growing -wealth of his subjects, was able to leave the majority of his -people at home, and to make war with a well-paid and -equipped mercenary army. The King of France, after extorting -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>all he could wring from the pockets of his subjects, compelled -them to serve in the old feudal array, and led them to -be butchered by opponents who were numerically inferior, -but had been trained to war, and were not distracted from -the work before them by the sense that they were neglecting -their material interests at home.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> had been involved in a Flemish war at the very -beginning of his reign. The citizens of West Flanders, headed -by Bruges and Ypres, rose in revolt against their Count, Lewis, -who appealed for aid to the French king. A feudal army -was led to his assistance, and the citizens, weakened by the -abstention of Ghent, were crushed at the battle of Cassel -(1328). The Flemings had to suffer, not only for their unsuccessful -rebellion, but also for their previous victory at -Courtrai, which had now been so ruinously reversed. Their -leaders were mercilessly hunted to death, the town charters -were confiscated, and their fortifications razed to the ground. -The authority of the count was restored, but he was more -than ever the dependent vassal of the French king. In 1336, -at the command of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, he ordered the imprisonment -of all Englishmen in Flanders. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> promptly retaliated -by prohibiting the exportation of English wool and the -import of foreign cloth. Flemish artisans were induced to -emigrate to England, and to lay the foundations of a prosperous -woollen manufacture in Norfolk.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These events, which may be taken as the actual origin of -the hundred years’ war, illustrate the folly and recklessness of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alliance of England with the Flemings.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> So far his quarrel with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> -in Aquitaine and in Scotland had been a personal -quarrel; and the English people, though reluctant -to lose the profitable trade with Bordeaux, were by no means -enthusiastic either for the continental dominions of their king, -or even for the establishment of his suzerainty over Scotland. -But to strike at English trade with Flanders was to inflict a -mortal blow at the most sensitive of English interests. From -this time the quarrel with France became a national as well -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>as a royal quarrel, and Edward could count upon the unanimous -support of his subjects. Still more serious was the -effect of Philip’s action in Flanders. In the fourteenth century, -as in the Napoleonic wars at the beginning of the -nineteenth century, England had the stronger position in a -trade dispute with the Continent. The Flemish market was -important to England, but English wool was indispensable to -Flanders. The reprisals of Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, forced upon him by -the action of the French king, threatened the Flemings with -the ruin of their most important industry. A new rising, -more formidable than that of 1328, was at once planned. -Ghent, which had then held aloof, was now prepared to play -its part; and in Ghent arose a leader, Jacob van -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Jacob van Artevelde.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Artevelde, whose eloquence and decision gave him -for a time practical omnipotence, while his guidance gave to -the movement a unity and consistency which previous rebellions -had too often lacked. His avowed object was to restore -the supply of wool to the Flemish looms, and for this purpose -to establish friendly relations with England. He assembled -at Ghent the men of the chief cities, and ‘showed them that -they could not live without the King of England; for all -Flanders was supported by cloth-making, and without wool -one could not make cloth; therefore he urged them to keep -the English king their friend.’ At the same time he was -anxious to avoid any needless infraction of feudal law, and -therefore suggested that Edward should claim the French -crown, pointing out that the Flemings could not lawfully serve -the King of England against the King of France, but that they -could serve the lawful King of France against the usurper.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Edward <span class='fss'>III</span>. saw that war was inevitable; and the arguments -of Artevelde convinced him, if any conviction were needed, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Edward III. claims the French crown.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -that by putting forward a claim to the crown he -would gain powerful supporters, and in the end -more substantial advantages. In 1337 he published -his claim before a parliament, and set to -work to form continental alliances. The Emperor, Lewis -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>the Bavarian, indignant at Philip’s dictation to the Pope, -Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, was willing to support the English king. In -September, 1338, he met Edward at Coblentz, and formally -invested him with the office of imperial vicar in the provinces -on the left bank of the Rhine. The Duke of Brabant and -several other princes of the Netherlands were persuaded or -bribed to promise contingents to the English army. Edward’s -position seemed to be of overwhelming strength. He could -attack France on both sides, from Flanders and Artois on -the north-east, and from Guienne and Gascony on the south-west.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the English successes were by no means so great as -had been confidently expected. Edward’s first expedition -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Opening of hostilities.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -into Picardy in 1339 was a complete failure. The -Emperor, vacillating as ever, would give no effective -aid, the Flemings were content with the recovery of the -wool supply, and it was only the sluggishness of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -which enabled the English forces to retire without serious -loss. In 1340 the enterprise was renewed. A French and -Genoese fleet had been collected off Sluys to dispute the -landing. The Genoese commander refused to fight in a -position which made it impossible to manœuvre, and left the -French vessels to be utterly destroyed in the first important -encounter of the war. But this naval victory was the solitary -triumph of the campaign. Although the Flemings, under the -influence of Artevelde, gave more active assistance than in -the previous year, Edward was repulsed from the walls of -St. Omer and Tournai. In September he concluded a truce -for nine months with Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The only gainers by the -war were the Flemings, who had practically abrogated the -authority of their count, and had organised an independent -federation of communes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It seemed for the moment as if the war might collapse -altogether in 1340. Edward’s allies had either deserted him -or were obviously lukewarm in his cause. He had spent vast -sums of money without having any substantial result to show -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>for it. His subjects were discontented, and Edward chose -this moment for a violent quarrel with his chief minister, -Archbishop Stratford, who was backed up by the English -parliament. But the dwindling flames of the war were rekindled -into a blaze by a quarrel about the succession -in Brittany. Duke John <span class='fss'>III.</span> died in 1340, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession quarrel in Brittany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -leaving no children. Of his two brothers, the -elder was dead, but had left a daughter, Jeanne, who was -married to Charles of Blois, a nephew of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The -younger brother was John de Montfort, who claimed the -vacant duchy as the nearest male heir. The Count of Blois -appealed, on behalf of his wife, to the Parliament of Paris, -and that court decided in her favour. The result was a civil -war between the French and the Celtic population of Brittany, -the Celts supporting de Montfort and rejecting the rule of -Charles of Blois as an alien. Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> determined to support -the cause of his nephew and the decision of his parliament. -De Montfort crossed over to England and recognised Edward -<span class='fss'>III.</span> by doing homage to him for Brittany. Thus in the case -of Brittany, as in that of Artois, the two kings were committed -to principles which ran counter to their own claims. The -French king, who owed his crown to the so-called Salic law,<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c015'><sup>[5]</sup></a> -appeared as the champion of female succession; while -Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, who claimed to be King of France through his -mother, contended for the exclusive right of the male heir.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The war in Brittany offered to Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> ‘the finest -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Brittany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -possible entry for the conquest of the kingdom of France,’ -but his intervention served rather to prolong than -to decide the struggle. Charles of Blois, with the -aid of John of Normandy, the heir to the French crown, -began by gaining important successes. Nantes was captured, -and John de Montfort sent prisoner to Paris. But the heroic -Countess of Montfort, a sister of the Count of Flanders, -supported her husband’s cause with masculine energy and -courage, and the arrival of English succour restored the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>balance of forces in Brittany. But Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> still found -himself confronted by superior numbers, and in 1343 papal -mediation succeeded in arranging a general truce for three -years. The truce, however, was not allowed to run its full -term. John de Montfort escaped from his prison, and the -severity with which Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> punished some nobles in -Brittany and Normandy for suspected treason led to a renewal -of hostilities in 1345. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> determined to -make greater efforts than ever, and to attack France on three -sides—from Guienne, Brittany, and Flanders. In Guienne -Henry of Lancaster gained a considerable victory at Auberoche, -and captured several fortresses which were held by the -French. In Brittany John de Montfort died, leaving his -claims to his son, and his death prevented any important -operations from being undertaken. Meanwhile Edward himself -prepared to co-operate with the Flemings on the north-east. -But his plans were interrupted by what appeared to be -a great disaster to his cause. Jacob van Artevelde -had incurred the distrust of his fellow-citizens. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Murder of Artevelde.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -He had found it increasingly difficult to reconcile the jarring -pretensions of the rival cities, or to compose the jealous -divisions of the fullers and weavers of Ghent. In his alliance -with England he had gone further than the majority of the -Flemings desired. They would have been content to impose -conditions upon their count, whereas Artevelde had -schemed to depose him altogether, and to transfer the direct -government of Flanders to the Prince of Wales. But the -final accusation against the once popular leader was that he -had placed the great treasure of Flanders at the disposal of -the English king. In a rising of the infuriated mob, Artevelde’s -house was stormed and he himself slain. For the moment -Edward feared that he might lose his hold upon Flanders. -But Artevelde’s policy survived him. The Flemings were not -prepared to make unconditional submission to their count, -and to extort conditions the alliance with England must be -maintained. They hastened to excuse their conduct to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>English king, to assure him of the continuance of their support. -But Edward had received the news of another loss, -which checked his advance in 1345. This was the death of -his brother-in-law, William <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Holland, Hainault, and -Zealand. As he left no children, his territories were seized -by Lewis the Bavarian and conferred upon one of his younger -sons (see p. 108). The Emperor had already deserted the -English alliance, and the establishment of the House of Wittelsbach -in the dominions of William <span class='fss'>IV.</span> broke up the coalition -which Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had formed on the borders of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These checks induced Edward, not to relax his efforts, but to -alter his plans. The military interest of 1346 seemed likely to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Campaign of 1346.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -be concentrated in the south-west. A large French -army under Philip’s eldest son, John of Normandy, -entered Guienne, recovered many of the places lost in the -previous year, and besieged the inferior English troops in -Aiguillon. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> collected a large army at Southampton, -and set sail on July 2. His intention was to land at -Bordeaux, and march to the relief of Aiguillon. But his -voyage was hindered by storms, and the advice of some of -his French followers induced him to make for the coast of -Normandy. The province was wholly unprepared for attack, -and the English met with little resistance on their devastating -march. Along the valley of the Seine they advanced as -far as Poissi, where the flames of the burning houses were -seen from the walls of Paris. Meanwhile, Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> had -strained every nerve to collect a second army for the defence -of his capital. Among the allies who came to his aid were -John of Bohemia and the newly elected King of the Romans, -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> But Edward declined to assault Paris, or to face -an army which was now larger than his own. Misleading -Philip by a feint in the direction of Tours, he crossed the -Seine at Poissi, and marched at full speed towards Picardy, -in order to effect a junction with the Flemings. Philip -followed with his enormous force, and the destruction of the -bridges over the Somme seemed to shut the English in a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>trap. But a captured peasant guided Edward to a comparatively -unguarded ford at Blanche Taque, and the French -arrived just as the last of the enemy had crossed. The -battle, however, was only postponed, though the crossing of -the river enabled Edward to choose his own ground, instead -of fighting at a disadvantage with an impassable river behind -him. To continue the retreat with an exhausted army pursued -by superior numbers must have ended in disaster, and -Edward drew up his troops at Crecy, near Abbeville, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Crecy, 1346.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to try the hazard of the first pitched battle -of the war. The result was to teach the world a lesson in the -art of warfare which had only been imperfectly suggested by -the battles of Stirling Bridge, Bannockburn, and Courtrai. -It was a combat of infantry against cavalry, of missile weapons -against heavy armour and lances, of trained professional -soldiers against a combination of foreign mercenaries with -disorderly feudal levies. And the inevitable result was made -the more decisive by the utter want of generalship on the -part of the French king. Obeying a momentary impulse -of rage, he ordered his troops to engage when they were -exhausted by a long march. The Genoese crossbows were -wetted by rain, and their bolts fell harmless, while they were -exposed to a hail of arrows from the English longbows. -Then the men-at-arms charged over the unfortunate Genoese, -and were already in disorder before they could reach the -enemy. There was individual prowess in plenty, but no -organisation or discipline, and the bravest of the assailants -only rushed upon a certain fate. Philip fled in despair, but -the King of Bohemia, the Counts of Flanders and Alençon, -and many lesser princes and nobles, were left dead upon the -field. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> made no attempt to turn back upon -France. It would have been difficult for him to feed his -soldiers in a district which had been already swept bare by -the requisitions and the pillage of two great armies. After -allowing three days for rest and the burying of the dead, he -continued his march northwards, and laid siege to Calais. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>His victory had decisive results both in the west and the -south. The siege of Aiguillon was raised, and the retirement -of the Duke of Normandy left Guienne at the mercy of -the English. Henry of Lancaster recovered the places lost -at the beginning of the year, and, entering Poitou, took and -sacked Poitiers. In Brittany the French cause met with -almost equal disasters. Charles of Blois was captured and -carried a prisoner to England, and, though his wife continued -the struggle, the party of de Montfort had for a time a secure -predominance. To complete the list of failures, an attempted -diversion by David of Scotland, who invaded England in the -autumn of 1346, ended in the king’s defeat and capture at -the battle of Nevill’s Cross.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> was engaged in the blockade of -Calais, where Jean de Vienne held out with heroic obstinacy -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Siege of Calais, 1346-7.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -for nearly a whole year. The death of Lewis of -Flanders at Crecy seemed to open the prospect -of a reconciliation of the Flemings with France, and if this -could have been effected, the siege would probably have -ended in failure. The young Count, Lewis de Mâle, had -done nothing to incur the enmity of his subjects, and they -welcomed his return with enthusiasm. But in their treaty -with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> the Flemings had agreed that their new ruler -should marry an English princess. This stipulation Lewis -refused to fulfil, and when the citizens tried to coerce him, -he escaped from subjects who had become his gaolers and -returned to the French court. His departure left the Flemings -bound to the English alliance, and to Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>’s lavish offers -of bribes they turned a deaf ear. The siege could only be -raised by force, and Philip collected an army for that purpose. -But when he approached he found the English too strongly -entrenched, and retired without risking a battle. Thus, -deprived of all hope of succour from outside, the defenders -were forced to accept Edward’s terms, and to hand over the -town, with six of the principal burghers, to his mercy. The -burghers were spared on the entreaty of Queen Philippa, but -<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>the whole population of Calais was expelled to make room -for English settlers. Gradually, as Edward’s wrath at the -prolonged resistance died away, some of the original inhabitants -were allowed to return, but the population of Calais -continued to be preponderantly English during the two -centuries that it remained subject to England.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The fall of Calais was the last military disaster of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>’s -reign. Both England and France were exhausted by the -strain of the contest, and the outbreak of the terrible Black -Death, which ravaged western Europe in 1348 and 1349, -diverted men’s minds from international quarrels. A truce, -originally concluded for ten months, was prolonged by mutual -consent for several years. Philip concluded his reign in -peace, and before his death (August 22, 1350) he -was able to add an important province to France, -and thus to gain some consolation for the losses -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Dauphiné annexed to France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the English war. Among the largest fragments of the old -kingdoms of Arles was Dauphiné, ruled as a fief of the Empire -by the Dauphins of Vienne. The last of these princes, -Humbert, had supported Lewis the Bavarian in his struggles -against France and the Avignon Popes. But like so many -of the Emperor’s allies, he was alienated by Lewis’s weakness -and selfishness, and pecuniary troubles forced him to change -his policy and to draw closer to France. In 1343 he concluded -a treaty with Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> by which Dauphiné, in default -of lawful issue to himself, was to fall to a younger son of the -French king. In the next year this treaty was modified to -secure the inheritance to the heirs to the French crown; and -finally in 1349 Humbert’s life-interest in the province was -bought out by payment of a large sum, and Dauphiné was -handed over to the House of Valois, and in the course of the -next generation became the regular appanage of the eldest -son of the reigning king. About the same time, France -acquired another advantage on the side of Flanders. In 1348 -Lewis de Mâle recovered his county, and by encouraging -internal quarrels among his subjects, he not only evaded the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>hated obligation of an English marriage, but also restored -some measure of authority over the turbulent Flemings. As -long as his power could be maintained, it might be hoped -that France would escape the dangers of Flemish co-operation -with the English.</p> - -<p class='c004'>John the Good, as he is called by the caprice of historical -nomenclature, was no better a ruler than his father, and was -even more unfortunate. He had already been -active both in military and civil affairs, but had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Accession of King John, 1350.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -profited little by his experience. War, in his -eyes, was nothing but a tournament on a large scale. Of -orderly finance he had no conception; and as to the welfare -of his subjects he had neither interest nor insight. He was -a reckless spendthrift, imbued with the chivalrous ideals of -the day, and subject to sudden gusts of passion, alternating -with fitful and uncalculating acts of generosity. His accession -marks the appearance on the scene of a new generation -of actors. The Black Death had been most fatal to the -lower classes, but it had by no means spared those of higher -rank. In a single year John had lost his mother, Jeanne of -Burgundy; his first wife, the sister of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>; his uncle -Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, who had added Franche-Comté to the duchy of -Burgundy, and now left both Burgundies to an infant grandson, -Philip de Rouvre; and his cousin, Jeanne of Navarre, -whose kingdom and possessions in France passed to her son, -deservedly known in history as Charles the Bad, and destined -to be the evil genius of France in the hour of her worst misfortunes. -In England there had been a similar clearance of -prominent personages. Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> still lived, but he played -little further part in the French war, where his place was -taken by the Black Prince.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The truce with England expired in 1351, but for some -years the revived hostilities were only local and unimportant. -So great was the mutual exhaustion of the two states, that -the new Pope, Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, elected in 1352, almost succeeded -in negotiating a general peace. But, as before, it was internal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>disturbances in France which led to a renewal of the war. -Charles of Navarre had been invested with the county of -Evreux and with the large possessions of his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewed war with the English.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -mother in Normandy and the Ile-de-France. He -had also received in 1352 the hand of the king’s -daughter, Jeanne. But his ambition was still unsatisfied, and -John took no further pains to conciliate a prince who could -advance claims to Champagne and Brie, and might, under -favourable circumstances, become a rival candidate for the -crown. In 1354 the king’s favourite, Charles of Spain, was -assassinated by the emissaries of the King of Navarre. John -was induced to pardon his son-in-law; but the reconciliation -was only hollow, and Charles was impelled by real or imaginary -grievances to open negotiations with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> The -English king could not resist the temptation of invading -France with the aid of so powerful an ally, and prepared to -enter Normandy through Calais in 1355. This danger compelled -John once more to make overtures to his rebellious -son-in-law, and Edward found himself deprived of the promised -aid. He landed at Calais, ravaged the neighbouring districts, -and then withdrew to repel a Scottish invasion. The Black -Prince was more successful. Starting from Bordeaux, he -marched through Languedoc, treating that province as -Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had treated Normandy in 1346. But the French -king was as reckless as ever. Early in 1356 he surprised -Charles of Navarre as he was banqueting with the Dauphin -at Rouen, put his chief supporters to death, and carried the -king a prisoner to Paris. The result of this violent act was -to excite general disaffection. Charles’s brother, Philip of -Navarre, promptly took up arms, and appealed for English -support. The Black Prince was not slow to respond. His -plan was to march northward through the most fertile districts -of France, cross the Loire, and advance through Maine to -join the rebels in Normandy. But his force was insufficient -for such an enterprise. John hastily collected an army, the -Loire valley was blocked, and Prince Edward had to retire -before vastly superior numbers.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>John hurried eagerly in pursuit, and actually reached Poitiers -before the enemy. A battle was now inevitable. So hopeless -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Poitiers, 1356.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -were the odds that the Black Prince was willing -to accept any honourable terms, but John declined -to let the enemy escape. All the advantages, however, of -superior numbers were thrown away by the egregious folly of -the French king. He sent a small detachment of men-at-arms -to attack the English position on the hill, while he -ordered the bulk of his army to dismount on the plain. The -men-at-arms, who had to advance by a narrow lane under -the arrows of the English archers, were speedily routed, and -the English cavalry followed up this success by butchering -the dismounted host, who could neither stand their charge -nor fly. The king, after fighting bravely to the last, was -taken prisoner with his youngest son Philip, and the flower of -the French nobility either shared his captivity or escaped it -only by death on the field. As at Crecy, the English made -no attempt to profit by their victory. The Black Prince was -content to carry his illustrious prisoner to Bordeaux, whence -he subsequently despatched him to London.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The crushing defeat at Poitiers and the captivity of the -king marked the climax of a long series of disasters, of which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Discontent in France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the cause was to be sought in the continued maladministration -of French kings and ministers. -No country could be brought into such a plight as that to -which France was reduced without giving rise to serious and -dangerous discontent, and this discontent had already found -expression before the campaign of 1356. From 1350 to 1355 -frequent assemblies of local estates had been held for the -raising of supplies, and these had not been voted without -ominous grumbling and demands for redress of grievances. -At last, in November 1355, King John had found it necessary -to convoke the States-General of Languedoil, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>States-General of 1355.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in order to deliberate on the best mode of resisting -the national foes. The ‘deputies of the -three estates’—for nobles and clergy could only attend when -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>elected by their order—met in Paris on November 30. The -orator of the third estate, in the formal reply to the chancellor’s -opening speech, was Etienne Marcel, provost of the -merchants in Paris, and for the next four years one of the -most important men in France. After deliberating on the -matters submitted to them, the States drew up the great -ordinance of December 28, 1355. They granted to the king -a <i>gabelle</i> upon salt, and a tax of eight deniers the pound on -the sale of all commodities. These are to be levied upon all -classes—clergy, nobles, non-nobles, and even the members of -the royal family. The collection of the taxes is to be superintended -by delegates chosen by the estates, and the expenditure -is to be controlled by a council of nine, three from -each estate. Purveyance and the arbitrary alteration of the -money-standard were forbidden. Finally, the dates were -fixed for two subsequent sessions—one in March and the -other in November of the next year.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is obvious that the States-General acted, whether -consciously or unconsciously, in imitation of the English -Parliament, and took advantage of the financial -difficulties of the crown to impose constitutional -checks upon the royal power. But, unfortunately, -the financial skill of the estates was by no means equal to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Financial blunders of the States.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the importance of their objects, or to their energy in striving -after them. The <i>gabelle</i> on salt has in all ages been the most -unpopular tax in France, and the tax upon sales breaks all -the canons of taxation which modern economists have agreed -to accept. Great disaffection was excited by the attempt to -collect the tax, and in some provinces serious disturbances -took place. When the States-General met in March they -yielded at once to the expression of public opinion, repealed -the obnoxious taxes, and imposed in their place an extraordinary -income-tax, which was so adjusted that the percentage -increased as the income diminished. After taking -steps to control the collection and expenditure of the revenue, -the estates adjourned till May 6. They then discovered that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>the amount raised was wholly insufficient to defray the necessary -expenditure, and in their ignorance and perplexity they -reimposed the unpopular taxes on salt and sales, and ordered -the levy in June and August of two extra charges upon -incomes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>After the battle of Poitiers matters seemed more hopeless -than ever. The king’s eldest son, Charles,<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c015'><sup>[6]</sup></a> assumed the -government on his father’s imprisonment, but he displayed -little of the wisdom or capacity for which he was afterwards -renowned. His first act was to convene the States-General -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>States-General of Oct. 1356.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -on October 17. The assembly was unusually -large, the third estate being represented by exceptional -numbers. Of the nobles, however, the -attendance was very small. Large numbers of them had -perished at Poitiers, and the survivors were discredited. -Thus the balance of classes, so necessary for the success of -constitutional changes, was overthrown. The third estate -became preponderant in the assembly, and its leader, Marcel, -obtained considerable support from the clergy through his -ally Robert Lecoq, Bishop of Laon. The demands of the -estates were far more extreme than those of the earlier -assemblies. They were no longer content to impose checks -upon the government, but determined to take it into their -own hands. The royal ministers were to be dismissed, and -thirty-six delegates—twelve from each estate—were to be -appointed to manage the affairs of the kingdom. At the -same time, outspoken complaints were made of the failure -to carry out promised reforms, especially in the matter of the -coinage, and the release of the King of Navarre was demanded. -But the Dauphin, encouraged by the grant of a -considerable subsidy from the estates of Languedoc, was not -prepared to hand over his authority to the States-General. -He prorogued the assembly, endeavoured to raise money -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>from the provincial estates, and even ventured on a new -debasement of the currency. The reforming party was driven -by this obstinacy to revolutionary methods. The mob rose -in Paris, and Marcel ordered the royal officials to cease minting -the inferior coins. The Dauphin, who had gone to Metz -to demand the mediation of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> with England, -returned to find his capital in open revolt. Unable to resist -the popular demands, he was forced to hold a new meeting -of the States-General on February 5, and to accept the ordinance -which they drew up of March 3, 1357. In -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ordinance of March 3, 1357.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -this the policy which had been proposed in the -earlier session was carried out, and the royal power was subordinated -to that of the States. The commission of thirty-six -was definitely appointed to superintend every branch of -the administration. An aid was granted for the maintenance -of 3000 men-at-arms, but it was to be collected and spent, -not by royal officials, but by nominees of the States. The -predominance of the third estate is conspicuous in the articles -directed against the nobles. They were forbidden to carry on -private wars, and if they disregarded the prohibition, the local -authorities or the people might arrest them and compel them -to desist by fines or imprisonment. Not only was purveyance -forbidden, but it was permitted to the people to assemble at -the ringing of a bell, and to oppose its collectors by force.</p> - -<p class='c004'>King John, who was about to start from Bordeaux to -London, sent a message to Paris to annul an ordinance which -dealt so shrewd a blow at the royal authority. But the -Parisians were not prepared to submit to a distant and captive -king, the Dauphin was forced to promulgate the ordinance, -and the revolution in the government of France was completed. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Anarchy in France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The thirty-six showed their power by -purging the royal council and the magistracy of -all who were suspected of hostility to the popular party. But -any hopes that the change of rulers would bring prosperity to -France were doomed to disappointment. The revolutionary -government was no more successful than that which it had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>superseded. The provinces were not prepared to submit to -the dictation of Paris, and their discontent encouraged the -Dauphin to wait for an opportunity of recovering power. -The nobles became more and more indignant at the predominance -of the bourgeois. The English, still exulting in -their triumph of the previous year, were content to accept a -truce for two years; but the mercenary troops, deprived of -their legitimate occupation, wandered about the country -pillaging or levying blackmail on the people. Conscious that -their position was insecure, and that the Dauphin might at -any moment become actively hostile, Marcel and his associates -endeavoured to secure a powerful ally by releasing Charles of -Navarre (November, 1357). The only result was to kindle a -civil war. The Dauphin had been compelled to promise the -restoration of all his cousin’s possessions, but his lieutenants -would not give up the strong places, and Charles the Bad -took up arms. For the moment he was the ally of the -bourgeois, but he had no real sympathy with the cause of -reform, and sought to fish in troubled waters for his own gain. -The disasters of the ruling dynasty seemed to offer him a fair -chance of establishing a right to the throne. In his speeches -to the people he was careful to point out that his own claim -was much stronger than that of Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>As the reforming movement became weaker and more -discredited, it began to adopt more violent and revolutionary -methods. The career of Marcel is marked by -increasing narrowness and selfishness. He had -begun by advocating measures for the regeneration of France, -then he had become the champion of the third estate; within -that estate he was driven to maintain the preponderance of -Paris and its mob; and at last he had to fight in Paris for his -own personal ascendency. At the beginning of 1358 his -adherents adopted as their ensign a red and blue cap. The -Dauphin was raising an army against the King of Navarre, -and had recalled many of his former ministers. A new -exhibition of mob violence was necessary to intimidate him -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>into submission. Marcel forced his way into the Louvre, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Murder of the marshals.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -where the marshals of Normandy and Champagne were -murdered in their master’s presence. The unfortunate prince -fell on his knees to beg for his own life, and had to submit to -the indignity of wearing the parti-coloured cap, which was -placed on his head by Marcel himself. For the moment this -deplorable act seemed to have achieved its end. The -Dauphin was cowed into submission; his unpopular advisers -were dismissed, and Charles of Navarre was admitted to Paris -and formally reconciled with his cousin.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the murder of the marshals was really as impolitic as it -was criminal. The open dictation of the mob, and the failure -of the bourgeois government to remedy the misfortunes -of France, provoked a violent reaction in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Royalist reaction.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -favour of the monarchy which had been so insultingly defied. -With fatal self-confidence Marcel allowed the Dauphin, who -now assumed the title of regent, to leave Paris and to throw -himself upon the loyalty of the provinces. Charles summoned -the States-General to meet in May 1358, at Compiègne -instead of in Paris. The meeting was not very numerous, -but it expressed the prevalent sentiment of France in favour -of royalty. Marcel endeavoured to strengthen himself by -forming a league of towns for the maintenance of common -interests, but it was only joined by the towns in the immediate -neighbourhood of Paris. Civil war was inevitable, and the -new fortifications which Marcel had built to protect the capital -against English attack were now to be employed for the -defence of the citizens against their fellow-countrymen.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At this critical moment the evils of France were suddenly -multiplied by the rising of a class for which neither king, -nobles, nor citizens had done anything. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Jacquerie.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -serfs or villeins of France had suffered terrible -hardships within the last decade. Their numbers had been -decimated by the Black Death, and the survivors had to add -to their own tasks the work of those who had perished. -Their hard-won savings had been wrung from them to pay -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>the ransom of their lords, who had fallen into the hands of -the English at Poitiers or elsewhere. The lands from which -they extracted a scanty living were devastated by the mercenary -soldiers in peace as well as in war. Despairing of redress, -they determined, at any rate, to avenge their sufferings. The -story of their revolt is one of almost unredeemed horror. It -began in the district of Beauvais, and rapidly spread over -Champagne, Picardy, and the Ile-de-France. Castles were -burned; men, women, and even children were tortured and -put to death. But the nobles soon recovered from the first -panic, and took arms against enemies whom they now loathed -as much as they had previously despised them. The ill-armed -peasants were unable to face the trained men-at-arms, -and the suppression of the revolt was as murderous and -destructive as its outbreak.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There was little real sympathy between peasants and bourgeois. -They had, it is true, a common enemy in the nobles, -and Marcel had tried to use the Jacquerie as a diversion in -his own favour. But he gave no efficient aid to his allies, -and his half-hearted connection only brought upon himself -the discredit and disaster of their ruinous defeat. From the -victorious troops of the nobles the regent was able to form -an army for the reduction of his rebellious capital. The -citizens were bellicose, but they were not warlike, -and it was necessary to bring trained troops to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Siege of Paris.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the aid of their undisciplined valour. Charles of Navarre was -appointed captain-general of Paris, and brought a mercenary -army for its defence. But the king’s aims were as purely -selfish as ever. While professing to defend the city, he was -negotiating with the regent for its surrender. Such proceedings -excited serious mistrust, which was increased by quarrels -between the citizens and the soldiers of Navarre. At last the -king left Paris for St. Denis, and further resistance seemed -almost hopeless. The citizens were willing to make terms, -but the Dauphin would not negotiate with the murderer of -the marshals. Marcel felt that in such a dilemma he could -<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>no longer trust his followers. A party was already formed -within the city which was hostile to his continued ascendency, -and in favour of restoring the royal authority. If the citizens -had to choose between their own safety and the interests of -their provost, their choice could not be long delayed. There -was only one apparent means of escape, and -Marcel clutched at it. He offered to surrender -Paris to Charles of Navarre, and to proclaim him King of -France. But on the very night when this treacherous design -was to be carried out, Marcel was assassinated by one of his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Murder of Marcel.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -own followers (July 31, 1358). It is easy to see and condemn -the errors of his later career, but his name will always be -memorable in French history as the leader of the most -notable attempt, before 1789, to give to France a constitutional -form of government.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Two days after the death of Marcel the regent Charles -entered Paris, and the restoration of the royal authority was -signalised by the severe punishment of its chief opponents. -In the next year Charles bought off the King of Navarre, who -had lost all hopes of gaining the crown with the collapse of -the bourgeois revolution. There still remained the war with -England. During the truce John had been negotiating for -his release, and in 1359 he agreed to the cession -of nearly the whole of northern and western -France. But the Dauphin was of opinion that the mutilation -of his inheritance was too high a price to pay for his father’s -liberty. He convened the States-General, now the docile -instrument of the prince whose authority had been so recently -defied by its predecessors. The so-called treaty of London -was unanimously rejected, and Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had no alternative -but to renew the war. He collected an enormous army for -the invasion of France in October, 1359. But the Dauphin -had learned a lesson from experience, and would fight no -more battles like Crecy and Poitiers. The English army -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>English invasion, 1359.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -advanced to Rheims, but found the city too strongly defended. -An attack upon Burgundy was repelled, not by arms, but by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>the payment of a large sum of money. Edward marched -against Paris, but the Dauphin refused to quit the shelter of -the walls, and the invaders had to turn westwards to Chartres. -The country had been so desolated by war and pestilence -that it was difficult to feed the army, the season was wet and -unfavourable, and Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, finding that his army was -wasting away without gaining any success, agreed to negotiate. -By the treaty of Bretigni (May 8, 1360) he renounced -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Bretigni.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his claims to the French throne and to -the Norman and Plantagenet provinces north of the Loire. -In return he was to enjoy full sovereignty, without any homage -to the French king, in his own conquest of Calais, and in the -possessions which Eleanor had brought to Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span>, viz. -Guienne, Gascony, Poitou, Saintonge, and a number of smaller -territories. France was to renounce the Scottish, and England -the Flemish alliance. The ransom of King John was fixed at -three million crowns, to be paid in six yearly instalments. -On receipt of the first instalment the king was to be released, -but hostages were to be given for the payment of the remainder. -It was not easy to raise the ransom from exhausted -France; but Galeazzo Visconti was opportunely willing to -pay six hundred thousand gold florins to gain for his son the -hand of a French princess, and this bargain with the Milanese -despot enabled John to return to his kingdom. He seems, -however, to have found the cares of government a disagreeable -burden after the comparative gaiety of his imprisonment -in London. In 1363 his second son, Louis of Anjou, escaped -from Calais, whither he had gone as one of his father’s hostages. -John seized the opportunity to parade a chivalrous -regard for his plighted word, and at the same time to abandon -duties which had become difficult and distasteful. Leaving -the regency once more to his eldest son, he sailed to England -in January 1364, and died in London three months later. -Before his departure he had done one act which is of cardinal -importance in the history of France. In 1361 a return of -the plague had carried off Philip de Rouvre, the childless -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>ruler of Burgundy, Franche-Comté, and Artois. The two -latter provinces, which had come to Philip through the female -line, passed to Margaret of Flanders, but the duchy -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Duchy of Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Burgundy escheated to the crown. A prudent -king would have retained the direct rule of so valuable a -possession; but John, with reckless generosity, gave it away -to his fourth son Philip, who had fought boldly by his side at -Poitiers, and had shared his captivity. This Philip the Bold is -the founder of the great line of the Valois Dukes of Burgundy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The new king, Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span>, had been the practical ruler of -France since the battle of Poitiers. During those eight years -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Government of Charles V.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he had learned from harsh experience many -lessons which stood him in good stead when -circumstances enabled him to gain some success. The very -weakness of his bodily health, which contemporaries attributed -to poison administered by Charles of Navarre during their -early friendship, debarred him from the active exercises of -chivalry, and impelled him to cultivate his mental faculties. -Fragile, timid, a stranger to the joys of the tournament and -the battle-field, he seems strangely out of place in the days of -the Black Prince and Bertrand du Guesclin, of John Chandos -and the Captal de Buch. Yet Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> is the greatest of -the Valois kings before Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, and must be reckoned -among the founders of modern France. His chief task was -to restore the despotic power of the crown, which had been -so rudely shaken between 1355 and 1358. Arbitrary taxation -was to supersede the grant of supplies by the estates; military -and civil officials were to be royal nominees; even the local -assessors and collectors of taxes were to be under the supervision -and control of the crown. Only once did the States-General -meet during the reign, and then they were summoned -merely to strengthen the king’s hands. But the despotism of -Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> was a capable and orderly government, wholly -different from that of his predecessors. It is curious to note -how this absolute king adopts and turns to his own advantage -the expedients of his enemies. He reimposed the <i>gabelle</i> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>on salt, and the <i>aides</i> or taxes on the sale of commodities, -the two financial expedients of the States of 1355. He -retained the <i>élus</i>, the local collectors whom the States had -nominated to levy these charges, though he was careful to -take their appointment into his own hands. He gave tardy -expression to the will of the estates by putting an end to the -debasement of the currency, the worst of all grievances, and -by imposing strict limitations on the right of purveyance. -When his brother, Louis of Anjou, provoked discontent by -his brutal administration in Languedoc, Charles did not -hesitate to dismiss him from the governorship, and to grant -redress to the complainants. Such a government was a great -and a novel boon in the fourteenth century, and it is only on -its financial side that it is open to hostile criticism. The -expenses, both civil and military, were enormous, and the -people were subjected to a heavier burden of taxation than -they had ever experienced before. And the taxes were not -only excessive in amount and arbitrary in their imposition, -they were also oppressive and unequal. To increase the -receipts from the <i>gabelle</i>, Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> introduced the practice -of requiring every family to purchase at least a fixed amount -of salt from the royal granaries; and the principle of equality, -which is enjoined in his ordinances, was infringed by the -frequent grant or sale of exemptions, sometimes to a class, -sometimes to a district or a corporation. It is these exemptions, -multiplied as time goes on, which make the financial -system of France, down to the Revolution, so unjust, so disorderly, -and so inefficient. And Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> was also responsible -for a disastrous innovation. His predecessors had -received a revenue from customs duties levied on the frontiers -of their kingdom. Charles was the first to hamper -domestic trade by imposing customs on the transit from one -province to another.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But in spite of these drawbacks the administration of -Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> was eminently successful, and it was this success -which led his subjects to approve, or even to welcome, the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The French welcome absolute rule.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -arbitrary character of his rule. A people which had suffered -from every kind of misfortune, from foreign invasion, pestilence, -and civil strife, as the French had done -in the middle of the fourteenth century, is -never very eager to limit the power of a capable -ruler. What it needs is a government which will maintain -order at home, and retrieve the national honour by victories -over foreign foes; and to such a government much will be -forgiven. If the English had reason to approve the personal -rule of the Tudor sovereigns, the French a century earlier -had infinitely more reason to support a king who gratified -their most imperious desires. For not only did Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -remedy the most glaring defects of his predecessors’ administration, -but this most unmilitary of kings was able to gain -triumphs over the hated English which a few years before -must have seemed impossible.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The first opportunity for an indirect renewal of the strife -with England was offered by affairs in Brittany. The treaty -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Brittany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Bretigni had left unsettled the long struggle -between John de Montfort and Charles of Blois, -and England and France were not pledged to abandon the -cause of their respective candidates. In the very year of his -accession Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> determined to strike a vigorous blow in -favour of the House of Blois, and sent Bertrand du Guesclin, -whose military genius he had already detected, to lead a considerable -force into Brittany. But this first enterprise was -not crowned with success. The superior discipline of the -English mercenaries enabled them to gain a decisive victory -in the hard-fought battle of Aurai (September 29, 1364). -Charles of Blois was slain, and Bertrand du Guesclin was left -a prisoner in the hands of John Chandos. To prevent a -complete transfer of the allegiance of Brittany to the English -king Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> found it necessary to negotiate, and in April, -1365, John de Montfort was recognised as duke, with the -proviso that if he died without male issue the duchy should -pass to the eldest son of Charles of Blois.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>More important in its ultimate results was French intervention -in Castile. The government of Peter the Cruel had -excited the bitter enmity of his subjects, who -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Castile.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -found a champion in the king’s bastard half-brother, -Henry of Trastamara. Henry appealed for aid to -France, and Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> welcomed the opportunity to rid his -country of the hated free companies. Bertrand du Guesclin, -who had been ransomed from his captors, raised an army -among these professional soldiers, and crossed the Pyrenees -at the end of 1365. The task of the invaders was facilitated -by a general revolt of the Castilians. Henry of Trastamara -was crowned king, and Peter fled to Bordeaux to implore -English assistance. The Black Prince was conscious that -French ascendency in the Spanish peninsula threatened his -duchy of Aquitaine, and chivalrous motives impelled him to -support a legitimate king against a usurper. Peter made the -most lavish promises of pay to his auxiliaries, and the Black -Prince became surety for the good faith of his guest. In -1367 all preparations were complete, and the treacherous -Charles of Navarre gave a passage through his kingdom to -the invaders. Between Najara and Navarrette, not far from -the later battle-field of Vittoria, a complete victory was won -over the French and Castilian forces. Du Guesclin was once -more a captive, Peter the Cruel recovered his crown, and -Henry of Trastamara had to seek safety in exile. But Peter -proved to be as faithless as he was cruel. He declined to -fulfil his promises to allies who seemed to be no longer necessary, -and the English prince was in great straits to satisfy the -soldiers who had trusted in his surety. To make matters -worse the troops were wasted with disease, and the Black -Prince himself contracted a fever which remained in his -blood and led to his early death. With his temper embittered -and his health broken, he led the remnants of his -army back to Gascony. His departure was followed by a -new revolution in Castile. Henry of Trastamara returned -to reclaim the crown, and du Guesclin, whom the Black -<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>Prince imprudently allowed to pay a second ransom, once -more entered his service. In 1369 the French troops won -the battle of Montiel, and in a personal interview which -followed Peter was stabbed to the heart by his half-brother. -Thus all the fruits of the battle of Najara were lost, and a -king was seated in Castile who was pledged to the French -alliance.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These events in Castile encouraged Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> to carry out -a long-cherished design for the reconquest of the English -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewal of English war.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -provinces. A pretext for a rupture was found in -the discontent which was excited in Aquitaine by -the heavy taxes levied by the Black Prince to defray the -expenses of his Spanish expedition. In 1368 several of the -Gascon nobles, regardless of the treaty of Bretigni, appealed -to Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span>, as their suzerain, to redress their grievances. -Charles delayed a final rupture until he had made his preparations, -and had heard of the triumph of his ally in Castile. -In 1369 he summoned the Black Prince to appear in Paris -to answer the complaints of his subjects before the court of -peers. Edward replied grimly that he would willingly go to -Paris, but with sixty thousand men in his company. It was -easier, however, to utter the threat than to carry it out. The -conditions which had enabled the English to gain some conspicuous -successes in the earlier war were now altered, and -to some extent reversed. The wise government of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -had already removed many of the administrative evils which -had crippled France under his grandfather and his father. -Thanks to du Guesclin, the French king could now put into -the field a professional army under capable leaders, in place -of the disorderly feudal levies which had been cut to pieces -at Crecy and Poitiers. The Black Prince was no longer the -active and resolute commander that he had shown himself -before his illness, and he lost some of his most capable -lieutenants, notably Chandos, who died in 1370. The -provinces ceded at Bretigni had had some years’ experience -of English rule, and their discontent was stimulated by a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>growing sense of national sympathy with the rest of France. -Another very prominent cause of the reversal of military -success in the years following 1369 is to be found in the -cautious tactics deliberately adopted and enforced by Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -himself. For an invading army victory is imperatively necessary; -for the defenders it is enough not to be defeated. -Charles forbade his generals, no matter what provocation -they received, to risk an engagement in the open field. -They were to shut their troops in the strong towns, and to -leave the English armies to be wasted by disease, by want of -provisions, and by the difficulty of coercing a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>English disasters.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -hostile population. As the invaders departed, the -French could harass their march, cut off stragglers and supplies, -and occupy the territory which the enemy was compelled -to evacuate. These tactics were eminently successful, and -they were immensely aided by the support of the Castilian -fleet, which enabled the French to gain a temporary naval -ascendency. This deprived the English of direct communication -with the coast of Aquitaine, and forced them to carry -on military operations at a disastrous distance from their -ultimate base of supplies. Almost the only English success -was the capture of Limoges in 1370 by the Black Prince, -who blackened his own reputation by ordering an indiscriminate -massacre of the inhabitants. Soon afterwards he -was compelled by illness to return to England, and to resign -his duchy of Aquitaine, which he never revisited. In 1372 -the English fleet, which was carrying an army under the Earl -of Pembroke to Bordeaux, was destroyed off La Rochelle by -the combined naval forces of France and Castile. A new -and larger force was prepared in 1373 under John of Gaunt, -but in consequence of this maritime disaster it was necessary -to land the troops at Calais. Thence John of Gaunt marched -right across France, but he found no enemy to beat in the -field, and he could not take a single fortress. Meanwhile his -troops melted away through desertion, disease, and famine. -A defeated army could hardly have been in a more lamentable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>condition than that of which a scanty and impoverished -remnant succeeded in reaching Bordeaux. The failure of -this great effort on the part of England was decisive. Already -several provinces had been practically lost, and by 1374, of -all the vast possessions which had been gained at Bretigni, -there remained only Calais in the north, and the strip of land -stretching from Bordeaux to Bayonne. In 1375 the Pope -succeeded in negotiating a truce for two years, and before its -expiry both the Black Prince and Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had died, and -England, bitterly chagrined at such complete and unexpected -disasters, had passed under the rule of a child.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1378 hostilities were resumed, though the English -wished to prolong the truce, and it seemed almost inevitable -that Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> would complete his task of expelling -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Last years of Charles V.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the foreigner from French soil. The English -had no longer any allies in France. John de Montfort, who -had clung to his old protectors ever since the outbreak of -war in 1369, had been expelled from Brittany, which was now -almost wholly occupied by royal troops. Charles of Navarre, -who had been a traitor to both sides in turn, discovered his -mistake in allowing the English power to be so completely -depressed, and opened negotiations with John of Gaunt for a -joint effort to recover the lost provinces. But between France -and Castile the King of Navarre found himself powerless. -The royal troops seized the strong places which he possessed -in France, while the Castilians entered Navarre and laid siege -to Pampeluna. Charles the Bad was deserted even by his -own son, and was forced to make a humiliating peace in 1378. -If the French forces had now been concentrated on the -reduction of Bordeaux and Bayonne, and if the Castilian -fleet had been employed to cut off reinforcements by sea, the -English must have lost their last strongholds in Aquitaine. -But Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> was tempted by his successes to undertake a -more ambitious project—the annexation of the duchy of -Brittany to the royal domain. Such a plan at once raised -the whole of Brittany against him. The supporters of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>House of Blois, who had fought for the king against de -Montfort, were resolute to defend the independence of their -province. The great soldiers of France, Bertrand du Guesclin -and Olivier de Clisson, were Bretons by birth, and though -they obeyed the royal orders, their action in Brittany was -reluctant and inefficient. The rebellion was wholly successful; -John de Montfort was restored to his duchy, and was -even welcomed by the widowed Countess of Blois, who had -so long championed the cause of her husband against him. -This failure in Brittany was a bitter disappointment to -Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and his chagrin was increased by the death of -Bertrand du Guesclin. The king himself did not long survive -his most brilliant and faithful servant, and at the time -of his death (September 16, 1380), the English still possessed -a foothold in the north and south of France, which enabled -them to make disastrous use of the disorders of the next -reign.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span> - <h2 id='chap05' class='c009'>CHAPTER V <br /> LEWIS THE BAVARIAN AND THE AVIGNON POPES, 1314-1347</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Disputed election to the Empire—Quarrel between Lewis <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>—The -Franciscans and the Pope—The Heresy of the Beatific Vision—National -feeling in Germany—Causes of the failure of Lewis as Emperor—The -Expedition of the Emperor to Italy—Lewis supports the Anti-Pope—His -retirement from Italy—His position in 1338—The Succession -question in the Tyrol—Election of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Death of Lewis.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The death of the Emperor Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (1313) gave occasion for -one of those disputed elections which were almost inevitable as -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disputed election in the Empire.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -long as there was no central power strong enough -to control German factions, and as long as the -rules or custom of election were uncertain and ill-defined. -The Hapsburgs eagerly grasped at the opportunity -of recovering the power they had lost by the death of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span> -Their opponents, headed as before by Baldwin of Trier, -passed over John of Bohemia on account of his youth, -and put forward as their candidate Lewis, Duke of Upper -Bavaria. The rival forces were not ill-balanced. On October -19, 1314, Frederick the Handsome, son of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>, was -chosen at Sachsenhausen by the Archbishop of Köln, Henry -of Carinthia, still claiming the crown of Bohemia (see p. <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>), -the Elector Palatine, and the Duke of Saxe-Wittenberg. On -the following day five electors—the Archbishops of Mainz and -Trier, John of Bohemia, Margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg, -and the Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg—gave their votes at Frankfurt -in favour of Lewis the Bavarian. Thus two votes—those -of Saxony and Bohemia—were cast by rival claimants upon -both sides. On November 25, a double coronation took -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>place: Frederick being crowned at Bonn, and Lewis at -Aachen. The dispute could only be settled by arms; and -a desultory war, lasting for seven years, was closed in 1322 -by the battle of Mühldorf, where the capture of his rival -seemed to secure the final victory of Lewis.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the very completeness of Lewis’s triumph only served -to provoke a far more formidable enemy than the Hapsburg -duke. As long as the war lasted in Germany, the Pope -had been content to pursue his policy of strengthening the -Guelf party in Italy, confident that his Ghibelline opponents -could receive no assistance from beyond the Alps. -Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span>, on hearing of the death of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, had seized -the opportunity to claim the administration, and to grant the -office of imperial vicar during the vacancy to his patron and -ally, Robert of Naples. John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, who succeeded Clement -in 1316, after an interregnum of over two years, continued -his predecessor’s policy. But Robert of Naples could only -just hold his own against the Visconti and other Ghibelline -leaders; and the battle of Mühldorf seemed likely to -turn the scale decisively against the Guelfs. In his partisanship -for the Angevin cause, John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> determined -to revive the most extreme claims of the -mediæval Papacy. On the pretext that he had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrel of Lewis IV. and John XXII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the right to decide the disputed election, and that -neither claimant could assume the imperial office without -his sanction, he called upon Lewis to plead his cause before -the Roman Curia (1323), and, when he failed to appear, -pronounced him contumacious and finally proceeded to issue -a bull of excommunication against him. Thus commenced -a struggle between the Empire and Papacy which was continued -under the pontificates of Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span> (1334-1342) -and Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and was hardly terminated by the death of -Lewis in 1347.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In many ways this struggle looks like a revival of past -struggles between Emperors and Popes, and to raise the old -questions as to the relations of Church and State. But if it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Peculiarities of the quarrel.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -is examined a little closer, it will be found to differ in several -important respects from its predecessors, and to present -peculiar characteristics of its own. In the first -place, the dispute arises from more petty causes, -and the combatants are of lesser mould than the protagonists -of earlier times. There is no Hildebrand or Innocent <span class='fss'>III.</span> -among the Avignon Popes, and Lewis the Bavarian lacks -both the courage and the imposing personality of Frederick -Barbarossa or Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> The pretensions of the rival -powers are less far-reaching and exalted; and if at times we -find the language of the past reproduced in the papal bulls, -it sounds unreal and almost ridiculous. No more conclusive -illustration of the decline of both Papacy and Empire -can be presented than the impression of unreality and insignificance -produced on the mind by the records of this long -and obstinate contest.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Yet it is hardly probable that this impression was shared -by contemporary spectators. To them the struggle must -have seemed to involve questions of vital importance. No -previous contest between the rival heads of Christendom -had produced so much literature, or literature of such -merit and significance. Michael of Cesena, the general -of the Franciscan Order, John of Jandun, and William -of Ockham, ‘The Invincible Doctor,’ exhausted the subtleties -of the scholastic philosophy in their championship of the -imperial position against papal pretensions. Above all, -Marsiglio of Padua, in his great work the <i>Defensor Pacis</i>, -examined with equal acuteness and insight the fundamental -relations of the spiritual and secular powers, and laid down -principles which were destined to find at any rate partial -expression in the Reformation.<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c015'><sup>[7]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c004'>This outburst of literary and philosophical activity was -due in great part to the fact that for the first time in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>long strife between Papacy and Empire, the struggle involved -doctrinal differences. Hitherto the contest had been between -Church and State, and the Church had been for the most -part united. But, on the present occasion, the Church was -profoundly divided. The great Franciscan Order had been -founded by the professed advocate of clerical -poverty. In course of time this original principle -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Franciscans and the Pope.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had been departed from, and the Order had -amassed considerable wealth, though it had been found desirable -to conceal the change by making the Pope the trustee, -and giving the Order the mere usufruct of its property. This -lapse from the strictness of the original rules had given rise -to a schism within the Order. The Spiritual Franciscans, -or Fraticelli, maintained that Christ and the Apostles held -no individual or corporate property, and that the Church was -bound to copy the examples of its founders. This doctrine, -which was accepted by a chapter of the Order in 1322, -was not likely to find favour with a Pope who was accused, -with good reason, of avarice. John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, urged on by the -Dominicans, denounced the doctrine as heretical, and -thereby alienated the Franciscans, who could plead in their -favour a bull of Nicolas <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and appealed from the authority -of the Pope to a General Council of the Church. In common -hostility to John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, the Franciscans espoused the cause -of Lewis the Bavarian, and it was among them that he -found his most enthusiastic champions, and his most influential -advisers.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This antagonism of a section of the Church to its own -head seemed likely to be increased in John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>’s later -years, when he was induced to favour the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Heresy of the Beatific Vision.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -dogma that the dead are not admitted to the -divine presence until after the final day of judgment. -This contention struck at the root of the prevalent -custom of invoking the mediation of the saints, and provoked -a storm of opposition throughout Europe. Even the French -king threatened to abandon the cause of so heterodox a Pope, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>and on his death-bed John found it prudent or necessary to -retract his too hasty opinion.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is obvious that these doctrinal disputes weakened the -Papacy, and so far tended to give the Emperor an advantage. -But this gain to Lewis was as nothing compared with the -strength which he derived from the most noteworthy peculiarity -of the struggle. In all previous contests with the Empire, -the Popes had been able to command the services of an anti-imperial -party within Germany, and this party had included -not only the great ecclesiastics, but many of the lay princes. -But in the great critical moments of the struggle with Lewis, -this was found to be impossible. For the first -time in history the German ruler found himself -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>National sentiment in Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -backed up by a vigorous national sentiment -among his subjects, a sentiment quite as strong as that which -had supported Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France against Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> -The primary cause of this unwonted union among German -princes and people was undoubtedly the residence at Avignon -and the subservience of the Popes to France. The -national revolt against a spiritual authority which allowed -itself to become the tool of a hostile state, led in England to -the issue of the great statutes of Provisors and Præmunire, -and found equally resolute expression in Germany in the -famous decrees of 1338. Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, more moderate and -placable than his predecessor, had been on the verge of a -reconciliation with the Emperor, but was actually forbidden -to put an end to the quarrel by the imperious Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -This open dictation on the part of the French king drove -the Germans to fury. In July, 1338, all the electors with -the exception of the King of Bohemia met at Rense on the -Rhine, and formally resolved that the imperial authority -proceeds directly from God, and that the prince who is -legally chosen by the electors becomes king and emperor -without any further ceremony or confirmation. This meeting -is noteworthy in the constitutional history of Germany as -the first occasion on which the electors assumed corporate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>functions other than the filling of a vacancy in the throne. -In the following month, a numerously attended diet at -Frankfort endorsed the declaration of Rense, and proceeded -to draw up laws which should strengthen the central power. -The punishment of death is decreed against all breakers of -the public peace: the feudal tenant who takes arms against -his imperial overlord is declared to forfeit both life and -property: whoever refuses to take up arms at the summons -of the Emperor is pronounced guilty of felony. The decrees -of Frankfort seem to promise a revival of the German -monarchy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In spite of all these advantages on the side of the Emperor, -the quarrel ended, not exactly in a papal triumph, yet in the -complete and humiliating discomfiture of Lewis. -Doubtless the personal character of the Emperor -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Causes of Lewis’s failure.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -contributed essentially to this result. Lewis was well-meaning -but vacillating: he could take strenuous measures under the -influence of a stronger will, but when he lost his adviser his -habitual irresolution and his superstitious dread of the terrors -of excommunication returned upon him. To carry through -the contest he required the firmness, the intellectual craft, -and the want of reverence of a Philip the Fair; and he had -none of these qualities. On more than one critical occasion, -when success seemed within his grasp, he alienated and disgusted -his supporters by grovelling offers to purchase absolution -by surrendering all the principles which were at stake in -the quarrel. Moreover, the doctrinal disputes in which he -became involved, although a source of weakness to the Pope, -were not an equal source of strength to the Emperor. The -Franciscans had many powerful opponents, especially in the -great rival Order of St. Dominic, and these were alienated -from the Emperor by his alliance with a faction in the -Church. The Franciscan cause rested upon an unpractical -enthusiasm which could not command the lasting support of -the clergy, accustomed as they were to wealth and to the -influence which it confers. And in the end, the strong -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>corporate spirit of the Church was inevitably aroused and -alienated by the spectacle of a secular ruler interfering in -questions of dogma, and claiming a right of interpretation -and decision.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There was, too, in the Emperor’s position a fundamental -weakness which, unless detected and remedied, was inevitably -fatal to his success. Neither Lewis nor the Franciscan -advisers who in the early years of the struggle dictated his -conduct, could realise that the conditions of the Middle -Ages were passing away. They could not see that the old -imperial pretensions were obsolete; that intervention in Italy -had always brought ruin to German kings; that even in Italy -the Guelfs had the stronger, because the less anti-national, -position; and that the Ghibellines, the professed champions -of imperial ascendency, only pursued this policy for their own -ends, and had no real desire to weaken their independence -by the foundation of a strong Italian monarchy. Lewis had -an almost unique opportunity of building up such a monarchy -in Germany, not on the lines of the mediæval Empire, but on -the basis of the newly awakened national sentiment and -sympathy. This opportunity he threw away because he had -no conception of the conditions under which alone such -success could be attained. Instead of endeavouring to rule -as an Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> or a Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, he set himself to imitate the -Ottos of the tenth century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1325 Germany was astounded by the news that Lewis -had been formally reconciled with his imprisoned rival. It -is true that the treaty was not carried out, and Frederick, -unable to fulfil his promises in face of the opposition of his -brothers, returned to captivity. But in the following year the -death of Leopold, the most resolute and active of the Hapsburg -princes, removed all danger to Lewis from this quarter, -and enabled him to follow the advice of his Franciscan -counsellors and to take aggressive measures -against the Pope. In 1327 the Emperor appeared -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Lewis in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -at Trent, where he was welcomed by the Ghibelline leaders -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>eager to have his assistance against Robert of Naples. At -Milan he received the iron crown of Lombardy, and thence, -accompanied by Castruccio Castracani, Lord of Lucca, he set -out for Rome. The Guelf cause seemed to be ruined in -northern and central Italy, and the partisans of the Pope and -Naples fled from the city. In January, 1328, Lewis was -crowned Emperor by two bishops, whose chief qualification -was that they shared with their patron the penalties of excommunication. -Three months were spent in planning -further proceedings, and in April John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> was formally -declared uncanonically elected and guilty of heresy. -In May, Peter di Corvara, a Franciscan friar, nominated -by the Emperor and accepted by the acclamations of the -citizens, assumed the papal title as Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>This initiation of a schism in the interests of the Franciscan -party marks the limit of the Emperor’s success in Italy. He -had committed himself to an enterprise which he had neither -the moral nor the material force to carry through. His -immediate enemy, Robert of Naples, had not yet been even -attacked. When the imperial troops advanced southwards in -June, they were speedily compelled to retreat, and Lewis -thought it advisable to evacuate Rome and retire to the -Ghibelline strongholds in the north. The Emperor was -accompanied by his Antipope, and the Roman populace, with -characteristic inconstancy, expelled the imperial partisans -and opened their gates to the Orsini and the Neapolitan -troops. To make matters worse, death carried off two of -Lewis’s chief advisers, Castruccio Castracani and Marsiglio of -Padua. From this time his career in Italy was one long -catalogue of blunders, and he eagerly seized the excuse for -returning to Germany on the news of the death of his former -rival, Frederick the Handsome (January, 1330). The unfortunate -Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span>, deserted by his patron, was compelled to -resign his dignity and to make the most humiliating submission -to John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> He ended his life a prisoner in the -palace of Avignon.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>After such a complete and disastrous failure it might have -been thought that the cause of Lewis was ruined, and that he -too would have to submit to the triumphant Pope. But the -open alliance of the Papacy with France, and the consequent -alienation of Germany, enabled him to recover much of the -lost ground, and by 1338 his position appeared -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Position of Lewis in 1338.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to be firmer than ever. At the head of a -national movement, which had expressed its sentiments unmistakably -in the decrees of Rense and Frankfort, and -closely allied with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of England, who was now -committed to his great war with France, Lewis seemed -able to dictate his own terms both to Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span> and -Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>But Lewis was as incapable as ever of pursuing a resolute -and consistent course of policy, and at the very moment -when success seemed assured he began to vacillate and draw -back. In 1340 he suddenly abandoned the English alliance -and made terms with Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, in the hope that the French -king would use his influence to secure for him the papal -absolution. Philip, delighted to be freed from a very pressing -danger, did endeavour to intercede with the Pope, but -even the gentle Benedict fired up at this attempt to command -what the king had previously forbidden; and the Pope -died in April 1342, without having granted the Emperor the -pardon for which he craved. The Germans were naturally -disgusted by Lewis’s pusillanimity, but this feeling was as -nothing compared to the storm of indignation excited by the -Emperor’s conduct in the question of Tyrol. The final -cause of Lewis’s failure is to be found in his reckless pursuit -of that policy of family aggrandisement which had been -almost forced upon the holders of the imperial dignity since -the Great Interregnum. In his insatiable greed for territory, -he did not hesitate to alienate the chief German princes at a -time when their support was absolutely indispensable.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1335 Henry, Duke of Carinthia and Count of Tyrol, -had died leaving an only daughter, Margaret Maultasch, who -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession question in Tyrol.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was married to John Henry of Moravia, a son of King John -of Bohemia. The claim of Margaret to succeed to her -father’s territories was contested by the dukes of Austria, -whose father, Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>, had married the sister of Henry of -Carinthia. The struggle for the succession between the -Houses of Hapsburg and Luxemburg ended in a partition, -the Hapsburg dukes taking Carinthia, while -Tyrol was ceded to their niece Margaret. But -the marriage relations of Margaret and John -Henry proved extremely inharmonious, and in 1341 the -former discarded her husband and threw herself upon the -protection of the Emperor. The temptation to acquire a -new province for his House was more than Lewis could -resist. He had already in 1323, on the death of Waldemar -of Brandenburg, conferred the vacant provinces and electorate -on his eldest son Lewis. On the death of his cousins, the -sons of Henry of Lower Bavaria, he had seized their land -and had thus united the whole of Bavaria under his own rule. -To these acquisitions he would now add the county of -Tyrol. In reckless defiance of ecclesiastical prejudice, he -usurped rights which had hitherto been exercised by the -Church. By solemn decree he granted Margaret a divorce -from her husband, and a dispensation to marry his own son, -Lewis of Brandenburg.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The consequences of this reckless action might have been -foreseen. The clergy were alienated by the assumption of -clerical powers by a layman, while the lay princes, -headed by John of Bohemia, were jealously -indignant at such an addition to the already -immense possessions of the Bavarian House. The new Pope, -Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, found himself at last in a position to raise an -anti-imperial party in Germany, and to bring about the election -of a rival king. But for the fact that Philip VI. was now -engaged in the war with England, Clement, who was a -thorough Frenchman, would probably have used all his -influence to secure the election of the French king. As it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>was, it was natural to find a candidate in the House of -Luxemburg, which had most cause for exasperation with -Lewis, and was also closely allied with France. John of -Bohemia himself was disqualified by blindness, having lost -his eyesight in a campaign against the heathen Wends of -Prussia, but his eldest son, Charles, was put forward in his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Charles IV., 1346.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -place. The only electors who supported Lewis were his own -son, Lewis of Brandenburg, and the Archbishop of Mainz, -Henry of Virneburg. The Pope, to secure another vote, -deposed the archbishop, and awarded his see to Gerlach of -Nassau. On June 11, 1346, the three Archbishops, with John -of Bohemia and Rudolf of Saxony, formally elected Charles -as king of the Romans. With characteristic quixotism the -blind king, instead of asserting his son’s title with arms, -hurried the new king off to France to aid his ally, Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -On the field of Crecy John of Bohemia fell in heroic despair, -but Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, whose share in the battle is wrapped in some -obscurity, escaped to Germany to maintain his title.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Lewis had made the last great addition to the -territories of his family. His second wife, Margaret, was a -sister of William <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Holland and Hainault, and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Lewis, 1347.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -on the death of that prince in 1345 his possessions -fell to William <span class='fss'>V.</span>, a son of Lewis by this second marriage. -The House of Wittelsbach seemed for the moment so powerful -that it need fear no rival, and the injudicious absence of the -Luxemburg princes had enabled Lewis to strengthen himself -still further by an alliance with Albert of Austria. Charles -found his position almost hopeless. An attack upon Tyrol -was repulsed, and he was forced to retire to Bohemia. Lewis, -confident of an easy triumph, left the prosecution of the -campaign to the Margrave of Brandenburg and returned to -Bavaria, where he died suddenly on October 11, 1347, while -engaged in a boar-hunt near Munich.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span> - <h2 id='chap06' class='c009'>CHAPTER VI <br /> CHARLES IV. AND THE GOLDEN BULL</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> secures the German Crown—His rule in Bohemia—His coronation -in Italy—Difficulties in Germany—The Golden Bull—The Papacy and -the Golden Bull—The results of the Golden Bull—The intentions of -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—The Territorial Policy of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—The Succession -question in Upper Bavaria—The election and coronation of Wenzel—The -Swabian League—The Great Schism—Death of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Partition -of the Luxemburg territories.</p> - -<p class='c007'>When Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> returned from the campaign in France, -which had cost his father’s life, he seemed to have very little -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Position of Charles IV. in 1347.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -chance of gaining the imperial throne, to which -he had been elected by the opponents of Lewis the -Bavarian. It is true that Bohemia was rich in -mineral wealth, but in territorial power the House of Luxemburg -was no match for the House of Wittelsbach, whose various -members ruled over the Palatinate, the whole of Bavaria, the -marks of Brandenburg, Tyrol, and the border districts of -Hainault, Holland, Zeeland, Friesland, and Utrecht. The -second son of Lewis, Stephen, was head of the powerful -Swabian League, and the imperial towns were all on the side -of the Bavarian Emperor. The electors who had given Charles -their votes were not prepared to make any sacrifices in his -cause, and Albert of Austria, the most powerful of the non-electoral -princes, was committed to the cause of Lewis. The -chief ally to whom Charles might have looked for support was -the French king; but Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was fully occupied in the war -with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and was thus unable to take any part in the -affairs of Germany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>And Charles had another great disadvantage in his relations -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>to the Papacy. In return for the support of Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> he -had made very extreme concessions in a treaty arranged at -Avignon in April 1346. He had admitted that the imperial -coronation must follow confirmation of the election by the -Pope; he had promised that he would only go to Rome with -the Pope’s consent, and would only stay there a single day; -the Pope was to be arbiter in the disputes between the -Empire and France. It is true that this treaty had not been -published: and it is also true that Lewis had more than once -offered even greater concessions as the price of absolution. -Still, it was patent to all that Charles was the Papal candidate; -and the injudicious boast of Clement that he held the imperial -throne in his gift was not likely to conciliate German princes -and people who had so energetically protested against spiritual -dictation from Avignon. The imperial cities refused to open -their gates to the <i>Pfaffen-Kaiser</i>, or ‘parson’s emperor,’ as -they called him in derision.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While affairs were in this almost hopeless condition, three -events occurred which greatly improved Charles’s prospects. -The first was the sudden death of his rival, Lewis -the Bavarian. Another was the outbreak in -1348 of the Great Plague or Black Death, which -diverted men’s attention from political disputes, -and led them to look for the checking of anarchy and disorder -to the prince who possessed at any rate the title of king. -The third event was the appearance in Brandenburg of a -pretender claiming to be Waldemar, the last margrave of the -House of Ascania, who was supposed to have died in 1319, -when the electorate had been conferred upon the eldest son -of the late Emperor. The ‘false Waldemar,’ as he is called, -declared that he had never died, but had been driven by the -stings of conscience to undertake a prolonged pilgrimage, -from which he now returned to claim his rights. In order to -weaken his Wittelsbach opponent, Charles gave his countenance -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles secures the German crown.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to the pretender, who speedily secured a large part of -Brandenburg.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>It was an additional advantage to Charles that the party of -the late Emperor had great difficulty in finding a successor to -put in his place. In 1348 four electors—Henry of Virneburg, -who still held the see of Mainz in defiance of the papal -authority, the Elector Palatine Rupert, Lewis of Brandenburg, -and Eric of Saxe-Lauenburg, who claimed to exercise -the electoral vote of Saxony—sent proxies to Ober-Lahnstein -to proceed to a new election. The vacant crown was offered -in the first place to Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of England, who had indirectly -rendered a service to the Bavarian party by preventing -French aid being sent to Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> But Edward could -neither neglect the French war nor face the resolute opposition -of the English Parliament. On his refusal, the crown -was offered to Lewis of Brandenburg, who had enough to do -to cope with the false Waldemar, and then to Frederick of -Meissen, who declined to risk anything in a losing cause. -At last, in despair, the electors chose Gunther of Schwartzburg, -a military leader of some reputation, but below the -highest princely rank. Gunther, who had little to lose and -everything to gain, accepted the proffered dignity, but he -died in 1349, before he had time to test his ability to -hold it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> set himself, with rare diplomatic ability, to -make the most of his own advantages and of the difficulties -of his opponents. The imperial cities, discontented by the -death of their patron, Lewis the Bavarian, and involved in -difficulties and disorders by the Plague, were gained over by -the concession of privileges, and one by one opened their -gates to Charles. Albert of Austria was detached from the -Wittelsbach alliance by a politic marriage between his eldest -son Rudolf and Charles’s second daughter Catharine. Charles, -himself a widower, sued for the hand of a daughter of the -Elector Palatine, and thus gained to his side the head of the -House of Wittelsbach. Finally, by disowning the cause of -the false Waldemar, he achieved the reconciliation of his -most resolute opponent, Lewis of Brandenburg. The death -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>of Gunther of Schwartzburg removed all difficulties in the -way of Charles’s recognition, and by 1350 his title was -acknowledged throughout the whole of Germany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> is incontestably the greatest ruler whom Europe -produced in the fourteenth century, yet his merits have met -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character of Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with singularly little appreciation except from -Bohemian historians. To most English readers -he is chiefly known from the saying of Maximilian <span class='fss'>I.</span> that he -was ‘the father of Bohemia but the stepfather of the Empire,’ -or by the more recent epigram of Mr. Bryce who says that ‘he -legalised anarchy and called it a constitution.’ Of the two -sayings, the latter is by far the more unjust and ill-founded. -Charles is a unique figure in the family of Luxemburg which -rose to such sudden and short-lived eminence in the fourteenth -century. His grandfather, Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, threw away his -life in a chimerical effort to revive an imperial authority which -was no longer either possible or desirable. His father, John -of Bohemia, was the representative knight-errant of his time, -perhaps the noblest type of fourteenth century chivalry—now -crusading in Poland, now trying to found a new territorial -power in Italy, and in the end deserting his own interests to -fight and fall in the service of an ally. Of Charles’s sons, the -eldest, Wenzel, was a good-natured hedonist, who had few -desires beyond the pleasures of the table; and the second, -Sigismund, was a schemer who always imagined more than he -could achieve. In the midst of this remarkable family, which -can boast of three emperors and a king who twice narrowly -missed election to the same dignity, Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> stands in -complete contrast both to his predecessors and his successors. -He had none of the romantic enthusiasm of his father or his -grandfather, but he had what was far better—a strong sense -of the practical duties of government, and a strenuous business -capacity which enabled him to carry them out. It is true -that he failed to maintain the Ghibelline cause in Italy, but -he preferred the more solid and substantial aim of building -up a territorial monarchy in Germany. He was distinguished -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>among contemporary monarchs for his preference of diplomacy -to force, for his strong legal sense, and his love of -order. Like Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> of England and Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France, -he marks the transition from mediæval to modern ideals and -methods of government.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The merits of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s government in Bohemia have -never been contested. One of the first-fruits of his good -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bohemia under Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -understanding with Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was the procuring -of a papal bull to erect Prague into a metropolitan -see, whereas it had previously been dependent on -the Archbishop of Mainz. In 1348, while his affairs in -Germany were in their most critical condition, Charles laid -the foundations of the University of Prague, with a constitution -modelled upon that of the University of Paris, where -the king himself had studied. To Charles the Bohemian -capital owes not only its university and its archbishopric, -but also its famous bridge over the Moldau, and many of its -most notable buildings. Much of his attention was given to -the promotion of commerce. He established a uniform -coinage, provided for the protection of highways, and lowered -the tolls upon roads and rivers. He projected a canal from -the Moldau to the Danube, which was to carry through -Bohemia the traffic between Venice and the Hanseatic -League. Many of his measures were protective in the extreme. -Every foreign trader who crossed the Bohemian frontier was -compelled to expose his wares for sale in Prague; no foreigner -could conclude a bargain except through a native merchant; -and all goods had to be sold by Bohemian weight and -measure. Short-sighted as such regulations may appear in -the present day, they were in accordance with the ideas of -the time, and they were not unsuccessful in attaining their -end. From German and Slavonic countries nobles, merchants, -teachers and scholars flocked to the capital of -Bohemia; the members of the university were to be counted -by thousands before Charles’s death.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Under this beneficent rule Prague promised to become the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>chief city of Germany, and the balance of power and of -civilisation was transferred from the west to the east. -Charles, undoubtedly, looked forward to securing for the -House of Luxemburg a position almost exactly similar to that -afterwards attained by the House of Hapsburg; and he -trusted that his descendants would enjoy, as the Hapsburgs -did in later times, an unbroken and quasi-hereditary succession -to the imperial throne. And his more sanguine schemes did -not stop at this point. He founded in Prague a cloister of -Slavonic monks, collected from Bosnia, Servia, and Croatia, -whose task was to draw closer the bonds between Bohemia -and the eastern Slavs, and ultimately to pave the way for a -union between the Latin and Greek Churches. If this -dream had been fulfilled, the Luxemburg House might have -founded a power greater than that of any Emperor, and -Bohemia, which has always been a triangular wedge thrust -from the east into the west, might have become a rivet -between the two great divisions of the Continent.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1354 Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> set out for Italy to receive the -Lombard crown at Milan, and the imperial crown in Rome. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles IV. in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -From the Ghibelline point of view his journey -was ignominious, but as throwing light upon -Charles’s policy it was of great significance. He refused to -be drawn into the vortex of Italian politics, or to break his -treaty with the Pope. To the representations of the Ghibelline -leaders, as to the eloquent appeals of Petrarch, Charles -turned a deaf ear. He entered Rome to be crowned, -paraded the streets in his imperial robes, and then retired -outside the walls to San Lorenzo. With as little delay as -possible, he hastened on his return journey. It was a -deliberate renunciation of the claim of the mediæval -Emperors to rule in Italy. Charles saw clearly that Germany -had been ruined by the attempts of its rulers to make their -monarchy in Italy a practical force, and in the interests of -Germany he refused to imitate the folly of his predecessors. -His main object was the reconstruction of an orderly and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>efficient authority in Germany, and that object could only be -achieved by resolutely cutting himself free from the entanglement -of Italian ambitions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was to the task of reform in Germany that Charles -devoted himself immediately on his return to Germany, and -his conferences with the diets at Nürnberg in -1355 and 1356 resulted in the issue of the great -enactment with which his name will always be connected—the -Golden Bull. There were two great and pressing -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Difficulties in Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -problems which required solution. One very obvious cause -of recent disorders in Germany had been the disputed elections -to the Empire, and these were intimately associated with the -uncertainty as to the rules of election. It is true that -tradition had decided that there should be seven electors, -and that certain sees and certain families had claims to the -right of voting. But the German practice of subdividing -lands among male heirs had given rise to great uncertainty -as to which member of a family should exercise this right. -Thus the House of Wittelsbach was split into two main -branches, the one holding the Palatinate of the Rhine, the -other the duchy of Bavaria. By family agreement the -Wittelsbach vote was to be given alternately by the heads of -the two branches, but such an arrangement was certain to -give rise to quarrels. In 1314 the Saxon vote had been -given on opposite sides by two rival claimants, and the same -thing had taken place in the elections of 1346 and 1348. -The prevention of similar disputes in the future was a -primary condition of peace and order in Germany, and was -one of the main objects of the Golden Bull.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The second great and pressing difficulty in Germany was -the danger of the complete disruption of all political unity. -There were innumerable tenants-in-chief, electors, princes, -knights and cities, held together by nothing but common -allegiance to a monarchy which had lost all efficient authority. -If no remedy could be devised, Germany must become a -mere geographical expression like Italy. The cities would -<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>become independent republics, and desolating wars between -them and their princely neighbours would lead to incurable -anarchy. In that case, the border provinces must inevitably -fall to the growing power of France. Lyons was already -gone; Dauphiné was practically lost. Provence and Franche-Comté, -though acknowledging imperial suzerainty, were -subject to French influence and destined to fall, with the -Netherlands, under the rule of a French dynasty. German -ascendency would disappear, first in the valley of the Rhone -and then in that of the Rhine.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was fully alive to these dangers. He had -accompanied his father to Italy in 1330, had acted for a -time as his vicegerent, and had then acquired an insight into -Italian politics which profoundly influenced his subsequent -policy. It is hardly too much to say that his guiding motive -was to preserve Germany from the fate which nominal subjection -to imperial rule had brought upon Italy. And though -he was connected by relationship, education, and past alliances -with the Valois House of France, he was by no means blind -to the dangers of French aggression in the west. It was in -the vain hope of checking the constant falling away of border -lands that in 1365 he went through the ceremony of being -crowned King of Arles, disused by his predecessors since -Frederick Barbarossa.</p> - -<p class='c004'>On the subject of imperial elections, the provisions of the -Golden Bull are clear and precise, and they remained a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Golden Bull, 1356.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fundamental law until the Holy Roman Empire -ended its shadowy existence in 1806. The -number of electors is fixed at seven—viz. three ecclesiastics, -the Archbishops of Mainz, Köln, and Trier, and four lay -princes, the King of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the -Rhine, the Duke of Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg. -The three ecclesiastical electors are to be archchancellors -of the three kingdoms: the Archbishop of -Mainz in Germany, the Archbishop of Köln in Italy, and -the Archbishop of Trier in Arles. The four secular electors -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>are to hold the great household offices: the King of Bohemia -is chief cup-bearer, the Count Palatine grand-seneschal, the -Duke of Saxony grand-marshal, and the Margrave of Brandenburg -grand-chamberlain. The election of the Kings of -the Romans and future Emperors is to be held in Frankfort, -and decided by a majority of votes. The elected prince is -to be crowned at Aachen, and to hold his first diet at Nürnberg. -The territories to which the electoral dignity is attached -are never to be divided, and the succession is to be regulated -by the rules of primogeniture among male agnates. During -a minority, the electoral vote and the administration of the -electoral provinces are to be intrusted to the nearest male -relative on the father’s side. The electors are to take rank -before all other princes; they are to have the royal rights of -coining money and of final jurisdiction without appeal. All -confederations of subjects without the leave of their territorial -lord are prohibited, and the towns are forbidden to grant their -citizenship to <i>pfahlbürger</i>, or burghers outside the walls, or to -receive fugitive serfs to the shelter of their walls and franchises.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There is one omission in the Golden Bull which is as significant -and important as any of its direct provisions. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Papacy and the Golden Bull.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -papal claims to confirm or veto an election, and -to administer the Empire during a vacancy, were -passed over in complete silence. The great -electoral resolutions of Rense were practically but silently -erected into an imperial law, and the election of future -Emperors was to be treated as a private affair of the German -nation. Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span> did not hesitate to show his displeasure at -the promulgation of such a law by a prince who was regarded -as the docile creature of the Holy See. But Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -showed a firmness worthy of Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> or of Philip the -Fair. When the papal nuncio tried to levy a tenth of clerical -revenues, Charles replied by demanding a reform of ecclesiastical -abuses and by threatening to confiscate Church property. -The Pope was forced to give way, and to abandon his opposition -to the Golden Bull.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>With regard to the practical results of the Golden Bull, -historians are unanimous. It erected an aristocratic federation -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Results of the Golden Bull.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in Germany in place of the older monarchy, and -the German constitution never lost the impress -which it received in the fourteenth century. The powers and -privileges which the Bull conferred upon the electors were -inconsistent with the exercise of efficient monarchical authority. -And though the secular electors in 1356 were not, with the -exception of Charles himself, very powerful princes, yet it -was certain that the establishment of primogeniture and of -indivisibility of territories would before long give them a -territorial power proportionate to their elevated rank.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But historians have misjudged Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, partly because -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Motives of Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -they have fallen into the common error of confusing the -results of the Golden Bull with the intentions -of its author, and partly because they have paid -insufficient attention to the precise circumstances of the time -in which he lived. Charles was profoundly convinced—and -it is difficult to maintain that he was wrong—that the mediæval -Empire was at an end, and that any attempt to revive it would -result in the ruin of Germany. The forces which he most -dreaded were the rising cities in the north and south, and -the greater territorial princes, such as the Hapsburgs and -the Bavarian Wittelsbachs. Both of these were weakened -by the Golden Bull—the cities by its actual provisions, and -the princes by their definite exclusion from the electoral vote, -and by the virtual lowering of their rank which was effected -by the elevation of the electors. It is true that the electors -themselves received powers and privileges which might prove -the foundation of independence, but at the same time their -interests were enlisted on the side of unity. The Golden -Bull gave them a grander position as joint rulers of Germany -than they could look forward to as mere rulers in their own -provinces. Thus it might reasonably be hoped that they -would resist the further progress of that disruption which had -already done so much harm to Germany.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>And while he provided this check upon growing disunion, -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had no desire or expectation that the state of -things recognised and confirmed in the Golden Bull should -be permanent. His intention was to obtain for the House of -Luxemburg such an overwhelming territorial strength that -he would secure to his successors a practically hereditary -claim to the imperial office, and also such a predominance -in the electoral college as would enable them to rule Germany -through that body. By gradually adding province after province -to the family domain, it might be possible in the end to -build up a territorial monarchy like that which existed in -England and was in process of construction in France. It -is true that such a monarchy might be less imposing than -the wide-reaching claims of imperial suzerainty, but it would -be infinitely stronger and more advantageous to Germany. -No single lifetime could be long enough to effect such a -work, and Charles’s direct heirs only lasted for a single generation, -and were themselves incapable of following in their -father’s footsteps. But such territorial power as was afterwards -gained in Germany by the Hapsburgs was, for the most -part, acquired by following the lines laid down by Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -and in more than one way the Hapsburgs may be regarded -as the heirs of the House of Luxemburg.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is this definite policy which gives to Charles’s territorial -ambitions an interest and a dignity which are lacking to the -purely selfish and aimless acquisitiveness of his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Territorial acquisitions of Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -predecessor. In 1356 John, Duke of Brabant -and Limburg died, and his territories passed to -his daughter and her husband Wenzel, Duke of Luxemburg, -Charles’s youngest brother. The Emperor supported his -brother against the rival claims of the Count of Flanders, -and obtained from the duchess and the estates of Brabant an -agreement that, in default of heirs, the provinces should fall -to the main line of Luxemburg. In 1363 occurred a very -important crisis in the family relationships of Germany -through the death of Meinhard, the only son of Margaret -<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>Maultasch and of Lewis of Bavaria, the eldest son of the late -Emperor (see p. <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>). Meinhard’s death left vacant both Tyrol -and the duchy of Upper Bavaria. The Hapsburg claim to Tyrol, -which had failed in 1335, was promptly renewed by Rudolf -of Austria. Rudolf was one of the princes who were most -indignant at the increased rank given to the electors by the -Golden Bull, and he had shown his irritation by assuming -the title of ‘archduke,’ which in the next century was permanently -adopted by the House of Hapsburg. Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -seized the opportunity to gain over so powerful a malcontent. -He confirmed Rudolf in possession of Tyrol, and at the same -time concluded with him a treaty of mutual inheritance by -which, on the extinction of either House, the other was to -inherit all its lands. At the time, the House of Hapsburg -seemed nearer to extinction than that of Luxemburg; and, as -a matter of fact, the treaty was never actually carried out. -But it is not a little curious that within a century after the -male line of Luxemburg had come to an end, almost all the -territories which it held in 1364 had passed, in one way or -another, into the hands of the Hapsburgs.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile a struggle had broken out as to the succession -in Upper Bavaria. By a treaty made in 1349 between the -sons of Lewis the Bavarian, that duchy ought now to have -gone to Lewis the Roman and Otto, in whose favour their -elder brother Lewis had renounced the possession of Brandenburg. -But the second brother, Stephen of Lower Bavaria, -anticipated their claim and obtained his own recognition from -the estates of Upper Bavaria. The two margraves applied -for assistance to Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and promised him the succession -to Brandenburg if they died without heirs. This agreement -ultimately took effect in 1373, when Otto, the surviving margrave, -was induced or compelled to cede Brandenburg to the -Emperor, who pledged himself to the estates that the union -of Brandenburg with Bohemia should be perpetual. Thus -Charles acquired a second electoral vote and a very notable -increase of his territorial power in northern Germany. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>About the same time he betrothed his second son, Sigismund, -to the daughter of Lewis the Great, King of Hungary -and Poland, and thus opened a prospect of adding these -states to the now enormous possessions of the Luxemburg -House.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These actual or prospective acquisitions could be of little -permanent value unless Charles could secure to his House the -continued occupation of the imperial office, and in -1374 he began to sound the electors on the subject -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Wenzel.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the election of his son Wenzel, a boy of fifteen years old. -But there were many difficulties in the way. The Golden Bull -made no provision for an election during the lifetime of any -occupant of the throne. The spirit, if not the letter, of the law -was against such a thing. There were also serious objections -to the election of a minor, and many princes were jealous of -the predominance already gained by the Luxemburgers. -Charles, however, was not very scrupulous in such a critical -matter, even about the observance of his own laws. He -gained over the electors, but by the old objectionable method -of bribing them. He did not hesitate to appeal for papal -approval, thus reviving the pretensions which the Golden Bull -had practically abrogated. But his policy was successful in -its immediate aim. Wenzel was elected at Frankfort on -June 16, and crowned at Aachen on July 6, 1376.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The election of Wenzel as King of the Romans was the last -triumph of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> His repressive attitude towards the -cities had met with only partial success. The great northern -Hansa had conducted a successful war against Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, -one of the strongest of Danish kings, and in 1370 had forced -him to conclude a humiliating treaty at Stralsund (see p. <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>). -And in 1376 a new danger arose in the south. -The Swabian towns were disgusted at the sacrifice -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Swabian League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the last imperial domains in their province to purchase -electoral votes. They renewed an old league under the -leadership of Ulm, and refused to recognise Wenzel’s election. -At Reutlingen (May 14, 1377) the forces of the league won -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>a complete victory over their hated enemy, the Count of -Würtemburg. This was followed by a rapid extension of the -confederation, and Charles was too old and too weak to -attempt its suppression. In August, 1378, he authorised his -son Wenzel to conclude a peace between the towns and the -princes, and to concede the right of union to the former. -Thus one of the provisions of the Golden Bull was abandoned -during Charles’s own lifetime.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Nor was this the only blow which Charles experienced in -his later years. He had long struggled to put an end to the -papal residence at Avignon, which was a scandal to Europe -and a serious injury in many ways to German and imperial -interests. He had succeeded in persuading Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> to -return to Rome in 1367, and had himself visited the Pope in -the Eternal City. But Urban was alienated by Charles’s refusal -to take active measures against the Ghibelline Visconti, -and was easily induced by his French cardinals to return to -Avignon. The whole work had to be begun again. At last, -in 1377, Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span> was persuaded to quit the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Great Schism.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -banks of the Rhone and to take up his residence -in Rome. But he was meditating a second withdrawal from -the city when he was overtaken by death. The new election -had to take place in Rome, and the choice of the cardinals -fell upon an Italian, Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span> This seemed for the moment -a conspicuous triumph for Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> But Urban’s violence -alienated the French cardinals, who seceded from Rome and -elected a rival Pope, Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> Clement naturally threw -himself upon French support, and fixed his residence at Avignon. -Thus the return to Rome, instead of putting an end to -scandal, gave rise to the famous schism in the Church which -lasted for forty years. Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was bitterly chagrined, and -appealed to all the European princes to recognise Urban and -to resist the excessive and dictatorial power of France. And -there was some reasonable ground for such an appeal. A -brother of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France was Duke of Burgundy, and the -Duke’s wife was the heiress of Flanders, Artois, and Franche -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>Comté. Another brother claimed the succession in Naples, and -the King of Hungary and Poland was a member of the older -House of Anjou. The prince who was naturally expected to -resist this threatening danger to the balance of states was -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, who might have found it necessary to lead an -army against the French king and the Antipope. But on -November 29, 1378, just two months after the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -outbreak of the schism, death removed him from -the scene of strife.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Before his death, Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s weakness for his children had -led him into an act which was ruinous to his most cherished -schemes. The Golden Bull had shown how -clearly he appreciated the advantages to a state of -indivisibility and a strict rule of primogeniture. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Partition of Luxemburg territories.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -These advantages he deliberately threw away in his own case. -He even broke the solemn pledge which he had given never -to separate the marks of Brandenburg from Bohemia. He left -Bohemia and Silesia to his eldest son, Wenzel, while he transferred -Brandenburg to his second son, Sigismund, and formed -a duchy in Lausitz for the third son, John of Görlitz. Moravia -was already in the hands of Jobst and Prokop, the sons of -Charles’s second brother, John Henry; while Luxemburg was -still held by the surviving brother, Wenzel, the husband of the -Duchess of Brabant and Limburg. The family possessions -had increased enormously since the days of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, but -they were of comparatively little value when scattered among -so many hands. The House of Luxemburg was never destined -to hold the position imagined for it by the greatest ruler it -produced, Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span></p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span> - <h2 id='chap07' class='c009'>CHAPTER VII <br /> RISE OF THE SWISS CONFEDERATION</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The origin of Swiss independence—The Hapsburgs in Swabia—The Forest -Cantons—The League of 1291—Its Character—The Battle of Morgarten—Luzern -joins the League—Zürich under Brun joins the League—Accession -of Glarus—The League conquers Zug—Bern joins the League—The -Eight Cantons—Continued danger from Austria—Rudolf <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in -Swabia—Leopold <span class='fss'>II.</span>, his brother, renews the war with the Swiss—Battle -of Sempach—Treaty of 1389.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Swiss Confederation has played a part in European -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Interest of Swiss history.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -history wholly out of proportion either to the area which it -covers, or to the population which it includes. It -is placed in the midst of the western peoples of -the Continent, on the border where the Romance -and German elements touch each other at the most decisive -political and strategic points. This geographical position has -made the continuance of Switzerland an international necessity. -At the same time, Swiss history offers to the contemplation -of the scientific historian the most perfect, as it has been -the most durable, of federal constitutions. And this confederation -is the more unique and important because it shows how -common interests and dangers can hold together communities, -not only of different origin and institutions, but also of -differing race and language. The story of its origin is one of -the most fascinating episodes in the history of the fourteenth -century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The beginnings of Swiss history have been obscured in two -ways: by the poetical myths which have gradually grown up, -and by the theories which have been spun in the imagination -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Legends as to origin of Swiss independence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of patriotic antiquaries. The myths as to the origin of Swiss -independence have long enjoyed a world-wide fame, and it -has been reserved for the harsh criticism of the -nineteenth century to show that they had no real -historical basis. The story of William Tell shooting -the apple on his child’s head has been proved -to be an ancient legend of the heroic sagas. The hoisting of -the bailiff’s hat in the market-place of Altdorf is an addition -of quite recent origin. No bailiff of the name of Gessler ever -existed in the district; and if there was a William Tell, which -cannot be proved, he was of no political importance whatever. -Even the more probable and important story of Fürst, Melchthal, -and Stauffacher, and of their oath on the field of Rütli, -has also been ruthlessly demolished. If these men ever lived -and did the deeds for which they are renowned, it must have -been in some other place and in quite another relation.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The antiquarian theories as to the origin of the Swiss people -are quite as baseless as the legends, and not nearly so interesting. -They have varied sometimes in their form, but their -object has always been to show that the Forest Cantons, the -earliest members of the league, had some special race origin -and some peculiar independence, apart from the rest of -Germany. They were founded, it is said, by settlers from -Norway and Sweden, who left their homes for fear of losing -their liberties, and swore to maintain them in a foreign land. -All such stories are absolutely without foundation. Modern -researches have proved, not only that the Forest Cantons were -members of the Empire like their neighbours, but that various -lords, spiritual and temporal, held different rights over them -at various times. Their constant effort was to get rid of the -authority of these feudal lords, and to vindicate a position of -direct dependence upon the Empire alone. It was this effort -which led to the first formation of a league.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Lake of Luzern, on the shores of which the original -Swiss cantons are situated, lies within the limits of the old -duchy of Swabia. The extinction of the line of dukes left a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>number of individuals and corporations in Swabia without -any intermediate lord between them and the Emperor. But -as the imperial authority declined, and especially -during the Great Interregnum, the chief families -in Swabia set themselves to reduce their weaker -neighbours to subjection. The most successful of these -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Hapsburgs in Swabia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -families was that of Hapsburg, whose original estates were in -the district of Brugg, at the junction of the Aar and the Reuss. -By the middle of the thirteenth century the family had vastly -extended their possessions. In addition to their lands in the -Aargau, they had large territories in the Breisgau and in -Elsass. Rudolf <span class='fss'>III.</span>, born in 1218, set himself to extend his -power by every possible means—by war, negotiation, and -purchase. His avowed object was to restore the territorial -unity of Swabia under Hapsburg rule. And if the old duchy -had been revived, it would have been difficult to intrust it to -any other family.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But against this aggressive policy was arrayed the desire for -local independence, of which the most successful champions -were the villages of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Forest cantons.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Uri had been granted in 853 by Lewis -the German to the abbey of nuns in Zürich, but in 1231 the -inhabitants had obtained from Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> an acknowledgment -of their independence of any power except the Emperor. -The other two cantons, without such explicit proofs, had -claims which were generally acknowledged to a similar -position. The endeavour to maintain this independence of -direct rule must have brought the villagers into collision with -their powerful neighbour, the Count of Hapsburg. For the -moment the struggle was postponed by the news that -Rudolf <span class='fss'>III.</span> had been elected King of the Romans in 1273. -Thus he obtained in his new capacity a suzerainty over the -cantons, which they were prepared to deny him as Lord of -Swabia. The contest must have seemed hopelessly unequal -now that the Hapsburg Count could use his imperial authority -to support his dynastic ambition. But Rudolf’s attention -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>was diverted from local affairs by his struggle with Ottokar, -by the acquisition of Austria, and by the establishment of his -family in this new eastern possession. He never relinquished -his original aims in Swabia, but he was no longer able to -concentrate his attention on their achievement. The Hapsburg -conquest of Austria was the first foundation of Swiss -independence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the peasants by the Lake of Luzern showed a clear -appreciation of the danger that threatened them. In August, -1291, immediately after the death of Rudolf, they -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The original League of 1291.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -drew up the first league of which any record has -been preserved. The document itself is worth -quoting:—‘Know all men that we, the people of the valley of -Uri, the community of the valley of Schwyz, and the mountaineers -of the lower valley, seeing the malice of the times, -have solemnly agreed and bound ourselves by oath to aid and -defend each other with all our might and main, with our -lives and property, both within and without our boundaries, -each at his own expense, against every enemy whatever who -shall attempt to molest us, either singly or collectively. This -is our ancient covenant. Whoever hath a lord let him obey -him according to his bounden duty. We have decreed that -we will accept no magistrate in our valleys who shall have -obtained his office for a price, or who is not a native and -resident among us. Every difference among us shall be -decided by our wisest men; and whoever shall reject their -award shall be compelled by the other confederates. Whoever -shall wilfully commit a murder shall suffer death, and he -who shall attempt to screen the murderer from justice shall -be banished from our valleys. An incendiary shall lose his -privileges as a free member of the community, and whoever -harbours him shall make good the damage. Whoever robs -or molests another shall make full restitution out of the -property he possesses among us. Every one shall acknowledge -the authority of a chief magistrate in either of the -valleys. If internal quarrels arise, and one of the parties -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>shall refuse fair satisfaction, the confederates shall support -the other party. This covenant, for our common weal, shall, -God willing, endure for ever.’</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is obvious from this simple document that the league, at -its first origin, is something more than a mere defensive -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character of the League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -alliance. It regulates to a certain extent the -punishment for crime, probably because endless -confusion would arise if different penalties were enforced in -each canton, and a criminal could fly from one to the other. -At the same time, there is no complete federal government -formed all at once. There is no mention of a joint assembly -to consider matters of common interest; nor is there any -provision for a common taxation for federal purposes. Each -canton is to carry on war at its own expense, and is to furnish, -not a fixed contingent, but the whole male population capable -of bearing arms. The league was not the work either of -theorists or of experienced politicians, but was drawn up by -three village communities in the face of present danger, and -future difficulties were left to settle themselves. And the -provision about obedience to a lord proves that the object of -the league was to guard against oppression rather than to -claim independence. But experience soon proved that independence -was the only safeguard against oppression.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Limited as its aims were, the league could hardly have -maintained itself if Rudolf’s eldest son Albert had succeeded -his father on the imperial throne. And here we -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The League confirmed.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -may notice the good fortune that attended the -infant confederacy. If the Hapsburgs had continued to be a -mere Swabian family there is little doubt that they would -have been successful in enforcing their immediate sovereignty. -The election of Rudolf, and his acquisition of Austria, gave -the cantons a breathing space in which they could agree upon -joint action for their defence. The failure of the Hapsburgs -to maintain the imperial dignity was another piece of luck for -the allies. It gave them powerful allies and a pretext for -adhering to their claim of direct dependence upon the Empire. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>They reaped an immediate advantage from the election of -Adolf of Nassau on the death of Rudolf. Adolf, eager to -weaken his rival, Albert of Austria, at once confirmed the -league of 1291, and promised it imperial protection. But the -fall of Adolf and the election of Albert again put the confederates -in a very dangerous position. It is to Albert’s -reign that the tyranny of bailiffs, like Gessler, is attributed. -But these stories have no contemporary authority. Albert -certainly appointed bailiffs by virtue of his imperial authority, -but we have no record that he appointed aliens, or that his -bailiffs were tyrannical. In fact, Albert, like his father, had -his hands full with imperial affairs, and had no time to devote -himself to his interests in Swabia. The league remained -passive during his reign, and wisely gave him no pretext for -hostile interference. Had Albert’s son succeeded to the -Empire, the Forest Cantons would probably have been gradually -absorbed in the Hapsburg dominions. But here again -their good fortune came to their aid. After Albert’s death -the imperial crown was withheld from his House for several -generations. The Luxemburg and Bavarian Emperors were -for the most part hostile to the Austrian dukes, and were not -unwilling to strengthen the opposition to them in Swabia.</p> - -<p class='c004'>One of the first acts of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> was to grant to the -league the most ample confirmation of their sole dependence -upon the Empire and complete exemption from all foreign -jurisdiction. In return for this they sent three hundred -soldiers to accompany the Emperor on his Italian campaign—the -first occasion on which Swiss troops served outside their -own country. In the struggle between Lewis the Bavarian -and Frederick of Austria the confederates naturally adopted -the side of the former. Leopold, Frederick’s brother, determined -to punish the rebellious and audacious -peasants, as he called them. There is a legendary -account of the great battle between the opposing -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Morgarten, 1315.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -forces; but all that is known is that Leopold’s men-at-arms -allowed themselves to be attacked in a narrow valley at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>Morgarten, where they had no room for evolution, and the -Swiss, having first thrown them into confusion by a shower of -stones and other missiles, routed them at the first down-hill -charge. This is the first of the great fights which showed the -Swiss to be invincible on their own ground, and trained them -to become for a time the finest infantry in Europe. The -victory was celebrated by the formal renewal of the league at -the village of Brunnen; Lewis the Bavarian recognised the -value of the service to his cause by confirming the edict of -Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>; and by a treaty in 1318 the Hapsburgs withdrew -all claims to administrative authority within the limits of the -Forest Cantons. The league was now a recognised and -successful body to which its neighbours could look for aid in -an emergency.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The nearest, and for that reason the most important, of -these neighbours was the town of Luzern, which had grown -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Luzern joins the League, 1330.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -up in the territory and under the protection of the -abbey of Murbach. As the town grew in power -and wealth, the direct ownership of the abbey -was broken off, but the monks retained in their hands the -appointment of chief magistrate until it was purchased from -them by Rudolf of Hapsburg. The buying up of similar -rights was one of the chief methods by which he sought to -extend his ascendency in Swabia. From that time Luzern -had acknowledged some measure of subjection to the -Hapsburgs, and had aided them with men and money in -their struggle with Lewis the Bavarian. But the demands of -their overlords became more and more onerous, and growing -discontent seems to have impelled the citizens to seek the -support of the neighbouring villages. On December 7, 1330, -Luzern was formally admitted to the league, and this completed -the union of the four Forest Cantons.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There was in this no express defiance of the Hapsburgs, -whose rights, jurisdiction, and feudal prerogatives were -expressly reserved in the treaty, nor was any change made -in the oligarchical government of Luzern. But in time it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>was inevitable that the citizens should be influenced by -the independence and the democratic constitution of their -allies. The burgher nobles formed a conspiracy -in 1343 to break off the compact with the three -original cantons. The legend tells that the plot was overheard -by a boy, who was discovered and pledged to secrecy. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Revolution in Luzern.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -He kept the letter of his promise by telling the secret to -a stove in a room where the butchers’ guild was holding a -meeting. The citizens were alarmed, and the conspirators -arrested; and the result was that not only did Luzern -remain a member of the league, but a new executive council -was created of 300 members, while the power of levying -taxes, making war and concluding peace, was vested in the -whole community. Thus the exclusive oligarchy was overthrown.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Two other cities, Zürich and Bern, though farther distant -than Luzern, were destined to play a more prominent part -in the history of the league. Zürich was in the fourteenth -century a free imperial city, and owed no obedience to any -intermediate lord. The government was a close -oligarchy, as the council consisted of thirty-six -members, all of whom belonged to the old burgher families. -As long as their power remained unshaken, there was little -likelihood of any close connection with the peasants of the -original cantons. But Zürich, like so many other towns at -the time, underwent a revolution. The artisans, organised in -their own guilds, were stirred up to dispute the exclusive rule -of the old burghers. The leader of the revolution was Rudolf -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rudolf Brun in Zürich.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Brun, one of the most remarkable demagogues of a century -which produced Rienzi, Marcel, and the Arteveldes. Brun -was himself a member of the ruling class, but sought to -gratify his own ambition by turning against it. In 1336 the -political change was accomplished. The members of the -council were intimidated into flight, and a mass meeting -decreed that the government should be reformed, and that -in the meantime Brun should hold supreme power. Before -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>long the new constitution was promulgated. Brun was -appointed burgomaster for life with the assistance of a -council of twenty-six. Thirteen of these were to be nominees -of the burgomaster—six nobles and seven plebeians; the other -thirteen were the tribunes of the guilds. For the next fifteen -years Rudolf Brun was practically despot in Zürich, but -it was not until his authority was seriously threatened that -he had any inducement to ally himself with such sturdy -opponents of personal rule as the inhabitants of the Forest -Cantons.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The undisguised despotism of Brun not unnaturally provoked -a reaction in Zürich, and the members of the dispossessed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Zürich joins the League, 1351.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -oligarchy were encouraged to intrigue -for his overthrow. They found zealous supporters -among the nobles outside the walls, especially -in John of Hapsburg, Count of Rapperschwyl, a cousin of -the Austrian dukes. The story of the discovery of the plot -is strangely reminiscent of the similar incident in the history -of Luzern. A baker’s boy overheard the incautious conspirators, -and informed his master. Brun was warned, and -the rising was ruthlessly suppressed. All citizens suspected -of disaffection were put to death, John of Hapsburg was -imprisoned, and his town of Rapperschwyl was razed to the -ground. But this act provoked the anger of the Austrian -Hapsburgs, and to protect himself against their threatened -vengeance, Brun found himself compelled to secure the -alliance of the Forest Cantons. The agreement of May 2, 1351, -is of great importance, as showing a marked progress towards -federation, and also because its provisions gave rise to many -subsequent difficulties. ‘We, the cantons of Zürich, Luzern, -Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden, do hereby enter into a firm -and perpetual union: we engage to assist each other with our -lives and fortunes against all who shall in any ways attempt -to injure us in our honour, property, or freedom: this we -bind ourselves to perform at all times and in all places -within the Aar, the Thur, the Rhine, and Mount St. Gothard. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>Whenever the council or community that calls for aid shall -declare upon oath that the case is urgent, each canton shall, -without evasion or delay, and at its own cost, send the demanded -aid. In great emergencies, such as a distant march -or a long campaign, the cantons shall hold a congress at -Einsiedeln and there deliberate on the measures to be pursued. -We, the confederate cantons, solemnly reserve all the -rights of the Holy Roman Empire and its sovereign, and -each of us his previous alliances. Each canton may form -new alliances, but not to the prejudice of the league. We -will jointly preserve the burgomaster and the constitution of -Zürich. Should (<i>quod Deus avortat</i>) any dissension arise -between Zürich and the Forest Cantons, the city shall send -two good and wise men, and the cantons two others, to -Einsiedeln, and these four shall, on oath, decide the difference: -if their votes are equal, they shall chose a fifth -associate from any canton, and he shall give the casting vote.’ -The progress towards federalism is shown in the provisions -for conference and arbitration; while the diplomacy of Rudolf -Brun is evident in the clauses by which a canton is enabled -to form separate alliances, and the Forest Cantons are -pledged to uphold the existing constitution of Zürich.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Albert the Lame of Austria, the last survivor -of the numerous sons of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>,<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c015'><sup>[8]</sup></a> was arming to avenge the -injury done to his kinsman and to vindicate Hapsburg rights -in Swabia. In 1352 his troops advanced to the siege of -Zürich, and the neighbouring towns and villages were called -upon to send aid to the invaders. The people of Glarus, not -far from Zürich, were dependent upon the abbey -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Accession of Glarus, 1352.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Seckingen, and the administration was in the -hands of a steward appointed by the abbess. The Counts of -Hapsburg had acquired, more than a century before, the -position of advocate, or military champion, of the abbey, and -this gave them a claim to the feudal service of the people of -Glarus. But to the demands of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> they replied that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>they were only bound to serve in the interests of the abbey -of Seckingen, and refused to fight in a private quarrel of the -duke. Albert at once sent a body of troops to coerce -Glarus, but the inhabitants obtained the assistance of the -Forest Cantons and repulsed them. The result was the conclusion -of a permanent league between Glarus and its allies. -The rights and revenues of both duke and abbess were -expressly reserved in the treaty, and the people of Glarus -promised to make no new alliances without the concurrence -of the confederates.</p> - -<p class='c004'>About the same time the league made its first conquest. -Hitherto the various members had joined of their own -accord; but now the league took the offensive, -and to secure their own safety compelled the -little town of Zug to join them. Zug lies between Zürich -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Zug, 1352.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and the Lake of Luzern, and was occupied by an Austrian -garrison. The inhabitants of Schwyz marched to the walls -and demanded its surrender, declaring that they had no -intention to diminish the authority of the Duke of Austria or -to change the constitution of Zug. As no aid came from -Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the townsmen found it necessary to submit, and -were formally admitted to the league.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The expedition of Albert was thus a complete failure, and -the campaign of 1352 was closed by a hollow treaty. All -prisoners were to be released, and all hostages -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of 1352.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and plunder returned. Zug and Glarus were to -pay the duke their accustomed allegiance. The confederates -were pledged in the future to conclude no alliance with -Austrian vassals: nor were Luzern and Zürich to admit such -vassals to their citizenship. But all former alliances, immunities, -and established regulations were to remain in -force. The terms were perhaps intentionally ambiguous. -The Austrian duke contended that they involved the separation -of Zug and Glarus from the league, while the confederates -held that the last clause entitled them to maintain -the alliance. But though the treaty itself was but a doubtful -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>gain, it was followed by a very great accession of strength -to the league. A successful embassy was sent to invite the -adhesion of the powerful city of Bern, and a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bern joins the League, 1353.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -treaty was arranged at the beginning of 1353. -The direct alliance is made with the three original -cantons; Zürich and Luzern being only indirectly involved, -while Glarus and Zug are not mentioned at all. ‘The Swiss -of the three Forest Cantons shall be assisted by Bern, whenever -they shall be in need: and the cantons in return undertake -to defend the city of Bern, its burghers, and all its -property.... We, the Bernese, promise to assist Zürich and -Luzern, when required by our Swiss confederates: we, of -Zürich and Luzern, promise that whenever Bern shall be -attacked and its council shall send to the Forest Cantons for -aid, we will at our own expense immediately march to its -assistance.’</p> - -<p class='c004'>The accession of Bern completes the number of the eight -old cantons; and the league had grown to these dimensions -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The eight old Cantons.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in just over sixty years, from 1291 to 1353. But -it is obvious that as yet there were little more -than the elements of a federation. There was no central -government, and no supreme court of justice. The allies -stood on various and unequal terms with each other, -and some were not connected at all. Bern was not -directly allied with Zürich or Luzern, and not allied at all -with Glarus and Zug. Glarus and Zug had no connection -with each other, and the former had made more submissive -terms than any other canton. Moreover, differences in -constitution prevented the various members of the league -from regarding political questions in the same light. Bern -maintained its exclusive aristocracy, Zürich and Luzern had -adopted a mixed constitution, while the three original cantons, -with Zug and Glarus, were pure democracies, in which every -adult male had a share in political power.</p> - -<p class='c004'>If all danger from the Austrian dukes had come to an end -in 1353, it is probable that this ill-cemented league would -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Continued danger from Austria.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -have fallen to pieces. But as long as the Hapsburgs -remained great landholders in Swabia, their weaker neighbours -were in danger of absorption, and it was -this which ultimately hardened the league into -a lasting federation. Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> was resolute to -enforce his interpretation of the treaty of 1352. In 1354 he -demanded that Glarus and Zug should renounce their alliance -with the other cantons. The league appealed to the -Emperor, but Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was pledged to the policy of -discountenancing such associations, and he gave his support -to the Hapsburg claims. And Albert had another advantage -in the self-seeking policy pursued by Rudolf Brun, who was -still supreme in Zürich, and who was quite ready to make -terms with Austria if he could thereby strengthen his own -position. The influence of Zürich nearly induced the Forest -Cantons to accept a treaty which would have involved a -surrender of the most vital points at issue, and it was only at -the last minute that the apparent treachery was discovered. -The result was a coolness between Zürich and the confederates, -and the former went so far as to conclude a -separate treaty with the Austrian duke. Fortunately Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> -was too old and worn out to profit by this disunion, and just -before his death he concluded a truce for eleven years with -the league, leaving matters <i>in statu quo</i> for the time.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Albert the Lame died in 1358 leaving behind him four -sons, who were born after he had been married for nineteen -years without issue, and when the extinction of -the main line of his House seemed imminent. -Before his death he made an arrangement that his territories -should pass undivided to the joint rule of his four sons. -The second son, Frederick, died soon after his father, and -the third son, Albert, preferred the study of philosophy to the -cares of politics. The two active members of the family -were the eldest son, Rudolf, and the youngest, Leopold. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rudolf IV. in Swabia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Rudolf married the daughter of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, quarrelled with -his father-in-law about the elevation of the electors, and was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>only reconciled on being allowed to annex the province of -Tyrol (see p. <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>). In his Swabian dominions he showed -himself an active and capable ruler. He retained the support -of Rudolf Brun, to whom he granted a pension and the title -of privy councillor. He bought up the territory of Rapperschwyl, -thus thrusting in a wedge between the lake of Zürich -and the Forest Cantons. On pretence of aiding the pilgrims -to Einsiedeln, he built a magnificent wooden bridge over the -lake, which was regarded by contemporaries as one of the -wonders of the world. His real object was to get into his -hands the control of the chief highway between Italy and -Germany. His restless activity would certainly have brought -him, sooner or later, into collision with the Swiss, but in the -midst of his schemes he died suddenly in 1365, when he was -only twenty-six years old.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Of the two surviving brothers, Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Leopold, the -latter had been the confidant of Rudolf’s ambitious schemes, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Leopold II. in Swabia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and was eager to carry them out. With this -object he induced his brother to revive the -practice of partition, and to content himself with the duchy of -Austria. Leopold received as his share Styria, Carinthia, -Tyrol, and the Swabian lands. It was to Swabia that he -devoted most of his attention. On every side he purchased -territorial and other rights. His aim was that of his great-grandfather: -the formation of a strong and united Swabian -principality in Hapsburg hands. In the pursuit of such an -aim he was inevitably brought into collision with the Swiss.</p> - -<p class='c004'>One of Leopold’s most conspicuous successes was the -obtaining from Wenzel, the feeble successor of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -the office of imperial advocate in Upper and Lower -Swabia. He soon found himself involved in grave -difficulties. To make head against the Swabian league of towns, -the princes and knights were forced to form confederations -among themselves. In such a state of things local collisions -were frequent, and there seemed the possibility of a great war of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewal of war.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -classes. The Swiss naturally supported the Swabian League, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>and Leopold, after a vain struggle to act as arbiter between -the hostile forces, found himself forced by Swiss aggression to -throw himself on the opposite side. The forces of the -neighbouring nobles flocked to his banner at Baden in -Aargau, and as the Swabian League failed to send any assistance -to the Swiss, Leopold seemed to have good reason to -expect a complete and easy victory. But the Swiss, who had -defiantly broken the treaty of 1352, were conscious that the -struggle was one for liberty or subjection. Rudolf Brun was -dead, and Zürich had returned to complete harmony with the -confederates. No effort was spared to collect forces, and the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Sempach, 1386.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Swiss victory at Sempach, July 9, 1386, was even -more decisive, if more hardly won, than that of -Morgarten. Leopold himself, fighting with reckless -ardour to redeem the fortunes of the day, fell upon the -field. His death virtually decided the war. It is true that the -Swiss had to fight and win another battle at Näfels, before they -could force their opponents to terms. But the treaty of 1389 -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of 1389.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was as complete as any Swiss patriot of those -days could desire. The sons of Leopold renounced -all feudal claims, direct or indirect, over Luzern, -Glarus, or Zug. Thus within a hundred years from the -formation of the league of 1291, the Swiss had succeeded in -obtaining for the whole territory comprised in the extended -confederacy that position of dependence upon the Empire -alone, which had been the first aim of the Forest Cantons.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span> - <h2 id='chap08' class='c009'>CHAPTER VIII <br /> ITALY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY, 1313-1402</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Guelfs and Ghibellines—Equality of parties leads to foreign intervention—Lewis -the Bavarian—John of Bohemia—League against Mastino della -Scala—Walter de Brienne in Florence—Rise of mercenaries—Foreign and -native Condottieri—Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Naples—Succession disputes in Naples—Rome -and the Papal States—Career of Rienzi—Cardinal Albornoz -recovers the Papal States—Return of the Popes to Rome and outbreak of -the Great Schism—Strife of classes and families in Florence—Rising of -the <i>Ciompi</i>—Revolution of 1382 and triumph of the oligarchy in Florence—Rivalry -of Venice and Genoa—War of Chioggia—The Visconti in Milan—Successes -of Gian Galeazzo Visconti—His death.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The death of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> marks the failure of the last serious -effort on the part of a German king to carry out the ideal of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Guelfs and Ghibellines.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Dante’s <i>De Monarchia</i> by establishing an efficient -monarchy in Italy. A few years earlier the -Papacy, which had done more than any other power to -thwart the imperial pretensions, had almost deliberately -weakened its authority by transferring its residence to the -banks of the Rhône. It seemed as if Italy might for a time -be freed from the rivalry of the two claimants to universal rule, -whose quarrel had done so much to cause discord and -anarchy in the peninsula. But it is one of the numerous -anomalies of Italian history that the factions of Guelfs and -Ghibellines continue their feuds with the same vigour and -animosity as in the days when each had a substantial cause -to fight for. Yet beneath these feuds we can trace a growing -undercurrent of political interests and of selfish aggrandisement, -which gradually led to the absorption of the lesser -states by their more powerful neighbours, and ultimately to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>the formation of the five greater powers whose rivalry fills the -history of the next century. The example was set by Venice, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venetian policy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -whose geographical position removed her from -the main current of party strife, while her interests -were more strictly defined than those of any other state. In -the east she had to maintain and extend her trade and her -influence against the rivalry of Genoa; and she had also to -face the serious problems raised by the steady decline of -the Eastern Empire and the constant aggressions of the -Turks. In the west she had not yet acquired any territory -on the mainland, but two pressing interests compelled her to -keep a watchful eye on the politics of Lombardy. She could -not with safety allow any continental power to obtain complete -control of the Alpine passes through which Venetian -merchandise found its way to the markets of Central Europe. -Still less could she neglect the imperative need of securing -supplies of food. Built upon the small islands of the lagoons, -she could not possibly raise enough produce to feed her -citizens, and was necessarily dependent upon importations -from eastern Lombardy or Dalmatia. If a hostile power -could cut off these supplies, Venice must be speedily starved -into surrender. This double interest forced Venice to play -a more prominent part in Italian politics than her isolated -position seemed to warrant, and in the end impelled her to -join in the scramble for territory on the mainland.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the exception of Venice, all the Italian states were -more or less involved in the strife of factions. In the south -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Balance of parties.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Robert of Naples, relying upon Papal and French -support, still held the Guelf leadership, and still -aimed, like his grandfather, at converting this leadership into -a kingdom of Italy. But the Angevin power was no longer -what it had been in the days of Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> The Sicilian -Vespers had given Sicily to a hostile dynasty, and the Popes -in Avignon were less valuable allies than their predecessors -in Rome. In the north lay the main strength of the Ghibelline -party. Despots, like Matteo Visconti in Milan and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>Cangrande della Scala in Verona, were rapidly overthrowing -the republican independence of the Lombard cities, and these -men had no legal basis for their authority save their appointment -as imperial vicars. Between Naples and Lombardy lay -the Papal States and Tuscany. In the former, the Popes -continued to employ what authority they could wield through -their legates on the Guelf and Angevin side. But the decline -of their direct authority led to the rise of petty despots in -cities which were nominally papal fiefs, and these despots, -desiring the maximum of independence for themselves, -naturally leaned towards Ghibellinism. In Tuscany there -was also a marked division. Florence was the head of a -group of communes which retained republican institutions -and were ardently Guelf in sympathy. But Pisa, also a -republic, was equally resolute on the Ghibelline side.</p> - -<p class='c004'>On the whole the two parties were so evenly matched in -strength, that it was difficult for either to resist the temptation -of trying to turn the balance in its own favour by -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Foreign intervention in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -calling in foreign assistance. It is true that a -number of writers, including Sismondi, have represented -the Guelfs as the national and the Ghibellines as -the anti-national party. But this view involves both a misconception -of the mediæval empire, and also the anachronism -of assuming a sense of nationality to exist in Italy at a time -when no such idea was possible. The only sentiment which -could vie with devotion to party was patriotism; but patriotism -beyond the bounds of his own city was as unknown to a -citizen of Florence or Milan as it was to an Athenian or a -Spartan in the days of Greek independence. Robert of -Naples was as much a foreigner to a native of Lombardy -or Tuscany as Lewis the Bavarian, and the king of France -was much more so. As long as party spirit was the strongest -force in Italy, we can trace a succession of appeals for foreign -intervention: and when party spirit finally gave way to the -rivalry of state with state, this intervention grew into conquest -and occupation.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> in the last struggle before his death had clearly -and correctly perceived that the key to the situation was in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Struggle in Tuscany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Tuscany, that if the Ghibelline cause could triumph -in that province the overthrow of the Guelfs might -be confidently expected. And not long after his death the -desired state of things seemed not unlikely to be realised. -One of the most famous adventurers of the age, Castruccio -Castracani, who had risen to prominence by his military -ability, made himself lord of Lucca and there became a -formidable neighbour to Florence. In 1325 he reduced the -intermediate town of Pistoia, and defeated the Florentine -forces at Altopascio. So terrified were the Florentines that -they resolved to sacrifice their independence as the price of -safety and the victory of their party. They offered the lordship -of the city to Robert of Naples, who accepted it for his -only son, Charles of Calabria. The progress of Castruccio -was checked, and the appearance of Neapolitan forces in -Tuscany impelled the Ghibelline leaders to call in the assistance -of Lewis of Bavaria (<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>). Lewis -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Lewis the Bavarian in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -entered Italy in 1327, but his coming brought -little real gain to his allies. In Milan he imprisoned -his host, Galeazzo Visconti, and restored to the -citizens a mockery of republican independence. Pisa, in -spite of her Ghibelline traditions, stood a month’s siege before -she would open her gates to a prince who might hand her -over as a reward to his chief supporter Castruccio Castracani. -No attempt was made to attack the Duke of Calabria in -Florence, and Lewis hurried on to Rome. There he was -crowned emperor. John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> was deposed as a heretic, and -an Antipope was elected. Castruccio was formally created -Duke of Lucca, Pistoia, and Volterra. But the news came -that the Florentines had captured Pistoia by stratagem, and -Castruccio had to hurry north for the defence of his duchy. -He was indignant that Lewis had given the lordship of Pisa -to the empress, and in defiance of imperial authority he took -measures to secure his own rule in the city. From Pisa he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>advanced to a successful siege of Pistoia, but he died almost -immediately after (September 3, 1328) of a fever contracted -in the trenches.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of Castruccio and the humiliating failure of -Lewis the Bavarian, who was forced to evacuate Rome in the -autumn of 1328, deprived the Ghibellines of the advantages -which they had secured in the early part of the year. Lucca, -which had threatened to subdue both Florence and Pisa, -became a prize for which many states and adventurers contended. -But the Guelfs did not profit as much as might have -been expected from the disasters of their opponents. Charles -of Calabria, having served the purpose of the Florentines by -saving them from Castruccio, died on November 9, 1328, and -Florence recovered her independence. Robert of Naples, -profoundly discouraged by the death of his only son, abandoned -most of his ambitious projects and ceased to interfere -in the politics of northern Italy. Soon afterwards the emperor -found it necessary to leave Italy in order to look after his -interests in Germany. Before his departure he restored -Milan to the rule of Azzo Visconti, the son of the deposed -Galeazzo, who had perished, like Castruccio, of a disease contracted -during the siege of Pistoia.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The departure of Lewis and the inactivity of the Neapolitan -king left the parties in northern Italy to fight out their -quarrels without foreign aid. The Ghibellines had -lost their short-lived ascendency in Tuscany, but -they were still omnipotent on the Lombard plain. -By far the most powerful Ghibelline prince at this time was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Power of Mastino della Scala.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Mastino della Scala, who in 1329 had succeeded his uncle -Cangrande in the government of Verona. Cangrande, a -typical Italian despot in his combination of relentless cruelty -with the patronage of letters, had established a strong territorial -power in eastern Lombardy. He had forced Marsilio -Carrara to govern Padua as his lieutenant, while he had -brought into direct submission the towns of Vicenza, Feltre, -Belluno, and Treviso, and was thus enabled to control the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>most important eastern passes through the Alps. Mastino -inherited his uncle’s ambition with his territories, and on -receiving an appeal for aid from the Ghibelline exiles of -Brescia, he eagerly seized the pretext for laying siege to that -city. This aggression led to the most interesting and unique -instance of foreign intervention in Italy. -John of Bohemia -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John of Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -(<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>) happened to be at the moment on the -Italian borders at Trent, negotiating the marriage -of his second son with the heiress of Tyrol, Margaret Maultasch -(<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>). He had never taken part in Italian politics, -but he enjoyed a brilliant reputation in Europe, and there -was much in his position to attract the attention of the -Italians. He was known to be on the most intimate terms -with the Pope and the French king, both patrons of the Guelf -cause. At the same time, as the son of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, he had -strong claims on the allegiance of the Ghibellines. If any -man could act as a mediator in the party feuds of Italy, it was -the head of the house of Luxemburg.</p> - -<p class='c004'>To King John the besieged Brescians appealed for assistance, -and offered in return the sovereignty over the city. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Successes of John in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The prospect of a new field for adventure was -more than John could resist. He ordered levies -to be collected in Bohemia, and warned Mastino -della Scala to desist from attacking a city which owned his -lordship. Mastino obeyed on condition that the Ghibelline -exiles should be restored; and this promise, to the great -chagrin of the dominant party in Brescia, the king fulfilled. -On his entry into the city (December 31, 1330) John -announced that he would belong to no party, that his one -aim was to restore peace and justice, and that he hoped -that before long there would be no more Guelfs and -Ghibellines. The immediate effect of such unprecedented -language was almost magical. The Italians, exhausted with -continual party warfare, welcomed as a protecting angel the -prince who promised impartiality. One after another the -cities of northern Italy, Bergamo, Cremona, Pavia, Vercelli, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>and Novara, placed themselves under the rule of John of -Bohemia. Even Azzo Visconti, the powerful lord of Milan, -found it advisable to acknowledge the suzerainty of the king, -and to accept the title of royal vicar. Soon afterwards -John’s dominions were extended southwards by the submission -of Parma, Reggio, Modena, and the unfortunate -Lucca, which had been tossed from hand to hand since the -death of Castruccio Castracani. In every case the exiles, -of either faction, were allowed to return, and the government -was established without any regard to party divisions. For -a moment it seemed that the spontaneous action of the -Italians themselves might create the monarchy that had so -long seemed an impossible dream.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But John’s success was too sudden to be lasting. Party -enmities were too deeply rooted to be torn up at the first -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Opposition to John.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -effort. Men began to ask in whose name had he -come; did he represent the Emperor or the -Pope? An appeal to these potentates produced only -negative answers. John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span> was indignant with the king -for restoring the Ghibelline exiles in Guelf strongholds; -Lewis was jealous that a rival should succeed where he had -failed. And John had enemies both in Italy and outside. -Mastino della Scala felt himself threatened by the rise of a -conterminous principality in Lombardy, and Florence was -afraid lest a power which extended so far as Lucca might -endanger her own independence. In the north the dukes -of Austria and the kings of Poland and Hungary formed a -league against him, and John had to cross the Alps for the -defence of Bohemia. His absence only hastened the -destruction of a dominion that rested on too shallow a -foundation to endure. If he had succeeded for a moment -in uniting Guelfs and Ghibellines under his rule, a still more -wonderful union was brought about for his overthrow. In -1332 the strange spectacle was seen of a close league of -Florence and Naples with Azzo Visconti, Mastino della -Scala, and other Ghibelline princes of the north. Mastino -<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>had already succeeded in capturing Brescia, and Azzo had -seized upon Bergamo and Vercelli. The rest of John’s -possessions were to be partitioned among the allies. Cremona -was to go to Visconti, Parma to Mastino, Modena to the -house of Este, Reggio to the Gonzagas of Mantua, and Lucca -to the Florentines.</p> - -<p class='c004'>John of Bohemia had succeeded in dividing the northern -league, and had proceeded to France and Avignon in order -to secure the support of Philip <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and the Pope. -He now hurried back to the aid of his son -Charles, whom he had left in charge of his Italian dominions. -But he found that he had no sufficient native support to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Collapse of his power.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -enable him to face the hostile coalition. The two parties -whom he had tried to conciliate were now united in -opposition. He had few real interests at stake in Italy, -whither he had been mainly attracted by the love of -adventure. Instead of prosecuting the struggle, he sold his -prerogatives in each town to the highest bidder he could -find, and quitted Italy with his son in 1333. The episode is -interesting as throwing light on the character of John, and on -the impulsive character of the Italians, but in an indirect -way it was of unforeseen importance. The future emperor, -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, never forgot the experience of Italian politics -which he had obtained during the two years in which he -acted as his father’s deputy, and one of the dominant -influences which shaped his subsequent policy in Germany -(see chapter <a href='#chap06'>vi.</a>), was a desire to save that country from -falling into the same condition as Italy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The chief gainers by the overthrow of John of Bohemia -were the Ghibelline leaders of the confederacy against him, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>League against Mastino della Scala.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and especially Mastino della Scala, who not only -took his own share of the plunder, but refused to -give up Lucca, which should have fallen to -Florence. It was reckoned by contemporaries -that only one European prince, the king of France, drew a -larger revenue from his subjects than the lord of Verona. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>But the rapid growth of his power only served to excite the -enmity of his neighbours. Venice was impelled by self-interest -to attack a potentate who not only dominated the -district from which the republic drew its most available -supplies of food, but also commanded the all-important -Alpine passes. Florence was eager to punish the ill-faith -which withheld from her the coveted possession of Lucca. -Marsilio Carrara was tempted by the prospect of recovering -the independent lordship of Padua, while Azzo Visconti and -the other Lombard despots welcomed the opportunity of -destroying the ascendency in Lombardy which for the last -decade had been enjoyed by the Scaligers. The result was -the formation of a powerful league which Mastino was unable -to resist. In 1338 he was forced to conclude a treaty -which put an end to the preponderance of Verona in the -north. Venice received Treviso, with the adjacent territory, -Castelbaldo and Bassano, thus securing a land fertile in corn -and cattle, and at the same time access to the foot of the -Alps. The Carrara dynasty was established in Padua as a -buffer between Venice and the growing power of the Visconti, -who seized Brescia and Bergamo. Only Verona and Vicenza -remained to the house of Scala.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the unfortunate Florentines were again duped of the -reward which should have attended their alliance with the -Ghibelline princes. Lucca was indeed ceded by Mastino -for a money payment, but the Pisans intervened to prevent -such an addition to the dominions of their rivals. In 1341 -the Pisans defeated the forces of Florence, and in the next -year they obtained the surrender of Lucca. This disappointment -was the last of a series of disasters which weakened and -discredited the government of the <i>popolo grasso</i> in Florence -(<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>). In their chagrin the citizens resorted -to the expedient, so familiar in the mediæval -history of Italy, of intrusting a temporary dictatorship -to a foreigner. Their choice fell upon Walter -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Walter de Brienne in Florence, 1343.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -de Brienne, who had previously been active in Florence as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>a follower of Charles of Calabria. His ancestors had -gained the duchy of Athens at the time when the -Fourth Crusade had given to western princes the dominion -of the eastern empire, and though his father had been -forced to resign in 1312, Walter still called himself Duke -of Athens. The temporary military and judicial authority -intrusted to the duke failed to satisfy his ambition, -and he set himself to establish a permanent despotism in -Florence. It was not difficult for him to gain over the -<i>grandi</i> and the lower classes, who were jealous of the -monopoly of power claimed by the wealthy burgesses. With -their aid a parliament was convoked which insisted on voting -the signory to the duke for his life. But ten months of -arbitrary rule sufficed to disgust the most liberty-loving people -in Italy, and the nobles and lesser guilds combined with the -greater guilds to overthrow the despotism which had risen -through the jealousy of classes. Walter de Brienne ordered -his hired horsemen to ‘course the city,’ <i>i.e.</i> to gallop along the -principal streets and disperse the insurgents. But the -citizens had erected barricades to bar the progress of -the cavalry, and the duke, besieged in the Palazzo Vecchio, -was compelled to abdicate. His fall was followed by concessions -to the <i>grandi</i> who had taken an active -part in the struggle. The Ordinances of Justice -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitutional changes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -(<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>) were repealed, and the office of -gonfalonier, whose original function was to enforce the -ordinances, was abolished. The government was to be -intrusted to twelve priors, three from each quarter of the -city; and of these three, one was to be a noble and two -burghers. Other offices were also thrown open to the nobles. -But the old jealousy of the <i>grandi</i> was too deeply seated to -allow this arrangement to be permanent. A rising of the -mob forced the four noble priors to quit the <i>palazzo</i>. The -nobles took up arms to defend their cause, but the civil -strife was fatal to the power of their whole class. The -ordinances, and with them the office of gonfalonier, were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>revived, and the only permanent result of the crisis was the -extension of political privileges to the <i>popolo minuto</i>, or -members of the lesser guilds. The number of priors was -fixed at eight, two from each quarter, and half the number -were to belong to the lesser guilds. The gonfalonier was to -be chosen alternately from the two classes of citizens. But -while the exclusion of the noble class from office was -rendered permanent, some five hundred members of that -class were freed from its disabilities by being disennobled -and ‘raised’ to the rank of ordinary burghers.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The martial spirit which enabled the Florentines to defeat -the schemes of the Duke of Athens, was by no means -common in Italy at the time, and did not endure -long even in Florence. The fourteenth century -witnessed a change in the military system of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rise of Mercenaries in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Italy which was destined to exercise the most vital and -lasting effects upon the history of the peninsula. In the -twelfth and thirteenth centuries the military force of each -state had consisted of the male population of the state -organised as a militia. The central rallying-point of the -army was the <i>carroccio</i> or city standard, and the regiments -were arranged according to local divisions, or sometimes -according to the guild organisation of the city. Such a force -was the firmest security for the maintenance of political -liberty. But when despots began to overthrow republican -independence in most of the communes, their first aim was -to disarm their subjects, and to procure troops who had no -natural sympathy with the native population. The example -was set by Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span>, whose government of his southern -kingdom furnished in many ways a model for the imitation -of later rulers. In his struggle with the Popes he incurred -great odium by taking Saracens into his pay. The northern -despots tried to secure their power by enlisting foreign -soldiers under their standard. Each of the successive -invasions of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, Lewis the Bavarian, and John of -Bohemia, left behind a number of German adventurers who -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>were willing to take Italian pay. These men were formed -into body-guards by the Visconti and other Italian despots, -who were thus enabled to disarm their subjects, and to -trample on their liberties. And the republics which retained -their independence soon found it necessary to follow the -example of the princes. The mercenary troops were for -the most part heavy-armed cavalry, and the civic infantry -were no match for them in the open field. The republics -would only have courted destruction by continuing to employ -a force which was inadequate for their defence. Moreover, -under the altered conditions of warfare, campaigns were -much longer than when the struggle was decided by a single -contest between the armed populace of two rival cities. The -ordinary citizen could no longer afford to sacrifice his time -and his business to do work which he might pay others to -do for him. It was cheaper to be heavily taxed for the -maintenance of a hired force, than to leave the shop or the -counting-house for a protracted campaign. The Florentines -soon adopted the custom of employing mercenaries, and in -1351 commuted personal service for a money payment. The -Venetians, though they employed native crews and native -commanders in their fleet, always hired foreigners to fight -their battles on land. One result of the change was that -infantry was wholly superseded by heavy-armed cavalry, until -the general use of gunpowder, and the intervention of the -great powers in Italy, brought about another great change in -the art of war.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At first the mercenary troops in Italy were employed as the -body-guard of a tyrant, or as the standing army of a republic. -But as the leaders of these forces became conscious -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Foreign Condottieri.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of their power, they began to form -independent armies, which might live at the expense of the -unwarlike natives, or might acquire wealth by letting out -their services to the highest bidder. The first notable -instance of such an army was in 1343, when a German, -Werner, or, as the Italians called him, Guarnieri, formed the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>Great Company. He levied contributions on the states which -he entered with his forces, and only occasionally took part in -the Italian wars. The same company, or another with the -same name, appears in 1353 under the command of Fra -Moreale, who was afterwards put to death by Rienzi. When -the treaty of Bretigny put an end for a time to the English -wars in France, a new flood of foreign adventurers poured -into Italy, where they formed the White Company under the -famous Englishman, John Hawkwood or Giovanni Acuto. He -was distinguished among <i>condottieri</i> for the fidelity with which -he performed his contracts, and the Florentines expressed -their sense of his services by giving him a tomb and a -monument in the <i>Duomo</i>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the earlier part of the fourteenth century the majority -of the mercenary soldiers and their commanders were -foreigners; in the later part of the century their -place was to a large extent taken by native troops -and <i>condottieri</i>. As the smaller communes were gradually -deprived of liberty and of an independent political life by the -extension of the larger states, the more energetic and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Native Condottieri.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ambitious citizens were only too glad to find an opening for -their activity in the career of arms. In 1379 the Company of -St. George, into which none but Italians were admitted, was -founded by Alberigo da Barbiano, a noble of Romagna. In -this company were trained Braccio and Sforza, the founders -of the two great schools of Italian commanders in the -fifteenth century. That the native troops could be as -efficient as the foreigners whom they superseded was proved -in 1401, when a German army in the service of the Emperor -Rupert was routed by an Italian force which had been hired -by the Duke of Milan.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Whatever semblance of unity had been given to Italian -history by the continuance of party feuds disappeared -altogether in the later part of the fourteenth century, when -party allegiance was finally subordinated to the desire of -each state for territorial aggrandisement. Chronological -<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>arrangement becomes impossible, and all that can be done -is to briefly point out the most notable incidents in the -history of the greater states. It will be convenient to begin -this survey with the south of the peninsula, and to proceed -northwards.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The ambition of Robert of Naples had been moderated by -the death of his only son in 1328, and though he continued -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to support the Popes in their quarrel with Lewis -the Bavarian, he took very little part in Italian -politics in his later years. The subsequent history of Naples -turns for the most part upon dynastic rivalry, and demands -an accurate knowledge of genealogy.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c015'><sup>[9]</sup></a> Robert himself had -succeeded his father in 1309 to the exclusion of the stronger -hereditary claim of his nephew, Carobert of Hungary. -Carobert died in 1342, leaving two sons, Lewis, king of -Hungary and afterwards of Poland, and Andrew. Robert, -who died in the following year, had no direct descendants -except two granddaughters, Joanna and Maria, the children -of Charles of Calabria. In the hope of averting strife with -the Hungarian branch Robert, before his death, arranged a -marriage between Joanna and her cousin Andrew. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Joanna I. and Andrew.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -But this expedient failed to produce the desired -result. Joanna claimed the right of succession to her grandfather, -and wished to treat her husband as a mere prince-consort. -Andrew, however, insisted on the priority of his -own claim as the male representative of the eldest line. The -quarrel was complicated by the action of two descendants of -Robert’s younger brothers, Lewis of Taranto, who was suspected -of being Joanna’s lover, and Charles of Durazzo, who -had married Maria, the queen’s younger sister. Both were -aspirants for the succession, and while Lewis sided with -Joanna, Charles encouraged the Hungarian prince to assert -his claims. At last, in 1345, Europe was scandalised by the -news that Andrew had been murdered. Suspicion rested -from the first upon Joanna and Lewis of Taranto, whom she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>subsequently married, though it is as difficult to furnish -absolute proof of their guilt as in the superficially similar -case of Mary Stuart and Bothwell. Lewis of Hungary, however, -considered himself justified in accusing Joanna of his -brother’s murder, and took measures to exact vengeance and, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Lewis of Hungary invades Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -at the same time, to assert his own claim. His expedition -was delayed for two years by the intrigues of Pope Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, -by the struggle in Germany between Lewis the Bavarian and -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and by the opposition of the Venetians, always -quarrelling with Hungary for the possession of Dalmatia. -It was not till the end of 1347 that Lewis was able to make -his way overland to Naples. Many of the nobles, including -Charles of Durazzo, rallied to his cause, and -Joanna was forced to fly to Provence. Lewis -was crowned king of Naples, and one of his first -acts was to put to death Charles of Durazzo, -nominally on a charge of complicity in Andrew’s death, but -probably because he might prove a dangerous candidate for the -throne. The outbreak of the Black Death and difficulties in -Hungary compelled Lewis to return northwards, and Joanna -seized the opportunity to attempt the recovery of her -kingdom. To raise money she sold Avignon to Clement VI., -and it remained a papal possession till its annexation to -France in 1791. Joanna’s return to Naples was followed by -a desultory war with the Hungarian party. Lewis returned -to uphold his cause in 1350, but he found it practically -impossible to hold a kingdom so distant from Hungary, and in -1351 he agreed to a treaty. The question of Joanna’s guilt was -referred to the Pope, and on his decision in her favour Lewis -resigned the Neapolitan crown, magnanimously refusing the -money compensation which was offered him by the papal award.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the next thirty years the history of Naples was comparatively -uneventful. Joanna married two more husbands -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession to Joanna I.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -after the death of Lewis of Taranto, but had no -children to survive her. As she grew old the -question of the succession became of pressing importance. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>Her nearest relative was her niece, Margaret, the daughter of -her sister Maria and the Charles of Durazzo who had been -put to death in 1348. The latter’s brother, Lewis, had left a -son, another Charles of Durazzo, who, in 1370, married his -cousin Margaret, and was afterwards treated by Joanna as -her heir. But in 1378 the Great Schism in the Papacy began, -and the queen and her nephew took opposite sides. Joanna -was the first and most ardent supporter of Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, -whereas Charles of Durazzo, who had been trained and -employed by his kinsman, Lewis of Hungary, espoused the -cause of Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The result was a violent quarrel, and -Urban encouraged Charles, in 1381, to take up arms against -Joanna instead of waiting for the succession. Determined to -disinherit her undutiful kinsman, and, at the same time, to -gain the support of France, Joanna offered to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The second House of Anjou.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -adopt as her heir Louis of Anjou, brother of -Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France. Louis could trace descent -from the Neapolitan house, as his great-grandfather, Charles -of Valois, had married a daughter of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples. -The offer was accepted, and from it arose the claim to -Naples of the second house of Anjou—a claim which distracted -southern Italy for a century, and ultimately passing -to the French king, became the pretext for the famous -invasion of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> in 1494. But for the moment -Joanna’s action brought her little good. Before aid could -come from France she was taken prisoner by Charles, and -died in captivity (May 22, 1382). The successful -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles III. and Louis I.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -prince was crowned as Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Naples. -His rival, Louis of Anjou, seized one of Joanna’s dominions, -the county of Provence, which remained in the hands of his -descendants. He also led a formidable army to enforce his -claim upon Naples, but he was not successful, and died in -1385 without gaining more than the mere title of king.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span> was now firmly established in Naples, but the -disturbances in Hungary after the death of Lewis the Great -induced him to assert a claim to that kingdom. A momentary -<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>success was followed by his assassination (February 24, 1386). -Hungary fell into the hands of Sigismund, and civil war broke -out in Naples between the supporters of Ladislas, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ladislas and Louis II.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span>’s son, and Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, who -inherited the claims of his father. There is no need to trace -the details of the struggle, which after many fluctuations of -success ended in the victory of Ladislas. For a few years -in the next century Ladislas was one of the most influential -and active princes of Italy. On his premature death in 1414, -the crown of Naples passed to his sister Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span>, in whom -the direct line of the original Angevin house of Naples came -to an end.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It would be tedious, and perhaps impossible, to narrate in -detail the history of the Papal States during the residence of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rome and the Papal States.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the Popes at Avignon and the subsequent schism. -Under the strongest of the preceding Popes, there -had never been any organised central government -in the territories which owned their sway. The Popes had -been the suzerains rather than the rulers of the States of the -Church. Every considerable city was either a republic with -its own municipal government, or was subject to a despot -who had succeeded in undermining the communal institutions. -Even in Rome itself the bishop could exercise little direct -authority. Over and over again, the turbulence of the citizens -had driven successive Popes to seek a refuge in some smaller -town. In fact, the Romans might easily have shaken off papal -rule altogether but for two considerations. The Popes drew -so much wealth from Latin Christendom that they could -afford to levy very light taxes upon their immediate subjects. -And the Romans gained enormous indirect profit from the -crowds of pilgrims and wealthy suitors who were constantly -drawn to the papal court. It is true that this profit was -diverted to Avignon in the fourteenth century, but though -this was a great grievance to the Romans, it was a reason for -demanding the return of the Popes rather than for making -the separation permanent. The government of Rome was in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>theory republican, but nothing survived from the ancient -republic except its memory and its disorder. A Senate -had been revived in the twelfth century only to prove a -complete failure, and the name of Senator had come to be -applied to a temporary magistrate, who was sometimes elected -by the citizens but more often nominated by the Pope. A -central board of thirteen officers, one from each <i>rione</i> or -district of the city, was intrusted with the municipal administration, -but it had little real authority. Every other commune -in Italy had found it necessary to restrict or abolish the -privileges of the feudal nobles. But in Rome the Colonnas, -the Orsini, and other noble families enjoyed the most lawless -independence and treated the citizens with the utmost contempt. -The brawls of their retainers filled the streets with -disorder, and it was dangerous for the townspeople to resist -any outrage either on person or on property. The Popes -had rarely been successful in checking the lawlessness of the -barons, and now that the Pope was at a distance from Rome -all restraint upon their licence seemed to be removed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was in these circumstances that a momentary revival of -order and liberty was effected by the most extraordinary adventurer -of an age that was prolific in adventurers. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rienzi.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Cola di Rienzi was born of humble parents, though -he afterwards tried to gratify his own vanity and to gain the -ear of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> by claiming to be the bastard son of -Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> A wrong which he could not venture to avenge -excited his bitter hostility against the baronage, while the -study of Livy and other classical writers inspired him with -regretful admiration for the glories of ancient Rome. He -succeeded in attracting notice by his personal beauty and by -the rather turgid eloquence which was his chief talent. In -1342 he took the most prominent part in an embassy from -the citizens to Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and though he failed to induce -the Pope to return to Rome, which at that time he seems to -have regarded as the panacea for the evils of the time, he -gained sufficient favour at Avignon to be appointed papal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>notary. From this time he deliberately set himself to raise -the people to open resistance against their oppressors, while -he disarmed the suspicions of the nobles by intentional -buffoonery and extravagance of conduct. On May 20, 1347, -the first blow was struck. Rienzi with a chosen band of -conspirators, and accompanied by the papal vicar, who had -every interest in weakening the baronage, proceeded to the -Capitol, and, amidst the applause of the mob, promulgated the -laws of the <i>buono stato</i>. He himself took the title -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The ‘good estate.’<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Tribune in order to emphasise his championship -of the lower classes. The most important of his laws were -for the maintenance of order. Private garrisons and fortified -houses were forbidden. Each of the thirteen districts was to -maintain an armed force of a hundred infantry and twenty-five -horsemen. Every port was provided with a cruiser for -the protection of merchandise, and the trade on the Tiber was -to be secured by a river police.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The nobles watched the progress of this astonishing revolution -with impotent surprise. Stefano Colonna, who was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rienzi’s triumph and fall.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -absent on the eventful day, expressed his scorn of -the mob and their leader. But a popular attack -on his palace convinced him of his error, and -forced him to fly from the city. Within fifteen days -the triumph of Rienzi seemed to be complete, when the -proudest nobles of Rome submitted and took an oath to -support the new constitution. But the suddenness of his -success was enough to turn a head which was never of the -strongest. The Tribune began to dream of restoring to the -Roman Republic its old supremacy. And for a moment -even this dream seemed hardly chimerical. Europe was -really dazzled by the revival of its ancient capital. Lewis of -Hungary and Joanna of Naples submitted their quarrel to -Rienzi’s arbitration. Thus encouraged, he set no bounds to -his ambition. He called upon the Pope and cardinals to -return at once to Rome. He summoned Lewis and Charles, -the two claimants to the imperial dignity, to appear before -<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>his throne and submit to his tribunal. His arrogance was -shown in the pretentious titles which he assumed, and in the -gorgeous pomp with which he was accompanied on public -and even on private occasions. On August 15, after bathing -in the porphyry font in which the Emperor Constantine had -been baptized, he was crowned with seven crowns representing -the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost. His most loyal -admirer prophesied disaster when the Tribune ventured on -this occasion to blasphemously compare himself with Christ. -And Rienzi’s government deteriorated with his personal -character. It had at first been liberal and just; it became -arbitrary and even treacherous. His personal timidity made -him at once harsh and vacillating. The heads of the great -families, whom he had invited to a banquet, were seized and -condemned to death on a charge of conspiracy. But a -sudden terror of the possible consequences of his action -caused him to relent, and he released his victims just as they -were preparing for execution. His leniency was as ill-timed -as his previous severity. The nobles could no longer trust -him, and their fear was diminished by the weakness which -they despised while they profited by it. They retired from -Rome and concerted measures for the overthrow of their -enemy. The first attack, which was led by Stefano Colonna, -was repulsed almost by accident; but Rienzi, who had shown -more cowardice than generalship, disgusted his supporters by -his indecent exultation over the bodies of the slain. And -there was one fatal ambiguity in Rienzi’s position. He had -begun by announcing himself as the ally and champion of -the Papacy, and Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> had been willing enough to -stand by and watch the destruction of the baronage. But -the growing independence and the arrogant pretensions of the -Tribune exasperated the Pope. A new legate was despatched -to Italy to denounce and excommunicate Rienzi as a heretic. -The latter had no longer any support to lean upon. When -a new attack was threatened, the people sullenly refused to -obey the call to arms. Rienzi had not sufficient courage to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>risk a final struggle. On December 15 he abdicated and -retired in disguise from Rome. His rise to power, his dazzling -triumph, and his downfall were all comprised within the brief -period of seven months.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the next few years Rienzi disappeared from view. -According to his own account he was concealed in a cave in the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rienzi in exile.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Apennines, where he associated with some of the -wilder members of the sect of the Fraticelli, and -probably imbibed some of their tenets. Rome relapsed into -anarchy, and men’s minds were distracted from politics by -the ravages of the Black Death. The great jubilee held in -Rome in 1350 became a kind of thanksgiving service of those -whom the plague had spared. It is said that Rienzi himself -visited the scene of his exploits without detection among the -crowds of pilgrims. But he was destined to reappear in a -more public and disastrous manner. In his solitude his -courage and his ambition revived, and he meditated new -plans for restoring freedom to Rome and to Italy. The -allegiance to the Church, which he had professed in 1347, -was weakened by the conduct of Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and by the -influence of the Fraticelli, and he resolved in the future to -ally himself with the secular rather than with the ecclesiastical -power, with the Empire rather than with the Papacy. In -August 1351 he appeared in disguise in Prague and demanded -an audience of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> To him he proposed the far-reaching -scheme which he had formed during his exile. The -Pope and the whole body of clergy were to be deprived of -their temporal power; the petty tyrants of Italy were to be -driven out; and the emperor was to fix his residence in Rome -as the supreme ruler of Christendom. All this was to be -accomplished by Rienzi himself at his own cost and trouble. -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> listened with some curiosity to a man whose -career had excited such universal interest, but he was the -last man to be carried away by such chimerical suggestions. -The introduction into the political proposals of some of the -religious and communistic ideas of the Fraticelli gave the -king a pretext for committing Rienzi to the Archbishop of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>Prague for correction and instruction. The archbishop communicated -with the Pope, and on the demand of Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -Charles agreed to hand Rienzi over to the papal court on -condition that his life should be spared. In 1352 Rienzi -was conveyed to Avignon and thrust into prison. He owed -his life perhaps less to the king’s request than to the opportune -death of Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span> in this year.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The new Pope, Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, was more independent of -French control than his immediate predecessors. The -French king was fully occupied with internal disorders, and -with the English war. Thus the Pope was able to give more -attention to Italian politics, which were sufficiently pressing. -The independence and anarchy of the Papal States constituted -a serious problem, but the danger of their subjection -to a foreign power was still more serious. In 1350 the -important city of Bologna had been seized by the Visconti -of Milan, and the progress of this powerful family threatened -to absorb the whole of the Romagna. Innocent determined -to resist their encroachments, and at the same time to restore -the papal authority, and in 1353 he intrusted -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Albornoz in Italy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -this double task to Cardinal Albornoz. Albornoz, -equally distinguished as a diplomatist and as a military -commander, resolved to ally the cause of the Papacy with -that of liberty. His programme was to overthrow the tyrants -as the enemies both of the people and of the Popes, and -to restore municipal self-government under papal protection. -His attention was first directed to the city of Rome, which, -after many vicissitudes since 1347, had fallen under the -influence of a demagogue named Baroncelli. Baroncelli had -revived to some extent the schemes of Rienzi, but had -declared openly against papal rule. To oppose this new -tribune, Albornoz conceived the project of using -the influence of Rienzi, whose rule was now -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rienzi’s return and death, 1354.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -regretted by the populace that had previously -deserted him. The Pope was persuaded to release Rienzi -from prison and to send him to Rome, where the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>effect of his presence was almost magical. The Romans -flocked to welcome their former liberator, and he was reinstalled -in power with the title of Senator, conferred upon -him by the Pope. But his character was not improved by -adversity, and his rule was more arbitrary and selfish than it -had been before. The execution of the <i>condottiere</i>, Fra -Moreale, was an act of ingratitude as well as of treachery. -Popular favour was soon alienated from a ruler who could -no longer command either affection or respect, and in a -mob rising Rienzi was put to death (October 8, 1354). -But his return had served the purpose of Albornoz. Rome -was preserved to the Papacy, and the cardinal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Recovery of the Papal States.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -could proceed in safety with his task of subduing -the independent tyrants of Romagna. -Central Italy had not yet witnessed the general introduction -of mercenaries, and the native populations still fought their -own battles. The policy of exciting revolts among the -subject citizens was completely successful, and by 1360 -almost the whole of Romagna had submitted to the papal -legate. His triumph was crowned in this year, when, by -skilful use of quarrels among the Visconti princes, he succeeded -in recovering Bologna.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the successes of Albornoz appeared more like the -conquests of a foreign power than the restoration of a -legitimate authority. The long residence in -Avignon had alienated Italian sympathies from -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Return of the Popes to Rome.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the Papacy. The Visconti embarked in open -war with the Popes after the fall of Bologna, and they had -many advantages on their side. The ecclesiastical thunders -which had frightened Lewis the Bavarian into submission -had no terrors for Italian princes. When Bernabo Visconti -received a bull of excommunication from the Pope, he -forced the legates to eat the parchment and the leaden seal. -It was evident that nothing but a return to Italy could -render permanent the restored secular authority of the Popes. -Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span>, who succeeded Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span> in 1362, was induced -<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>by the arguments of Albornoz and the personal influence of -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> to disregard the prejudices of the cardinals, and in -1368 he entered Rome, where he was joined by the emperor. -But Urban was soon discouraged by the death of Albornoz, -and the obvious weakness of imperial support. He had no -natural interests in Italy, which was a foreign country to -him, and he found Rome quite as uncomfortable a place of -residence as it had been represented. In 1370 he embarked -for Marseilles, and returned to Avignon. His departure had -the most disastrous results. Papal authority was repudiated -by the cities of Romagna, and the Visconti hastened to take -advantage of the altered conditions. Even Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, who -had been chosen by the cardinals as the least likely candidate -to quit Avignon, found it necessary to follow his -predecessor’s example and return to Italy. But his experience -in Rome convinced him that the enterprise was hopeless, -and his departure was only prevented by his death -(March, 1378). The choice of an Italian, Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, as his -successor was a partial concession to the violence -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Schism, 1378-1418.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the Roman mob. On the first pretext the -French cardinals deserted their nominee, and the election of -a rival Pope, Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, inaugurated the Great Schism -which lasted for forty years. During this period the -temporal authority of the Papacy was again annihilated, -and it was not till the Council of Constance had restored -unity in 1418 that its revival could once more be seriously -undertaken.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The history of Florence in the fourteenth century is filled -with a continuous struggle of classes and families for political -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ascendency. Though the details of the struggle -are complicated and wearisome, it is necessary -to pay some attention to its general character in order to -understand the conditions under which the later authority of -the Medici grew up. The expulsion of the Duke of Athens -had been followed by a settlement by which the <i>grandi</i> -were excluded from political power, which was to be shared -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>between the members of the greater and the lesser guilds. -But as time went on, and the memory of previous disasters -was effaced, the <i>popolo grasso</i> began to aim at the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Class jealousies.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -recovery of their former preponderance in the -city. To propose a direct change of the constitution might -provoke a rising of the artisans, so it was decided to obtain -the desired end by indirect methods. A law of 1301, of -which it was forbidden to propose the revocation under -heavy penalties, decreed that a Ghibelline, or any man suspected -of not being a true Guelf, was to be incapable of -holding office. For the carrying out of this law there grew -up the practice of <i>ammonizio</i>, which has been called the -ostracism of Florence. If a charge of Ghibellinism were -brought against a man, and supported by six witnesses, who -swore to public report, the priors were bound to admonish -the accused, and any person thus admonished (<i>ammonito</i>) -was excluded from office. His name was not placed in the -bags, or if it were already included, it was put on one side -when drawn out and another name drawn in its place. This -party device was now employed by the wealthy burghers to -recover a monopoly of power for their class. By systematically -bringing a charge of Ghibellinism against the members -of the lesser guilds who were likely to obtain office, their -exclusion could be effected without any open assertion of -disqualification. In carrying out this policy the plutocrats -were aided by the organisation of the <i>parte Guelfa</i> (<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>), -which was the stronghold of oligarchical interests within the -republic. The accusations were managed by the captains of -the <i>parte</i>, and they could always find the necessary six -witnesses. The pretext for so strict an enforcement of the -law against Ghibellinism was found in the two Italian visits -of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in 1353 and 1368, though the emperor did -nothing whatever to excite the alarm of the Guelfs.</p> - -<p class='c004'>No sooner had the wealthy burghers won their victory by -the abuse of what should have been a legal proceeding, than -they were divided by the family quarrel of the Albizzi and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>the Ricci. Both families belonged to the <i>popolo grasso</i>, and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Albizzi and Ricci.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -their feud had at first none of the political significance -which came to be associated with it. In fact, -the Ricci were the first to urge the harsh enforcement -of the anti-Ghibelline laws, hoping to discredit their -opponents, who came originally from the Ghibelline town of -Arezzo. But the Albizzi succeeded in gaining the support of -the <i>parte Guelfa</i>, and were thus enabled to turn the tables on -their rivals. The <i>ammonizio</i> was as useful a weapon against -the Ricci faction as against the <i>popolo minuto</i>. By 1374 the -Albizzi and their supporters had got the government into -their hands. But the indiscreet violence of their proceedings -provoked serious opposition. The <i>ammoniti</i>, constantly increasing -in number, became more and more formidable. -The desire for office, such a passion among the Florentines, -was not merely due to ordinary ambition, but also to the -fact that the taxes were assessed by the arbitrary will of the -state officials. The dominant faction, however, failed to -appreciate the dangers that confronted them, and in seven -months of 1377 more than eighty persons were admonished. -This recklessness brought about their ruin. In May 1378, -Salvestro de’ Medici, who belonged to the Ricci party, was -drawn as gonfalonier. The bags were so depleted that the -possibility of his selection was foreseen, but his attachment -to Guelf principles was so well known that it was considered -unsafe to accuse him. In his second month of office he -proposed a law to lessen the power of the <i>parte Guelfa</i>, and -to facilitate the recovery of civic rights by the <i>ammoniti</i>. -As the scheme met with opposition in the council, one of -Salvestro’s supporters, Benedetto Alberti, called the people -to arms, and the law was carried under the pressure of mob -violence. The result was an unforeseen revolution. The -Ricci had been driven by common grievances -into an alliance with the lesser guilds, but the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rising of the Ciompi, 1378.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -demand for redress was taken up by the <i>Ciompi</i>, the lowest -class of all. They were influenced, not so much by the wish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>to obtain political power as by the desire to extort better -terms from their employers. Their movement was half -revolution and half strike. The rising of the mob, which -speedily passed beyond the control of those who had called -in its aid, might have destroyed the foundations of the state -but for the action of a poor wool-comber, Michel Lando, -who was raised to the office of gonfalonier by the accident -of popular caprice. He succeeded in suppressing disorder, -while he satisfied the more rational demands of his own class. -A number of new guilds were formed of artisans who had -hitherto been unorganised. Of the eight priors, three were -to be taken from the <i>arti maggiori</i>, three from the <i>arti -minori</i>, and two from the new guilds. After effecting this -settlement, Lando, with a modesty as rare as the untaught -statesmanship he had displayed, resigned his office. His -retirement left the chief power in the hands of the party -which had started the movement, but had been unable to -control its course. Salvestro de’ Medici had disappeared -from public life. Though he was only a distant relative of -the later Medici, his career served to associate the family -name with the popular cause, and to give them a cue for the -policy they afterwards pursued. The leadership of his party -fell into the hands of a triumvirate, consisting of Benedetto -Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and Giorgio Scali. Alberti was -a fairly moderate politician, but his two associates were -ambitious demagogues, who imitated the abuses of the -Albizzi, and employed the <i>ammonizio</i> to rid -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Counter-revolution in 1382.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -themselves of their personal enemies. The inevitable -reaction set in in 1382. A hostile -<i>signoria</i> came into office, and a servant of Giorgio Scali -was arrested on a charge of bearing false witness. Strozzi -fled from the city, but Scali, trusting in the favour of the -mob, determined to resist. His attempt to rescue his -servant was a failure, and he himself was seized by the -priors. The populace would not rise on his behalf, and -he was put to death. A counter-revolution undid all the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>changes of 1378. A <i>balia</i> constituted by a parliament -abolished the new guilds, and decreed that the priors should -be chosen, four from the greater, and four from the lesser -guilds. The gonfalonier was always to belong to the former, -who thus secured a majority in the signory. The Albizzi -and other exiles were recalled to the city.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the next fifty years after 1382, Florence was ruled by -an ever-narrowing oligarchy. First, the greater guilds -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Oligarchical rule in Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -recovered a practical monopoly of office. Later, -certain members of these guilds obtained such -complete ascendency that the government almost -ceased to be a republic, and thus the way was prepared for -the absolutism of the Medici. In 1387 Benedetto Alberti, -the most blameless of the leaders in 1378, was driven into -exile. A new <i>squittinio</i> filled the bags with the names of -partisans of the dominant faction. A separate bag was -formed for the chief leaders of the faction, and two priors -were to be drawn from among them (<i>Priori del Borsellino</i>). -Six of the priors were to belong to the greater guilds, and -only two to the lesser. In 1393 Maso Albizzi, the leader of -the oligarchy, held the office of gonfalonier, and further -measures were taken to strengthen its supremacy. If a -gonfalonier were drawn who was displeasing to the rulers, -another was to be drawn in his place, though the former was -to remain one of the priors. Three priors instead of two -were to be taken from the <i>borsellino</i>, or special bag. The -signory was allowed to raise troops, and to levy taxes for -their payment, without having to obtain the consent of the -councils. These measures provoked a rising among the -artisans. The rioters repaired to the house of Vieri de -Medici, and invited him to lead them against the Albizzi. -Vieri, who was a kinsman of Salvestro de’ Medici, refused the -offer of the mob, and the movement was suppressed. In -1397 another rebellion, in which two members of the Medici -family were concerned, was also put down, and the rule of -the dominant oligarchy was more firmly established than ever.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>The great characteristic of this period of oligarchical -government is the activity and aggressiveness of the republic -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Growth of Florentine dominions.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in its external relations. Before 1342 Florence -had acquired the rule of considerable territories -beyond the limits of its own <i>contado</i>, but most -of these dominions were lost in the disturbances which -accompanied the expulsion of the Duke of Athens. The -great service which the oligarchy rendered to Florence was -the recovery of its ascendency in northern Tuscany. Prato, -Pistoia, Volterra, San Miniato, and several lesser towns were -acquired between 1350 and 1368. In 1387 the important -town of Arezzo was sold to the Florentines by Enguerrand de -Coucy, who had held it as the lieutenant of Louis of Anjou. -For some years after this the growth of Florence was checked -by a desperate war against the encroachments of Gian -Galeazzo Visconti, who threatened to unite Tuscany and -Lombardy under his rule. It was in this war that Sir John -Hawkwood commanded for Florence against the Milanese -<i>condottiere</i>, Jacopo del Verme. After Hawkwood’s death in -1394, the republic was for a time in serious danger. To save -their independence, the Florentines took the unusual step of -appealing for German assistance, and urged the Elector -Palatine, Rupert, who had been elected king of the Romans -in opposition to Wenzel of Bohemia, to make war against -the lord of Milan. The defeat of the German army at the -battle of Brescia left Florence in greater straits than ever, -when the sudden death of Gian Galeazzo in 1402 not only -saved the Florentines from Milanese aggression, but enabled -them to resume their policy of expansion. Within the next -twenty years Pisa, Cortona, and Livorno had been added to -the dominions of Florence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In northern Italy the fourteenth century witnessed the -final struggle between the two great maritime republics, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice and Genoa.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Venice and Genoa. Ever since the beginning -of the Crusades they had been rivals for commercial -and political ascendency in the Levant. At first the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>advantage had been on the side of the Venetians, and the -diversion of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 to attack the Eastern -Empire had given them a dominant position in the islands -and coasts of the Ægean. But the Genoese had their -revenge in 1261, when they aided to overthrow the Latin -Empire, and to establish Michael Palæologus in Constantinople. -As a reward for their services they received -the suburb of Pera with the fortress of Galata, whence they -could dictate to the occupants of the imperial throne. The -control of the straits enabled them to assume a virtual -monopoly of the trade of the Black Sea, and their port of -Caffa in the Crimea became one of the most flourishing cities -in the east. Pisa, which had once been the equal or even -the superior of Genoa, lost all maritime importance after the -battle of Meloria (1284). For the next century Venice and -Genoa contended on fairly equal terms. In wealth and -maritime power they were evenly matched. Genoa had most -of the northern trade that passed through the Black Sea and -Constantinople; but Venice, which retained possession of -Negropont, Crete, and other islands, had the advantage in -the other two channels of eastern trade, through Asia Minor -and Egypt. Genoa, however, was ready to seize any -opportunity of contesting this southern trade with her rival. -The occupation of Chios gave her a valuable port in the -Ægean. Cyprus, which became an important commercial -centre after the fall of Acre (1291), was the scene of many -conflicts between the two republics. The people and the -ruling house of Lusignan were in favour of Venice, but the -Genoese went to war to secure their interests, and the seizure -of Famagusta in 1373 gave them for some time the upper -hand in Cyprus. On the African coast they also succeeded -in establishing trade settlements. Farther west, the Genoese -had several things in their favour. The occupation of Corsica -gave them a great addition of maritime strength, though -their dispute with Aragon for the possession of Sardinia -exposed them to the enmity of the Catalans, who ranked -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>after Venice and Genoa as the third naval power in the -Mediterranean. On the mainland the mountains which -confined Genoa to a narrow strip of coast, and prohibited -territorial expansion, served also to protect her from -continental enemies. Venice, on the other hand, ever since -the war with Mastino della Scala had given her territories on -the mainland, was exposed to the hostility of her neighbours, -especially the kings of Hungary and the lords of Padua. If -these states were allied with Genoa, Venice ran the risk of -being cut off from supplies both by sea and land. As against -this balance of strength in east and west, there was one -important difference between the two states which ultimately -turned the scales decisively in favour of Venice. By the -beginning of the century she had built up a constitution -which, whatever its narrowness and other defects, had the -supreme merit of stability. The so-called conspiracy of -Marin Falier, which led to the execution of the Doge in 1355, -only served to prove the strength of the edifice which he -proposed to attack, and the impotence of the chief magistrate -to resist the Council of Ten. Genoa, on the other hand, -was one of the most turbulent and factious of Italian cities. -For a long time the leaders of these domestic feuds were the -four noble houses of Doria, Fieschi, Spinola, and Grimaldi, -who disguised their family jealousies under the names of -Ghibelline and Guelf. In 1339 the Genoese, weary of their -factions, adopted for their chief magistracy the title of Doge, -and conferred it by acclamation upon an eminent citizen, -Simone Boccanegra. After the fashion of Florence and other -Tuscan communes, the nobles were disqualified from holding -political office. But in Genoa the remedy proved wholly -illusory. The nobles continued to command the military -and naval forces of the republic, and were thus enabled to -retain their predominance in the state. The offices, which -they could not hold themselves, were conferred upon their -plebeian adherents, as the Adorni and Fregosi, who for a long -time succeeded each other in the dogeship according to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>fluctuations of power among their noble patrons. As -Commines tells us, ‘the nobles in Genoa could appoint a -doge, though they could not hold the office themselves.’ -Thus Genoa continued to be distracted by factions, and when -the citizens sought a brief interval of repose, the only method -by which they could secure it was to sacrifice their liberty -to a foreign ruler—sometimes to Milan, and sometimes to -France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The attempt of the Genoese merchants at Caffa to exclude -the Venetians from the lucrative free trade with the Tartars -led to numerous quarrels in the Black Sea, and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War of Venice and Genoa, 1350-5.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ultimately to open warfare between the two -states. Venice secured the support of John -Cantacuzene, the Greek emperor, who disliked Genoese -dictation at Pera, and of Peter of Aragon, who was contending -with Genoa for the possession of Sardinia. In 1352 -Niccolo Pisani, with a powerful fleet of Venetian, Greek, and -Catalan vessels, sailed to attack Pera, which was defended by -the Genoese admiral, Paganino Doria. In the narrow waters -of the Bosphorus the allies were unable to make full use of -their numbers, and a furious storm threw their vessels into -such disorder that they did more harm to each other than to -the enemy. Pisani was forced to retire, but Doria, though -victorious, had suffered such losses that he was superseded -by Antonio Grimaldi. In 1353 the Aragonese, who had fewer -interests in the Levant than their allies, insisted upon transferring -hostilities to the coast of Sardinia. In the open water -off Cagliari the Venetians and Catalans gained a complete -victory, and Grimaldi with difficulty escaped to carry the -news of this crushing disaster to Genoa. Pisani was too -weakened by the encounter to venture a direct attack upon -Genoa, but the Genoese were so panic-stricken that they -offered the lordship of the city to Giovanni Visconti, in order -to gain the aid of Milan. Venice replied to this move by an -alliance with the opponents of Milan on the mainland, but -the struggle continued to be fought out at sea. Paganino -<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>Doria, restored to the command after Grimaldi’s defeat, once -more carried the war into eastern waters. Pisani, after an -uneventful campaign in 1354, had retired into winter quarters -at Portolungo on the coast of the Morea, under the shelter -of the island of Sapienza. There the Venetians were surprised -by Doria, and their fleet was completely annihilated -(November 4, 1354). The battle of Sapienza was the most -decisive engagement of the struggle. It was followed by the -conspiracy and death of Marin Falier, and the Venetians were -so discouraged by the combination of external defeat and -domestic treason that they concluded peace with Genoa in -1355. All demands for concessions in the Black Sea were -abandoned, and Genoa retained its superiority in the northern -trade.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the next twenty years the two republics remained at -peace with each other. Genoa succeeded in throwing off the -Milanese yoke in 1356, with the result that the factions -resumed their quarrels. Venice became involved in a war -with Lewis the Great of Hungary (1356-8), in which Dalmatia -was lost and Treviso was only retained with difficulty. This -was followed by a revolt in Crete which was put down (1364), -and by almost continuous quarrels with Francesco Carrara of -Padua. These events forced the Venetians to maintain a -policy of peace in the east. Even the war of 1373 in Cyprus, -which subjected that island to the suzerainty of Genoa, failed -to provoke more than a verbal protest from Venice. But -events in the Eastern Empire at last drove the two republics -to resume hostilities. John Palæologus had promised to -Venice the rocky island of Tenedos, which commanded the -entrance to the Hellespont. The Genoese, regarding this as -threatening their security in Pera, organised a palace revolution -in Constantinople, and seated Andronicus on the throne -in place of his father. In return for this aid the usurper -ceded Tenedos to his allies. But the governor of the island -refused to recognise the authority of Andronicus, and handed -his charge over to the Venetians. This was the immediate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>occasion for war. Vettor Pisani, in 1378, defeated the -Genoese fleet off Cape Antium, and cleared the Adriatic of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War of Chioggia, 1378-81.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the pirates who plundered Venetian commerce. -The winter he spent in the harbour of Pola, and -was still there when he was confronted by Luciano -Doria in command of another Genoese force (May 7, 1379). -In the battle which followed Pisani was completely defeated, -and was sentenced by the indignant Venetians to six months’ -imprisonment and exclusion from any command for five -years. Pietro Doria, the successor of Luciano who had been -killed in the engagement, led the victorious fleet to the -lagoons of Venice. The town of Chioggia, which commanded -one of the main entrances from the open sea, was taken after -an obstinate defence, and the way was opened to Venice -itself. A prompt attack would probably have been successful, -but Doria preferred the slower and surer method of a -blockade. In this he reckoned upon the aid of Francesco -Carrara, who eagerly welcomed the opportunity of humbling -the formidable republic, and undertook to prevent the transit -of supplies from the mainland. Never had the Venetians -been in such a strait, but the courage of the citizens rose to -meet the danger. Every vessel in Venetian waters was -equipped and manned, and Vettor Pisani, the idol of the -sailors, was released from prison to assume the chief command. -Messengers were sent eastwards to recall Carlo Zeno, -who had been despatched to the Levant at the beginning of -the war with the second Venetian fleet. Meanwhile Pisani -undertook the defence of Venice, and gradually drove the -Genoese back to their stronghold of Chioggia. There he -determined to shut them in by blocking the main outlets to -the sea. Ships full of stones were sunk in the channels of -Brondolo, Chioggia, and Malamocco, and thus the blockaders -were in their turn blockaded. But Pisani’s force was hardly -strong enough to maintain the blockade during the storms of -winter. If reinforcements came from Genoa he would be -forced to retire, and Venice would once more be in imminent -<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>danger. So conscious were the Venetian leaders of the risk -of ultimate defeat that they even discussed the possible -abandonment of their islands and the transference of the -republic to Crete. On the 1st of January 1380 sails were -seen in the distance, but as they approached they proved to -be the long-expected fleet of Zeno. This sealed the fate of -the Genoese in Chioggia. Every effort to force a passage, or -to cut a canal through the low-lying barrier between them -and the sea, was foiled by the vigilance of the besiegers, and -on June 24 the whole of the Genoese force was compelled to -capitulate.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By the fall of Chioggia Venice secured a magnificent and -permanent triumph over her great Italian rival. The naval -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Decline of Genoa.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -power of Genoa never recovered from the blow -which it then received, and commercial superiority -could only be maintained by maritime ascendency. Chagrined -at such a sudden change from anticipated triumph to -humiliating defeat, distracted by domestic feuds, and perpetually -endangered by the aggressive policy of Milan, the -Genoese sought to escape from their troubles by accepting -the suzerainty of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France, and admitting a -French governor into the city (1396). For the next century -Genoa enters into history mainly as an object of contention -between France and Milan, and the greatness of the republic -perished with its independence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But Venice had to pay more than one heavy penalty for -her success. In the east the war of the two republics had been -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice after the War.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -suicidal. In their mutual jealousy they had -completely lost sight of their common interest in -upholding the Eastern Empire against the Turks. The -struggle between Venice and Genoa was among the chief -causes of the rapid growth of the Ottoman power, which was -destined to be fatal to both the contending states. The -more Venice gained in the east by the decline of Genoa the -more she stood to lose to the advancing Turks; and nearer -home the struggle was costly to Venice. By the peace of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>Turin, in 1381, she had to confirm the cession of Dalmatia -to Hungary, to resign the island of Tenedos, which had been -the occasion of the war, and to give up Treviso and all other -possessions on the mainland of Italy. All that she had gained -in the contest with the Scaligers was lost again. It is true -that Treviso was ceded to Leopold of Hapsburg in order to -disappoint Francesco Carrara, whose aggrandisement would -be much more dangerous to Venice. But Leopold had too -much to engage his attention in Germany to be keenly -interested in Italian territories. Five years later he sold -Treviso, with Feltre and Ceneda, to Carrara, who thus -obtained that control over the approaches to the Alpine -passes which had driven Venice to make war on Mastino -della Scala. For the second time Venice was forced by the -same danger to take an active part in the politics of northern -Italy. There was one obvious method of humbling the -house of Carrara, and that was to invite the intervention of -Gian Galeazzo Visconti, who required the annexation of -Padua to complete his supremacy in Lombardy. On the -other hand, such a policy involved the equally obvious -danger that the lord of Milan would prove a far more -formidable neighbour than the lord of Padua. To understand -the course of action adopted by Venice in this dilemma -it is necessary to turn to the history of Milan.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At the beginning of the fourteenth century the lordship of -Milan was disputed by two families, the della Torre and the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Visconti in Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Visconti. The supremacy of the latter was -established in 1312 when Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> conferred -the title of imperial vicar upon Matteo Visconti. Of Matteo’s -numerous family four sons deserve mention: Galeazzo, -Lucchino, and Giovanni, who all ruled in Milan, and Stefano, -who died in 1327 without obtaining power, but whose children -subsequently came to govern. Galeazzo, the eldest son, -who succeeded his father in 1322, was deposed by Lewis the -Bavarian in 1327, and died in the following year at the siege -of Pistoia. His son Azzo recovered, in 1329, the sovereignty -<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>of Milan, and the tide of imperial vicar. He proved a successful -ruler, and by joining in the successive leagues against -John of Bohemia and Mastino della Scala, he extended his -authority over the greater part of central Lombardy. On his -early death in 1339 his uncle Lucchino succeeded to the -lordship over Milan, Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Lodi, -Piacenza, Vercelli, Novara, and a less complete sovereignty -over Pavia. To these dominions Lucchino added Parma in -1346, and Tortona, Alessandria, and Asti in 1347. On the -west these territories were bounded by the dominions of the -Marquis of Montferrat and the Count of Savoy; while on -the east they were separated from Venice and the States of -the Church by the possessions of four tyrants of lesser power—the -Gonzagas in Mantua, the house of Este in Ferrara, the -della Scala in Verona and Vicenza, and the Carrara in Padua. -On the death of Lucchino in 1349 his dominions passed to -his younger brother Giovanni, who had entered the Church, -and had received from Benedict <span class='fss'>XII.</span> the archbishopric of -Milan. In spite of his ecclesiastical position Giovanni did -not scruple to aggrandise himself at the expense of the -Papacy. In 1350 he induced the Pepoli, who had made -themselves lords of Bologna, to cede that city to him. This -advance from Lombardy into central Italy made a profound -impression on contemporaries, and completely altered the -position of the Visconti. It marked the beginning of a -prolonged quarrel with the Papacy, and it alarmed Florence -and the Tuscan communes for their independence. In 1353 -the defeat of Genoa in her naval war with Venice led to the -temporary submission of the Ligurian republic to Milanese -rule. This was the last great triumph of the militant -archbishop, who died suddenly in 1354.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The house of Visconti was now represented by the three -sons of Stefano: Matteo, Bernabo, and Galeazzo. They -agreed to divide their uncle’s dominions between them, but -to keep the two chief cities of Milan and Genoa under their -joint rule. Matteo, who was vicious and debauched even -<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bernabo and Galeazzo Visconti.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -beyond the standard of the Visconti, was assassinated by order -of his brothers in 1355, and Bernabo and Galeazzo divided -his share between them. On the whole their joint -rule was wonderfully harmonious, though in later -life they fell rather apart and adopted different -residences—Bernabo in Milan and Galeazzo in Pavia. Few -pictures are more repulsive than that which has been handed -down of the domestic government of the two brothers. In -the midst of lavish profusion and ostentatious patronage of -men of letters, they ruled their subjects with a rod of iron. -State criminals, instead of immediate execution, were publicly -tortured for forty days according to a fixed daily programme. -The game laws were enforced with atrocious severity even -for those days. A peasant who had killed a hare was given -to Bernabo’s hounds to be devoured by them. Yet these -bloodthirsty despots, belonging to an upstart family and -without any recognised or legal title in their dominions, were -allowed to ally themselves by intermarriage with the greatest -dynasties in Europe. They were the richest rulers of their -time, and their wealth induced even kings to shut their eyes -both to the cruelty of their rule and to their ignoble origin. -Bernabo married his daughter Verde or Virida to the Leopold -of Hapsburg who afterwards fell in the battle of Sempach. -Galeazzo obtained for his son, Gian Galeazzo, the hand of -Isabella, daughter of John of France, with the county of -Vertus in Champagne; and his daughter Violante was married -to Lionel of Clarence, the second son of Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> of -England.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In spite of these alliances, which gave to the Visconti a -unique position among the despots of northern Italy, the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Milanese reverses.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -rule of the two brothers was by no means uninterruptedly -successful. Genoa revolted in 1356 -and recovered its freedom. Cardinal Albornoz, who was -engaged in restoring papal authority in the Papal States, -organised a league among the northern despots, the Gonzagas, -the della Scala, the Marquis of Montferrat, and all who -<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>were jealous of Visconti ascendency. Pavia recovered its -independence for two years under the encouragement of a -republican monk, Jacopo Bussolari, but was compelled to -surrender to Galeazzo in 1359. Asti, Novara, Como, and -other western towns were for a time wrested from Visconti -rule by the Marquis of Montferrat. A more serious loss -was that of Bologna. Giovanni d’Oleggio, who had been -appointed governor of the city by Giovanni Visconti, refused -to acknowledge the authority of the latter’s nephews. When -Bernabo endeavoured to compel his submission in 1360, -Oleggio baulked him by surrendering Bologna to Albornoz. -The successes of the papal legate and the return of Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> -to Rome seemed for a moment to render hopeless any -extension of the rule of the Visconti beyond the limits of -Lombardy. But Albornoz died in 1368, Urban returned to -Avignon in 1370, and a general revolt in Romagna against -papal rule restored to the Visconti the advantages which for -a moment they had lost. It was not, however, Bernabo -Visconti who profited by these changes, but a new and more -famous member of the family.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1378—an eventful year in Italian history—Galeazzo -Visconti died, leaving his share of the family dominions to -his only son, Gian Galeazzo. Fearing the ambition -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Gian Galeazzo Visconti.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Bernabo, who might well desire to provide for -his numerous children at his nephew’s expense, -the young prince ruled in Pavia with such ostentation of -piety and moderation that his uncle deemed him a harmless -simpleton. Having thus disarmed all suspicion, Gian -Galeazzo decoyed his uncle from Milan to a friendly interview, -consigned him to a prison which he never left alive, -and reunited the territories of Bernabo with his own (1385). -To the cruelty and unscrupulousness of his predecessors, -Gian Galeazzo added a dogged resolution and a capacity for -intrigue which enabled him to attain a height of power -beyond their most sanguine dreams. Personally he was so -timid that a sudden sound excited a terror which he could -<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>not conceal. But his lack of courage—an unusual defect -among Italian tyrants—proved no bar to his ambition. His -wealth enabled him to attract to his service most of the ablest -<i>condottieri</i> of the age, and to purchase from them a fidelity -which was quite uncommon. Himself the husband of a French -princess, he drew closer the connection with France by marrying -his daughter, Valentina, to Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>’s brother, Louis of -Orleans (1389). The bride not only brought to the Orleans -family the town of Asti as her dowry, but also an eventual -claim to the succession in Milan which was fraught with most -momentous consequences to Europe. A few years later -Gian Galeazzo succeeded in removing one great defect in the -dignity of the Visconti by obtaining from Wenzel, king of the -Romans, the formal creation in his favour of a hereditary -duchy of Milan (1395).</p> - -<p class='c004'>The great ambition of Gian Galeazzo Visconti was to -found a kingdom of northern Italy, and circumstances were -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>His schemes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -so extraordinarily favourable that he very nearly -succeeded in gaining his object. The two great -Guelf powers, Naples and the Papacy, might naturally be -expected to oppose such a design. But the Papacy was in -the throes of the Schism, and Naples was the scene of civil -strife between the two houses of Anjou. Of the three leading -republics whose independence was directly threatened, -Genoa was powerless. Florence was hampered by the -jealousy of Siena, Perugia, and other communes in Tuscany -and Romagna, while Venice had for the moment more immediate -enemies than Milan, and might be bribed to aid in -their destruction. The empire was in the feeble hands of -Wenzel, France in the equally feeble hands of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, -and both princes were allied with the Visconti. There -seemed to be hardly any danger either of foreign intervention -or of efficient resistance in Italy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The first task which Gian Galeazzo undertook was the -reduction of eastern Lombardy. A quarrel between Francesco -Carrara and Antonio della Scala gave him his opportunity. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Verona and Padua.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -He offered his aid to both princes, but ultimately concluded -a treaty with Carrara in 1387 by which Verona was to go -to himself and Vicenza to Padua. Both cities -were easily taken by Gian Galeazzo’s troops, and -the once famous house of della Scala was ruined. -But the lord of Milan kept Vicenza as well as Verona, and -Carrara perceived too late that he had only hastened his own -downfall. Venice was eager to punish the neighbour who -had done all he could for her destruction in the wars both -with Hungary and with Genoa. In spite of the obvious -danger of aggrandising Milan, Venice agreed to a partition -of the territories of Carrara. Resistance to such a combination -was hopeless; Padua was compelled to surrender to -Milanese rule, and Treviso and the marches were handed -over to Venice (1388). The supremacy of Gian Galeazzo in -Lombardy was now uncontested. The remaining princes of -Savoy, Montferrat, Mantua, and Ferrara, were all, for one -reason or another, his humble vassals.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1389 Gian Galeazzo was free to turn his attention to -Tuscany and Romagna, where his ambition seemed to be -equally favoured by internal dissensions. Siena, -Perugia, and a number of petty lords in Romagna -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Florence, 1390-2.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -joined in a league against Florence, whose fall -would have assured the supremacy of Milan. But the -Florentine oligarchy served the republic faithfully in this -hour of danger. Sir John Hawkwood was taken into the -service of Florence, and the Count of Armagnac was bribed -to bring a body of French troops to aid the republic. Visconti -had engaged the most eminent Italian leaders, Jacopo -dal Verme, Facino Cane, and others, and the numerical -superiority of their troops might have gained an ultimate -victory. Armagnac was defeated and slain, and this disaster -compelled Hawkwood, who had invaded Lombardy as far as -the Adda, to conduct a difficult and hazardous retreat. But -the balance was turned against Milan by a wholly unexpected -reverse in the north. The younger Francesco Carrara, who -<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>had been imprisoned with his father after the fall of Padua, -succeeded in escaping. After hairbreadth escapes and the -most romantic wanderings over Europe, he succeeded in -getting supplies of money from Florence and of men from -Bavaria. With a small body of followers he entered Padua -by the bed of the Brenta in June 1390. The citizens welcomed -his return, and the rule of Milan was overthrown. -This revolution in Padua was a great blow to Gian Galeazzo. -It compelled him to withdraw part of his forces from Tuscany, -and in 1392 he decided to postpone his southern enterprise -and to conclude a treaty. Padua was left in the hands of -Francesco Carrara on condition of paying tribute to Milan; -Florence was to abstain from intervention in Lombardy, and -Gian Galeazzo from intervention in Tuscany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The treaty of 1392 was followed by a few years of troubled -peace, broken by only a brief renewal of hostilities in 1397, -which was ended by another treaty in 1398. -During these years Gian Galeazzo continued to -prosecute his schemes by diplomacy and intrigue. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Successes of Gian Galeazzo.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -In 1394 a revolution was effected in Pisa and the lordship of -the city acquired by Jacopo d’Appiano, who was notoriously -in the pay of Milan. Five years later, Appiano’s son completed -the bargain by handing over Pisa to Gian Galeazzo in -return for the principality of Piombino. Genoa only escaped -a similar fate by a voluntary submission to France in 1396. -Siena in 1399, Perugia and Assisi in 1400 sought to escape -the disorders of faction by accepting the rule of Milan. -Everywhere republican liberties seemed destined to give way -to the advance of despotism. Paolo Guinigi, with the help -of Milanese gold, made himself lord of Lucca in 1400, and in -the next year Giovanni Bentivoglio became the master of -Bologna. Slowly but surely the coils were being drawn round -Florence, and the league which she had formed for the defence -of liberty was wholly broken up. Hawkwood had died in -1394, and no leader of equal merit could be found except in the -service of Milan. A momentary prospect of relief was offered -<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>when the princes of Germany in 1400 deposed the incapable -Wenzel and gave the kingship of the Romans to the Elector -Palatine, Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span> Rupert undertook to invade Italy and -to crush the upstart ruler of Milan whom his rival had raised -to the rank of duke. But the German troops were no match -either in skill or in discipline for the mercenaries of Italy, and -were utterly routed at Brescia by Jacopo dal Verme (October -24, 1401). The last hope of Florence disappeared when -Giovanni Bentivoglio, who had turned against Milan, was -compelled to surrender, and the Bolognese welcomed the -substitution of a foreign for a native despot -(July, 1402). But death intervened to thwart an -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>His death in 1402.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ambition which human opposition had failed to check. On -September 3, 1402, Gian Galeazzo was carried off by the -plague at the age of fifty-five. The kingdom of northern -Italy perished with the man who had practically created it.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span> - <h2 id='chap09' class='c009'>CHAPTER IX <br /> THE SCHISMS IN THE PAPACY AND EMPIRE, 1378-1414</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Decline of German Monarchy—Dangers to Germany—Policy of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Return -of the Papacy to Rome and election of Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—Election of -Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and beginning of the Schism—The German towns and -their hostility to the nobles—Weakness of Wenzel—The town-war—Peace -of Eger—The Succession to Hungary and Poland—The Jagellon -House is established in Poland, and Sigismund in Hungary—Opposition -to Wenzel in Germany—Troubles in Bohemia—France and the Schism—Meeting -of Wenzel and Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—A Schism is created in the Empire—The -idea of a General Council—Negotiations between the rival Popes—Europe -and the Schism—The Council of Pisa—The Triple Schism—Alexander -<span class='fss'>V.</span> and his successor John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>—Death of Rupert of the -Pale—Election of Sigismund—Jobst—Death of Jobst—Second election -of Sigismund—Sigismund and Pope John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>—Summons of the -Council of Constance.</p> - -<p class='c007'>With the year 1378 begins a period of anarchy and confusion -characteristic of the decay of an old organisation, and the -inevitable precursor of a new system. In that year died -Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the representatives of secular -and ecclesiastical authority as conceived in the Middle Ages. -Of the two claimants to universal rule, the Papacy and the -Empire, the former was immeasurably the stronger. It -possessed a large revenue and an admirable administrative -system. The Empire had neither. Its claims to rule over -Christendom were no longer acknowledged. Even in Italy -its suzerainty was recognised as a legal form, but in actual -politics little regard was paid to it. And the German -monarchy had fallen with the grandiose and unreal dignity -to which it was attached. The imperial domains had been -seized or squandered. The central administration and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>jurisdiction were hardly existent. Such authority as the king -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Decline of German monarchy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -possessed rested upon the territorial powers which he held -independently of his kingship. His nominal -vassals—ecclesiastics, lay princes, knights and -cities—enjoyed practical independence. If they -quarrelled with each other, they fought the quarrel out as if -they had been independent states. If the Emperor intervened, -it was as a partisan rather than as an arbiter. There was -no parliamentary organisation, as in England, where the -interests of the various estates could find effective expression. -There was no overwhelming national sentiment, such as was -created by the Hundred Years’ War in France, to enable the -monarchy to gain ascendency and to crush rival pretensions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The dangers of this growing disunion were sufficiently -obvious in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It seemed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Dangers to Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -almost inevitable that Germany would lose all -semblance of a state, and that as it fell to pieces -foreign powers would seize upon the fragments. In the -south-east the Turks were gradually establishing themselves -on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire, and threatened to -advance up the valley of the Danube into the heart of -southern Germany. Further north a powerful Slav kingdom -was erected in Poland under the House of Jagellon, whose -mission seemed to be to annihilate the progress which German -influences had effected by means of the Teutonic knights. -The Slav kingdom of Bohemia, which under the House of -Luxemburg had become almost the capital of Germany, -revolted against the rule and the religion of its kings, and the -Hussite victories revealed more clearly than any other single -event the rottenness and impotence of the existing system -in Germany. In the north, the Union of Kalmar brought -the three Scandinavian states under a single ruler, and threatened -to deprive the German Hansa of the ascendency in -northern waters which Lübeck and its associates had gained -by their victory over Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Denmark. In the -south, the Swiss Confederation was tending to free itself from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>even nominal dependence on the Empire, and there were -other leagues in Swabia and on the Rhine which were not -unlikely to follow its example. In the west, German weakness -had already allowed France to swallow a great part of the -old kingdom of Arles, and though France was for a time -crippled by the war with England and by internal dissensions, -a new and more pressing danger was created by the rapid -growth of the Valois dukes of Burgundy, who absorbed one -imperial fief after another, and at one time almost succeeded -in building up a middle kingdom along the Rhine, which -would have excluded Germany from all real influence on -the development of western Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the greatest ruler of the fourteenth century, -had clearly grasped both the dangers of the situation and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Policy of Charles IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the only remedies which could be applied. -Either Germany must be organised as a federation -which should combine some measure of local independence -with joint action for common interests, or a single -family must collect such an aggregate of territories in its -hands as might become the nucleus of a new territorial -monarchy. Charles had kept both expedients before him. -He had laid the foundations of a federal organisation by -conferring corporate powers and privileges upon the electors. -At the same time he had made the Luxemburg family the -strongest in Germany, and had placed it in a position to do -for Germany what the Capets had done for France. It is a -common error to maintain that Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s policy was a -complete failure; that what he meant to be a temporary expedient -proved permanent, while his ultimate aims were -never achieved. It is true that a territorial monarchy was not -established, and that such unity as Germany has since -possessed has been federal rather than monarchical. But -what really held Germany together from the fifteenth to the -eighteenth century was not the federal system, but the territorial -power of the house of Hapsburg. And that territorial -power was, in the main, founded by Charles <i>IV.</i> It is as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>the heirs of the Luxemburg family that the Hapsburgs -assumed their unique position in Germany. Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -achieved more lasting results than he has been credited with, -but the fruits of his policy were gathered by others than his -own descendants.</p> - -<p class='c004'>One very obvious source of weakness to Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had -been his failure to control the ecclesiastical system, owing -to the residence of the Popes at Avignon. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Return of the Papacy to Rome.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Charles himself had gained the German monarchy -to some extent as the papal nominee; but -he had found it necessary to resist papal intervention in -Germany as long as that intervention was dictated by a -foreign power. It was obviously Charles’s duty and interest -to restore the Papacy to Rome, where alone it could exercise -impartial authority. He had induced Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span> to transfer -his residence to Rome, but his hopes had been disappointed -by the Pope’s speedy return to the banks of the Rhône. -Once again his influence had been successful, and in 1377 -Gregory <span class='fss'>XI.</span> had left Avignon for the Eternal City. But both -Pope and cardinals found Rome too turbulent to be an -agreeable abode, and they were preparing for another flitting -when the death of Gregory compelled the conclave to meet -for a new election within the Vatican. The mob -surrounded the palace and demanded the choice -of a Roman Pope. The majority of the cardinals -were Frenchmen, but they were divided among themselves, -and they were afraid of the violence of the citizens. As a -compromise, they chose a Neapolitan, the archbishop of Bari, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Urban VI., 1378.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -who took the name of Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span> So little confidence had -the cardinals that their decision would please the people, -that they escaped in disguise and left the news of the election -to become known gradually. This fact is sufficient to prove -that the election was not altogether compulsory, and as soon -as the mob had shown itself acquiescent, the cardinals were -unanimous in acknowledging Urban.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But this unanimity was very short-lived. Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span> had never -<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>been a cardinal, and was personally unknown to most of his -electors. He proved to be a man of violent temper and rough -manners, eager to exercise his unexpected authority, -and reckless of opposition or advice. The -cardinals, who had hoped for a pliant and grateful tool, found -themselves confronted with a master who announced that he -would begin the reform of the Church with its chief dignitaries. -He silenced remonstrances by the rudest sarcasms, -and declared that he would never return to Avignon. Disappointed -and indignant, many of the cardinals quitted -Rome for Anagni. Encouraged by the support of France -and Naples, they declared that Urban’s election was invalid -on account of the intimidation of the mob, and on September -20, 1378, proceeded to elect Robert of Geneva, a militant -ecclesiastic who had succeeded Cardinal Albornoz as commander -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Clement VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the papal troops in Italy. The Antipope assumed -the name of Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, and his election commenced a -schism in the Church which lasted for forty years.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had watched these events in Italy with the -greatest chagrin. He gave unhesitating support to Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, -and urged the European princes to resist the revival of -French dictation in the Church. But his death on November -29 removed the one statesman who might possibly have -checked the progress of the schism. His son and successor, -Wenzel, pursued his father’s policy, but he was too young, -and, as it proved, too incapable, to exercise the same influence. -He threatened Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Naples with the imperial ban if -she did not give up the cause of Clement; and this threat was -the more formidable because the Neapolitans themselves -favoured their fellow-countryman Urban. But the only result -was to aggravate the schism. Finding that residence on -Neapolitan soil was no longer safe, Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The schism in the Church, 1378-1417.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -cardinals left Italy for Avignon. There Clement -was secure of French support, and before long -he was also recognised by the Spanish kingdoms, -Castile, Aragon, and Navarre. Germany, England, and most -<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>of the northern kingdoms gave their allegiance to Urban <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, -and after his death to his successors, Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span> (1389-1404), -Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span> (1404-5), and Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, elected in -1405. Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> lived till 1394, when he was succeeded -by a Spaniard, Peter de Luna, who took the name of Benedict -<span class='fss'>XIII.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>The schism in the Church was by no means the only -difficulty which Wenzel had to face. In Germany, as in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The German towns.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -other countries, the feudal system, in which social -and political relations depended upon the tenure -of land, had been modified by the growth of towns, whose -interests lay in industry rather than in agriculture, while their -desire to maintain peace conflicted with the military habits -and traditions of the noble landholders. In England and -in France the monarchy had advanced its own interests by -taking the rising towns under its patronage and by aiding -the growth of municipal self-government. At one time, -under Lewis the Bavarian, a similar policy had seemed possible -in Germany. At the diet of Frankfort in 1344 the speaker -of the town deputies had used the memorable words: <i>civitates -non possunt stare nisi cum imperio: imperii lesio earum est -destructio</i>. But Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, guided by his experiences in -Italy, had distrusted the towns: he had suspected them of -aiming at independence rather than the strengthening of the -monarchy: and in the Golden Bull he had deliberately -opposed the development of the towns while he had conceded -great powers to the electors. But his policy in this respect -had not been altogether successful even during his own lifetime. -The Hanse towns in the north had risen to the zenith -of their power in 1370, and Charles had found it politic to -conciliate them by a personal visit to Lübeck. In the south -the Swabian League had been formed under the leadership of -Ulm, had defeated the warlike Count of Würtemburg, and -had compelled the old emperor to allow them the right of -union, of which they had been deprived by the Golden -Bull.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>The death of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and the accession of the feeble -and self-indulgent Wenzel enabled the towns to take bolder -measures. In 1381 an alliance was concluded at -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Hostility of towns and nobles.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Speier between the Swabian League and the towns -on the Rhine; and its object was not merely -mutual defence, but ‘to scourge and punish their mutual -enemies.’ The league thus formed contained seventy-two -towns, and could supply a military force of ten thousand men-at-arms. -And this force was by no means their only or their -most effective weapon. By granting a modified form of -citizenship (<i>Pfahlbürgerthum</i>), they annexed whole villages -in their neighbourhood, thus depriving the lords at once of -subjects, revenue, and territory. If the landholder tried to -recover his loss, he only devastated his own property, while the -offending citizens were safe within walls that until the general -use of gunpowder were almost impregnable. It was no -wonder that the princes resented the growth of a power -which seemed likely to rival their own. But the class which -was most immediately threatened by the towns was that of -the knights or lesser tenants-in-chief. Their chief occupations -were warfare and pillage, and the towns were resolute in -putting a stop to practices which ruined their trade. Single-handed -the knights were powerless against the civic forces, -and they were driven to form leagues, such as the famous -League of the Lion, for their own defence. There was -little love lost between the knights and the princes, but class -prejudices and associations tended to draw them together -against a foe whom they both detested and contemned. -The materials were prepared for a great war of classes in -Germany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Wenzel had neither the ability nor the experience to enable -him to deal successfully with such a problem, and his attention -was also occupied by family affairs in the east and by the -quarrel in the Church. His only expedient was to form -associations for the maintenance of the peace in which both -princes and cities should be included. By this means he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>succeeded in postponing but not in preventing a war. The -quarrel of Leopold of Hapsburg with the Swiss precipitated -matters. The Swiss confederation differed from the Swabian -and Rhenish leagues in that it included village communities -of peasants as well as towns. When in 1385 an alliance with -the Swabian League was proposed, the original forest cantons -refused to take any part in the matter, and only the towns, -Bern, Zürich, Zug and Luzern were parties to the compact. -The battle of Sempach was won mainly by the peasants, and -the Swabian towns sent no assistance. But the fall of Leopold -of Hapsburg, the champion of princely interests, was -hailed as a triumph by the towns, and had the natural effect -of increasing their pride and pretensions. In -1387 the war which had been on the verge of -outbreak since 1379 at last began. There was little that was -notable in the actual hostilities, except their extent. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The town war, 1387-9.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -war was merely a simultaneous explosion of the numerous -feuds which had often been waged before between a noble -and a too powerful town. As long as the citizens stood on -the defensive, they were successful, and the armies of the -princes and knights were repulsed from their walls. Emboldened -by these successes, they determined to leave their -walls and to invade the territories of their old enemy, Eberhard -of Würtemburg. But the German towns had no such -soldiers as the peasants of the Alps, and no such geographical -advantages as the Swiss had. In the open field their forces -were cut to pieces by the feudal cavalry. On August 24, -1388, the united troops of the Swabian League suffered a -severe defeat at Döffingen. The weakness of their position -was now apparent. They could resist aggression, but they -could not themselves take the offensive. The Rhenish towns -were defeated with great loss at Worms, and Nürnberg, the -latest and the most important recruit of the Swabian League, -was reduced to submission by the Burggraf.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the triumph of the nobles was incomplete. Though -they had been victorious in the field, they were as unable as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>before to carry on siege operations. Their defensive strength -enabled the towns to negotiate the peace of Eger (1389) -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Peace of Eger, 1389.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -on fairly equal terms. By this treaty all leagues -and unions were to be abrogated on both sides. -All future disputes between the towns and the nobles were -to be settled by arbitration. For this purpose four commissioners -were appointed in Swabia, Franconia, Bavaria, -and the Rhenish provinces. Each commission was to consist -of four nobles, four citizens, and a president to be appointed -by the Emperor. It is obvious that the towns, though defeated, -had not been wholly unsuccessful, and had secured a -position of equality with their opponents. But the real importance -of the war is the discredit which it cast upon the -monarchy. Wenzel had been unable either to prevent the -war or to influence its course. And the organisation created -for the maintenance of the peace was a local and representative -organisation, in which the central authority had little -more than a nominal share.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While Germany was convulsed with the town war, the House -of Luxemburg had made an important territorial acquisition in -the east. Lewis the Great, king of Hungary and -Poland, the head of the original House of Anjou -in Naples, had died in 1380. He left a widow, -Elizabeth, and two daughters, Maria and Hedwig. In spite -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Hungary and Poland.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the natural prejudices against female rule, he had induced -his subjects to recognise his daughters’ claim to the succession. -If they were passed over, the nearest male heir was -Charles of Durazzo,<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c015'><sup>[10]</sup></a> who was engaged in a struggle for the -crown of Naples with Louis of Anjou, brother of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> -of France. Maria, the elder of the two daughters, was -betrothed to Sigismund, the second son of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> She -was accepted by the Hungarians, and Sigismund was eager -that his future wife should also gain the crown of Poland. -But the Poles, influenced by the growing Slav sentiment, -were unwilling to continue the connection with Hungary or -<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>to accept a German ruler. They insisted upon electing the -younger sister Hedwig, and upon choosing a husband for -her. Hedwig was sent to Poland in 1385, and in the next -year was married to Jagello, prince of Lithuania, who was -baptized as a Christian under the name of Ladislas. The -union of Poland and Lithuania under the Jagellon house -founded a powerful Slav state to the north-east of Germany, -and led to the downfall of the Teutonic Knights, who could -no longer claim to conduct a crusade when their foes had -accepted Christianity (see p. <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>).</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Sigismund, disappointed in Poland, came near -to losing Hungary as well. Elizabeth, the late king’s widow, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund’s accession in Hungary, 1387.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -unwilling to surrender authority to an ambitious -son-in-law, tried to break off Maria’s engagement, -and to bring about a marriage with a French -prince. But her schemes were suddenly checkmated -by a revolt of the Hungarian nobles, who offered the -crown to Charles of Durazzo, now established on the throne -of Naples. Charles accepted the offer, and landed in Dalmatia -in 1385. This unexpected danger forced Elizabeth -to appeal for assistance to Sigismund, whose long-delayed -marriage was hastily solemnised in October 1385. The -bridegroom hurried off to raise troops for the defence of his -wife’s crown, and among his expedients for gaining money -he pawned a great part of Brandenburg to his cousin Jobst -of Moravia. Meanwhile events in Hungary moved with -kaleidoscopic rapidity. Charles of Naples, after having -apparently secured his kingdom, was assassinated by the -emissaries of Elizabeth in February 1386. Elizabeth recovered -authority in her daughter’s name, and at once -quarrelled with her son-in-law, whose assistance seemed to -be no longer needed. But the nobles of Croatia determined -to avenge the death of Charles. They seized Elizabeth and -Maria, and carried them off to the fortress of Novigrad. When -the fortress was besieged, the former was put to death, and -Maria was threatened with the same fate. In the general -<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>anarchy, the Hungarian nobles determined to offer the crown -to Sigismund, who was crowned in 1387, and soon afterwards -succeeded in effecting his wife’s release. His accession added -a new province to the Luxemburg possessions, and at the -same time founded the dynastic connection between Hungary -and Bohemia which still exists.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The acquisition of Hungary did nothing to strengthen the -position of the House of Luxemburg in Germany, while it -increased the jealousy with which its overgrown -territories were regarded. The western princes, -representing the original German duchies of -Bavaria, Franconia, and Swabia, resented the transference of -power to a dynasty whose possessions lay mostly in the east, -and some of them outside Germany altogether. The House -of Wittelsbach, from whose hands Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had snatched -the imperial dignity, were the foremost in raising this outcry -of the west against the east. And the malcontents were not -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Opposition to Wenzel in Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -without more serious grounds of complaint. Wenzel had -done nothing to terminate the ecclesiastical schism. His -feeble and vacillating conduct during the town war had disgusted -the princes; and after the peace of Eger he had practically -withdrawn from German politics, and had left the -kingdom in a state of anarchy. Even in the east he incurred -difficulties and humiliations which brought discredit -upon his person and his office.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had had two sources of strength which his -successor entirely lacked. He could rely upon the enthusiastic -loyalty of the Bohemians, and he was -the undisputed head of the Luxemburg family. -Neither of his brothers had ever ventured to oppose his will. -But under Wenzel Bohemia enjoyed neither the prestige nor -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Troubles in Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the good government which had endeared Charles to his -subjects, while there was a growing feeling that it was degrading -to a Slav people to be ruled by a German prince and by -German methods. The sentiment of race which had led -Poland to unite with Lithuania under Jagello was beginning -<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>to be powerful in Bohemia, in spite of its long and intimate -association with Germany. Wenzel himself was not personally -unpopular. The very coarseness of his character and manners, -which degenerated in time into brutish gluttony and drunkenness, -seems to have evoked a rude sympathy, at any rate -among the lower classes. But his reckless passion led him -into gross political blunders, his unconcealed contempt alienated -the clergy, while his patronage of unworthy favourites -exasperated the nobles. A series of disorderly revolts began -in 1387, and followed each other in rapid succession. And -Wenzel’s kinsmen, instead of assisting the head of their house, -rather added to his embarrassments. The evil genius of the -family was his cousin, Jobst of Moravia, a man who anticipated -the Italians of the next century in his selfish cunning -and his complete disregard of moral rules. Jobst had already -gained Brandenburg by trading on the pecuniary difficulties -of Sigismund, and he hoped by discrediting Wenzel to obtain -for himself the Bohemian and the imperial crowns. In 1394 -he was at the head of a baronial revolt, in which Wenzel was -seized and imprisoned by the rebels. The most loyal member -of the family, John of Görlitz, who succeeded in releasing -his brother, was treated by Wenzel with gross ingratitude, -and died in 1396, not without grave suspicions of poison. -Sigismund, though absorbed in the pursuit of his own ends, -was less cynically selfish than Jobst, and showed some regard -for the dignity and interests of his house. But he was prevented -from giving Wenzel any real assistance or guidance -by the necessity of defending his own kingdom of Hungary -against the Turks. In 1396 he led a large crusading army -to be cut to pieces by the forces of Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span> on the field of -Nicopolis. But for the advance of the Tartars under Timour, -eastern Europe would have been at the mercy of the victorious -sultan.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The scandals in Bohemia and the quarrels among the -Luxemburg princes seem to have convinced the western -princes that Wenzel was as little to be feared as respected. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>He had given them a new grievance in 1395 by granting the -title of Duke of Milan and thus raising to princely rank the -aggressive Ghibelline leader in northern Italy, Gian Galeazzo -Visconti. And three years later he gave them a pretext for -throwing off their allegiance by his action with regard to the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>France and the schism.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -schism in the Church. From the first the University of Paris, -then by far the most influential university in Europe, had set -itself against a schism which the French government -had done much to bring about. At first -the king had silenced the university, but gradually he had -come to share its views. France found it extremely expensive -to support a schismatic Pope who had little but French contributions -to look to for the maintenance of himself and his -court. Popular sympathy was cooled when a Spaniard, Peter -de Luna, was chosen to succeed the French Pope Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -Under the guidance of the university leaders, Pierre d’Ailly -and Jean Gerson, Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and his ministers determined to -end the schism by ‘the way of neutrality,’ <i>i.e.</i> by withdrawing -allegiance from the two rival Popes, and thus forcing them to -abdicate, when a new election could restore unity to Christendom. -To give effect to this scheme, it was necessary to secure -simultaneous action on the part of the supporters of the -Roman Pope Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, and of these the most exalted was -the King of the Romans. Wenzel seems to have inherited -some of the traditional attachment to France of the Luxemburg -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Meeting of Wenzel and Charles VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -dynasty, and he had quarrelled with Boniface -about the appointment of an Archbishop of Mainz. -The two kings, the one a confirmed drunkard and -the other subject to fits of insanity, met at Rheims in 1398 to -discuss the most pressing problem of the age. Their personal -intercourse cannot have been very edifying. On one occasion -Wenzel was invited to a banquet with the French king, and -when the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri came to escort the -guest, they found that he had already dined, and was lying -under the table in a drunken sleep. But the interview resulted -in a more or less formal agreement that France should -<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>extort the resignation of Benedict, while Wenzel was to do -the same by Boniface.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Elector Palatine had already warned Wenzel that if he -withdrew his allegiance from the Pope who had confirmed -his title, his subjects would no longer be bound -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Schism in the Empire, 1400.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to him. The interview at Rheims had the effect -of hurrying the execution of a plan which had been for some -time in contemplation. Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, though careful to avoid -committing himself to the conspiring princes, was not unwilling -to checkmate Wenzel by encouraging his opponents in -Germany. Of the seven electors, two, representing Bohemia -and Brandenburg, belonged to the Luxemburg house, while -the Duke of Saxony held aloof. The other four, whose -territories bordered on the Rhine, met in 1400 at Lahnstein, -decreed the deposition of Wenzel, and elected one of their -own number, the Count Palatine, Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span> But the Rhenish -electors, like the recalcitrant cardinals in 1378, had no power -to enforce their decree of deposition, and the only result of -their action was to create a schism in the Empire side by side -with the schism in the Church.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Rupert was a far wiser ruler and a far better man than his -rival, and if to his other virtues he had added the slightest -military capacity, he might have gained a complete -triumph. Wenzel continued to quarrel with -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The rival Kings of the Romans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his brother and his cousins, and during a revolt -in Hungary Sigismund was for five months a prisoner in the -hands of his barons. If Ladislas of Naples had not been -occupied in his contest with Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, he might -have enforced the claims of the House of Durazzo to the -Hungarian crown, as his father had done in 1385. But the -difficulties of the Luxemburg princes were not enough to -enable Rupert to profit by them. He invaded Bohemia, and -actually reached Prague, where Jobst and the malcontent -nobles offered him their support. But at the first slight -reverse he withdrew, and his opportunity was lost when Sigismund -escaped from captivity and came to govern Bohemia for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>his incompetent brother. Then Rupert tried to obtain an -indirect triumph by crushing Wenzel’s <i>protégé</i>, Gian Galeazzo -Visconti. He hoped thus to restore German influence in -Italy, which the two last Luxemburg rulers had allowed to -decay, and also to receive the imperial crown from the gratitude -of Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span> Florence and all the opponents of the -Milanese despot promised to aid him with men and money. -But his Italian expedition was even more unsuccessful than -his invasion of Bohemia. His army was utterly routed by -the mercenary forces of Gian Galeazzo under the walls of -Brescia (October 21, 1401), and he returned to Germany the -laughing-stock of Europe. His failure encouraged Wenzel -to plan a journey to Italy to obtain his long-delayed coronation, -and Sigismund undertook to escort him. Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, -who was now committed to the cause of Rupert, sought to -foil the scheme by urging Ladislas of Naples to an invasion -of Hungary, which proved unsuccessful. But the project was -perforce abandoned on the news of the death of Gian Galeazzo -(September 3, 1402). From this time the rival Kings of the -Romans abstained from direct attacks on each other, and -contented themselves with their respective obedience, the one -in the west and the other in the east. Germany was so -accustomed to dispense with any active exercise of the royal -authority that the schism created little excitement and less -inconvenience.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The schism in the Church was far more important to -Europe, though the chief actors were hardly more imposing -than the rival emperors. The position of the -Papacy was necessarily shaken by the contentions -of two old men, each claiming to exercise divine -authority, and each cursing the other with human petulance. -The religious were shocked by such a spectacle: the irreligious -laughed and mocked. A contemporary remarks that for a -long time Christians had had an earthly god who forgave -their sins, but now they have two such gods, and if one will -not forgive their sins, they go to the other. The prolonged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>scandal forced men to change their conception of papal -power, and to contend that such power does not exist for its -own ends, but for the sake of the whole Church. If therefore -that power is grossly abused, it is the right and even the -duty of the Church to interfere on behalf of its suffering -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The idea of a General Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -members. Hence arose the conciliar idea, which dominates -all other ecclesiastical conceptions in the first half of the -fifteenth century. The Church, as represented by a General -Council, is superior to the head, as the whole body is superior -to any member. This idea found its main support in the -Universities, especially in Paris, Oxford, and Prague. The -schism in the Empire and the prominence of the University -of Paris enabled France to take the foremost place in urging -the summons of a Council to put an end to ecclesiastical -anarchy. France had already adopted a policy of neutrality -in 1398, and had gone so far as to besiege Avignon and to -make Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> a prisoner. But a reaction had set in -when no other power followed the example of France, and -the Orleanist party, in opposition to the Duke of Burgundy, -had espoused the cause of Benedict. In 1402, to the great -chagrin of the University of Paris, France returned to its -allegiance, and Benedict, released from his captivity, journeyed -to the coast of Provence and opened negotiations with his -rival in Rome. The last two Roman Popes, Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -and Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, had only been elected on the express -condition that they would resign as soon as their opponent -did the same. Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> went so far as to make an agreement -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Negotiations between the two Popes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with Benedict, by which the two Popes pledged themselves -to create no new cardinals, and to meet -together at Savona in 1407. The agreement was -probably insincere on Gregory’s part, and at any -rate there were powerful influences at work to prevent its -execution. Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> might be old and unambitious, but -his relatives were eager to profit by his elevation, and he was -too feeble to disregard their wishes. And Ladislas of -Naples, who had become almost supreme at Rome under -<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, had his own interest in prolonging the schism. -A Roman Pope with a rival at Avignon was bound to support -him against the Angevin claimant to Naples: but a new Pope, -chosen at Savona under French influence, would be sure to -espouse the cause of Louis of Anjou. None of the princes -of Europe wished France to recover the ascendency in Church -matters which it had enjoyed from 1305 to 1378, yet this -would probably be the result if France were allowed to take -the lead in terminating the schism. So the negotiations -between the two Popes remained ludicrously futile. Gregory -came as far north as Lucca, and Benedict as far south as -Spezzia, yet they could not agree to meet. ‘The one,’ said -Leonardo Bruni, ‘like a land animal, refused to approach -the sea; the other, like a water-beast, refused to leave the -shore.’</p> - -<p class='c004'>But Europe was not prepared to allow its interests to be -any longer sacrificed by the selfish procrastination of two -aged priests. In France Benedict’s chief supporter, -the Duke of Orleans, had been removed -by assassination in 1407, and Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was -induced by the University to withdraw his allegiance -once more. Benedict replied by a bull of excommunication -against the French bishops, but the bull was -burned, on the proposal of the University. This boldness -convinced Benedict that he could no longer trust in France, -and he fled to Perpignan, in his native state of Roussillon. -But meanwhile an important event had taken place in Italy. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Cardinals desert the Popes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The cardinals who had supported the respective Popes shared -the general disgust at the obstinate refusal of their masters to -fulfil their oft-repeated pledges. Though the Popes had -never met, they had come near enough to allow their cardinals -to confer together. The result was that most of them abandoned -the Popes, put themselves under Florentine protection, -and summoned a General Council to meet at Pisa.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The European states were invited to approve the action of -the cardinals by sending delegates to Pisa. The support of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The attitude of Europe.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -France was assured, and England readily agreed to acknowledge -the Council. The Spanish kingdoms, on the other -hand, remained passively loyal to Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>, -and Germany was divided. Wenzel, who had -never done anything to carry out the policy of neutrality which -he had promised France to adopt in 1398, agreed to support -the Council on condition that his title as King of the Romans -was formally recognised. But Rupert, although many of his -chief supporters were inclined to favour the cause of the -cardinals, remained obstinate in his allegiance to the Roman -Pope. Within Italy, Ladislas of Naples showed his determination -to enforce his own interests by occupying Rome -with his troops. The two Popes, threatened with general -desertion, made a tardy effort to conciliate public opinion by -each summoning a council of his own. But very few prelates -could be induced to attend, and the Council of Pisa only -gained in importance by comparison with these <i>conciliabula</i>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At Pisa the Council was opened on March 25, 1409. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Council of Pisa, 1409.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -delegates present may be divided into two parties. The -majority, including the cardinals who had summoned -the assembly, desired merely to end the -schism and to restore the old organisation in the Church. -But some of the more enlightened ecclesiastics, such as -d’Ailly and Gerson, wished to take advantage of an exceptional -opportunity, and to effect such reforms in the Church -as would render similar scandals impossible in the future. -Thus the programme of the Council came to be divided into -the <i>causa unionis</i> and the <i>causa reformationis</i>. It was agreed -to take the more pressing question of unity first, but to conciliate -the reformers it was given to be understood that the -Council should not separate until it had considered the -reformation of the Church, both in its head and its members. -After this matters proceeded without any hurry, but without -any conflict of opinion. Charges against the two Popes were -drawn up and publicly read. Gregory and Benedict were -cited to appear and answer before the Council. After the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>third summons they were declared contumacious, and deprived -of their usurped office and dignity. It is noteworthy -that the Popes were not deposed simply on the ground of -public advantage, or because they were not canonically -elected; but distinct charges were brought against them, and -the Council claimed the right to impose the punishment of -deposition. It was a novel spectacle for Europe to see the -principles of constitutional government applied in the Church -as they had been enforced in the English state in the cases of -Edward <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> With the ground cleared by the -decree of deposition, the cardinals proceeded to a new election, -and after eleven days’ deliberation, their choice fell upon -the Archbishop of Milan, who took the name of Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> -(June 26, 1409). The question of reform was adroitly postponed -for the consideration of a new council which was to -meet in 1412, and the Council of Pisa was dissolved on -August 7, 1409.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Council broke up under the impression that it had -accomplished at any rate the most important part of its programme. -But it was soon evident that the schism -was as far from an end as ever. Neither Gregory -nor Benedict would acknowledge the legality of the Council -and its proceedings: and indeed it was not hard to question -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The triple schism.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the legality of proceedings that were undoubtedly revolutionary -and without precedent. The Council had no coercive power -to enforce its edicts, and as long as the Popes could find any -princes interested in supporting them, so long they would -cling to their titles. The only difference that the Council -had made was that, whereas before there had been two rival -Popes, there were now three. The pontificate of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alexander V.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> only lasted ten months. During -that period he succeeded in recovering Rome from Ladislas, -but only by reviving civil war by the recognition of Louis of -Anjou’s claim to Naples. His only ecclesiastical measure -was a bull which endeavoured to settle an old quarrel in -favour of the mendicant orders. Alexander himself was a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>Franciscan, and he recognised the full rights of the friars to -receive confession and to administer the sacraments. The -bull provoked a storm of opposition from the parish clergy, -whose rights were infringed by the intruding friars, and from -the University of Paris, always at war with the Franciscans. -The University, which had so recently welcomed the Pope’s -election, now expelled all mendicants, and demanded that -they should renounce the privileges conferred upon them by -the bull. In the midst of this general disapproval, Alexander -<span class='fss'>V.</span> died (May 8, 1410), and the cardinals elected as his -successor the clerical <i>condottiere</i>, Baldassare -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of John XXIII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Cossa, who took the name of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> The -new Pope had rendered great services in the protection of the -Council and the recovery of Rome, and he seemed to be the -only man who could be trusted to resist the threatening -power of Ladislas of Naples. But he had no pretensions to -piety, or even to respectability, and the elevation of a licentious -soldier to the highest ecclesiastical dignity was in itself -a scandal to Christendom almost as great as the schism -itself.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The apparent failure of the Council of Pisa seemed to -bring discredit upon its supporters and to justify the action -of those who had held aloof. But Rupert was -not able to profit by any improvement this might -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Rupert.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -have made in his position, as he died on May 18, 1410, a few -days after Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> His death forced upon the western -electors the problem of a new election, and ten years’ experience -had so fully convinced them of the difficulty of -overthrowing the House of Luxemburg, that no candidate -outside that house seems to have been considered. There -were now three surviving Luxemburg princes: Wenzel, who -still claimed to be King of the Romans; Sigismund, who -had gained a considerable reputation by the success of his -recent rule in Hungary; and the ambitious Jobst, who had -added Brandenburg and Lausitz to his inheritance in Moravia, -and was now the chief adviser of his cousin in Bohemia. On -<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>the great question of the Church these princes had taken -opposite sides: Wenzel and Jobst had acknowledged the -Council, while Sigismund had never withdrawn his allegiance -from Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> The four Rhenish electors, who alone -had voted in the election of Rupert, were equally divided on -the same question. The Archbishop of Trier and the Elector -Palatine were adherents of the Roman Pope, while the Archbishops -of Mainz and Köln supported Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> and his -successor. As none of them were inclined to stultify their -action in 1400 by recognising Wenzel, the ecclesiastical -differences decided their votes. The electors of Mainz and -Köln were in favour of Jobst, and the other two were inclined -to support Sigismund.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Sigismund was the first to bring forward his claims, and he -had much to recommend him. He had compelled Bosnia to -submit to his rule: the Servians acknowledged -the suzerainty of Hungary; and he had reduced -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Sigismund.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the greater part of Dalmatia, always inclined to set up a -Neapolitan prince. Thus he could offer Germany the most -efficient protection against the Turks, while as heir to -Bohemia he seemed the only man who could mediate in -the growing hostility of Germans and Slavs. As he could -not come to Germany in person, he intrusted his cause to -Frederick of Hohenzollern, Burggraf of Nürnberg, who had -saved his life at the battle of Nicopolis, and had since become -his most intimate adviser. But in spite of Sigismund’s distinguished -reputation, his chances of election seemed small if -he could only secure two votes, and if Jobst gave the Brandenburg -vote in his own favour. To get rid of this difficulty -Sigismund determined to repudiate the bargain by which -Brandenburg had been pledged to his cousin, and to claim -and exercise the vote himself. He appointed Frederick of -Hohenzollern to act as his proxy: and on September 1, 1410, -the latter appeared with the four Rhenish electors at Frankfort. -This last move on Sigismund’s part found his opponents -unprepared. Jobst had made up his mind to stand by the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>cause of Wenzel and to secure his own election on his cousin’s -death. He and Rudolf of Saxony had declined to attend the -meeting on the ground that there was no vacancy. The -electors of Mainz and Köln did all they could to delay -matters, but on September 20 the Elector Palatine and the -Archbishop of Trier refused to wait any longer. Punctiliously -fulfilling all the customary forms, they examined and approved -the powers of the Burggraf of Nürnberg, and declared Sigismund -to be unanimously elected. By the letter of the Golden Bull -the election was incontestably valid, and even the doubtfulness -of his claim to Brandenburg could hardly be urged against it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But Sigismund’s opponents had numbers on their side, and -were eager to atone for the blunder they had made in allowing -a march to be stolen upon them. Jobst induced -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Jobst.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Wenzel to make an agreement by which the latter -was to be recognised as Roman Emperor, and in return confirmed -Jobst in the possession of Brandenburg and promised -to give the Bohemian vote in favour of his election as King -of the Romans. In October Frankfort witnessed a new -election. Five electors, either in person or by proxy, gave -their votes in favour of Jobst of Moravia. Thus for the -second time events in the Empire copied the example of -those in the Church. The first schism between two rival -Popes had been followed by a schism between two rival Kings -of the Romans. In 1409 a third Pope was added, and the -next year witnessed the unique spectacle of three princes of -the same family each claiming the highest temporal dignity -on earth. There could be no clearer proof of the unsuitability -of mediæval conceptions to the conditions of Europe -in the fifteenth century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The triple schism in the Empire was, however, of short -duration. Sigismund was preparing to attack his rival, when -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Jobst.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Jobst suddenly died on January 12, 1411. His -removal rendered possible an agreement between -the two brothers. Sigismund recovered his inherited fief of -Brandenburg, and intrusted its administration to Frederick -<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>of Nürnberg. Moravia was annexed to the Bohemian crown, -and has never since been severed from it. As regards the -imperial dignity, Wenzel agreed to give his own vote for -Sigismund, as he had given it the previous year to Jobst, on -condition that his own title should be recognised and that -he should have a prior claim to be made emperor. The -support of the Archbishops of Mainz and Köln Sigismund -purchased by changing his attitude on the Church question -and abandoning the cause of Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> On -July 21, 1411, a third election took place at -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Second election of Sigismund.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Frankfort, when the five votes which had been -given for Jobst were unanimously registered in favour of -Sigismund. The Elector Palatine and the Archbishop of -Trier took no part in the matter, as they refused to cast a -slur on the legality of their previous election.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Sigismund was now to all intents and purposes the only -King of the Romans, as Wenzel made no attempt to busy -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund and John XXIII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -himself with anything but Bohemian affairs. In -his new capacity Sigismund displayed the bustling -activity and the readiness to turn from one great -scheme to another which had always characterised him. -He began by making war on the Venetians, who had encroached -upon Dalmatia. When this war was ended by a -truce in 1413, he entered Italy to reconquer Lombardy from -the Visconti. But he found the power of Filippo Maria too -strongly established to be easily overthrown, and he was -about to retire when fortune threw another and more distinguished -enterprise in his way. John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> had succeeded to -his predecessor’s alliance with Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou and to the -war with Ladislas of Naples. The defeat of the Neapolitan -king at Rocca-Secca (May 19, 1411) induced him to conclude -a treaty by which he was to abandon Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> and -John was to desert the Angevin cause. But Ladislas had -more ambitious aims than merely to secure his position in -Naples. He desired to build up a kingdom of Italy, and for -this purpose to seize upon the States of the Church which lay -<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>between him and the northern principalities and republics. -No sooner had John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> disbanded his mercenary forces -than Ladislas resumed hostilities, occupied Rome, and drove -the Pope to find refuge in Florence. In this strait John -looked eagerly round for support, and the most obvious ally -was Sigismund, who had his own reasons for checking the -aggrandisement of Ladislas. But Sigismund would only give -his assistance on condition that the Pope should summon a -new Council to some German city in order to put an end to -the schism. John saw clearly the danger of such a proceeding -to his own position, and strove to alter the place of meeting -to some town south of the Alps. Sigismund, however, stood -firm, the Pope’s difficulties were pressing, and at -last a formal summons was issued for a Council -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Summons of the Council of Constance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to meet at Constance on November 1, 1414. -Before the dreaded date arrived, the death of Ladislas -(August 6) freed the Pope from his most immediate difficulties -and caused him to repent of his too hasty acquiescence. -Sigismund had apparently gained a signal triumph. He had -ousted the French monarchy from the lead of the reforming -movement in Europe, and if he could conduct the Council to -a successful issue, he would have done much to restore the -prestige both of the imperial dignity and of the German -kingship. Men were reminded of the days when the early -emperors, Otto the Great and Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span>, had dominated the -Church as well as the State.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span> - <h2 id='chap10' class='c009'>CHAPTER X <br /> THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT AND THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE, 1409-1418</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Questions before the Council of Constance—The Hussite Movement—Its -Political Aspect—Exodus of Germans from Prague—Hus at the Council -of Constance—Parties at Constance—Hus imprisoned—Attacks on John -<span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>—His flight—Triumph of Sigismund—Deposition of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>—The -Council during Sigismund’s absence—Sigismund’s journey—Dissensions -in the Council—Election of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>—Dissolution of the Council.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The Council of Constance, like that of Pisa, had two very -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Questions before the Council of Constance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -obvious questions to consider: (1) the restoration of unity; -and (2), if the reforming party could have its way, -the reform of the Church in its head and members. -But circumstances forced the Council to consider -a third question, which had never been even -touched in the discussions at Pisa. This was reformation in -its widest sense: not merely a constitutional change in the -relations of Pope and hierarchy, but a vital change in dogma -and ritual. This question was brought to the front by the -so-called Hussite movement in Bohemia. The fundamental -issues involved were those which have been at the bottom of -most subsequent disputes in the Christian Church. How far -was the Christianity of the day unlike the Christianity to be -found in the record of Christ and His Apostles? And the -difference, if any, was it a real and necessary difference consequent -on the development of society, or was it the result of -abuses and innovations introduced by fallible men? The -orthodox took their stand upon the unity and authority of the -Church. The Church was the true foundation of Christ and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>the inheritor of His spirit. Therefore what the Church -believed and taught, that alone was the true Christian doctrine: -and the forms and ceremonies of the Church were the -necessary aids to faith. The reformers, on the other hand, -looked to Scripture for the fundamental rules of life and -conduct. Any deviation from these rules, no matter on what -authority, must be superfluous, and might very probably be -harmful.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Hussite movement was older than Hus, and it was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Hussite movement.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -partly native and partly foreign in its origin. The first -impulse to religious reform is to be found, in -Bohemia as in England, in the dissensions between -the parish clergy and the mendicant orders. The -latter, being in immediate dependence upon the Papacy, -were not subject to the ordinary authority of the bishops, and -soon learned to consider themselves superior to the parish -clergy. The bishops usually supported their own dependants, -while the friars often found a powerful ally in the Pope. -One result of this long-standing quarrel was that the people -learned to question the authority of their ecclesiastical -superiors. Wherever it is necessary or possible to take one -of two sides, a certain amount of thought and independence -is called into exercise by the choice. This first questioning -spirit among the Bohemians was taken advantage of by a -series of reforming teachers in the fourteenth century, of -whom the best known are Konrad Waldhäuser, Milecz of -Kremsier, and Mathias of Janow. These men attacked the -degradation of the Church, the vices of monks and friars, the -wealth and worldliness of the higher clergy. But it was not -until the rise of Hus that there was any system in the demand -for reform, or any cohesion among the reformers. And the -systematic teaching of Hus was for the most part derived -from the great English teacher, John Wyclif. It was a rule -in the University of Prague that Bachelors of Arts might not -deliver their own lectures, but must expound the teaching of -distinguished professors either of Prague, Paris, or Oxford. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>The marriage of Anne of Bohemia, Wenzel’s sister, with -Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> led to considerable intercourse between England -and Bohemia. Many Bohemian students, notably the friend -and disciple of Hus, Jerome of Prague, completed part of their -course in Oxford, and returned to their native land carrying -with them Wyclif’s treatises, or the record and recollection of -his oral teaching. Wyclif, like the Bohemian reformers, had -begun by quarrelling with the friars and denouncing the vices -of the clergy. The disputes with the Avignon Popes had led -him on to attack the extreme claims of papal authority: and -gradually he had come to question some of the most prominent -dogmas of the Church, notably that of transubstantiation. -Hus was at first reluctant to accept all the conclusions -of Wyclif, but he advanced step by step in the same direction, -and in the end it was as the avowed disciple of the English -reformer that he became the leader of a religious party in -Bohemia.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But it is important to remember that the Hussite movement -had a secular as well as an ecclesiastical side. Bohemia -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Political aspect of the Hussite movement.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was a Slav state, and for centuries there had been a -conflict between Slavs and Germans. At one time -the Slavs had advanced along the southern shores -of the Baltic almost as far as the North Sea. But, -harassed by the attacks of the Magyars, they had been unable -to hold their own, and had gradually been subdued or driven -eastwards by German influences, represented by the Dukes of -Saxony, the Margraves of Brandenburg, the Hanseatic League, -and finally the crusading order of the Teutonic Knights. At -the end of the fourteenth century this steady eastward advance -of the Germans met with a severe, and to some extent a permanent, -check. No doubt the chief agency in effecting this -was the success of the Jagellon kings of Poland in their war -with the Teutonic Order. But the Hussite movement belongs -to the same Slav reaction, and for a time contributed almost -as directly as Polish victories to assure the successful resistance -of the Slavs. Hus himself, born of humble parentage -<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>in the village of Husinec, was profoundly imbued with popular -sympathies, and lost no opportunity of identifying himself and -his teaching with the national cause. And in this aim he was -served by events in the University of Prague, where he early -rose to a distinguished position. Founded in the days of -Bohemian ascendency under Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, the University had -from the first attracted a large number of German teachers and -students, and had become far larger and more distinguished -than any purely German university. Like the Paris University, -on which it had been modelled, it was divided into -four nations—Bohemians, Poles, Bavarians, and Saxons. -After the foundation of a Polish university at Cracow, the -Polish nation at Prague had come to be composed mainly of -Germans from Silesia, Pomerania, and Prussia. Thus to all -intents and purposes the University was composed of two -nations, Germans and Bohemians, of whom the former had -three times as much power as the latter. In all questions -which were decided by the vote of the nations, the Germans -had three votes to one, and as offices went in rotation to the -four nations, they had three turns to the Bohemian one. As -the divergent interests of Slavs and Germans became accentuated -by political and religious differences, the inferiority of -the Bohemians in their own University became more and -more of a grievance. It was on religious questions that the -quarrel was most embittered. The majority of the orthodox -party in the University consisted of Germans, and they -denounced the growth of Wycliffite heresy. A German -teacher brought forward a number of propositions which had -been attributed to Wyclif and condemned by a Synod in -London. In spite of the opposition of Hus and his Bohemian -supporters, the majority in the University voted that the -doctrines were heretical, and prohibited their teaching. -Wenzel, who was at this time supporting the rebellious -cardinals, was anxious that his intervention should not be -weakened by the charge of the prevalence of heresy in his -dominions, and was at first inclined to support the majority. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>But when he applied to the University for their approval of -the Council of Pisa, he found the Bohemians ready to -acquiesce, while the Germans were mostly on the side of the -Roman Pope. At this moment the so-called ‘contest of the -three votes’ was at its height, and Hus had adroitly come -forward as the champion of the cause of his fellow-countrymen. -In the hope of forwarding his ecclesiastical policy, -Wenzel was induced to intervene in the University quarrel. -In January 1409 he issued an edict that henceforth the -Bohemians should have three votes and three turns in office, -while the foreign nations were only to have one between -them. The Germans protested vigorously, and as they failed -to obtain redress, determined to leave Prague. The roads -were crowded with the emigrants, and it was reckoned that -on one day two thousand Germans took their departure.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The exodus of the Germans from Prague is an important -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Exodus of the Germans from Prague.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -historical event. For sixty years Prague had been the capital -of Germany, partly as the residence of the Emperor, -and partly as the seat of the leading -University. With the students had come German -traders, who had made Prague a commercial as well as an -intellectual centre. All this came to a sudden end in 1409. -Prague lost its prominence among German towns. Other -universities were strengthened by the addition of the exiles -from Bohemia; and a large number of them founded a new -university at Leipzig. Germany received a great intellectual -impulse, which was strengthened rather than weakened by -the loss of a general centre. And for Bohemia the consequences -were no less important. The German element in -the country received a blow which was fatal to its further -development for two centuries. At the same time the great -dam which had hitherto impeded the spread of the new -religious doctrines was removed. The rapidity with which -the people received the Wycliffite or Hussite teaching shows -not only that the soil was already well prepared for the seed, -but also the strength of the national antipathy to foreigners.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>With the departure of the Germans, all opposition to the -recognition of the Council of Pisa by Bohemia came to an -end. But the religious dispute was as far from a -settlement as ever. Although the people were -inclined to regard Hus as the champion of the national cause, -there was still a large orthodox party among the upper classes, -and the clergy were resolutely opposed to doctrinal reform. -Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> issued a bull ordering the Archbishop of Prague -to put down heresy, and Wyclif’s writings were publicly -burned. Hus appealed from the Pope ill-informed to the -Pope when he should be better informed. In 1412 the -quarrel was envenomed. John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> had proclaimed a -crusade against Ladislas of Naples, and endeavoured to raise -money by the sale of indulgences. Hus protested against -such an iniquity as vigorously as did Luther a century later, -and the papal bull was burned in the public square. Riots -broke out in Prague, and Bohemia seemed to be on the verge -of civil war. Wenzel could only obtain a temporary truce by -persuading Hus to retire for a time into the country. Meanwhile -Sigismund had succeeded in inducing John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> to -summon a General Council, and anxious to pacify his future -kingdom, he invited Hus to attend. The reformer’s friends -warned him of the danger he would run in accepting the -invitation, but Hus was eager to state his opinions before -an assembly of Christendom, and on receiving a promise of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Hus invited to Constance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -a personal safe-conduct from Sigismund, he arrived in Constance -on November 3, 1414.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Council of Constance is one of the most notable -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Council of Constance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -assemblies in the history of the world. In the number and -fame of its members, in the importance of its -objects, and above all, in the dramatic interest of -its records, it has few rivals. It is like the meeting of two -worlds, the old and the new, the mediæval and the modern. -We find there represented views which have hardly yet been -fully accepted, which have occupied the best minds of succeeding -centuries: at the same time, the Council itself and its -<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>ceremonial carry us back to the times of the Roman Empire, -when Church and State were scarcely yet dual, and when -Christianity was co-extensive with one united Empire. At -Constance all the ideas, religious and political, of the Middle -Ages seem to be put upon their trial. If that trial had ended -in condemnation, there could be no fitter point to mark the -division between mediæval and modern history. But the -verdict was acquittal, or at least a partial acquittal; and the -old system was allowed, under modified conditions, a lease of -life for another century. It must not be forgotten that there -were great secular as well as ecclesiastical interests involved in -the Council. Princes and nobles were present as well as -cardinals and prelates. The Council may be regarded not -only as a great assembly of the Church, but also as a great -diet of the mediæval empire.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The man who had done more than any one to procure the -summons of the Council, and whose interests were most closely -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Parties at Constance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -bound up in its success, was Sigismund, King of -the Romans and potential Emperor. He was -eager to terminate the schism, and to bring about such a -reform in the Church as would prevent the recurrence of -similar scandals. But his motive in this was not merely disinterested -devotion to the interests of the Church. He wished -to revive the prestige of the Holy Roman Empire, and to -gratify his own personal vanity, by posing as the secular head -of Christendom and the arbiter of its disputes. More especially -he wished to restore the authority of the monarchy in -Germany, and to put an end to that anarchic independence -of the princes, of which the recent schism was both the illustration -and the result. In pursuing this aim he was confronted -by the champions of ‘liberty’ and princely interests, -who were represented at Constance by the Archbishop of -Mainz and Frederick of Hapsburg, Count of Tyrol. The -archbishop, John of Nassau, had been prominent in effecting -and prolonging the schism in the Empire. He was a firm -supporter of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>, and had no interest in attending the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>Council except to thwart the designs of the king, whom he -had been the last to accept. Frederick of Tyrol was the -youngest son of that Duke Leopold who had fallen at Sempach -in the war with the Swiss. Of his father’s possessions -Frederick had inherited Tyrol and the Swabian lands, and -the propinquity of his territories made him a powerful personage -at Constance. His family was the chief rival of the -House of Luxemburg for ascendency in eastern Germany, -and he himself seems to have cherished a personal grudge -against Sigismund. To these enemies Sigismund could oppose -two loyal allies, the Elector Palatine Lewis, who had -completely abandoned the anti-Luxemburg policy pursued -by his father Rupert, and Frederick of Hohenzollern, the -most prominent representative of national sentiment in -Germany, who had already given in Brandenburg an example -of that restoration of order which he wished Sigismund to -effect throughout his dominions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Of the clerical members of the Council the most prominent -at the commencement was the Pope John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> He had -been forced by his difficulties in Italy to issue the summons, -but as the time for the meeting approached he felt more and -more misgiving. His one object was to maintain himself in -office; but he was conscious that neither Sigismund nor the -cardinals would hesitate to throw him over if he stood in the -way of the restoration of unity. He therefore allied himself -with Sigismund’s opponents, the Elector of Mainz and -Frederick of Tyrol, and spared no pains to bring about dissension -between Sigismund and the Council.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The assembled clergy may be divided roughly into two -parties: the reformers, and the conservative or ultramontane -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Clerical parties.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -party. The reformers were not in favour of any -radical change in the Church. They were if anything -more vehemently opposed than their antagonists to the -doctrines of Wyclif and Hus. Such reform as they desired -was aristocratic rather than democratic. They had no intention -of weakening the authority of the Church; but within -<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>the Church they desired to remove gross abuses, and to -strengthen the hierarchy as against the Papacy. Their chief -contention was that a General Council has supreme authority, -even over the Pope, and they wished such councils to meet -at regular intervals. By this means papal absolutism would -be limited by a sort of oligarchical parliament within the -Church. The conservatives, on the other hand, consisting -chiefly of the cardinals and Italian prelates, had no wish to -alter a system under which they enjoyed material advantages. -Their object, as it had been at Pisa, was to restore the union -of the Church, but to defeat, or at any rate postpone, any -schemes of reform.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Council was opened on November 5, but the meeting -was only formal, and no real business was transacted for a -month. Meanwhile Hus had been followed to -Constance by the representatives of the orthodox -party in Bohemia, who brought a formidable list of charges -against the reformer. John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> at once saw in this -an opportunity for embroiling the Council with Sigismund. -Adroitly keeping himself in the background, he allowed the -cardinals to take the lead in the matter. They summoned -Hus to appear before them, and in spite of his protest that -he was only answerable to the whole Council, they committed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Hus imprisoned.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -him to prison. The news that his safe-conduct had been so -insultingly disregarded reached Sigismund as he was starting -for Constance after the coronation ceremony at Aachen. He -arrived on Christmas day, and at once demanded that Hus -should be released. The Pope excused himself, and threw -the blame on the cardinals. To the king’s right to protect -his subject the cardinals opposed their duty to suppress -heresy. In high dudgeon, Sigismund declared that he would -leave the Council to its fate, and actually set out on his -return journey. The Pope was jubilant at the success of his -wiles. But Sigismund’s friends, and especially Frederick of -Hohenzollern, urged him not to sacrifice the interests of -Germany and of Christendom for the sake of a heretic. This -<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>advice, and the feeling that his personal reputation was staked -on the success of the Council, triumphed. Sigismund returned -to Constance, and Hus remained a prisoner. From this -moment John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> began to despair.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Pope’s position became worse when the Council, copying -the procedure of the universities, began to discuss matters, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Attacks on John XXIII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -not in a general assembly, but each nation separately. -This deprived John of the advantage -which he hoped to gain from the numerical majority of Italian -prelates attending the Council. Four nations organised themselves: -Italians, French, Germans, and English. Over the -last three John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> had no hold whatever. To his disgust -they treated him, not as the legitimate Pope, whose authority -was to be vindicated against his rivals, but as one of three -schismatic Popes, whose retirement was a necessary condition -of the restoration of unity. When he tried to evade their -demand, they brought unanswerable charges against his -personal character, and threatened to depose him. He tried -to disarm hostility by declaring his readiness to resign if the -other Popes would do the same. His promise was welcomed -with enthusiasm, but neither Sigismund nor his supporters -were softened by it. In spite of the vehement protests of the -Elector of Mainz that he would obey no Pope but John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>, -the proposal was made to proceed to a new election. John -had to fall back upon his last expedient. If he departed from -Constance he might throw the Council into fatal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Pope’s flight.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -confusion: at the worst he could maintain himself -as an Antipope, as Gregory and Benedict had done against -the Council of Pisa. His ally Frederick of Tyrol was prepared -to assist him. Frederick arranged a tournament outside -the walls, and while this absorbed public interest, the -Pope escaped from Constance in the disguise of a groom, -and made his way to Schaffhausen, a strong castle of the -Hapsburg count.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the moment John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> seemed not unlikely to gain his -end. Constance was thrown into confusion by the news of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Triumph of Sigismund.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his flight. The mob rushed to pillage the papal residence. -The Italian and Austrian prelates prepared to leave the city, -and the Council was on the verge of dissolution. But Sigismund’s -zeal and energy succeeded in averting -such a disaster. He restored order in the city, -persuaded the prelates to remain, and took prompt measures -to punish his rebellious vassal. An armed force under -Frederick of Hohenzollern succeeded in capturing not only -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> but also Frederick of Tyrol. The latter was -compelled to undergo public humiliation, and to hand over -his territories to his suzerain on condition that his life should -be spared. No such exercise of imperial power had been -witnessed in Germany since the days of the Hohenstaufen, -and Sigismund chose this auspicious moment to secure a -powerful supporter within the electoral college by handing -over the electorate of Brandenburg to Frederick of Nürnberg -(April 30, 1415). He thus established a dynasty which was -destined to play a great part in German history, and ultimately -to create a new German Empire.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The unsuccessful flight of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> not only enabled -Sigismund to assume a more authoritative position in the -Council and in Germany: it also sealed his own -fate. The Council had no longer any hesitation -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Deposition of John XXIII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in proceeding to the formal deposition of the Pope (May 29, -1415). As the two Popes who had been deposed at Pisa -had never been recognised at Constance, the Church was -now without a head. But instead of hastening to fill the -vacancy, the Council turned aside to the suppression of -heresy and the trial of Hus. On three occasions, -the 5th, 7th, and 8th of June, Hus was heard -before a general session. No point in his teaching excited -greater animadversion than his contention that a priest, -whether Pope or prelate, forfeited his office by the commission -of mortal sin. With great cunning his accusers drew -him on to extend this doctrine to temporal princes. This -was enough to complete the alienation of Sigismund, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>after the third day’s trial he was the first to pronounce in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Execution of Hus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -favour of condemnation. The last obstacle in the way of the -prosecution was thus removed, and Hus was burned in a -meadow outside the city walls on July 6, 1415.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the death of Hus ends the first and most eventful -period of the Council of Constance. Within these seven or -eight months Sigismund and the reforming party, thanks to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Council during Sigismund’s absence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the division of the Council into nations, seemed to have -gained a signal success. Sigismund had purchased his -triumph by breaking his pledge to Hus, and for this he was -to pay a heavy penalty in the subsequent disturbances in -Bohemia. But for the moment these were not foreseen, and -Sigismund was jubilantly eager to prosecute his scheme. -Warned by the experience of its predecessor -at Pisa, the Council of Constance was careful -not to put too much trust in paper decrees. -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> was not only deposed, but a prisoner. -Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> had given a conditional promise of resignation, -and had so few supporters as to be of slight importance. -But Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> was still strong in the allegiance of the -Spanish kingdoms, and unless they could be detached from -his cause there was little prospect of ending the schism. -This task Sigismund volunteered to undertake, and he also -proposed to avert the impending war between England and -France, to reconcile the Burgundian and Armagnac parties -in the latter country, and to negotiate peace between the -King of Poland and the Teutonic Knights. It would indeed -be a revival of the imperial idea if its representative could -thus act as a general mediator in European quarrels. The -Council welcomed the offer with enthusiasm, and showed -their loyalty to Sigismund by deciding to postpone all important -questions till his return. And this decision was actually -adhered to. During the sixteen months of Sigismund’s -absence (July 15, 1415, to January 27, 1417) only two -prominent subjects were considered by the Council. One -was the trial of Jerome of Prague, which was a mere corollary -<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>of that of Hus, and ended in a similar sentence. The other -was the thorny question raised by the proposed condemnation -of the writings of Jean Petit, a Burgundian partisan who had -defended the murder of the Duke of Orleans. The leader -of the attack upon Jean Petit was Gerson, the learned and -eloquent chancellor of the University of Paris. But so completely -had the matter become a party question, and so -great was the influence of the Duke of Burgundy, that the -Council could not be induced to go further than a general -condemnation of the doctrine of lawful tyrannicide; and -Gerson’s activity in the matter provoked such ill-will that -after the close of the Council he could not venture to return -to France, which was then completely under Burgundian and -English domination.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is impossible to narrate here the story of Sigismund’s -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund’s journey.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -journey, though it abounds with illustrations of his impulsive -character and of the attitude of the western states -towards the imperial pretensions. It furnished -conclusive proofs, if any were needed, that however the -Council, for its own ends, might welcome the authority of a -secular head, national sentiment was far too strongly developed -to give any chance of success to a projected revival -of the mediæval empire. As regards his immediate object, -Sigismund was able to achieve some results. He failed to -induce Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> to abdicate, but the quibbles of the -veteran intriguer exhausted the patience of his supporters, -and at a conference at Narbonne the Spanish kings agreed -to desert him and to adhere to the Council of Constance -(December 1415). But Sigismund’s more ambitious schemes -came to nothing. So far from preventing a war between -England and France, he only forwarded an alliance between -Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> and the Duke of Burgundy, and though he -may have done this in the hope of forcing peace upon -France, the result was to make the war more disastrous and -prolonged.</p> - -<p class='c004'>When Sigismund reappeared in Constance (January 27, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Dissensions in the Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -1417), he found that the state of affairs both in Germany and -in the Council had altered for the worse. Frederick of Tyrol -had returned to his dominions and had been welcomed by -his subjects. The Archbishop of Mainz had renewed his -intrigues, and an attempt had even been made to release -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> With the Elector Palatine, formerly his loyal -supporter, Sigismund had quarrelled on money matters, and -it seemed possible that the four Rhenish electors would form -a league against Sigismund as they had done against Wenzel -in 1400. Still more galling was his loss of influence in the -Council. The adhesion of the Spanish kingdoms -had been followed by the arrival of Spanish prelates, -who formed a fifth nation and strengthened the party -opposed to reform. The war between England and France -had created a quarrel between the two nations at Constance, -and the French deserted the cause they had once championed -rather than vote with their enemies. Sigismund could only -rely upon the English and the Germans: and the question -which agitated the Council was one of vital importance. -Which was to come first, the election of a new Pope, or the -adoption of a scheme of ecclesiastical reform? The conservatives -contended that the Church could hardly be said -to exist without its head; that no reform would be valid -until the normal constitution of the Church was restored. -On the other hand, it was urged that no reform was possible -unless the supremacy of a General Council was fully recognised; -that certain questions could be more easily discussed -and settled during a vacancy; that if the reforms were agreed -upon, a new Pope could be pledged to accept them, whereas -a Pope elected at once could prevent all reform. Party -spirit ran extremely high, and it seemed almost impossible -to effect an agreement. Sigismund was openly denounced -as a heretic, while he in turn threatened to imprison the -cardinals for contumacy. But gradually the balance turned -against the reformers. Some of the leading German bishops -were bribed to change their votes. The head of the English -<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>representatives, Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, died at -the critical moment, and the influence of Henry Beaufort, -the future cardinal, induced the English nation to support an -immediate election. It was agreed that a new Pope should -be chosen at once, and that the Council should then proceed -to the work of reform. But the only preliminary concession -that Sigismund and his party could obtain was the issue of -a decree in October 1417, that another Council should meet -within five years, a second within seven years, and that -afterwards a Council should be regularly held every ten years.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the new election it was decided that the twenty-three -cardinals should be joined by thirty delegates of the Council, -six from each nation. The conclave met on -November 8, and three days later their choice -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Martin V., Nov. 11, 1417.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fell upon Cardinal Oddo Colonna, who took the -name of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> Even the defeated party could not refrain -from sharing in the general enthusiasm at the restoration of -unity after forty years of schism. But their fears as to the -ultimate fate of the cause of reform were fully justified. Soon -after his election Martin declared that it was impious to -appeal to a Council against a papal decision. Such a declaration, -as Gerson said, nullified the acts of the Councils of Pisa -and Constance, including the election of the Pope himself. -In their indignation the members made a strong appeal to the -Pope to fulfil the conditions agreed upon before his election. -But Martin had a weapon to hand which had been furnished -by the Council itself. It was the division into nations that -had led to the fall of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>, and it was the same division -into nations that had ruined the prospects of reform. The -Pope now drew up a few scanty articles of reform, which he -offered as separate concordats to the French, Germans, and -English. It was a dangerous expedient for a Pope to adopt, -because it seemed to imply the separate existence of national -churches; but it answered its immediate purpose. Martin -could contend that there was no longer any work for the -Council to do, and he dissolved it in May 1418. He set out -<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Dissolution of the Council, May, 1418.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -for Italy, where a difficult task awaited him. Papal authority -in Rome had ceased with the flight of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> in 1414. -Sigismund offered the Pope a residence in some -German city, but Martin wisely refused. The -support of his own family, the Colonnas, enabled -him to re-enter Rome in 1421. By that time almost all traces -of the schism had disappeared. Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> was dead: John -<span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> had recently died in Florence: Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> still held -out in his fortress of Peniscola, but was impotent in his -isolation.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span> - <h2 id='chap11' class='c009'>CHAPTER XI <br /> THE HUSSITE WARS AND THE COUNCIL OF BASEL, 1419-1449</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Sigismund and Germany—Hussite parties in Bohemia—Crusades against the -Hussites—Bohemian victories—Bohemia and Poland—Attempted reforms -in Germany—The Crusade of 1427—Reforms of 1427—The Crusade of -1431—Summons of the Council of Basel—Its procedure—Its quarrel with -Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—His submission—The Compacts with Bohemia—Civil war -in Bohemia—Battle of Lipan—Sigismund acknowledged king of Bohemia—The -Council of Basel and reforms—Divisions within the Council—Negotiations -with the Greeks—Quarrel of the Pope and Council—Council -of Ferrara or Florence—Attitude of France and Germany—The Pragmatic -Sanction—Deposition of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Election of Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span>—The -Council’s prestige declines—Triumph of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Reconciliation of -Germany to Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Close of the Council of Basel—Failure of the -Conciliar Movement.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The ultimate failure of the reforming party at Constance had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund and Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ruined all Sigismund’s schemes for the restoration of monarchical -authority in Germany. Ready as he was to -form magnificent projects, he was equally easily -discouraged and turned aside. After quitting the Council he -devoted himself to personal and dynastic interests, to the -defence of Hungary against the Turks, and to the enforcement -of his claim to succeed in Bohemia. Germany and -German interests he abandoned almost as completely as his -brother had done. The result was a gradual rupture of the -friendship that had hitherto existed between himself and -Frederick of Brandenburg. The latter had made it his life’s -task to restore unity to Germany, in order to save that country -from internal dissolution and foreign attack. The desertion -of Sigismund from what had been a common cause forced -<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>him to change his means, but not his end. Hitherto he had -striven to unite Germany under the monarchy, but that was -impossible when the king would not undertake to govern. -Frederick was forced to scheme for a federal union of -Germany which should be independent of, and perhaps hostile -to, the monarchy. And the necessity of some such union was -made more and more manifest by events in Bohemia.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In Bohemia the news of Hus’s death had provoked a storm -of indignation, and had intensified the national sentiment -of hostility to Germany. Sigismund was regarded -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Hussite parties in Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with special loathing as a perjured traitor as well -as a party to a murder. Even the sluggish -Wenzel shared the sentiments of his subjects. He bitterly -reviled his brother for breaking his safe-conduct, ordered that -no Bohemian should henceforth appear before a foreign -tribunal, and showed special favour to the party which -demanded vengeance for Hus’s death. Under the leadership -of Nicolas of Husinec, lord of the village where Hus had -been born, and of John Ziska, already known as a capable -military leader, the Hussites made great strides towards -ascendency in Bohemia. The chief doctrine which they -advanced was the communion in both kinds. They held -that laymen were entitled to receive the cup in the sacrament -as well as the priests, and hence, as a religious party, they -received the name of Utraquists. But though they were -united in this contention, and also in common hostility to -Germany and German influences, there were important divisions -among the Hussites. The moderate party, or Calixtines, -were in favour of a gradual reform, and wished to separate -political from religious questions. They were also called -Pragers, because they were strongest in the capital and in the -University of Prague. In 1420 their demands were formulated -in the ‘four articles of Prague,’ which became the avowed creed -of the party. These were: (1) complete liberty of preaching; -(2) the communion in both kinds for all Christians; (3) the -exclusion of priests from temporal affairs and the holding of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>property; (4) the subjection of clergy to secular penalties for -crimes and misdemeanours. But side by side with the -Calixtines was a radical and democratic party, known as the -Taborites. Like the Lollards in England, they mixed up -social and religious questions, and advocated republican and -even communistic theories.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of Wenzel in 1419 added a new element of -bitterness to the quarrel between the Hussites and the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Crusades against the Hussites.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -champions of orthodoxy. The obvious heir to -the crown was Sigismund, the only surviving -male of the Luxemburg house. But Sigismund -was regarded as peculiarly responsible for Hus’s death, and as -the representative of all that was foreign and anti-Bohemian. -It was inevitable that his claim should be resisted, or only -accepted on very stringent conditions. At the moment -Sigismund was engaged in a Turkish war, and left the -government in the hands of Wenzel’s widow. But as soon as -possible he patched up a truce with the Turks, and prepared -to take possession of his new kingdom. Frederick of -Brandenburg urged him to adopt a conciliatory policy, to -play off one party against the other, and to gain over the -moderates by a few concessions in religious matters. But -Sigismund was eager to secure the support of the Pope, who -was resolutely opposed to any tampering with heresy; and -most of his German advisers urged that any concessions to -his subjects would make them haughty and disobedient in -the future. The counsel of Frederick of Brandenburg was -rejected, and in March 1420 Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> published a crusade -against the Hussites. A German army was to be raised to -prosecute the religious war. No decision could have been -more disastrous. Party divisions in Bohemia were at once -reconciled, and all classes joined in maintaining a national -resistance against a common foe. And this resistance -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bohemian victories, 1420-22.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was completely successful. Ziska proved -to be a general of the first rank. Not only did -he give to his troops the cohesion and discipline of a standing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>army, but he introduced innovations which mark an epoch -in the history of mediæval warfare. Especially prominent is -the excellence of his artillery, and the use which he made of -his baggage-waggons. These were formed into a sort of -movable fortress, equally formidable both for defence and -aggression. The German armies opposed to him were the -feudal levies, collected from various states, bound together -by no common interests or enthusiasms, and recognising no -common discipline or authority. In three successive campaigns—1420, -1421, and 1422—the Germans were routed -and driven from Bohemia, until at last the mere rumour of -Ziska’s approach was sufficient to drive his enemies into disorderly -and panic-stricken flight. A contemporary says that -the Germans were inspired with such a loathing for heretics -that they could not bring themselves to strike them, or even -to look them in the face.</p> - -<p class='c004'>After the failure of the third crusade in 1422, Bohemia was -left to herself for five years. Nicolas of Husinec had died in -1421, Ziska was carried off by the plague in 1424, -and the leadership of the militant party passed to -a general of hardly less ability, Prokop. With the removal of -external danger, the bond which had held parties together -was broken, the old divisions and quarrels reappeared, and -the country was a prey to the horrors of civil war. An -attempt was made to identify the common interests of the -Slav race in opposition to Germany by offering the crown to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bohemia and Poland.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Ladislas of Poland. But Ladislas was afraid of compromising -his position by an alliance with heretics, and though his -nephew Korybut was for a time sent into Bohemia, the -opportunity of forming a powerful Slav monarchy on the -frontier of Germany was allowed to slip.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the humiliation of successive and crushing -defeats had made a profound impression in Germany. The -battle of Brescia (<i>v.</i> p. <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>) had already shown the weakness -of German arms; but the failure to crush the Hussites proved -that the military and political systems of Germany were equally -<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Attempted reforms in Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -rotten. The more patriotic of the princes, like Frederick of -Brandenburg, were driven to consider the necessity of some -drastic reform. The restoration of monarchical -authority was the most obvious remedy for disorder, -but the general distrust of Sigismund put -that out of the question. The old alliance of the Hohenzollerns -with the Luxemburg kings had now come to an end. -In 1422 Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the last of the Ascanian electors of Saxony, -died, leaving no obvious heir. His only daughter was married -to the eldest son of the Elector of Brandenburg. A few years -earlier Sigismund would have welcomed the opportunity of -increasing the territorial and political influence of his chief -supporter in Germany. But things had changed since the -Council of Constance, the Hohenzollern claims were disregarded, -and the vacant electorate was conferred by Sigismund -upon Frederick of Meissen, the founder of the Wettin -line in Saxony, which rules there in the present day. This -marks the final rupture between Sigismund and the Elector -of Brandenburg; and in attempting to reform the constitution -of Germany the latter found himself in opposition to his -former patron. In 1422 it had been proposed at a diet at -Nürnberg to raise a mercenary army in place of the feudal -troops, and to defray the expense by levying a general -imperial tax of one per cent., ‘the hundredth penny,’ as it -was called. But this project was foiled by the opposition of -the towns, who feared that they would have to pay the money -while the princes would pocket it. In 1424 the electors -formed a close league among themselves, and practically -assumed to act as if they were the joint heads of a federation. -Sigismund was furious at this open disregard of his authority, -and prepared to go to war against Frederick of Brandenburg -and his associates. Hostilities had actually broken out, when -the news arrived that the Hussites, who had hitherto been -content with standing on the defensive, were invading the -neighbouring German provinces. The Pope was roused by -this to make new efforts for the success of a crusade, and he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The fourth crusade, 1427.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -appointed Cardinal Beaufort, the uncle of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of -England, to act as papal legate. At the same time another -attempt was made to strengthen the military organisation of -Germany. At a diet at Frankfort (April 1427) the old -mode of levying troops was abandoned, and it was agreed -that one out of every twenty adult males should be chosen -by lot. In this way it was hoped to eradicate the provincial -jealousies, which had hitherto been a fatal source of discord. -Frederick of Brandenburg was to act as commander-in-chief. -But the financial difficulty was still in the way. None of the -proposed taxes could be carried, and at last they had to fall -back upon the tenths granted by the Pope and a poll-tax on -the Jews. The army collected was the largest -that had yet been employed in the war; but the -result was all the more ignominious. On the news that -Prokop and his dreaded Taborites were at hand, the crusaders -fled in headlong confusion. On the frontier they were met -by Cardinal Beaufort, who implored them to return, and in -his rage tore the imperial standard to pieces, and trampled it -underfoot. But it was all in vain, and the legate was swept -away with the panic-stricken mob.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This was the most ignominious reverse yet experienced, -and under the impression which it produced a new diet at -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reforms of 1427.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Frankfort hastened to adopt the most far-reaching -reforms. A regular income-tax was imposed, and -a general poll-tax graduated according to rank. The revenue -thus derived was to be collected by local delegates, and paid -to the central power. But this central power was not the -German monarchy. The two commanders-in-chief, Cardinal -Beaufort and Frederick of Brandenburg, were to be aided by -a council of nine, consisting of one nominee of each of the -six electors, and three representatives of the imperial towns. -This body was authorised to raise fresh troops, or to levy -additional taxes. Such an arrangement amounted to a practical -deposition of Sigismund, whose authority was transferred -to this new federal council. But the reform was little more -<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>than a paper scheme. The forces of disunion were too strong -to be readily overcome. Much of the money remained unpaid, -and in consequence the troops could neither be raised -nor equipped. Frederick of Brandenburg was forced to fall -back upon the policy of negotiation which he had always -favoured. He saw clearly that every invasion of Bohemia -strengthened the extreme party, and that the only prospect -of settlement lay in gaining over the moderates to the German -side. But the negotiations were foiled by the irresolution of -Sigismund, the discord among the German princes, and the -obstinacy of the Pope. Cardinal Beaufort was ordered to -lead a new crusade in 1429, but he found it necessary to -disarm domestic opponents by sending the troops he had -raised to serve in France. Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> was furious but impotent. -In 1430 he appointed a new legate, Cardinal Cesarini, in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Fifth crusade, 1431.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -place of Beaufort, and in 1431 a German army -was at last collected on the principles laid down -in 1427. In August it crossed the frontier, and encamped -under the walls of Tauss. But on the news of Prokop’s -approach, the old panic set in, and the troops fled in confusion. -With the so-called battle of Tauss the fifth crusade, -the last effort to crush the Hussite by force of arms, came to -an end. The war had lasted twelve years, and had given -convincing proofs of the evils of provincial disunion, but it -had come two centuries too late to inspire the Germans with -a sense of national duties and interests. From this time the -only hope of restoring peace in eastern Europe lay in the -proceedings of the General Council, which had already been -summoned to meet at Basel.</p> - -<p class='c004'>One of the most important decrees of the Council of Constance -had provided for the sequence of future councils; and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Summons of the Council of Basel, 1431.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -though Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> looked upon the arrangement -with profound mistrust, he dared not wholly disregard -it. The first of these assemblies met in -1423, first at Pavia and then at Siena. It was attended only -by Italian prelates, who were easily manageable, and it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>dissolved without passing any important enactments except -that its successor was to meet in 1431 at Basel. As the time -approached Martin began to be filled with dread of another -Council beyond the Alps. But the condition of Europe was -too disturbed, and the danger too great of allowing Bohemian -heresy to spread, for him to run the risk of alienating -Germany by changing the place of meeting. On February 1 -he ordered the Council to meet on March 4, and appointed -Cardinal Cesarini to preside as his representative. On -February 20 Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> died, leaving his successor Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -to face the dangers and difficulties which he foresaw.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Very few prelates appeared in Basel at the appointed date; -but the defeat of the Germans at Tauss suddenly gave great -importance to the Council, as offering the only prospect of -the conclusion of peace. In September Cesarini arrived from -Bohemia, and from this time numbers rapidly -increased. The first matter for consideration -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Procedure of the Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was the method of procedure. It was decided to abandon -the division into nations, which had been tried at Constance, -on the ground that national jealousy weakened the unity of -the Council. Instead, the Council was to be divided into -four deputations, composed of representatives from each -nation. Each deputation was to consider a separate subject: -(1) the restoration of peace; (2) matters of doctrine and -faith; (3) the reform of the Church; (4) the general business -of the Council. When a matter had been discussed in a -deputation, it was to be brought before the whole Council, -and votes were to be taken by deputations. If they were -equally divided, the deputations were to be re-formed, and -the question debated afresh. A committee of twelve was -formed to arrange the division into deputations, and to decide -on the right of any individual to take part in the Council. -From the first this committee took a very broad view in this -matter, and the result was that the Council soon began to -assume a democratic character. At Constance the great -prelates and university dignitaries had been the dominant -<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>force: at Basel power tended to fall into the hands of the -mass of the clergy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The most pressing business of the Council was to negotiate -with the victorious Hussites, and under the influence of -Cesarini it was decided to invite the Bohemians -to send delegates to Basel. This gave the -greatest umbrage in Rome, where the dangers from Bohemia -were less keenly felt, and the prejudice against any dealings -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrel with Eugenius IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with excommunicated heretics was strongest. Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -who was much less prudent and statesmanlike than his predecessor, -determined to check such dangerous proceedings at -the outset. On December 18, 1431, he issued a bull dissolving -the Council, and summoning another to meet in eighteen -months at Bologna. The bull dropped like a bomb-shell in -the peaceful deliberations of Basel, where no thought of the -possible displeasure of the Pope had been entertained. But -after the first feeling of dismay, it was resolved to resist. -Cesarini was profoundly convinced that the dissolution of the -Council would result in the complete alienation of Germany -and the triumph of the Hussite heresy, and he wrote an -earnest letter to explain his views. Sigismund and all the -princes whose interests demanded peace were inclined to -support the Council, which was thus emboldened to make -a firm stand against the Pope. In February 1432 it was -decided that a General Council could not be dissolved without -its own consent; and in April the Pope and cardinals were -ordered to present themselves at Basel within three months. -A new schism seemed likely to break out, not as before -between rival heads of the Church, but between the Church -itself and its head. The contest was between parliamentary -and despotic authority, and it was as difficult in the Church -as in the State to reconcile their rival pretensions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the end the Pope was forced to give way, partly by the -pressure of secular interests, and partly by the difficulties in -which he was involved in Italy. In 1432 Sigismund came -to Rome to receive the imperial crown from the Pope, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Submission of the Pope.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -refused to abandon the cause of the Council, which he hoped -might secure his tardy recognition in Bohemia. In 1433 the -partiality of Eugenius for his native city of Venice -involved him in a quarrel with Filippo Maria -Visconti. The mercenary troops of Milan, aided by the -Colonnas, whom Eugenius sought to abase from the position -Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> had given them, laid siege to Rome, and the Pope -could only save himself from imprisonment by an ignominious -flight to Florence. In these circumstances he could hardly -hope for a victory over the recalcitrant Council, and in -December 1433 he abandoned the unequal contest. He -declared the Council of Basel to be a lawful œcumenical -council, and confirmed its decrees.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The papal recognition came in time to give increased -importance and authority to the Council’s negotiations with -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Compacts with Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the Bohemians, which had been carried on without -interruption during the quarrel with Eugenius. -Bohemian deputies, including Prokop himself—as -redoubtable a theologian as he was a general—had -been admitted to Basel at the end of 1432, and had carried -on for three months a disputation with the speakers of the -Council. The basis of discussion was supplied by the four -articles of Prague, and, thanks to the conciliatory temper of -Cesarini, the controversy had rarely gone beyond the decencies -of orderly debate. No definite agreement was arrived -at at Basel, but it was agreed that delegates from the Council -should in their turn proceed to negotiate with the diet at -Prague. There, after infinite labour, a rudimentary compromise -was arranged in what are called the <i>Compactata</i>. On -the great question of the cup the Council had to give way, and -the Bohemians and Moravians were to be allowed to receive -the communion in both kinds. Liberty of preaching was -nominally conceded, but it was added that priests must be -ordained by their ecclesiastical superiors, and that the authority -of bishops must be obeyed. Clergy were to be punished -for crimes ‘according to the law of God and the ordinances -<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>of the fathers.’ On the question of clerical property the -Council gained the day. The right of the Church to possess -and administer heritable property was fully recognised, and -it was declared sacrilege for a layman to interfere with it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The <i>Compactata</i> were very far from being an authoritative -treaty, but their importance lies in the fact that they secured -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Civil war in Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the approval of the nobles and moderate party in -Bohemia, who had long desired the restoration -of peace and order. The Taborites and the army, on the -other hand, were resolute in condemning the proposed terms, -and the quarrel developed into open war. At Lipan, in April -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Lipan, 1434.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -1434, the Taborites found themselves confronted -by men who had learned tactics in the same school -as themselves. They were enticed from their waggon-fortress -by a feigned flight, while a troop of cavalry cut off their -retreat. Prokop himself was slain, and the army, which had -been so long the terror of Europe, was almost wholly cut to -pieces. With the downfall of the extreme party the chief -difficulty in the way of the restoration of the monarchy was -removed. But the nobles were not prepared for an unconditional -submission to Sigismund. They demanded, among -other things, a complete amnesty and the exclusion -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund acknowledged in Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -from office of all who refused to receive the communion -in both kinds. Sigismund found it necessary -to at any rate feign compliance, and in August 1436 he -made his formal entry into Prague. As a European question -the Hussite movement may be regarded as having come to -an end. Not that Bohemia was really pacified, or that the -doctrines of Hus had been abandoned, but all danger of any -general adoption of these doctrines in central Europe had -disappeared. As long as the Hussites were supported by the -forces of national enthusiasm they had been irresistible: -their defeat was due to their own dissensions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1434 the Council of Basel was at the height of its power -and reputation. Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had been forced to recognise -its authority. Its negotiations with the Bohemians had not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reforming activity of the Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -indeed produced a definite treaty, but they had resulted in -dividing the moderate from the extreme party, and the defeat -of the latter had brought a peaceful settlement within measurable -distance. Encouraged by these successes, the Council -undertook with energy the task of reforming the -Church. A series of decrees show how strong -was the dislike of the despotic rule of the Papacy. -Papal reservations, by which the right of patrons to appoint -to benefices were evaded, was declared illegal. The establishment -of diocesan and provincial synods was recommended. -Appeals from the decision of a bishop to Rome were forbidden. -But these measures were surpassed in boldness by an edict -of June 1435, which forbade the payment of annates, or the -first year’s revenue of a bishopric or benefice. This threatened -to deprive the Pope of his chief source of revenue, and provoked -a violent outcry from the cardinals and officials of the -Curia. But Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, still an exile from Rome, did not -feel strong enough to resist. He accepted the decree, only -asking that some compensation in the way of national contributions -should be given him. This pusillanimity encouraged -the Council to further attacks on the papal power. The unrestricted -right of the chapters to elect bishops was confirmed: -all papal commendations were done away with: appeals from -a General Council to the Pope were declared to be heretical.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The extreme measures of the Council were fatal to its unity. -It was felt that many of the decrees were inspired by French -and German antipathy to Italian preponderance -in the Church. At the same time the numerical -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Divisions in the Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -majority of the lower clergy was regarded with growing mistrust -by the bishops and other dignitaries. Reforms might -begin with the Papacy, but were not likely to stop there. -Cesarini and other moderate men, who had supported the -Council as long as the Bohemian negotiations were at a -critical stage, were now inclined to rally to the cause of the -Pope. This growing papal party found an active and unscrupulous -leader in the Bishop of Taranto, whose aim was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>to bring about an irreconcilable quarrel between the Pope -and the Council. On the other side, the reforming and anti-Italian -party was headed by the Cardinal Archbishop of Arles, -a prelate of unquestioned piety and learning, but a resolute -antagonist of the Papacy and perhaps a personal enemy of -Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> On the same side was a man destined to play -an important part in the history of the Council and of -Christendom, Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini. He was a native -of Siena who had come to Basel in the suite of the Bishop -of Fermo, and had since acted as secretary to various prelates. -He had made a name for himself by his oratorical powers, -the purity of his Latin style, and his diplomatic ability. He -had attached himself to the reforming party, but no one suspected -him of having any firm convictions, and those who -knew his easy and pleasure-loving nature can have had little -expectation that he would one day rise to the headship of the -Church. Between the two extreme parties at the Council was -a moderate section, headed by a Spaniard, John of Segovia, -but it was neither numerous nor important.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The quarrel within the Council and the growing hostility -between the Council and the Pope were both brought to a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Negotiations with the Greeks.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -head by the negotiations with the Greeks. The -eastern Emperor, John <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, though not actually at -war with the Ottoman Turks, felt that they were -closing round him on every side, and that an attack on Constantinople -was before long inevitable. In his despair he -appealed for the assistance of western Europe, and was prepared -to purchase it by sacrificing the independence of the -Greek Church. The idea of uniting the Eastern and -Western Churches had long been cherished by the Popes, -and Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was the more eager to take the matter up -as it offered the prospect of a triumph over the hated Council -of Basel. But the Greeks were fully aware of the divisions -in the Western Church, and sent envoys to the Council as -well as to the Pope. Hence arose an eager competition as to -which should gain control of the negotiations. The Council -<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>offered to send a fleet to bring the Greek prelates to the -coast, and to pay all the expenses of their stay at Basel. To -raise the money necessary for the fulfilment of these promises, -the Council usurped a papal prerogative and issued indulgences -to those who would contribute to the union of the Churches. -Eugenius, on his side, issued a memorial to the princes of -Europe, in which he enumerated the misdeeds of the Council, -and promised to undertake the reform of the Church with the -aid of another Council, which for the sake of the Greeks would -be held in some Italian city.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the Greek question had provoked violent disputes -in Basel. The papal legates proposed that for the -convenience of the Greeks they should adjourn -either to Florence or to Udine in the territories -of Venice. The moderate party suggested Pavia, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Open quarrel between Pope and Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -as being less dependent upon the Pope, and this -received the support of Æneas Sylvius, who was beginning -to veer round to the papal side. But the extreme party -would not hear of either proposal. The Archbishop of Arles -moved that the Council should remain at Basel or, if the -Greeks preferred it, should adjourn to Avignon. The debates -were marked by the most unseemly behaviour, and it was -with difficulty that the reverend fathers could be restrained -from laying violent hands upon each other. The motion of -the anti-papal party was carried by more than three-fifths -of the Council; but the next morning it was discovered that -this had been abstracted, and that the decree of the papal -minority, duly signed and sealed, had been put in its place. -This audacious piece of trickery was attributed to the Archbishop -of Taranto, and so great was the indignation against -him that he found it advisable to flee to Italy, where he was -rewarded by Eugenius with the cardinal’s hat. And the -anger of the majority was not diminished when they learned -that the Greeks had been persuaded to accept the papal invitation -to attend a Council in Italy. The Council was driven -to the most extreme measures to try and discredit the Papacy. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>In July 1437 the Pope and cardinals were summoned to -appear at Basel within sixty days to answer the charges -brought against them. On October 1 Eugenius was pronounced -contumacious for not having obeyed the summons. -The Pope, on his side, had issued a bull (September 18) -dissolving the Council at Basel, and summoning an assembly -to meet at Ferrara in order to effect the union of the Churches. -There was no longer any room in Basel for partisans of the -Papacy, and by the beginning of 1438 Cesarini and all who -were frightened by the extreme measures of the Council had -crossed the Alps.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Eugenius presided at the Council which met at Ferrara in -1438 and on the outbreak of the plague was transferred to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Council of Ferrara or Florence, 1438-9.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Florence. Months were spent in futile debates -on the differences between the two Churches. -By far the most prominent subject of discussion -was the great <i>filioque</i> controversy. The Latin -Church had added these words to the original wording of -the creed as fixed at the Council of Nicæa, while the Greek -Church had never adopted them. The other differences which -gave rise to debate were the use of leavened or unleavened -bread in the sacrament, the doctrine of purgatory, and the -papal supremacy. The Greek Church, as the petitioning -body, was ultimately forced to accept, without being convinced, -the Roman views on all four questions. A decree -for the union of the two Churches was drawn up, and Eugenius -thought he was celebrating the crowning triumph of the -Papacy (July 6, 1439). But, as far as actual results went, -the triumph was premature. The Greeks at home refused -to accept the decision of their representatives, and clamoured -that they had been betrayed. Nor did John <span class='fss'>VI.</span> gain any aid -to make up for the unpopularity he had incurred. Western -Europe was fatally divided against itself, and paid little heed -to the safety of Constantinople. The union of the Greek -and Latin Churches remained a mere document.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The quarrel between the Pope and the Council of Basel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>had become irreconcilable when the latter was deserted by -all the adherents of Eugenius, and when Cesarini was succeeded -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Attitude of France and Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -as president by the Archbishop of Arles. -The result of the quarrel could only be decided -by the adhesion of the secular states to one side or -the other. The two states to which the Council chiefly looked -for support were Germany and France, the countries from -which most of the remaining members were drawn. But -these two states, instead of warmly espousing the cause of -the Council, seemed rather inclined to take advantage of the -schism to establish their own ecclesiastical independence. -In 1438 a synod of French clergy accepted the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 1438.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -famous Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, the foundation -of the liberties of the Gallican Church. -This measure adopted, in the special interests of France, -most of the decrees against the papal power which had been -carried in the Council as applying to the whole Church. -France was beginning to recover from the prolonged wars -with Burgundy and England, and the Pragmatic Sanction -offered the supreme advantage of checking the drain of -French wealth to fill the coffers of the Pope. In Germany -Sigismund had died in 1437, and the electors and leading -princes began by adopting a policy of strict neutrality between -the Council and the Papacy. But the policy adopted by -France offered temptations both to lay and clerical princes, -and a diet at Mainz drew up what was practically -the German equivalent of the Pragmatic Sanction -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Pragmatic Sanction of Mainz, 1439.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Bourges. Annates were to be abolished, papal -reservations and provisions forbidden, provincial and diocesan -synods organised. The conception of national churches, -which had been encouraged by Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>’s concordats at -Constance, seemed in 1439 to be strong enough to rend the -Church in pieces.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The loss of temporal support and the apparent success of -the rival assembly in Italy did not soothe the temper of the -councillors at Basel. In spite of the vigorous opposition of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>the moderate party, they proceeded to accuse Eugenius IV. -of heresy and schism, and by a decree of June 25, 1439, he -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Deposition of Eugenius IV., 1439.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was formally deposed. It was now determined -to proceed to a new election. As the Archbishop -of Arles was the only cardinal at Basel, it was -decided that he should be aided by thirty-two delegates from -the Council. The task of election was a difficult one, as the -poverty of the Council made it necessary to choose a Pope -who could afford to defray his own expenses. At the fifth -scrutiny it was found that twenty-six votes had been given for -the Duke of Savoy, who was declared Pope, with the name -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Felix V.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span> From the first he disappointed the hopes of his -electors. Although he had been living in retirement -since the death of his wife and had amassed -a considerable treasure, he had no intention of maintaining -himself and the Council from his private funds. He demanded -that he should receive a revenue as Pope, and the Council -was forced to go back on its own decrees and to grant him a -fifth of ecclesiastical revenues for a year. This measure was -certain to alienate all who had supported the Council in the -hope of diminishing clerical taxes, and as a matter of fact the -tax was only paid within the territories of Savoy. From all -points of view the election was a very disadvantageous step. It -disgusted those who had hoped for a substantial -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Declining prestige of the Council.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -measure of reform from the Council of Basel. -As long as the dispute was between a General -Council and the Pope, there were certain principles at stake -which might induce men to give energetic support to one side -or the other. But by its last act the Council had merely -revived a personal schism, of which Europe was already -profoundly weary. The Council of Basel continued to exist -for nine years after the election of Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span>, but every year its -numbers and its influence steadily declined. Even the Antipope -quarrelled with the assembly to which he owed his -appointment. In 1444 Felix quitted Basel and took up his -residence at Lausanne.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>The ultimate victory of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was assured by the -mistakes of his opponents. It only remained for him to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Triumph of Eugenius IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -complete his triumph by securing the support -of the temporal powers of Europe. While he -resided in Florence his legates succeeded in restoring the -papal supremacy in Rome, and in 1443 he was able once -more to return to his capital city. He was careful to avoid -the mistakes in Italian politics which had cost him so dear -in 1433. Even his arch-opponent, Filippo Maria Visconti, -was gained over to his side. The recognition of France was -purchased by the countenance which the Pope gave to the -Angevin cause in Naples. But when the Neapolitan war -ended in the victory of Alfonso of Aragon, Eugenius adroitly -changed sides without forfeiting the French allegiance. He -had thus put an end to all serious opposition in Italy. -England and the Spanish kingdoms took little interest in the -schism, and had no motive for supporting Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span> There -remained Germany, which had openly declared for a policy of -neutrality. Until the German king and princes could be gained -over, the revival of papal authority was incomplete. The task -of effecting the reconciliation of Germany was undertaken and -accomplished by one man, Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The kingship of the Romans was transferred on the death -of Sigismund to his son-in-law, Albert of Austria. But Albert -died within two years of his elevation, and in -1440 the choice of the electors fell upon another -Hapsburg, Frederick <i>III.</i>, Duke of Styria and -Carinthia, and guardian in Austria of Albert’s -infant son, Ladislas Postumus. As soon as Frederick had -settled family affairs in the east, he came to Germany in 1442 -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reconciliation of Germany to the Roman Pope.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to receive the crown at Aachen and to consider the question -of the schism. Envoys from Basel and from Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -had already appeared before the German diet, but their -exhaustive arguments had not led to any decision, and the -neutrality was still observed. In 1442 Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> visited -Basel, and there took into his service Æneas Sylvius. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>latter was convinced that the cause of Council and Antipope -was hopeless, and determined to win his own pardon and -advancement by rendering some conspicuous service to -Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> His diplomacy was as successful as it was -unscrupulous. By 1445 he had succeeded in arranging -terms between his master and the Pope. Frederick undertook -to restore Germany to its obedience to Rome; and -Eugenius in return promised to give him the imperial crown, -to allow him the nomination to certain bishoprics and benefices, -and to grant him a substantial bribe from the ecclesiastical -revenues. It was a disgraceful treaty, and in spite of -the secrecy with which it was negotiated, it became known -that some such agreement was being made. The German -princes were indignant at what they considered a betrayal, -and were resolute to vindicate their own independence of -their elected king. The electors of Trier and Köln, together -with a number of electoral princes, determined, as a protest -against Frederick’s conduct, to adhere to Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span> Thus the -policy of neutrality was abandoned, and Germany was split -into parties on the question of the schism. To make matters -worse, Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, emboldened by his treaty with the King -of the Romans, issued a bull in February 1446 declaring the -Archbishops of Köln and Trier to be deprived of their sees -as heretics and traitors. This rash act seemed to make -reconciliation impossible. But Æneas Sylvius was equal to -the occasion. The electors issued the most extreme demands: -that the Pope should withdraw his bull against the two archbishops, -that he should confirm the Pragmatic Sanction of -1439, acknowledge the supremacy of General Councils, and -summon a new council to meet in Germany in 1447. Æneas -Sylvius journeyed to Rome, where he persuaded Eugenius to -restore the two archbishops, and to return a moderate answer -to the electoral demands. Then he proceeded to Germany -as papal envoy, bribed the Archbishop of Mainz to desert the -electoral league, and did not hesitate to alter the wording of -the papal answer in order to conciliate German pride. By -<span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>these means he avoided an open rupture, and induced the -diet at Frankfort to agree to terms, in spite of the protests of -the Archbishops of Köln and Trier. Then Æneas Sylvius -hurried back to Rome, with envoys from the diet, in order to -explain and justify his conduct to the Pope. He found -Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> on his death-bed, and it was necessary to hasten -matters in order to avoid the complications that might arise -with a new election. A provisional concordat was patched -up. A new council was to meet in some German town, but -only if the German princes were agreed. The supremacy of -a council was recognised, but in the most general terms, so -as to avoid any reference to the assembly at Basel. The -Pragmatic Sanction and the suspension of annates were temporarily -confirmed, until some final arrangement could be -agreed upon. These terms were accepted by Eugenius on -February 23, 1447, and four days later he died. His successor -was the famous scholar and collector, Thomas of -Sarzana, who took the name of Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> He was wise -enough to follow the recent policy of his predecessor in -German affairs. Æneas Sylvius returned to Germany to -complete his work. The malcontent princes were gained -over by separate negotiations. When the obstinate Archbishop -of Trier was induced to acknowledge Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span>, -opposition in Germany was at an end. The final concordat -was arranged in 1448, and was based upon the provisional -terms of the previous year. The clauses about the Council -were accepted as they stood, but on the other points the Pope -gained substantial advantages. Annates were restored, and -the restrictions which had been placed upon papal patronage -by the Pragmatic Sanction were for the most part repealed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It only remained to get rid of the moribund Council of -Basel. A few bishops from Savoy and some clergy of humble -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>End of the Council of Basel, 1449.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -rank were the only members left. Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -sent an order for the dissolution of the Council -to the civic magistrates. The exiled members -proceeded to Lausanne, and there, by the mediation of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>France, made terms with the Papacy. Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span>, who had -never received the homage of a temporal sovereign, resigned -the papal title in exchange for the cardinal’s hat. The Archbishop -of Arles returned to his see, where he was universally -beloved. He died in 1450, and in the next century was -canonised by Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>With the Council of Basel ended the conciliar movement -for reform, which had resulted from the scandal of the great -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Failure of the Conciliar Movement.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -schism. It had failed, not from any lack of -honest purpose, or from the blunders of its -adherents, but because it was out of harmony -with the conditions of the age. A few centuries earlier it -might have been possible to reform the Church, and at the -same time to retain its unity. But by the fifteenth century -such a scheme was too late. Political division had advanced -so far as to bring with it ecclesiastical divisions. The sentiment -that was recognised in the concordats of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> and -asserted in the Pragmatic Sanctions of Bourges and Mainz, -was stronger than the theory of the supremacy of a general -council over the Pope. The Reformation of the sixteenth -century was a series of national revolts against papal domination, -and it owed its success to its harmony with political -conditions and interests.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The failure of the conciliar movement brought with it a -revival of papal authority. The reaction which had commenced -under Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> seemed to be complete under -Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> The great jubilee which was held in Rome in -1450 was a fitting celebration of the papal triumph. But it -proved to be only a Pyrrhic victory. The Papacy learned -neither wisdom nor toleration from the trials through which -it had passed. While continuing to trample on the spirit of -individual freedom, the Popes, in their greed for temporal -dominion, gave rise to scandals far more glaring from the -moral point of view than the senile bickerings of the schism. -The Protestant revolution more than avenged the defeat of -the Councils of Constance and Basel.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span> - <h2 id='chap12' class='c009'>CHAPTER XII <br /> MILAN AND VENICE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, 1402-1494</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Disruption of the duchy of Milan after the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti—Venice -acquires Eastern Lombardy as far as the Adige—Wars between -Venice and Sigismund—Filippo Maria Visconti restores the duchy of -Milan—Wars between Venice and Milan—Venetian frontier extended to -the Adda—Death of Filippo Maria—Venice and Francesco Sforza—Peace -of Lodi—Deposition and death of Francesco Foscari—Venice and the -Turks—Treaty of Constantinople—War with Ferrara—Acquisition of -Cyprus—Decline of Venice—Francesco Sforza in Milan—His relations -with France—Galeazzo Maria Sforza—His assassination—Regency of -Bona of Savoy—Ludovico il Moro—His relations with Naples—Calls in -Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> of France.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The anarchy in the duchy of Milan, which followed the -death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti in 1402, illustrates at once -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disruption of the duchy of Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the ability of its founder and the difficulties -which he had succeeded in overcoming. He left -his dominions to his two legitimate sons, Gian -Maria and Filippo Maria, who were to rule in Milan and -Pavia respectively under the guardianship of their mother. -But the widowed duchess, Caterina, proved wholly unable to -wield the power which her husband left in her hands. The -<i>condottieri</i>, who had shown such unwonted loyalty to Gian -Galeazzo, seized the opportunity to carve out principalities -for themselves. In nearly every city of Lombardy the lordship -was seized by some adventurer, who sought to make -himself independent. In Milan itself the cruelties with -which Caterina sought to put down disorder provoked an -insurrection. The duchess was imprisoned and poisoned -<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>(1404), and Gian Maria was intrusted with the government -under the guidance of a council of citizens. But Gian Maria -carried the cruelty and debauchery of his predecessors to the -verge of insanity. The only use which he made of his power -was to gratify his monstrous passions by the torture of his -fellow-creatures. At last some semblance of order was restored -by Facino Cane, one of the most eminent generals in the service -of Gian Galeazzo. On the death of his employer he had made -himself master of Alessandria, Tortona, and other western -towns. Later he had assumed the regency for Filippo Maria in -Pavia, and he now reduced Gian Maria to similar submission. -This authority he held till his death, when the Milanese -nobles, rather than allow Gian Maria to recover the government, -assassinated that youthful monster in 1412.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These disorders in Lombardy naturally led to the loss of -the southern acquisitions of Gian Galeazzo. The hostility -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Losses in Romagna and Tuscany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Pope Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span> had to be bought off by the -restoration of Bologna and Perugia to the papal -states (1403). Siena recovered its republican -liberties in 1404, and Paolo Guinigi maintained his rule in -Lucca as an independent prince. Pisa, the most important -of the Milanese conquests, had been bequeathed by Gian -Galeazzo to a bastard son, Gabriele Maria. But Gabriele, -finding himself unable to face the double danger of Pisan -rebellion and Florentine attack, became the vassal of France -in order to gain the aid of Marshal Boucicault, the French -governor in Genoa. Within a year, however, he had -quarrelled with his suzerain: the policy of France ceased to -be hostile to Florence: and so the strange spectacle was seen -of Boucicault and Gabriele, in mutual enmity, selling their -sovereign rights to Florence, while the Pisans repudiated the -authority of both and reclaimed their old independence -(1405). The Florentine oligarchy was prompt to seize the -opportunity that had long been looked for, and a strict -blockade forced Pisa to surrender after an obstinate resistance -of many months (October 9, 1406). By the reduction -<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>of the rival republic, Florence took the first great stride -towards the formation of the later grand duchy of Tuscany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the most notable result of the temporary decline of -Milan was the permanent establishment of Venetian dominion -in Eastern Lombardy, an event fraught with the -most momentous consequences both for Venice -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice acquires Verona and Padua.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and for Italy. Francesco Carrara, who had -recovered Padua in 1390, and had been allowed to retain it -under tribute to Milan (see p. <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>), was one of the first -princes to take advantage of Gian Galeazzo’s death to obtain -both freedom and aggrandisement. In alliance with the -surviving members of the house of della Scala he seized -Verona, and then got rid of his allies in order to keep his -conquest to himself (1404). From Verona he advanced to -the siege of Vicenza, but the citizens offered the lordship to -Venice, while the duchess Caterina, beset with difficulties in -Milan, also appealed for aid to the maritime republic. This -double invitation, together with the traditional enmity to the -Carrara family, overcame any reluctance on the part of the -Venetians. They agreed to aid the duchess on condition -that all Milanese territory to the east of the Adige should be -ceded to them. Caterina accepted the terms, hard as they -were, and in June 1404 Venice declared war against the lord -of Padua. Vicenza opened its gates to the Venetians, and -in the course of 1405 both Verona and Padua were compelled -to surrender to superior forces. Francesco Carrara -was carried off to die in a Venetian prison.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Venice had now recovered and enormously extended the -territories she had lost in the war of Chioggia. Not only -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice at war with Sigismund.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Treviso, Feltre, and Belluno, but Bassano, Verona, -Vicenza, and Padua acknowledged her sway. -And before long she was in possession of another -province, Dalmatia, which she had gained from Hungary, -and lost again in the previous century. Pope Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, -engaged in a quarrel with Sigismund of Hungary, had stirred -up Ladislas of Naples to revive his father’s claim to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>Hungarian crown (see pp. 154 and 191). In 1402 Ladislas -had landed at Zara in Dalmatia, and was crowned king by the -papal legate. But his early success was followed by reverses, -and, discouraged by the memory of his father’s fate, Ladislas -returned to Naples. But he was not unwilling to cause -annoyance to his successful rival, and in 1409 he sold his -rights in Dalmatia to Venice. This led to a prolonged war -with Sigismund, who in 1411 was recognised as king of the -Romans, and desired to gain distinction and authority in -Italy. In 1411 his troops occupied Feltre and Belluno, but -they were defeated in the open field by Carlo Malatesta in -the service of Venice. In 1413 a truce put an end to -hostilities for a time, and Sigismund was enabled to concentrate -his attention on ecclesiastical questions and the -council of Constance. But the possession of Dalmatia was -still a subject of dispute, and war was renewed in 1418. -Sigismund, however, was occupied with the difficulties which -the execution of Hus had excited in Bohemia, and Venice -met with little efficient opposition. By 1421 the province of -Friuli and almost the whole of the Dalmatian coast were -subject to Venetian rule.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile important events had taken place in Milan. -On the murder of his elder brother, Filippo Maria Visconti -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Filippo Maria Visconti.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had emerged from the obscurity in which he had -previously lived, and showed himself not unfitted -to fill his father’s place. With even greater personal -cowardice, which induced him to conceal himself almost -entirely from human vision, he combined the same subtle -powers of intrigue, and the same ability to discover and make -use of military talent in others. Only two defects of character -prevented him from achieving the same measure of success -as had fallen to Gian Galeazzo. He was less resolute in the -pursuit of his ends, and momentary discouragement led him -at times to relinquish an object when it was almost within his -grasp. And his inveterate habits of suspicion involved him -not infrequently in serious danger by driving into opposition -<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>the men who were capable of rendering him the most -valuable services. It was impossible to be loyal to a prince -who distrusted a victorious general even more than he -dreaded to hear of a defeat.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The first act of Filippo Maria was to marry the widow of -Facino Cane, although she was twenty years older than -himself. By this means he acquired Alessandria, -Tortona, Novara, and Vercelli, and also the -control of Facino’s numerous and disciplined -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>He restores the duchy of Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -troops. With their aid he made himself master of Milan -and avenged his brother’s death. Once secure in his position, -he did not scruple to rid himself of his elderly benefactress, -whose age rendered her an unsuitable spouse. In the attack -upon Milan he had noted the courage and conduct of -Francesco Carmagnola, who took his name from the village -near Turin where he had been born. He raised the Piedmontese -soldier to the command of his army, and employed -him to reduce to submission the cities which had formerly -owned his father’s sway. One after another the despots who -had usurped authority since the death of Gian Galeazzo were -compelled to surrender, and by 1421 the duchy of Milan -extended from Piedmont in the west to the line of the Adige -in the east. Even Genoa, which had freed itself from French -rule in 1411, was forced after a prolonged struggle to -acknowledge the suzerainty of Filippo Maria.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Thus Venice, at the very moment of her successful expansion -eastwards, found herself confronted on her western -border by a prince who could advance weighty -claims to the most valuable of her recently -acquired dominions. The republic was thus called upon to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Parties in Venice.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -solve one of the most serious problems of her whole history. -Hitherto power on the mainland had come to her in the -course of events; it had been the product of her obvious -interest in protecting her trade routes and the sources of her -supply of food. There had not as yet been any deliberate -going out of her way to seek for territories. But her most -<span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>pressing interests were now secured, and the question at once -arose whether she could or would stop at the point which she -had reached in 1421. Upon this question were formed the -two great parties which divided Venice during the remainder -of the century. The Doge, Tommaso Mocenigo, who held -office from 1414 to 1423, urged the maintenance of the -<i>status quo</i> as the only means of retaining that maritime -supremacy which was essential for the defence of the overwhelming -interests of Venice in the east. To enter into -Italian politics as the avowed rival of Milan for ascendency in -Lombardy would inevitably result in handing over the Levant -to the Turks. And if Venice lost her commerce, she would -find territorial dominion, which she could only gain and keep -by employing hired foreigners in place of her own citizens, a -very unsatisfactory source either of wealth or of political greatness. -On the other hand, many of the younger nobles, -headed by Francesco Foscari, laid stress upon the undoubted -interests of Venice on the mainland, and upon the certainty -that the duke of Milan would never abandon his claims to -Verona and Padua. They contended with vehemence that -the western frontier as it stood was hopelessly insecure, that -a state must either advance or lose ground, and that aggression -is often the only means of defence. But the policy of this -party was really inspired less by these arguments, sound as -they were in some respects, than by the instinctive greed for -territory which had become the guiding motive of the great -Italian states.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The difference between the two parties was brought to a -head in 1423 by the appearance of successive embassies -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Appeals from Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -from Florence to demand aid against the duke -of Milan. Filippo Maria had resumed his father’s -schemes of aggression in Tuscany and the Romagna. Florence -was forced into war to defend her independence, and her -troops suffered one defeat after another. Nothing but the -intervention of the great northern republic seemed likely to -arrest the duke’s progress, and the appeals to Venice became -<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>more and more pressing. The first embassy in 1423 had -been repulsed by the influence of Mocenigo, but he had died -later in the year, and his place was filled by the election of -his opponent, Foscari. Still, parties in Venice were too -evenly balanced to admit of a decisive intervention in the -war, and the Florentine envoys proceeded from prayers to -threats. If Venice would give no aid, Florence would seek -her own safety by joining with Milan. ‘When we refused -to help Genoa, she made Visconti lord of the city; if you -refuse to help us, we will make him king of Italy.’ At the -critical moment the Florentine appeal was reinforced by the -arrival of Carmagnola, who had incurred the jealous suspicion -of Filippo Maria, and had been driven in disgrace from his -service. His announcement that the duke would never be -satisfied till he had driven the Venetians from Lombardy, -and the prospect of utilising so distinguished a general -against his former employer, turned the scale in favour -of Foscari and his party. At the end of 1425 it was -decided to join Florence in open war against the duke of -Milan.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The struggle opened with notable successes for Venice. -Brescia was taken in 1426, and in December Filippo Maria -confirmed its cession by a formal treaty. But -the treaty was only a device to gain time and to -collect forces. In 1427 hostilities were renewed, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War between Venice and Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and three of the most famous <i>condottieri</i> of the day—Francesco -Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino, and Carlo Malatesta—commanded -the forces of Milan. But Carmagnola gained a brilliant -victory at Macalo (October 11), and in 1428 Visconti again -made peace by handing over Bergamo in addition to Brescia. -Thus in two campaigns the Venetian frontier had been -extended from the Adige to the Adda. But Filippo Maria -could hardly remain satisfied with an arrangement which -brought his enemies within striking distance of Milan itself. -In 1431 the war was renewed, and Carmagnola was induced -by lavish payments and promises to remain in the service of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>Venice. The republic had now to face the difficulties and -dangers of employing mercenary soldiers. From the first -the practice had been adopted of sending two native nobles -to the camp as <i>proveditori</i>. Nominally they were responsible -for the commissariat, but their real function was to keep a -jealous watch on the conduct of the general. Carmagnola -had already incurred the suspicion of his employers. Except -in the battle of Macalo he had taken little personal part in -the war, and had shown himself more solicitous of his own -interests than of those of Venice. He had released his -prisoners without ransom, in accordance with the etiquette -of his profession, and had openly conducted an independent -intercourse with the duke of Milan. It seemed that he had -no wish to go too far in crushing a prince whom he had -formerly served and might serve again. Still, as long as -their arms were successful, the Venetian oligarchy had kept -their fears and suspicion to themselves. But in 1431 came -a series of reverses. Francesco Sforza won a victory at -Soncino, and the Venetian fleet on the Po was destroyed -through the failure of Carmagnola to come to its support. -Failure was taken as a proof of treachery, and the Council -of Ten determined to inflict an exemplary punishment.</p> - -<p class='c004'>They acted with characteristic duplicity and decision. -Carmagnola was invited to Venice to discuss the next campaign, -and his distrust was removed by a triumphal -reception. But he was hurried from the palace -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Execution of Carmagnola.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to prison, and a secret trial resulted in his condemnation -and death (May 5, 1432). In the picturesque -history of the <i>condottieri</i> of the fifteenth century the execution -of Carmagnola is one of the most famous episodes. He had -done nothing that was not in accordance with the traditions -of his craft, but one state at any rate ventured to give striking -proof that she would not allow independence to her hired -defenders. It was a dangerous dilemma from which Venice -sought to extricate herself. A too eminent and successful -general might endanger her freedom, but it was difficult in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>the future to induce the ablest men to serve a state which -was ready to exact such rigorous penalties.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The war continued for nine years after Carmagnola’s -death. Florence was allied with Venice, and thus the -attention of Filippo Maria was engaged in Tuscany as well as -in Lombardy. This diversion was the salvation of Venice, -which was more than once on the verge of losing not only -Brescia, but also Verona. Fortunately for her, too, her rule -was more lenient than that of Milan, and her subjects were -resolutely in favour of their new against their former master. -The struggle was complicated by the action of Francesco -Sforza, who throughout played his own game and joined one -side or the other as his private interest dictated. His desire -was to force Filippo Maria to give him the hand of his -natural daughter, Bianca, and to make this marriage the -foundation of a principality in Lombardy. He was at last -successful in attaining his end. The long siege of Brescia -was raised by his intervention on behalf of Venice, and a -peace in 1441 secured to Venice the possession of Brescia -and Bergamo. In the same year Venice expelled the ruling -house of Polenta from Ravenna, and took possession of that -city, a step which brought the republic southwards towards -the states of the Church and prepared the way for a prolonged -struggle with the papacy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Filippo Maria had been compelled to give his daughter -with the lordship of Cremona and Pontremoli to Francesco -Sforza, but he dreaded and disliked his son-in-law -and schemed to effect his ruin. Sforza, -however, showed himself as adroit an intriguer as -the duke. He defeated Niccolo Piccinino and his two sons, -and induced Venice and Florence to renew their war with -Milan. At the head of the army of the republics he reduced -his father-in-law to such straits that he must concede all -demands. Just as he was prepared to desert his employers -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Filippo Maria.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in order to earn the succession to Milan as his reward, the -news arrived of Filippo Maria’s death (August 13, 1447).</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>With Filippo Maria the male line of the Visconti came -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to an end. There were three possible claimants through -females—Sforza through his wife, the duke of -Orleans through his mother Valentina Visconti, -and Frederick of Styria through his grandmother Virida -Visconti. But none of these claims had any legal validity, -as the investiture by Wenzel had only recognised male succession. -The citizens of Milan, not unnaturally, deemed -that despotism was at an end and restored a republican -government. These events excited the keenest interest in -Venice. For more than twenty years the Venetians had -been engaged in almost continuous war with Milan, but since -1428 they had not gained a square yard of territory in -Lombardy. Foscari and his followers urged that advantage -should be taken of the confusion following Visconti’s death -to establish Venetian ascendency, and they carried the day. -It was a fatal decision from the point of view of the policy -which they advocated. If the republic of Milan had been -allowed to establish itself, the result within a few years would -have been the alienation and revolt of the subject cities, and -in the troubled waters Venice could have fished with great -advantage to herself. But the hasty attack on the part of the -Venetians forced the newly formed republic to throw itself -into the arms of the person who was most dangerous both to -Milanese independence and to Venetian ambition. Francesco -Sforza undertook to defend Milan against Venice, and he -showed equal promptness and ability. He destroyed the -Venetian fleet on the Po at Casalmaggiore and defeated their -army with great loss at Caravaggio. The Venetians, having -made one false step, tried to redeem it by doing still worse. -They made a treaty with Sforza, by which he -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, 1450.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -pledged himself to hand over to them Crema and -the Ghiara d’Adda on condition that they would -not oppose his designs. The wily general now turned his -victorious troops against his employers, who were wholly -unprepared to cope with such unexpected treachery. One -<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>city after another had to open its gates, and in 1450 -Milan surrendered and acknowledged its conqueror as duke. -Now the Venetians could realise the folly of their conduct. -They had found it hard enough to cope with Milan under -the rule of the cowardly Visconti, but they could have no -chance of extending their rule in Lombardy if the duchy -were allowed to pass to the first soldier of the age. They -determined by a strenuous effort to overthrow Sforza before -he had securely established his authority. But they were -unsuccessful in the war which ensued, and the tragic news -of the fall of Constantinople compelled them to turn their -attention from Italy to their imperilled interests in the east. -A peace was patched up with Milan at Lodi in 1454. Venice -resigned her recent acquisitions, and her western frontier was -restored to the same limits as in 1428.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For half a century the history of Venice had been closely -bound up with that of Milan through their mutual rivalry for -territorial expansion in Lombardy. With the -peace of Lodi this intimate connection ceased for -forty years. As long as the Sforza dynasty was -secure in Milan, Venice could not hope to do more than -retain Brescia and Bergamo. And for a time her interests in -Lombardy were thrust entirely into the background by the -necessity of facing the absorbing problem of Turkish advance -in the east. The policy of Foscari, so gloriously attractive in -the days of Carmagnola’s early successes, had ended in disastrous -failure. Men forgot the annexation of Bergamo and -Brescia, and remembered only that Crema had been lost, and -that while they were fighting for it Constantinople had fallen. -For some time the party hostile to the doge had found a way -of attacking him through the person of his son. Jacopo -Foscari had been condemned in 1445 for taking bribes and -sentenced to exile. Two years later the prayers of his father -obtained leave for his return. But in 1450 one of the judges -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Deposition and death of Foscari.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -who had imposed the original sentence was murdered. -Jacopo Foscari was denounced to the Ten; and although -<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>there was no real evidence against him, and torture failed -to extract a confession, he was again exiled. Conscious of -his innocence, he made strenuous efforts to escape, and -was imprudent enough to correspond with the Turks and -with Francesco Sforza. On a charge of treason the exile was -brought to Venice, again subjected to terrible torture, and -sent back to Candia, where he died in 1457. These events -shook the reason of the aged doge, and his neglect of his -official duties induced the Ten to demand his abdication. -Even the Venetians, trained by the constant fear of denunciation -to suppress their feelings, could not help murmuring -as the old man descended the steps of the palace. A few -days later Foscari died, listening, it is said, to the bells which -announced the election of his successor. He had served the -state loyally, if mistakenly, for thirty-four years, he had raised -Venice to a lofty position among the powers of Italy, and he -met with the ingratitude which the instinct of self-preservation -impelled the Venetian oligarchy to show towards every -individual who exercised a commanding influence on the -destinies of the republic.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While these events were going on at home, Venice was -keenly interested in Eastern affairs. Now that Constantinople -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice and the Turks.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had fallen, it was no longer possible to pursue the -old policy of bolstering up the Eastern Empire as -a buffer between the Turks and Venetian possessions. Two -alternative courses were open to the republic. She might -take the place of Constantinople and become the bulwark of -Christendom against the infidel. Or she might endeavour -to secure the continuance of Venetian commerce in the east -by making an advantageous treaty with the conquerors. The -heroic policy was advocated by Foscari, the more cautious -and selfish policy by his opponents, and the declining credit -of the doge enabled them to carry the day. In April 1454 a -treaty was concluded with Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> On payment of -a yearly tribute, the Venetians were allowed to retain their -ports and other possessions in the east, and to continue their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>Levant trade in temporary security. A district in Constantinople -was assigned for the residence of Venetian merchants -under a Venetian bailiff. It was no small argument in favour -of this treaty that it enabled Venice to strike another blow at -her old rival Genoa. The Genoese had for some time aided -the Turks in various ways, and had received the promise of -special trade privileges as their reward. But the Sultan -found it cheaper to buy off the hostility of a possible foe -than to pay the stipulated price for services already -rendered.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For a few years Venice profited by the treaty of 1454, and -abstained from giving aid to the struggling Christian populations, -either of the Balkan provinces or of Greece. But the -Turkish conquests were too extensive and rapid not to -awaken serious misgivings. In spite of the famous relief -of Belgrad by Hunyadi, Servia was reduced, and Wallachia -and Bosnia were overrun without serious resistance. Only -Albania, under the heroic Scanderbeg, succeeded by desperate -efforts in prolonging its independence, and in extorting terms -from the Sultan. It was more alarming to the Venetians -when the Turkish armies crossed the isthmus into the Morea, -and equipped a fleet for the conquest of Lesbos and the -other islands in the Ægean. The most strenuous opponents -of war had to admit the uselessness of a paper treaty to -restrain a conqueror so unscrupulous as Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> At -this juncture, Pope Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> was making strenuous efforts to -rouse the princes of Western Europe to a crusade against the -Turks. Venice was convinced that the further maintenance -of peace was impossible; and if the pope could secure them -allies in the name of religion, their prospects of success would -be improved. But these hopes of assistance were doomed to -disappointment, when, in 1464, Pius proceeded to Ancona -to welcome and bless the crusading host. The Venetian -fleet was the only efficient force which Christendom had -furnished in response to the demand of its ecclesiastical -chief.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>The war which Venice waged for sixteen years against -overwhelming odds is by no means the least heroic episode -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Turkish war, 1463-79.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in the history of the republic. Occasionally, as -when Niccolo Canale failed to save Negropont -in 1470, the Venetian commanders hesitated to act with -decision in the service of a state which allowed little freedom -to its subordinates, and was apt to punish failure as if it were -treason. But, on the whole, the war was waged with equal -courage and conduct. It could, however, have but one -result. Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> employed all the resources of Turkish -diplomacy to prevent any coalition of Italian powers, and -Venice was not so popular that other states were likely to -deplore or to share her misfortunes. It is true that Scanderbeg -was induced to break his treaty with the Sultan, and to admit -Venetian garrisons into his fortresses of Kroja and Scutari. -But Scanderbeg died at the beginning of 1467, leaving the -guardianship of his son and his dominions to his ally. This -proved to be a fatal bequest. After the reduction of the -Morea, a Turkish force entered Albania and laid siege to -Scutari. The fortress was heroically defended by Antonio -Loredano, Mohammed was engaged in Asia Minor, and the -siege had to be raised. But the triumph was only temporary. -In 1478 Albania was again invaded. Kroja was taken, and -Scutari, though it repulsed all attempts to storm the walls, -was closely blockaded. Venice was worn out with her prolonged -and exhausting efforts, and in 1479 the peace of -Constantinople brought the war to a close. Venice gave up -Scutari, Kroja, Negropont, Lemnos, and her possessions in -the Morea, but was allowed to retain her Levant trade and -her quarter in Constantinople on payment of 150,000 ducats -down and a yearly tribute of 10,000 ducats. Two years later, -the death of Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> and the accession of a feebler -sultan, freed the republic from immediate danger in the -east.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The disasters of the Turkish war had a demoralising effect -upon Venice. In her eastern dominions the more ambitious -<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>and enterprising of the Venetian nobles had found scope for -an ability and an energy that at home would be regarded -with suspicion. These men had now to turn their attention -to Italian politics, and they urged the state to seek compensation -for losses in the Levant at the expense of its -neighbours. From this time the policy of Venice became -far more openly grasping and selfish than it had ever been -before, and the enmities thus provoked ultimately led to the -league of Cambray. Aggression in Lombardy was still blocked -by the Sforza dynasty, and it was therefore necessary to find -some weaker power to attack. A quarrel with -Ferrara about the manufacture of salt gave the -desired pretext, and Venice joined with the -turbulent pope Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in an alliance against Ercole -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Ferrara, 1482-84.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -d’Este. Ferrara was powerless against such a combination, -and the Venetian forces seized Rovigo and the adjacent -territory. But an act of such unprovoked aggression excited -the misgivings of the other states; and Naples, Milan, and -Florence formed a league to maintain the balance of power -against the attempts of Venice and the papacy to disturb it. -Alfonso of Calabria, who enjoyed an unmerited reputation for -military skill, advanced to the aid of Ferrara, Sixtus deserted -an ally who had obviously no regard for papal interests, and -Venice was compelled to conclude the peace of Bagnolo in -1484, by which Rovigo was retained, but all other conquests -were restored.</p> - -<p class='c004'>About this time Venice had the good fortune to make an -acquisition in the east, which was some set-off against her -losses to the Turks. The last king of Cyprus, -James of Lusignan, had married a Venetian lady, -Catarina Cornaro. In order to exalt her to -sufficient rank, the republic of Venice had formally adopted -her as a daughter of the state. The next year, 1473, the -king died, and Venice at once interfered as paternal guardian -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venice acquires Cyprus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the widow and her posthumous child. For some years -Catarina ruled under Venetian protection and control, but in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>1488 she was half induced, half compelled to abdicate, and -the banner of St. Mark was hoisted in Famagusta. Catarina -Cornaro was allowed to retain the title of queen, and lived in -considerable magnificence at Asolo till the outbreak of war -in 1508 drove her to seek a refuge in Venice, where she died -in 1510.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the insatiable greed of the Venetians for territory was -by no means appeased by the annexation of Cyprus, which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Venetian greed of territory.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -could not long be retained except under tribute to -the Turks. It was to Italy that the ambition -of the republic was mainly directed, and the -Ferrarese war had taught her more than one lesson. If her -western boundary was to be extended, the Sforzas must be -driven from Milan; if territory was to be gained in the south, -the triple league for the maintenance of the balance of power -must be broken up; and, above all, the house of Aragon in -Naples must be punished for its action in 1483, and rendered -powerless for the future. How could these ends be achieved? -One solution of the problem offered itself in 1493, and that -was the intervention of a foreign state. A number of -Neapolitan nobles, driven into exile by the merciless rule -of Ferrante and Alfonso, came to Venice for advice as to -how they might best overthrow the Aragonese despots. The -senate advised them to invite Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> of France to claim -Naples as representing the house of Anjou. The advice was -taken, and the invitation was acted upon in 1494. The -motives of Venice are perfectly obvious. A French invasion -would weaken the house of Aragon; it would dislocate the -league of the great powers; and in the disturbance which -would follow, Venice, isolated and secure herself, could sell -her assistance for the price of ports in Apulia, which would -complete her ascendency in the Adriatic. Nor was this all. -A French prince—Louis of Orleans—was a claimant to the -duchy of Milan. If the French once entered Italy, this -claim was sure to be advanced against the Sforzas, and the -dynasty, which had so long blocked any advance towards -<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>Cremona or Milan, might be overthrown, or at any rate reduced -to comparative impotence. The reckoning was equally -cold-blooded, selfish, and astute. The immediate aims were -achieved. After the first successes of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> Venice -turned against France and received Otranto, Brindisi, and -other ports in Apulia, as a reward for helping to restore the -Aragonese line in Naples. The duke of Orleans, on becoming -Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span> of France, attacked Ludovico Sforza and purchased -the alliance of Venice by ceding Cremona and the -Ghiara d’Adda. The fall of Cæsar Borgia enabled Venice to -annex a considerable part of the papal states, and there was -no Italian league to interfere. But Nemesis overtook -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Decline of Venice.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the republic a few years later, when every -state which had been at any time despoiled, combined to -attack the common enemy. The ruin of Venice, however, -was not the work of the league of Cambray, but of causes -which she could not control. No treaties with the Turks -could keep the Levant trade as open as it had been, and the -people on the Atlantic seaboard set to work to find an independent -route to the east. In 1486 Bartholomew Diaz -rounded the Cape, and in 1498 Vasco da Gama continued -the voyage to India. For three centuries and a half the -Mediterranean ceased to be the great highway of commerce, -and became merely a considerable inland sea. The marvellous -prosperity of Venice ceased with the conditions which had -given rise to it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Until the invasion of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> brought Venice and -Milan once more together, there had been little direct connection -between the two states since the treaty of Lodi gave -leisure to Francesco Sforza to secure his position -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Francesco Sforza in Milan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in his newly acquired duchy. In this task he -was as successful as he had been in the unscrupulous -methods by which he rose to power. From the -first he determined to sink the <i>condottiere</i> in the prince. -Peace, and not war, became the primary object of his policy. -With Cosimo de’ Medici he was already on the most friendly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>terms, and as long as he or his descendants retained their -power no opposition was to be feared from Florence. Venice -had received a sharp lesson, and her attention was diverted -to the east. The popes had enough to do to maintain their -recently recovered authority in the papal states. The only -other important state in Italy was Naples. As a military -leader Sforza had played a prominent part in Neapolitan -politics. He had been the champion of the house of Anjou, -and when the victory ultimately rested with Alfonso of Aragon, -Sforza had been deprived of his estates in Apulia and the -Abruzzi. But as duke of Milan, Francesco was eager to be -on good terms with the king of Naples. All his interests -were now opposed to the Angevin claim on Naples, which -might easily be allied with the Orleanist claim to Milan. -A double marriage was arranged to cement the alliance -between Naples and Milan. Alfonso’s grandson, another -Alfonso, was betrothed to Ippolita, Sforza’s daughter, and -one of Sforza’s sons was to marry Alfonso’s granddaughter. -When Alfonso’s death, in 1458, was followed by a renewed -attempt of the Angevins to gain Naples, Sforza gave his cordial -support to Ferrante, the natural son of the late king, and -materially aided him in defending his throne.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was extremely fortunate for Francesco Sforza that his -alliance with the house of Aragon did not lead to a serious -breach with France, which had recovered the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations with France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -suzerainty of Genoa in 1458. It was from Genoa -that John of Calabria sailed to Naples in 1460 to maintain -the cause of his father Réné, and one of the most notable -acts of Sforza in thwarting the Angevin pretensions was his -encouragement of a successful revolt of the Genoese in 1461. -At this critical moment Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of France died, and his -successor, Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, not only had no love for the Anjou -princes, but was an avowed admirer and imitator of Francesco -Sforza. The result was a treaty in 1464, by which the town -of Savona and all French claims to Genoa were ceded to the -duke of Milan, and later in the year Sforza succeeded in subjecting -<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>the Ligurian republic to his rule. When Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> -was hard pressed in 1465 by the League of the Public Weal, -Sforza not only sent his eldest son with a considerable force -to attack the duke of Bourbon, he also repaid his obligations -by the celebrated advice to Louis that he should divide his -enemies by conceding their demands and then reduce them -separately. French history tells how triumphantly the king -followed the counsel of his chosen model.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The government of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, who succeeded -in Milan without opposition on his father’s death in March -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Galeazzo Maria Sforza, 1466-76.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -1466, was comparatively uneventful. The external -relations were maintained by Simonetta, -who had been secretary to Francesco, and remained -in office under the son, on the same lines as under -the previous duke. The connection with France was drawn -closer by Galeazzo’s marriage with Bona of Savoy, the sister-in-law -of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> It is true that for a moment the growing -power of Charles the Bold attracted Milan to an alliance with -Burgundy in 1475. But on the news of the duke’s first -reverse at the battle of Granson, Galeazzo hastened to return -to the French alliance. The wanton cruelty of Galeazzo’s -rule in Milan illustrates the demoralising effect of unbridled -power upon a weak and passionate nature. To the love of -bloodshed, which had characterised so many of the Visconti, -he added a lustful debauchery which outraged the honour of -the noblest families of Milan. Against a lawless despotism -the only remedy is rebellion, and the revival of classical -learning tended to glorify tyrannicide by parading the examples -of Brutus and of Harmodius and Aristogiton. Three -young nobles—Girolamo Olgiati, whose sister Galeazzo had -dishonoured, Carlo Visconti, and Andrea Lampugnani—determined -to win eternal fame by the murder of the tyrant. -Sacrilege had little terrors for Italians, and Galeazzo Maria -fell beneath their daggers in the Church of St. Stephen -(December 26, 1476). But the mass of the citizens were -too accustomed to subjection to espouse the cause of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>rebels. Two of the assassins were slain on the spot, and -Olgiati was executed after suffering horrible tortures, which -he endured with the stoicism of an ancient Roman.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Galeazzo Maria Sforza left an only son, Gian Galeazzo, who -was only eight years old. He was immediately acknowledged -as duke of Milan, under the regency of his mother, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Regency of Bona of Savoy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Bona of Savoy, but the real government rested -in the hands of Simonetta. The latter succeeded -in overcoming the first difficulties that the regency encountered. -A rising in Genoa was suppressed, and the -brothers of the late duke, who wished to oust their sister-in-law, -were driven into exile. But in 1479 wholly unexpected -problems arose. Francesco Sforza had leant on the alliance -of Florence and Naples, and as long as those two states were -on friendly terms Simonetta pursued the same policy. The -conspiracy of the Pazzi, however, involved Florence not only -in a quarrel with Pope Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, but also in a war with -Naples. Bona of Savoy, under Simonetta’s guidance, clung -to the Florentine alliance, and prepared to send forces to -aid Lorenzo de’ Medici. Ferrante of Naples determined to -prevent the intervention of Milan. He stirred up a new -rebellion in Genoa, which succeeded in expelling the Milanese -garrison from the citadel. At the same time, he urged the -uncles of the young duke to resume their attack on the -regency of Bona. Aided by divisions in the government, -the brothers contrived to secure their return to Milan and to -overthrow Simonetta, who was put to death at Pavia (1480). -Ludovico il Moro, the eldest surviving son of Francesco -Sforza, now succeeded without serious difficulty in prosecuting -his schemes. The young duke was declared of age in -order to terminate his mother’s regency, and Ludovico carried -on the government in his nephew’s name.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The circumstances under which Ludovico had obtained -his power seemed to bind him closely to Ferrante -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ludovico il Moro.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Naples, who was now reconciled with Lorenzo -de’ Medici, so that the triple alliance was restored, and was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>able to interfere decisively in the war of Ferrara (see above, -p. <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>). The young Gian Galeazzo was married to Isabella, -the daughter of Alfonso of Calabria, and granddaughter of -Ferrante. All would have been well if Ludovico’s ambition -had been satisfied with actual rule. But he was resolved to -supplant his nephew in the duchy, and if necessary to get rid -of him by foul means. Such a scheme was certain to meet -with the determined opposition of the rulers of Naples; and -Ludovico, without venturing upon an open rupture, sought -for means to protect himself from their hostility. The first -sign of growing mistrust was visible in the war of Ferrara, -when the half-hearted action of Ludovico allowed Venice to -escape with comparatively favourable terms in the treaty of -Bagnolo. Matters became worse when Isabella of Naples -openly complained to her father and grandfather of the way -in which her husband was treated by his uncle. Even more -bitter was her ill-feeling when Ludovico married Beatrice -d’Este, and a personal jealousy grew up between the nominal -and the real duchess. Isabella was furious that she should -be compelled to live in poverty and semi-captivity while her -rival was the centre of a magnificent court.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The rulers of Naples naturally espoused the cause of -Isabella and her husband, and Ludovico was conscious that -an open quarrel could not be long delayed. It was -necessary for him to strengthen his position by -alliances, either within Italy or without. Venice -was not a power that could be trusted to act unselfishly in -support of Milan. Florence was the oldest ally of the house -of Sforza, but Lorenzo de’ Medici died in 1492, and his son -Piero showed a perilous inclination to prefer the Neapolitan -cause to that of Ludovico. In his despair Ludovico made -up his mind to turn to France. He had already established -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ludovico calls in the French.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -a connection with France when, after reducing Genoa once -more to submission to Milan, he agreed in 1490 to hold the -city under the suzerainty of the French king. In 1493 he -discovered that the Neapolitan exiles, acting on the advice of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>Venice, were urging Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> to attack Naples. Ludovico -sent an embassy to support this appeal and to promise his -co-operation. He had no expectation or desire that the -French should conquer Naples, but he wished to have a -French army between Milan and the southern kingdom while -he established himself as duke in the place of his nephew. -When once France had served his purpose, he was confident -of his ability to rid himself and Italy of an ally who was -no longer needed. But cunning as Ludovico was, he overreached -himself. It is true that Gian Galeazzo died at the -required moment, that Ludovico became duke with an imperial -investiture, which no previous Sforza had received, and -that the French invasion prevented any opposition on the -part of Naples. But among the Frenchmen who entered -Italy was Louis of Orleans, who seized the opportunity to -assert his claim to the duchy of Milan as the descendant -of Valentina Visconti. Ludovico succeeded for the time in -defeating the duke, who was not well beloved by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> -But a few years later Louis himself became king of France, -and one of his first enterprises was the expulsion of the -Sforzas from Milan. Ludovico had ample time to repent -of his short-sighted policy in calling in French aid while -he lay a prisoner in the castle of Loches, where he died in -1510.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span> - <h2 id='chap13' class='c009'>CHAPTER XIII <br /> NAPLES AND THE PAPAL STATES IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The Papal States during the Schism and Ladislas of Naples—Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> -returns to Rome—Succession question in Naples—Troubles of Eugenius -<span class='fss'>IV.</span>—War in Naples between Réné of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon—Victory -of Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span>—Last years of Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span>—Calixtus -<span class='fss'>III.</span>—Death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Naples—Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span>—Congress of Mantua—War -in Naples between Ferrante and John of Calabria—Death of Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> -at Ancona—Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span>—Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and his nephews—War with Florence—Relations -with Ferrara and Venice—Disorders in Rome—Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>—Rising -against Ferrante in Naples—Election of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—His -alliance with Naples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>Boniface <span class='fss'>IX.</span> was the ablest and most successful of the -Roman popes during the Schism. The impotence into which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Papal States and Ladislas of Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the temporal authority of the papacy had fallen -may be judged by the fact that Boniface found it -advisable or necessary to sell the vicariate, <i>i.e.</i> the -right to exercise authority in the Pope’s name, -to the despots who had usurped lordship in the various -cities. Yet this very sale, though it seemed to legalise acts -of violence and rebellion, brought with it some advantages -besides filling the Pope’s coffers. The purchase of rights was -in itself an acknowledgment that the Pope possessed them, -and this could be employed some day against the purchasers. -And in several ways Boniface directly increased his power. -He induced the citizens of Rome, always as greedy of papal -wealth as they were jealous of papal rule, to invite him to -take up his residence in his capital on terms which ruined the -foundations of republican liberties. He aided Ladislas of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>Naples to gain his final victory over Louis II. of Anjou in -1399 (<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>), and Ladislas repaid his obligation by -helping the Pope to suppress formidable risings of the Roman -barons. On the death of Gian Galeazzo Visconti, he succeeded -in recovering for the papacy the towns of Bologna, -Perugia, and Assisi, which had fallen under the sway of the -duke of Milan. But Boniface bequeathed to his successors -one very serious difficulty. Ladislas of Naples, who owed -his crown to papal support, conceived the plan of extending -his kingdom at the expense of the papacy, and even of -reducing the papal states under his personal rule. His first -attempt to stir up rebellion in Rome, in order that he might -intervene for his own profit in the struggle, resulted in the -expulsion of Innocent <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and the sack of the Vatican, but -the citizens hastened to come to terms with the Pope when -they discovered that the only alternative to his rule was subjection -to Naples (1405). Another opportunity offered itself -in 1407, when Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> left Rome in order to simulate -willingness to confer with Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> for the closing of the -schism. Ladislas had no wish that the schism should end, -not only because its continuance facilitated his schemes of -aggression, but also because it strengthened his position in -Naples. The movement for union had its chief strength in -France, and any successful intervention of France in Italy -would lead to a new attempt to gain Naples for the younger -house of Anjou. In 1408 Ladislas seized Rome, and practically -made himself master of the papal states. But to some -extent his plan miscarried. Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, it is true, pleaded -events in Rome as a reason for avoiding a conference, but -his cardinals deserted him and joined with those of Benedict -to hold a council at Pisa (<i>vide</i> p. <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>). The attempt of -Ladislas to disperse the Council by invading Tuscany was -foiled by the resistance of Florence, and the Assembly proceeded -to depose the two existing popes and to elect Alexander -<span class='fss'>V.</span> Baldassare Cossa, the papal legate in Bologna, -who combined the training and habits of a <i>condottiere</i> with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>the office of cardinal, undertook the task of recovering Rome -and of punishing the prince who still adhered to the cause of -Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span> Rome was captured at the beginning of 1410, -but Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span> died in May, and the all-powerful Cossa -was elected to succeed him as John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> The new pope -entered Rome in triumph in 1411, and his first act was to -despatch a powerful army under Braccio, Sforza, and other -famous generals, to support the cause of Louis of Anjou in -Naples. A great victory was won at Rocca-Secca (May 19, -1411), but the delay of the conquerors enabled Ladislas to -rally his forces, and before long to gain the upper hand. -Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> abandoned the enterprise in despair. Attendolo -Sforza deserted to the side of the Neapolitan king, and -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> made peace with his enemy in 1412, the one -abandoning the cause of Gregory <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, the other promising to -disown the duke of Anjou. But Ladislas had no intention -of observing the peace. As soon as his preparations were -completed, he again marched upon Rome in 1413, and drove -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> in hasty and undignified flight to Florence. This -crushing disaster forced the Pope into those appeals for aid -to Sigismund, which ultimately led to the summons of the -Council of Constance and to his own ignominious deposition. -But in August 1414, before the Council had begun its session, -Ladislas died, leaving his crown to his sister, Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span>, -and the scheme of subjecting the papal states to Naples -perished with him. The citizens of Rome expelled Sforza and -his troops from the city, and welcomed the return of a papal -legate.</p> - -<p class='c004'>When unity was at last restored to the Church by the election -of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>, the new Pope had a very cheerless prospect -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Martin V., 1417-1431.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -before him. His obvious task was to restore to -the papacy some measure of the authority and -influence which had been forfeited by its experiences during -the last hundred years. To do this he must find a residence -in which he would be more secure than his recent predecessors -from the dictation of secular rulers. Sigismund urged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>him to reside in some German city, and the French would -have welcomed him to Avignon. But Martin, himself a -Roman by birth, refused to find a home except in the ancient -capital of the world. Rightly or wrongly, he decided that -temporal dominion in a state of his own was necessary to -secure the independence of the Pope, and that to attain this -he must recover and consolidate the papal provinces in Italy. -The whole history of the papacy during the fifteenth century -was moulded by this decision. The popes became more and -more absorbed in the extension of their temporal power, even -when their spiritual authority was weakened by it. Nepotism -and other evils were the result of this devotion to secular -interests, and a revolt of outraged and alienated opinion -became inevitable.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But Martin had many difficulties to overcome before he -could carry out his intention of taking up his abode in Rome. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Martin returns to Rome.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The departure of John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span> to Constance had -left the papal states in the condition of anarchy -which had become chronic. Neapolitan influence -was still strong, but the policy of Naples was no longer -directed by the strong will of Ladislas. His sister and successor, -Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span>, was devoid of political capacity, and abandoned -herself to sensual indulgence and the guidance of -favourites. Through her incompetence the chief influence -over the destinies of Naples was allowed to fall into the hands -of the two great <i>condottieri</i>, Braccio da Montone and Attendolo -Sforza, who had been brought into rivalry by their connection -with Neapolitan affairs during the previous reign. -Braccio, who had quarrelled with Ladislas, and joined -John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>, had been left by that Pope as governor of -Bologna. After the departure of his employer he seized his -native city of Perugia and set himself to carve a private principality -out of the states of the Church. In 1417 he actually -made himself master of Rome, and was besieging the castle -of St. Angelo, when Sforza was despatched from Naples to -compel his retirement. These events forced Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> on his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>accession to ally himself with Joanna and Sforza, and a treaty -was arranged in 1419 by which Naples was to restore all that -had been occupied in the papal states. But a quarrel between -Joanna and Sforza deprived this treaty of all importance, and -Martin determined to coerce and distract Naples by encouraging -internal feuds in that kingdom. As Joanna was childless, -the question of the succession to a crown -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession question in Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which had already been so hotly disputed was -certain to give rise to difficulties. Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of -Anjou, the rival of Ladislas, had died in 1417; but his eldest -son, Louis <span class='fss'>III.</span>, was eager to enforce his father’s claim and to -purchase the support of the papacy. Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span> and Sforza -declared their recognition of Louis as heir to the kingdom. -But Joanna, indignant at this attempt to force a successor -upon her, turned to a family whose rivalry with her own -dynasty was older than that of the younger house of Anjou. -Alfonso of Aragon had become king of Sicily in 1409, and -was not likely to refuse the prospect of a notable increase of -his power in the Mediterranean by the acquisition of Naples. -He eagerly accepted the offer of Joanna to adopt him as her -heir, and he induced Braccio to enter his service in order to -oppose Sforza. Thus civil war was kindled in Naples, and its -outbreak gave the Pope the opportunity for which he had -been waiting. Leaving Florence, where he had resided since -his departure from Constance, he made his way to Rome in -September 1420. There he set himself to put an -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rule of Martin V.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -end to disorders and to strengthen the foundations -of papal rule. The exhaustion of the combatants in -Naples, and the successive deaths of Braccio and Sforza in -1424, freed him from the danger of any intervention from the -south. Alfonso abandoned the contest for a time, and -Joanna agreed to recognise the claim of Louis of Anjou to be -regarded as her successor. Perugia and the other territories -of Braccio returned on his death to their allegiance to the -Pope. In Rome itself Martin had one source of strength in -the support of his own family of Colonna, though their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>advancement to places of dignity and importance was certain -to create difficulties for his successor. Once secure in his -temporal dominions, the Pope was free to turn his attention -to the general affairs of the Church. The first council which -he was bound to summon by the decrees of Constance met -at Siena, and was adroitly managed so as to avoid any further -limitation of papal authority. By putting himself at the head -of the movement to crush the Hussites, and by appointing a -papal legate to lead the armies against the heretics, Martin -tried to recover for the papacy the position which it had -enjoyed in the time of the great crusades of the Middle -Ages. But the crusading spirit was dead in Europe, and the -successive victories of the Bohemians not only frustrated his -designs, but also compelled him to summon a Council to -meet at Basel shortly before his own death on February 20, -1431.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, who was unanimously elected to succeed -Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>, had a troubled pontificate of sixteen years. He -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Troubles of Eugenius IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -at once set himself to deprive the Colonna family -of the predominance which they had acquired -in Rome through the favour of his predecessor; -but he could only accomplish this by an alliance with the -Orsini, and he thus revived the old feuds among the Roman -barons which it was the interest and the duty of the popes -to check. Very soon after his accession he engaged in a -bitter quarrel with the Council of Basel, and he completely -failed in his endeavour to detach Sigismund from the cause -of the Council as the price of conferring the imperial crown -upon that prince. To make matters worse, he allowed his -sympathies with his native city of Venice to involve him -in a quarrel with Filippo Maria Visconti of Milan. In -1433 the climax of his misfortunes seemed to be reached, -when a combination of Milanese hostility with domestic -discontent drove him to fly in disguise from Rome, and to -seek refuge in Florence. These accumulated disasters -compelled him to adopt a humbler tone towards the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>Council of Basel, which was conducting negotiations with -the Bohemians as if its authority completely superseded that -of the Pope.</p> - -<p class='c004'>About this time the succession dispute in Naples gave rise -to a prolonged war. Louis <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Anjou died in 1434, but -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War of Angevins and Aragonese in Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Joanna made a new will in favour of his younger -brother Réné of Provence. Soon afterwards the -queen herself died, on February 2, 1435. Alfonso -<span class='fss'>V.</span> at once came forward to assert his own claims -against those of Réné, and the Neapolitan baronage was -divided into the factions of Anjou and Aragon. It was impossible -for the papacy to remain neutral in a struggle which -so intimately concerned its own interests. Eugenius began -by claiming the kingdom as a fief which had lapsed to its -suzerain on the extinction of the line of papal vassals. But -he soon dropped this claim and reverted to the normal policy -of supporting the Angevin candidate. At first, events seemed -to turn decisively in favour of Réné. A Genoese fleet, fighting -on his side, won a great naval victory off the island of -Ponza, in which Alfonso himself was taken prisoner. But -in a personal interview with Filippo Maria Visconti, who -claimed the captive by virtue of his suzerainty over Genoa, -Alfonso convinced him that it would be impolitic either to -strengthen the papacy which was allied with Venice, or to -establish French influence in Southern Italy. By these -arguments he not only secured his own release, but also -laid the foundations of a durable alliance between his own -dynasty and the dukes of Milan. From this time the fortunes -of war turned steadily in favour of the Aragonese party, -though it was not till 1442 that Réné finally abandoned the -contest, and Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> was formally recognised as king of -Naples. His accession reunited for a time the crowns of -Naples and Sicily, which had been separated since the Sicilian -Vespers in 1282 (see p. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>).</p> - -<p class='c004'>So far Eugenius had met with little but failure and disappointment. -He gained an apparent victory over the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>Council of Basel when he induced the Greeks to conduct -the negotiations for a union of eastern and western churches -at a rival council which met first at Ferrara, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Later years of Eugenius IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and later in Florence. But the treaty which was -settled at the Council was repudiated by public -opinion in Greece, and the Pope gained little real advantage -from the parade of negotiations which proved abortive. Yet -the later years of his pontificate were more successful than -seemed likely from the beginning. Rome did not long -enjoy the republican liberty which the citizens claimed to -have recovered on the Pope’s departure. The warlike Cardinal -Vitelleschi succeeded by 1435 in reducing the capital -to submission. So successful were the rigorous and cruel -measures of the legate that Eugenius suspected him of a -design to establish his own power in the papal states. In -1440 Vitelleschi was imprisoned and died, either from poison -or from the wounds he received in the struggle with his -captors. Scarampo, who took his place, maintained his -authority by the same means as his predecessor had employed. -In 1443 Eugenius was able to quit Florence and -to return to Rome in perfect security. He gained the alliance -of Naples by recognising the title of Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> But his -greatest triumph was the inauguration of the negotiations -with Germany, through the medium of Æneas Sylvius -Piccolomini, which led to the failure and humiliation of -the Council of Basel. The final treaty was practically -concluded, though still unsigned, when Eugenius died, on -February 23, 1447.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Thomas of Sarzana, who succeeded to the papacy as -Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span>, had already won a considerable reputation as a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Nicolas V., 1447-1455.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -student of ancient literature. Though he was -rather a diligent collector of manuscripts and -works of art than an original scholar, his patronage -made Rome for a time the centre of humanist culture. -His greatest work was the foundation of the Vatican library. -As a politician Nicolas showed less ability and interest than as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>a student, but he was a sincere lover of peace, and he was -able to maintain the position which Eugenius had won in -his later years. He concluded the concordat with Germany, -which put an end to the revolt originating with the Council -of Basel, and the Council itself came to an ignominious end -in 1449. In 1450 Nicolas celebrated the restoration of -unity, and conciliated the Roman people, by a grand jubilee -which brought the wealth of Europe to the eternal city. -In spite of this general rejoicing, the next year witnessed a -famous conspiracy against the secular authority of the Pope. -Stefano Porcaro was a Roman noble who had won the favour -of Nicolas by his devotion to ancient literature. But these -studies led Porcaro, as they had previously led Rienzi, to -an enthusiastic admiration of republican liberty. When he -endeavoured to inspire the people with his opinions he -was banished by the Pope to Bologna. Thence he returned -secretly to Rome and organised a plot to imprison the Pope -and cardinals, and to restore the republic, with Porcaro as -tribune. More than four hundred persons were engaged -in the scheme, and the number proved fatal to secrecy. -Porcaro and nine of his followers were imprisoned in the -castle of St. Angelo and executed without trial. After an -interval of a few days harsh measures were resumed, and a -number of suspected persons shared the same fate. This -severity extinguished the last active desire to restore Roman -liberty. Papal rule was strengthened by the failure of the -plot; but Porcaro’s name, like that of Rienzi, lived long in -the affections of the people. No sooner was this crisis -passed than the news came that Constantinople had been -taken by Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> in 1453. The empire had long -ceased to possess any general authority in Europe, but the -papacy still claimed to represent that unity of Christendom, -whose disappearance had rendered such a catastrophe possible. -It was upon the papacy, therefore, that the chief discredit -fell of so notable a triumph for the infidel. But Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> -had no ability to cope with such a vast problem as was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>involved in the union of the jarring interests of European -states for the purpose of joint resistance to the Turks. -Unable to devise any practical scheme, he gave himself up -to despair, lamented that fate had raised him from a private -station, and died in 1455.</p> - -<p class='c004'>After the death of Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> the choice of the cardinals -fell upon Alfonso Borgia, who took the name of Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span> -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Calixtus III., 1455-1458.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -He was a native of the Aragonese province of -Valencia, and had been rewarded with the cardinalate -for services rendered to the papacy in -negotiations with Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> Although over seventy years -of age, Calixtus showed creditable energy in urging the -princes of Europe to war against the Turks, and he had -the consolation of hearing of the signal victory of John -Hunyadi, when Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> was repulsed from the walls -of Belgrad in 1456. But the pontificate of Calixtus is -mainly noteworthy for the elevation of a relative who was -destined to involve the papacy in the gravest scandals. -Nepotism was a natural result of the secular aims of the -fifteenth century popes. As long as the popes had been -the active heads of Christendom their energies were fully -employed in carrying out a great task. But they were now -little more than temporal princes, and their position differed -from that of other princes in the impossibility of transmitting -their power to a dynasty, and in the brief period of rule -which was possible for men elected in advanced years. -Hence there was a serious temptation to the popes to -aggrandise their relatives at the expense of the Church or -of neighbouring princes, and thus to confer those advantages -upon their family which a secular prince could bring about -by the normal action of hereditary succession. Calixtus -had three nephews, the sons of a sister and a man called -Lenzuoli. These young men were allowed to take the -maternal name of Borgia, and their interests were vigorously -forwarded by their uncle. Two were appointed cardinals, -to the great scandal of the College and of Roman opinion; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>and one of these, Rodrigo Borgia, became the notorious -Pope Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The third nephew received the title -of duke of Spoleto, and the offices of Gonfalonier of the -Church and prefect of Rome.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Before the death of Calixtus important events had taken -place in Naples. Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span>, after the prolonged war which -secured him the throne, had enjoyed a singularly peaceful -reign. The personal charm which had enabled him to gain -over Filippo Maria Visconti also served to win the affection -of his subjects; and his court was rendered famous not -only by its magnificence, but also by the eminence of the -scholars who were attracted to Naples by royal patronage. -But Alfonso’s death, in June 1458, threatened a revival of -dynastic struggles in southern Italy. As he had no lawful -issue, his hereditary kingdoms of Aragon and Sicily passed -to his brother, John <span class='fss'>II.</span> But Alfonso claimed the right to -dispose of Naples as a private acquisition of his own, and -bequeathed the kingdom to his illegitimate son, Ferrante. -The Neapolitans themselves were not at first inclined to -resent an arrangement which freed them from a connection -with Aragon and Sicily which might be regarded as subjection. -But it was obvious that the accession of a bastard would -encourage the house of Anjou to revive its claim, while -the legitimate line in Aragon could always assert the same -right to Naples which had been vindicated by Alfonso -himself. It was therefore of great importance to Ferrante -to obtain recognition from the Pope, who claimed to be -suzerain of Naples, and he had some right to demand it with -confidence from Calixtus, who was born a subject of Aragon. -But the Pope, whether he remembered the traditional Angevin -alliance of the papacy, or whether he sought in the spoils of -Naples for new means of advancing his nephews, refused to -recognise Ferrante, and claimed to dispose of the kingdom -as a vacant papal fief. Before, however, he could make any -efficient opposition to the new king, he was removed by death -on August 6, 1458.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>The choice of the cardinals now fell upon the most remarkable -Pope of the century, Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who -adopted the Virgilian epithet of Pius as his papal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Pius II., 1458-64.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -name. In his youth Æneas Sylvius had lived a -gay and not too decorous life. The author of the novel of -<i>Euryalus and Lucretia</i>, and the confidant of the amours of -princes, he had first achieved political distinction at the -Council of Basel. There his literary and oratorical ability -had given him a position of recognised eminence; but when -the cause of the Council began to decline, he had entered the -service of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and had played by far the most prominent -part in effecting a reconciliation between Germany -and the papacy. For these services he had been rewarded -by Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> with the bishopric of Siena, his native city, and -by Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span> with the cardinal’s hat. Raised to the -papacy, he set himself to destroy the last traces of conciliar -opposition to Roman supremacy, and with this object in view -he strained every nerve to put himself at the head of a great -crusading movement against the Turks. His career is full of -strange contradictions, and the contrast has often been drawn -between his unscrupulous youth and early manhood and the -austere enthusiasm which he displayed as Pope. He himself -was fully sensible of the incongruity, and in his famous -recantation he urged his hearers to cast away Æneas and -take Pius in his place: <i>Æneam rejicite, Pium accipite</i>.</p> - -<p class='c004'>As peace was absolutely necessary for any action against -the Turks, the first act of Pius was to reverse the policy of -his predecessor, and to recognise Ferrante as <i>de -facto</i> king of Naples, though he was careful to -avoid any formal decision on the question of legal right. In -1459 he summoned a congress of Western princes to meet at -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Congress of Mantua.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Mantua, in the confident hope that his eloquence would prove -as effective as that of Peter the Hermit in the eleventh -century. On the appointed date the Pope and his personal -followers found themselves alone in Mantua. After a month’s -anxious delay, some ambassadors and a few German and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>Italian princes appeared, and the Congress was declared open. -But the Pope soon discovered that his hopes had been far -too sanguine; and after much eloquence had been expended -in invectives against the Turks, the Congress broke up without -achieving anything. There is no need to seek far for the -causes of the failure of the Mantuan Congress. The growth -of nations, with separate and often conflicting interests of their -own, had destroyed all the conditions which had rendered -possible the crusades of the Middle Ages. There were also -special causes at the time which rendered it difficult for -Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> to gain any real support for his schemes. The -French were angry with the Pope for having prejudiced the -Angevin claims to Naples by his recognition of Ferrante. -Pius replied to the remonstrances of the French envoys by -attacking the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges; and though he -might claim a dialectical victory, such discussions were not -conducive to a good understanding with France. Even -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the old patron of Æneas Sylvius, was at this -time dissatisfied with the Pope for refusing to support his -claims to the Hungarian crown, which had gone to the son -of John Hunyadi, Mathias Corvinus. In Germany there were -still traces of that spirit of opposition to the papacy which had -been both a cause and a result of the conciliar movement; -and Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> chose this moment to exasperate the German -princes who shared these opinions by issuing from Mantua -the bull <i>Execrabilis</i>, by which he condemned as detestable -heresy any future appeal from the bishop of Rome to a -general council.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Just at this very time there broke out the war in Naples, -which the Pope had endeavoured to avert. The Neapolitan -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -barons revolted against the harsh rule of Ferrante, -and appealed for aid to the house of Anjou. -Réné le Bon was unwilling to quit his luxurious life in -Provence; but his son John, titular duke of Calabria, was at -once more capable and more ambitious. From Genoa, -which was at this time under French suzerainty, John sailed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>to the Neapolitan coast, and was speedily joined by a large -number of partisans. Hostilities in Naples were fatal to the -crusading schemes of Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> In spite of his desire to avoid -a quarrel with France, he could not withdraw his support -from Ferrante, and he was further attached to the Aragonese -cause by the influence of Francesco Sforza, who feared that -an Angevin triumph in the south might encourage the duke -of Orleans to advance a claim to Milan. But in spite of the -aid of the Pope and of Sforza, the cause of Ferrante did not -at first prosper. John gained an important victory at Sarno -on July 7, 1460; and his general, Jacopo Piccinino, also -succeeded in defeating the Aragonese forces. But in the -next year there was a very decided turn of fortune. The death -of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> gave the French throne to Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, who was -ill disposed towards his Angevin relatives, while he was a -warm admirer of Francesco Sforza. Genoa had already -repudiated the French control, and before long Louis agreed -to transfer his claims over Genoa to the duke of Milan. -Thus John of Calabria, who had brought with him few men -and little money, was deprived of the prospect of aid from -France. His Neapolitan supporters began to desert him -after his first reverse in 1462, and in 1464 John was compelled -to abandon the enterprise as hopeless and return to France. -His brief but adventurous career is full of incident. He -sought to punish Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> for his desertion by joining the -League of the Public Weal. When that war was over, he -carried on his quarrel with the house of Aragon by joining -the Catalans in their revolt against John <span class='fss'>II.</span> In that quarrel -he met his death in 1469. Four years later his only son, -Nicolas, also died, and the male descendants of Réné of -Provence came to an end. The house of Anjou was now -represented only by Réné himself; by his daughters, Yolande -and Margaret, who had married respectively Frederick of -Vaudemont and Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England; and by his brother’s -son, Charles of Maine. Of the two daughters, Margaret had -lost her only son, Edward, at Tewkesbury in 1471; but -<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>Yolande had a son, called Réné after his grandfather, who -was engaged in defending the duchy of Lorraine against the -attacks of Charles the Bold of Burgundy. When the old -Réné died in 1480, he disinherited this grandson, who was -then his only descendant, in favour of his nephew Charles of -Maine, with the further provision that on the extinction of -the latter’s line the inheritance should pass to the French -crown. In the next year Charles of Maine died without -children, and by virtue of this will Provence and Bar were -seized by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> At a later date Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> was induced -to found upon his succession to the house of Anjou a claim to -the crown of Naples, which inaugurated a new epoch, not -only in the relations between France and Italy, but also in -the international politics of Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'>During the war in Naples Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> had despaired of a -crusade, and with characteristic ingenuity and self-confidence -he devised a new scheme for securing the victory -of the cross over the crescent. The eloquence -which had failed to arouse the princes of Europe -might prove more successful with their heathen opponent. -He drew up and despatched a lengthy epistle to Mohammed -<span class='fss'>II.</span>, urging him to become a Christian, and promising on that -condition to confirm him in possession of the eastern empire, -as his predecessors had given the empire of the west to -Charles the Great. As far as we know the Sultan returned -no answer to this unique proposal. But the pacification of -Naples by the victory of Ferrante, and the growing uneasiness -of Venice at the continuance of Turkish aggression in Greece -and the Archipelago, encouraged the Pope to resume his more -warlike plans. In 1463 he concluded an alliance with the -Venetians and Mathias Corvinus of Hungary. He renewed -his exhortations to a general crusade, and declared his -intention of leading it in person. In 1464 he went to -Ancona, which had been fixed for the meeting of the -crusading forces. Again the aged Pope met with a bitter -disappointment. The only crusaders at Ancona were a few -<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>adventurers who had nothing to lose, and hoped to make -their profit out of the papal treasures. At last, on August 12, -the Venetian fleet approached the harbour, and Pius was -carried to the window to witness its entry. This effort was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Pius II. at Ancona.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his last, and two days later he died, straining his eyes eastward, -and with his last breath urging the prosecution of the -crusade. The poignant contrasts of his career were conspicuous -to the last. Æneas Sylvius, careless, light-hearted, -and untroubled by moral scruples, had faithfully represented -the new epoch in which he lived. Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, enthusiastic, -gloomy, and passionate, seems to be the ghost risen from the -Middle Ages, which were dead.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The pontificate of Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span> was short and comparatively -uneventful. He belonged to the Venetian family of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Paul II., 1464-71.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Barbi, and his election seemed likely to cement -that alliance between the papacy and the maritime -republic on which Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> had ultimately relied for -resistance to the Turkish advance. But Paul acquiesced -without much protest in the failure of his predecessor’s plans; -and by urging Hungary into war with the heretical George -Podiebrad of Bohemia, he rendered impossible even a league -of eastern princes against the infidel. Paul’s name is also -associated with a so-called persecution of the humanists, -because he imprisoned some members of the Roman academy -who had talked vaguely and irresponsibly of a restoration of -the republic. But it is absurd to treat a simple measure -of internal police as evidence of a definite and far-reaching -policy, or as marking a reaction from the patronage of letters -by Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> The whole episode has attracted more attention -than it deserves through the interested emphasis of the -chronicler, Platina, who has exaggerated both his own -sufferings and his own importance. Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span> was a true Pope -of the Renaissance, looking at affairs from an intellectual -rather than from a spiritual point of view, and exulting both -in his own handsome figure, which led him to desire the -name of Formosus, and in the beauty of the jewels and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>carvings of which he was an industrious and intelligent -collector. But he was free from the grosser vices and crimes -which have given notoriety to his successors.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The name of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> might well have been handed down -to posterity as typifying the extreme degradation in which the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Nepotism of Sixtus IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -papacy was involved in this century by its absorption -in temporal interests, but that the bolder -and more picturesque crimes of Cæsar Borgia have secured -that pre-eminence for the pontificate of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The -aims and actions of Sixtus were those of a secular prince, and -display that cynical disregard of moral considerations which -has been portrayed as the characteristic of the age in the -pages of Machiavelli. No previous Pope had ventured to -show so reckless a determination to use his office for the -advancement of his relatives, and to employ his relatives as a -means of strengthening the temporal power of the papacy. -Three of his nephews were the sons of his brother, Raffaelle -della Rovere. The eldest, Lionardo, was made prefect of -Rome, and was married to a natural daughter of Ferrante -of Naples. Giuliano della Rovere, the most capable and -vigorous of the family, was raised by his uncle to be cardinal -of San Pietro ad Vincula. After playing a prominent part as -the opponent of the two succeeding popes, he gained the -tiara himself as Julius <span class='fss'>II.</span> The third son, Giovanni, succeeded -Lionardo as prefect of Rome, and Sixtus obtained for him -the hand of Joanna, daughter of Federigo da Montefeltro, duke -of Urbino, a marriage which in the next generation gave the -duchy to a della Rovere dynasty. But the Pope’s most -lavish favours were conferred upon the two sons of a sister, -Piero and Girolamo Riario. Piero was made a cardinal at -the age of twenty-five, and received so many preferments, -including the archbishopric of Florence, that he drew a -princely revenue from the Church. He only lived three years -after his uncle’s accession, but during that time he succeeded -in startling Europe by the stories of the extraordinary pomp -and debauchery on which he squandered his wealth. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>promotion of Girolamo Riario, a layman, was effected within -the papal states, and had more lasting results. The papal -treasure was employed to purchase for him the lordship of -Imola; he was married to Caterina, a natural daughter -of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, and on the extinction of the -Ordelaffi in 1480 his uncle’s support gained for him the city -of Forli with the title of duke. The whole policy of the -Pope was directed for years to the aggrandisement of a youth -who proved no more worthy of his elevation than his brother -had been. In 1488 the people of Forli rose and murdered -him, and only the heroism of his widow secured for a time -the continuance of his dynasty.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The obvious intention of the Pope to extend his temporal -power and to abuse it for the aggrandisement of his nephew -excited the misgivings of the neighbouring states, -and especially of Florence, which was at this -time under the guidance of Lorenzo de’ Medici. In order -to remove this obstacle from their way, Sixtus and Riario -organised the famous conspiracy of the Pazzi for the overthrow -of the Medici rule. The Pope asserted his ignorance -of any scheme of assassination, but he must have known that -success could hardly be achieved without bloodshed, and his -denial of complicity was a merely formal attempt to save the -credit of the holy see. The plot very narrowly missed its -aim: Giuliano de’ Medici was killed in the cathedral of -Florence, but Lorenzo escaped with a severe wound, and the -chief conspirators, including the archbishop of Pisa, fell -victims to the popular fury. Enraged at the failure of his -scheme, Sixtus excommunicated the Florentines for laying -violent hands upon a dignitary of the Church, and formed a -league with Ferrante of Naples for the overthrow of the -republic. The disorder in Milan following the death of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Galeazzo Maria Sforza, and the fact that Venice was still -engaged in the Turkish war, deprived Florence of her natural -allies, and in 1479 the city was exposed to serious peril. -Lorenzo de’ Medici, however, not only averted the danger, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>but dexterously employed it to strengthen his authority. At -considerable personal risk, he undertook a journey to Naples, -and succeeded in negotiating a peace with Ferrante. Sixtus -was at first inclined to continue the war; but the occupation -of Otranto by a Turkish force in 1480 constituted such a -serious menace to Italy, that the obstinate Pope was forced -to come to terms with his opponents and to withdraw the -bull of excommunication against Florence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Turkish invasion compelled Ferrante of Naples and -his son Alfonso to withdraw their troops from Tuscany, and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations with Ferrara and Venice, 1482-84.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to concentrate their attention on the recovery of Otranto. -Fortunately for Italy, the death of Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> on May 3, -1481, and a dispute as to the Turkish succession, led to the -withdrawal of the invaders, and enabled the Neapolitan -rulers to claim a military triumph which they had done little -or nothing to bring about. But the alliance -between Naples and the papacy had been completely -annulled, and Sixtus, as restless as ever, -did not scruple to form a new coalition, which was destined -to have momentous results to Italy. Venice had concluded -the treaty of Constantinople with the Turks in 1479, and was -eager to obtain upon Italian soil compensation for its losses -in the east. Hence arose in 1482 an unscrupulous and -unprecedented alliance between the papacy and Venice for -the spoliation of Ercole d’Este of Ferrara. The danger to -the balance of power in Italy led to the formation of a hostile -coalition between Naples, Florence, and Milan. Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -soon discovered that he had gained nothing by his change -of allies. Venice had seized the district of Rovigo from -Ferrara, but had obviously no intention of handing over any -share of the spoils to Girolamo Riario. At the same time, -Neapolitan troops entered the papal states and threatened -Rome, and there was a risk that the misdeeds of the papacy -might result in the meeting of another general council. The -Pope, whose policy was entirely selfish, did not hesitate to -avert the danger by a sudden and complete change of front. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>In 1483 he made peace with Naples and Ferrara, excommunicated -the Venetians for disturbing the peace of Italy, -and prepared to seize the cities which Venice had acquired -within the papal dominions. But his restless greed was -again doomed to disappointment. Venice adroitly ended -the war by the treaty of Bagnolo, in which the only loser was -the unfortunate duke of Ferrara, and Sixtus was chagrined -to find that he had gained absolutely nothing by his ill-faith. -Soon afterwards he died on August 12, 1484, and contemporary -lampoons declared that he died of peace.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c016'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘Nulla vis potuit sævum extinguere Sixtum:</div> - <div class='line in2'>Audito tantum nomine pacis, obit.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'>In Rome itself the pontificate of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had been as -turbulent as his foreign relations. The great families, and -especially the Colonnas, had opposed the advancement -of the Pope’s nephews, and had thus drawn -on themselves the wrath of Sixtus. A long civil war ensued, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disorders in Rome.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in which the barons allied themselves with the foreign -enemies of the Pope, at one time with Florence, at another -with Naples or with Venice. In this war Sixtus displayed -all his cold-blooded cruelty and treachery. The stronghold -of his enemies was the castle of Marino, which was surrendered -by Lorenzo Colonna on condition that he should -be restored to his family. Sixtus fulfilled his promise by -sending them his corpse. The mother appeared at the papal -court, and producing her son’s head, exclaimed, ‘See how a -Pope keeps faith!’ It was a graphic picture of the terrible -degradation of Rome by the Pope’s abandonment of spiritual -aims for temporal ambition. Directly the Pope’s death was -known, the Colonnas headed a rising which sacked the -palaces of the Riarios and drove their adherents from Rome.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The character of Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> has been painted by some -historians in blacker colours than it deserves. It is true that -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Innocent VIII., 1484-92.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he was the first Pope who recognised his own -children, but they seem to have been born before -he took orders, and his devotion to them did not involve -<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>him in such scandals as disgrace his predecessor and his -successor. The principality of Anguillara was purchased for -his son, Franceschetto Cibo, but the latter was more interested -in gaining money than power, and his first act after his -father’s death was to sell his territories to Virginio Orsino. -Innocent himself had little capacity and little interest in -politics. He spent great part of his time in a state of -lethargy, which not infrequently gave the appearance of death. -Among those who exercised a dominant influence over the -feeble Pope was Lorenzo de’ Medici, who married his daughter -Maddalena to Franceschetto Cibo, and as a part of the -bargain, obtained the cardinal’s hat for his second son, -Giovanni, at the age of fourteen. It was under Innocent -<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> that the Medici obtained that position at the papal -court which enabled them to produce two almost successive -popes, Leo <span class='fss'>X.</span> and Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, and enabled these popes -to use the power of the Church to suppress the liberties of -their native city.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By far the greatest difficulty of Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>’s pontificate -was connected with Naples. Ever since the withdrawal of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rising of Neapolitan barons.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -John of Calabria in 1464, the bastard house of -Aragon had enjoyed undisputed possession of the -Neapolitan throne. Jacopo Piccinino, the <i>condottiere</i>, -who had been formidable in the previous struggle, -was enticed to Naples by Ferrante with the aid of Francesco -Sforza, and was treacherously put to death in 1465. At the -time of his alliance with Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> against Lorenzo de’ Medici, -Ferrante had succeeded in reducing his tribute to his papal -suzerain to the annual gift of a white horse. The freedom -from external danger enabled the king to make the royal -authority despotic, and to annul the independence of the -feudal nobles. His son, Alfonso of Calabria, gained an -undeserved military reputation by the withdrawal of the -Turks from Otranto, and from that time was associated with -his father in the government. Under his influence the royal -rule became even more tyrannical and oppressive, and in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>1485 the barons determined to rebel. Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, who -desired to extort the old tribute from Naples which his predecessor -had commuted, espoused their cause, and Venice, -always hostile to the house of Aragon, gave secret assistance. -It was decided to revive the Angevin pretensions, and Réné of -Lorraine, the grandson of Réné le Bon, was invited to come -to Italy as a claimant of the crown for which his ancestors -had so long contended. But the rebellion ended in complete -failure. Neither Florence nor Milan would consent to such -a disturbance of the normal relations of Italy as would be -involved in French intervention. The military force of the -Neapolitan rulers was overwhelming, and Alfonso, for the -second time, led an army against Rome. To complete -the disasters of the Pope and his allies, Réné of Lorraine, -who was engaged in prosecuting a hopeless claim upon Provence -at the French court, allowed the opportunity of gaining -Naples to slip from his hands. But the mere threat of a -French invasion was enough to induce Ferrante and Alfonso -to come to terms. The Pope was bought off by the restoration -of the former tribute, and the Neapolitan barons, -deprived of all hope of assistance, submitted on the understanding -that a full amnesty should be granted to them. -The promise was broken with that cynical disregard of good -faith which marked the politics of Italy in the fifteenth -century. The nobles who returned to Naples were imprisoned, -and were never again seen alive. The sole survivors were -those who preferred to remain in exile rather than trust the -rulers whom they had endeavoured to depose. These men -eagerly watched for an opportunity which might enable them -at once to avenge the death of their associates and to regain -their own confiscated territories. In 1493 they were at last -enabled to act. The death of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and the -growing alienation of Ludovico Sforza from Naples, removed -some of the chief securities for peace in Italy. By the advice -of Venice the Neapolitan exiles petitioned for the intervention, -not of the duke of Lorraine, but of the French king, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> Before any final decision had been come to at -the French court, Ferrante had died on January 25, 1494, -and Alfonso <span class='fss'>II.</span> was left to face the danger of which his own -violence and misrule had been the principal cause.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> had not lived to witness this new crisis in -the history of Naples. His death in 1492 had been followed -by a very important election. The most prominent -candidates for the suffrages of the conclave were -Ascanio Sforza, the brother of Ludovico, and Giuliano della -Rovere, the nephew of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> But neither could obtain -the requisite majority, and in the end Ascanio Sforza was -bribed to support the candidature of the wealthiest of the -Roman cardinals, Rodrigo Borgia, a nephew of Calixtus -<span class='fss'>III.</span> The well-known fact that he had several natural children, -born to him not only since he was a priest, but since he had -been a cardinal, seems to have been completely disregarded. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Alexander VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -A lavish expenditure of money and promises secured his -election, and he assumed the title of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The -first great problem which the new Pope had to solve concerned -the approaching struggle in Naples. In spite of his obligations -to Ascanio Sforza, and his antagonism to the Orsini, -who were closely connected at this time with the house of -Aragon, Alexander allowed himself to be drawn in 1493 -into an alliance with Ferrante, and on his death he recognised -the title of Alfonso <span class='fss'>II.</span> The French invasion, which the Pope -was thus pledged to resist, threatened the papacy for some -time with serious dangers; but in the end it proved one of -the chief circumstances which enabled Alexander himself, -and afterwards Julius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, to erect the temporal power upon -firmer foundations than any of their predecessors had been -able to construct.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span> - <h2 id='chap14' class='c009'>CHAPTER XIV <br /> FLORENCE UNDER THE MEDICI</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The period of oligarchical rule in Florence—Maso and Rinaldo degli Albizzi—Niccolo -da Uzzano—The opposition and Giovanni de’ Medici—War -with Filippo Maria Visconti—The <i>Catasto</i>—Unsuccessful attack upon -Lucca—Expulsion of the Medici—Fall of the Albizzi, and return of -Cosimo de’ Medici—Character and methods of Cosimo’s rule—Luca -Pitti and the <i>coup d’état</i> of 1458—Cosimo’s foreign policy—Piero de’ -Medici and his opponents—Victory of Piero—Accession of Lorenzo de’ -Medici—Approximation to monarchy—Alienation of Naples, and quarrel -with Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Conspiracy of the Pazzi—War in 1478 and 1479—Lorenzo -goes to Naples—Conclusion of peace—Constitutional changes -in 1480—Lorenzo’s later years—Importance of his death—Reckless conduct -of the younger Piero.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The leaders of the Florentine democracy paid a heavy -penalty for their momentary triumph in 1378. A violent -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Oligarchical rule in Florence.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -reaction in 1382 restored the oligarchy under the -leadership of the Albizzi, and for the next fifty -years the curious machinery of the civic constitution -was carefully manipulated to secure the ascendency of -the dominant faction. Although it is by no means the most -famous, there can be no doubt that this is one of the most -successful periods in Florentine history. Under the resolute -guidance of a close oligarchy, Florence maintained a heroic -struggle against the encroachments of Gian Galeazzo Visconti -until his death in 1402 saved the city from almost inevitable -submission. When the Milanese dominions fell to -pieces, Florence seized the opportunity to gain a great prize; -and the city of Pisa, which commanded the mouth of the -Arno, was in 1406 compelled to surrender after an obstinate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>resistance (see p. <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>). Then followed a long war with -Ladislas of Naples, in the course of which Florence acquired -the important town of Cortona. And in 1421 the commercial -interests of the city were strengthened by the purchase from -Genoa of a second port—Livorno.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For a long time the active leader of the victorious faction -and the most influential politician in Florence was Maso -degli Albizzi, a nephew of the Piero degli Albizzi who had -been so prominent in the party strife of the fourteenth -century (see p. <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>). Maso had returned from exile in 1382, -and at various times held most of the chief offices of the -state. While he was gonfalonier in 1393 harsh measures -were taken to complete the defeat of the democrats. But, -apart from the severity shown to the unfortunate Alberti and -their supporters, Maso showed himself a wise and tolerant -ruler. When he died in 1417, his place was, to some extent, -taken by his eldest son, Rinaldo, who displayed great industry -and integrity, but less prudence and insight than his father. -The almost hereditary prominence of these two men did -much to accustom the Florentines to that disguised despotism -which was afterwards established by the Medici. But the -Albizzi never enjoyed such undivided ascendency as was held -by Cosimo and Lorenzo de’ Medici. At least as influential a -leader as Rinaldo was Niccolo da Uzzano, who is frequently -spoken of by contemporaries as the head of the party. He -seems to have been a sincere enthusiast for aristocratic rule, -and it was greatly due to his influence that the Albizzi were -prevented from making themselves absolute masters of the -city. His reputation for wisdom and insight was deservedly -high, and his death in 1432 proved a fatal blow to the party -in whose counsels he had always been on the side of -moderation.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In spite of the services which it rendered to the state, the -oligarchical government did not succeed in averting discontent -and hostility. The strongest political sentiment -among the Florentines was the love of equality, which found -<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>practical expression in the system of filling offices by lot. -This love of equality was more outraged by the domination -of a clique of ruling families than it would have been by the -government of a single despot. The lesser guilds and the -lower classes resented their virtual exclusion from office; and -many wealthy citizens, who had incurred the displeasure of -the dominant faction, found themselves equally left in the -cold. Moreover, the militant foreign policy of the government -was extremely expensive; and the burden of taxation, as -was always the case in Florence, fell more heavily upon the -opponents than upon the supporters of the government. -Gradually the cause of the opposition came to be more and -more identified with the house of Medici. The action of -Salvestro de’ Medici in 1378 had identified the name with -the popular cause, though he did not personally profit by its -short-lived victory. In 1393, when the severe measures of -Maso degli Albizzi provoked a popular rising, it was to Vieri -de’ Medici, a kinsman of Salvestro, that the mob appealed for -guidance, and it was his moderate advice which checked the -rebellion. But it was a member of another branch of the -family—Giovanni de’ Medici—who, in the second decade of -the fifteenth century, came to be regarded as the leader of -those who disapproved of the conduct of affairs by the ruling -party. Giovanni was a banker and money-changer, and was -so successful in his business that he became the richest -citizen in Florence, if not in Italy. He employed his wealth -in extending his popularity, though he was extremely careful -to avoid any action which might give the government a handle -against him. In 1421 he was drawn as gonfalonier, and -Niccolo da Uzzano wished to cancel the appointment as -dangerous. But Giovanni’s hold on the people, and especially -on the lesser guilds, made such a step perilous, and his two -months of office passed uneventfully. Giovanni de’ Medici -died in 1429, leaving two sons—Cosimo, afterwards the ruler -of Florence, and Lorenzo, whose descendants in the sixteenth -century became grand-dukes of Tuscany.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>As long as the oligarchical government was successful, -there was little prospect of its overthrow, but from 1421 its -credit steadily declined. The reunion of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Filippo Maria Visconti.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Milanese territories under Filippo Maria Visconti -constituted a serious menace to Florence, -and the imperative duty of self-defence compelled the republic -to embark once more in a desperate struggle for existence. -In 1424 the Florentine army, under Pandolfo Malatesta, was -defeated with great loss in the battle of Zagonara. A -despairing appeal was made to Venice for assistance, and -the intervention of Carmagnola saved Florence from -annihilation. But the spoils of victory were monopolised -by Venice, and the aggrandisement of their ally was by no -means popular with the Florentines. The power of the -oligarchy had rested upon the success of their foreign policy, -and alarming discontent was the inevitable result of an -unsuccessful war. Two important measures were resorted -to in the hope of restoring the prestige of the dominant -faction. The heavy expenses of the war had called attention -to the old grievance of arbitrary taxation, and in -1427 a reform was introduced to provide a more -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Catasto of 1427.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -equitable basis of assessment. According to Machiavelli, -the acceptance of the <i>Catasto</i>, as it was called, was due to the -influence of Giovanni de’ Medici. Every citizen was to -report to the gonfalonier of his district his whole income -from every source; and concealment was to be punished by -confiscation. From fixed capital the income was to be -estimated at seven per cent. These reports were to be -collected into four books, one for each quarter of the city; -and henceforth the assessment of taxation was to be determined -by them instead of depending upon a man’s political -position and opinions. As wealth fluctuated rapidly in a -mercantile community, a new <i>catasto</i> was to be made every -three years. It was a notable sacrifice on the part of the -ruling clique, and probably tended to weaken their unanimity, -but it helped to pacify public opinion for a time. Rinaldo -<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>degli Albizzi now came forward with a new scheme for -restoring the credit of his party. Ever since the days of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Attack upon Lucca, 1430.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Castruccio Castracani, the annexation of Lucca -had been a darling object of Florentine ambition. -Lucca was, at this time, ruled by one of its own citizens—Paolo -Guinigi—who had sided with Milan in the recent war. -Rinaldo proposed to treat this as a pretext for attacking -Lucca. It was in vain that Niccolo da Uzzano pointed out -the risks of the enterprise. Giovanni de’ Medici was dead, -and his son Cosimo supported the proposal of Rinaldo. His -conduct on this occasion has exposed him to the suspicion -that he foresaw the failure of the enterprise, and was willing -to ruin his opponent even at the expense of the state. War -was declared in 1430, and Rinaldo degli Albizzi was appointed -one of the commissioners to superintend the siege of Lucca. -The enterprise was as unsuccessful as it was unjust, and its -failure was ultimately fatal to the party in power. Rinaldo, -unjustly accused of peculation, threw up his command in -disgust. The duke of Milan was drawn into the war, and -the two most famous <i>condottieri</i> of the day—Francesco Sforza -and Niccolo Piccinino—were employed in his service. After -suffering serious reverses in the field, the Florentines were -glad to accept the mediation of the emperor Sigismund, and -in 1433 peace was made, leaving things as they were before -the war.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But no treaty could restore the previous conditions within -the city. Niccolo da Uzzano had died in 1432, and his death -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Expulsion of the Medici, 1433.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -deprived his party of their strongest support, -while it removed the moderating influence on -their conduct. Cosimo de’ Medici was at once -more ambitious and less cautious than his father, and he and -Rinaldo degli Albizzi were now avowed rivals for ascendency. -The latter, conscious of his growing weakness, determined to -have recourse to violence. In September 1433, when the -signoria was composed of Rinaldo’s adherents, Cosimo de’ -Medici was summoned to appear before the magistrates, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>was imprisoned while his fate was deliberated upon. For -some time it was generally expected that he would be put to -death. But the wealth which his father had collected stood -him in good stead, and his judges were not proof against -corruption. The majority decided for a milder sentence. -Cosimo was banished for ten years to Padua, and his brother -Lorenzo for five years to Venice. Most of their prominent -adherents shared their exile, and the Medici were declared -incapable of holding any office in Florence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The victory of Albizzi seemed to be assured when Cosimo -went into exile in October 1433. The ordinary machinery -of a Florentine <i>coup d’état</i> had been set in motion. The -people had been convened in the piazza, and had approved -the appointment of a <i>balia</i> or revolutionary committee. -But by a strange oversight on the part of so experienced -a partisan, Rinaldo had failed to obtain for this committee -the right of refilling the bags with the names of candidates -for office. The result was that the weakness of his position -was only slightly modified. His own party was divided and -inclined to be mutinous because the <i>catasto</i> was not abolished. -And the alienation of public opinion by military failures -could only be removed by some conspicuous success. In -1434 Florence became involved in a war in Romagna between -Filippo Maria Visconti and the Pope. Again her troops were -defeated in the field, and her ally, Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, driven from -Rome by the Colonnas, was forced to seek a refuge within -her walls. In this moment of depression the accident of lot -resulted in the formation of a signoria in September 1434, -which was favourable to the Medici. Rinaldo -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Recall of the Medici, 1434.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in his turn was summoned before a hostile -magistracy, and he came accompanied by eight hundred -armed men. But he lost the favourable opportunity for -overawing his opponents by consenting to an interview with -Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, who had offered his mediation. This delay -proved fatal. The <i>popolo minuto</i> took up arms and surrounded -the piazza; while the signoria called in armed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>peasants from the country. The parliament created a <i>balia</i> -in the interests of the party, which had for the moment the -upper hand. The Medici and Alberti families were recalled -and declared eligible for office. Rinaldo degli Albizzi with -his son and about seventy partisans were banished from -Florence, and few of them ever returned to their native -city. Cosimo de’ Medici, who was in Venice when the -news of this sudden revolution reached him, re-entered -Florence on October 6, 1434. For the next three centuries -the history of Florence is bound up with the history of the -house of Medici.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The ascendency which the dramatic events of 1433 and -1434 gave to Cosimo de’ Medici was not only retained -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character of Medicean Rule.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -during his life, but became for a time a hereditary possession. -Yet it is impossible to point to any great apparent change in -the constitution. The old magistracies and councils continued -to exist and to fulfil their former functions. -Cosimo was extremely careful to avoid any outward -signs of despotism. He continued to live -in his former residence; and nothing in his dress or his -manner of life distinguished him from his fellow-citizens. -Like his defeated rival, he surrounded himself with a sort of -body-guard of allied families, whose interests he skilfully -identified with his own. To all appearance this was as much -an oligarchy as the government which it had displaced. The -difference is to be found in two points. On the one hand -Cosimo was enabled, partly by his wealth, and partly by his -extensive foreign connections, to exercise a far stronger -control over his adherents and over the state than either -Maso or Rinaldo degli Albizzi had ever been able to wield. -And, on the other hand, the influential families who rose to -power under Cosimo did not represent the domination of a -class as the rule of the Albizzi had done. The Medici never -forgot that they owed their original rise to their championship -of democratic equality; and they were careful to avoid -any unnecessary collision with the prejudices of the mob. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>Even a disguised despotism must aim at the obliteration of -classes, and this can be clearly traced in the policy of Cosimo. -He transferred several families from the lesser to the greater -guilds, and thus obscured a distinction which had been at -one time of supereminent importance. And he even procured -the repeal of the disqualifications against the old -nobility on which the foundations of the historic municipality -had been built.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is not difficult to trace the methods by which Cosimo maintained -the power which had fallen into his hands. He had -two primary objects to attain: he must prevent -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Methods of Cosimo’s Government.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the more important offices from falling into the -hands of malcontents, and he must diminish -their number by bringing home to them the hardships and -dangers of opposition and the rewards that were to be gained -by loyalty. Cosimo boasted of the humanity of his rule, and -he was always careful to intrust to his followers the initiation -of harsh proposals. But his policy was really one of proscription. -The Albizzi and their allies were treated with the -greatest severity. Not only were they banished, but their -place of exile was constantly changed, and they were hunted -about Italy like wild beasts. It was no wonder that their -patriotism gave way to a desire for revenge, and they joined -the duke of Milan against their native city. But the battle -of Anghiari in 1440 destroyed all hope of success, while -their treason gave a pretext for more merciless treatment. -The financial administration was employed to the same ends. -The <i>catasto</i> of 1427 was abolished, and the system of -arbitrary assessment was revived. This enabled Cosimo to -reward his adherents and to punish malcontents. Giannozzo -Mannetti, a harmless student, whose only offence was his -popularity, was called upon to pay taxes to the amount of -135,000 florins, and could only avoid ruin by going into -voluntary exile. It was a common saying that Cosimo -employed the taxes, as northern princes used the dagger, to -rid himself of his opponents.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>For the regulation of offices Cosimo employed the revolutionary -machinery which was in theory the ultimate enforcement -of popular sovereignty. The <i>balia</i> which had recalled -the Medici in 1434 had received from the parliament full -power to reform the state. Every five years this power was -renewed—in 1439, 1444, 1449, and 1454. The most important -act of the <i>balia</i> was the appointment of ten <i>accoppiatori</i> -to superintend the filling of the bags with the names of those -who were eligible for office. This was in itself a fairly -ample assurance that no opposition to the Medici could be -anticipated from the magistracy; and to make it doubly sure, -the names of the gonfalonier and priors were selected every -two months by the <i>accoppiatori</i>. They were made, as the -phrase went, not by lot, but by hand. But as time went on, -this prolonged departure from normal procedure gave rise to -grumbling; and as there were good reasons for avoiding at -the moment any appearance of disunion in the city, Cosimo -determined to yield. In 1455 the <i>balia</i>, which had been -renewed the year before, was abolished, and the practice of -drawing the names of the signoria was revived. The concession -was more apparent than real; for the bags had only -recently been refilled, and three years would elapse before -a new <i>squittinio</i> would be necessary. For that time the -ascendency of the Medici party was secure, and before it had -elapsed measures might be taken to prolong it. But that the -revival of liberty was of some moment is proved by the -proposal in the signoria of January 1458 to restore the <i>catasto</i>. -Cosimo’s partisans urged him to employ energetic measures -to defeat a scheme which attacked their own pockets. But -he was not unwilling to teach them how dependent they -were upon his support, and he allowed the system of strict -and impartial assessment to be revived.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There was one very obvious danger to which such a -government as that of Cosimo de’ Medici was -exposed. Jealousy and ill-will might arise among -his intimate associates. It was his deliberate policy to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>place them in prominent positions, and they were perforce -intrusted with the secrets of his administration. One or -more of them might seek to use their experience for their -own advancement and to free themselves from the control of -their patron. This danger was partially realised in Cosimo’s -later years, and serious difficulties arose from the same source -in the time of his son. In 1458 it had become a grave -question how far the revival of republican freedom should be -allowed to go. The death of Alfonso of Naples removed -one great motive for continuing the conciliatory policy of the -last three years; and the appointment to the gonfaloniership -of Luca Pitti, one of the oldest and closest of Cosimo’s -adherents, gave the opportunity for decisive action. After -careful precautions had been taken to control the avenues to -the piazza and to impress the mob, a parliament was convened -by the ringing the great bell of the Palazzo Publico. A <i>balia</i> -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Coup d’état of 1458.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of 350 citizens, together with the existing signoria, was -endowed with full authority. <i>Accoppiatori</i> were appointed -to fill the bags, and a permanent committee, the <i>Otto di -Balia</i>, received the control of the civic police. By a curious -irony it was announced to the people that the priors should -henceforth be called, not <i>priori delle arti</i>, but <i>priori della -Liberta</i>. The name was chosen, says Machiavelli, to designate -what had been lost.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But in this revolution to confirm the previous revolution -Cosimo had carefully abstained from taking any active share. -In the eyes of the mob the victorious politician -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Luca Pitti.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was Luca Pitti, who seemed to himself, as to -others, to overshadow his employer. Puffed up with ambition, -he began to build the magnificent palace on the southern side -of the Arno, which, afterwards the residence of the grand-dukes -of Tuscany, and now the shrine of one of the greatest -picture galleries in the world, has done more than any -political achievement to preserve to posterity the name of its -founder. Cosimo was probably convinced that little real -danger was to be dreaded from Luca Pitti, and he made no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>attempt to alter or correct the popular impression. As long -as his influence was really unimpaired he cared little who -had the appearance and pomp of supremacy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>As a great banker, Cosimo de’ Medici was an important -personage in many foreign courts, quite apart from his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Cosimo’s Foreign Policy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -political position in Florence. With very notable -dexterity he played his two parts so as to make -each improve the other. He employed his -financial relations to strengthen his hold upon the strings of -Florentine policy, and he utilised his political influence to -increase his business and his profits. It is in foreign affairs -far more than in domestic administration that he showed -himself to be the real ruler of Florence. He inherited from -the Albizzi a struggle against Filippo Maria Visconti and an -alliance with Venice. As long as the duke of Milan threatened -the independence of Florence, and especially when he -espoused the cause of the exiled Albizzi, Cosimo could not -safely depart from the traditional policy of Florence. But -the death of Filippo Maria in 1447 and the establishment of -a republic in Milan gave him more scope for originality. He -had to choose between the aggrandisement of Venice in -Lombardy, which must have been the inevitable result of the -maintenance of the Milanese republic, and the erection of -a military power in Milan which should hold Venice in -check. Without any hesitation he decided for the latter -alternative, and the later history of Italy was vitally influenced -by his choice. The financial and other aid which he received -from Florence was one of the most potent factors in enabling -Francesco Sforza to obtain the lordship of Milan in 1450, -and to conclude the treaty of Lodi with Venice in 1454.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Another hardly less momentous question for Italy arose -after the death of Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Naples, when in 1460 the -Angevin claim was revived in antagonism to Ferrante. -Although Florence was closely allied with France by her -Guelf traditions and her commercial interests, Cosimo was -resolute in his support of Ferrante and in urging Francesco -<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>Sforza to do the same. Again his attitude helped to turn -the scale in a struggle where, for a time, the balance was -undecided. He just lived to hear of the retirement of John -of Calabria, which secured the bastard house of Aragon from -serious attack for the next thirty years. By his action in -these two great crises Cosimo must be regarded as the real -author of that triple alliance between Naples, Milan, and -Florence, of which his grandson in later years made such -a masterly use.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Cosimo’s death in 1464 left the headship of the family -to his only surviving son, Piero, who was already middle-aged -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Piero de’ Medici and his opponents.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and in feeble health. The five years during -which he survived his father are chiefly noteworthy -because they witnessed the great split in -the Medicean party, which careful observers must have seen -for some time to be inevitable. Four of the most prominent -associates of Cosimo—Luca Pitti, Diotisalvi Neroni, -Angelo Acciaiuoli, and Niccolo Soderini—were unwilling to -give to the son the deference which they had shown to the -father. Luckily for the Medici, their unanimity did not go -far. The first three were actuated by motives of personal -ambition, which might easily lead them to quarrel with -each other, while Niccolo Soderini was an enthusiast for -democracy, and had no desire to humble Piero in order to -exalt another in his place. Neroni was the ablest of the -leaders, but he was lacking in personal courage, and preferred -to employ intrigue and constitutional methods rather -than violence. It was only gradually that two parties were -organised in avowed opposition to each other. The anti-Medicean -party received the nickname of the Mountain, -because the great palace of Luca Pitti was rising on the -hill of San Giorgio. The residence of the Medici stood on -level ground to the north of the Arno, and hence Piero’s -adherents were known as the Plain.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The first trial of strength took place in 1465, when the -opposition made a bid for popularity by proposing to abolish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>the <i>balia</i> of 1458 and to restore the constitutional method -of filling offices by lot. Piero was too cautious to oppose -such a measure, and it was carried with virtual unanimity. -In November the first draw took place, and Niccolo Soderini -became gonfalonier. Disunion among the leaders prevented -any use being made of the advantage which chance had -given them, and Soderini went out of office at the end of -December without having effected any further change in the -constitution. In the next year the party strife was extended -to foreign politics. Venice had never forgotten or forgiven -the part which Florence had played in establishing the -Sforzas in Milan. Now that Francesco was dead and succeeded -by the more reckless Galeazzo Maria, there was -some possibility of evicting a dynasty which was a perpetual -bar to Venetian expansion in Lombardy. But to overthrow -the Sforzas it was first necessary to overthrow the Medici. -And so the leaders of the Mountain made overtures to -Venice, regardless of the consideration that a complete -reversal of foreign policy might damage the interests of -Florence. The Venetians were too cautious to commit themselves -to an alliance with a faction which might fail, and -moreover they had the Turkish war on their hands. But -there was a secret understanding that if Piero de’ Medici -were got rid of, either by the dagger or by a revolution, -his opponents would be aided by troops under Bartolommeo -Coleone, a <i>condottiere</i> in the pay of Venice, and Ercole -d’Este, brother of the duke of Ferrara.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Piero knew enough of these schemes to induce him to -draw closer the alliance with Milan and Naples which his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Crisis of 1466.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -father had bequeathed to him. His elder son, -Lorenzo, received his first experience of diplomacy -by being sent on an embassy to Ferrante. The news that -Ercole d’Este had advanced in the direction of Pistoia -brought matters to a crisis. Piero hurried to Florence from -his villa at Careggi, and is said to have escaped an ambush -on the way through the vigilance and acuteness of Lorenzo. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>Galeazzo Maria Sforza was invited to send troops to the -assistance of Florence, and the peasants from the Medici -estates were armed and brought into the city. On the other -side Niccolo Soderini collected two hundred men who were -kept in arms in the Pitti palace. Civil war seemed inevitable, -but by a tacit agreement active violence was postponed till -the new signoria was drawn at the end of August. Fortune -or skill favoured the Medici, and a gonfalonier and priors -devoted to their interests took up office on September 1. -On the next day the great bell called the people to a parliament -in the piazza. The armed adherents of Piero commanded -every entrance, and the dissentients who obtained -admission were too few or too timid to make themselves -heard. A numerous <i>balia</i> was proposed by the signoria -and approved by acclamation. For the next ten years the -priors were to be made by hand. Neroni, Acciaiuolo, and -Niccolo Soderini were banished. Luca Pitti, who had been -bribed or persuaded to desert his associates, was allowed -to remain, but his ostentation had made him unpopular, -and he spent the rest of his life in harmless insignificance. -His gigantic palace remained unfinished till it was completed -by the Medici in the next century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>There still remained the danger of foreign intervention. -Neroni, who had been banished to Sicily, defied the decree -and repaired to Venice. It was decided to carry -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Failure of the anti-Mediceans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -out the scheme which had been arranged in the -previous year. Bartolommeo Coleone was to -conduct in the interest of the exiles what was ostensibly -a private enterprise. He was joined in the spring of 1467 -by Ercole d’Este and several of the smaller princes of -Romagna. Neapolitan and Milanese auxiliaries were sent -to the aid of Florence, whose forces were under the supreme -command of Federigo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino. -Italy watched with eager interest the progress of the campaign, -which was conducted with the punctilious precision -so dear to the professional soldier of Italy. There was a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>great deal of marching, but very little fighting and very -little execution. The armies never came anywhere near -Florence, whose fate was supposed to be at stake, and no -decisive advantage was gained by either side. But this was -in itself decisive enough. It was sufficient for the Medici -to avoid defeat; the exiles could hope for nothing unless -they gained a great victory. In 1468 peace was negotiated -by Pope Paul II., leaving matters <i>in statu quo</i>. The exiles -lost all hope of returning to Florence. Niccolo Soderini -died in Germany in 1474; Neroni lived in Rome till 1482; -Angelo Acciaiuoli entered a Carthusian monastery in Naples.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The struggle of 1466 and 1467 removed any possible -doubt as to the position of the Medici. The whole aim -of the opposition and their supporters had been -to effect their overthrow, and the attempt had -failed. They were undistinguished by any title, but they -were as obviously the rulers of Florence as if they called -themselves dukes or counts. This was made clear after -the death of Piero de’ Medici on December 3, 1469. -Tommaso Soderini, Niccolo’s brother, who had remained -faithful during the recent crisis, convened a <i>pratica</i> or -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Accession of Lorenzo.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -informal meeting of the principal citizens. He proposed -that Lorenzo de’ Medici, who was only twenty-one, and -therefore below the legal age for holding any magistracy -in the republic, should be invited to exercise the power -that had been wielded by Cosimo and Piero. A deputation -was chosen to carry the offer, which Lorenzo accepted -after a becoming show of hesitation.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Lorenzo’s conduct shows that he was fully conscious of -the altered position which events had enabled him to assume. -Hitherto the Medici had been content to intermarry with -Florentine families, and thus to recognise their equality of -rank. But Lorenzo, as a prince, must seek a foreign bride, -and he married Clarice Orsini, a daughter of the famous -family of Roman nobles. Though his own tastes led him -to show an interest in art and literature, and to encourage -<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitutional changes.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the amusements of the people, he was also inspired by the -wish to establish a court on the lines which had become -familiar in the principalities of Italy. In their intercourse -with Lorenzo the Florentines showed a deference and even -a servility which would have been deemed wholly out of -place in the days of Cosimo and Piero. This growth of -a monarchical element within the republic is probably the -explanation of the numerous and obscure constitutional -changes which were made or attempted -in the early years of Lorenzo’s administration. Their essential -object was to secure absolute control of appointments -to the signory. In 1470 it was proposed that the <i>accoppiatori</i> -should be chosen every year by a new college of forty-five, -consisting of men who had discharged this function since -the return of the Medici in 1434. The scheme was denounced -as an attempt to subject the city to forty-five -tyrants, and failed to pass the council of a hundred. In -the next year, however, the same object was attained in a -different way. The existing <i>accoppiatori</i> were associated with -the sitting members of the signoria as a permanent committee, -and the names which they proposed were to be carried in -the Hundred by a bare majority, instead of by the usual -majority of two-thirds. In the same year the legislative -functions of the old councils of the people and of the -commune were suspended for ten years. It is difficult to -estimate the precise significance of these and other changes, -but their general effect was to narrow the circle of families -among whose members the more important offices circulated. -This was certain to excite dissatisfaction; and among the -malcontents we find the Pazzi, an old noble family which -had devoted itself to commerce, and now became rivals of -the Medici in business as well as in politics.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Events proved that discontent within Florence was not -very formidable, unless it was reinforced by -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Foreign policy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -difficulties in foreign relations. Lorenzo had been -brought up by his grandfather to regard Milan and Naples as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>the normal allies of Florence, Venice as a dangerous rival -of Florence and a resolute opponent of the Medici ascendency, -and the papacy as a variable force depending on the -idiosyncracies of rapidly changing popes, and requiring to be -very carefully watched. Lorenzo had learned the lesson, but -with the egotism and self-sufficiency of youth he was not -disinclined to attempt a few experiments on his own account. -If he could establish friendly relations with the papacy and -with Venice, he might make his own position stronger than -ever, and might pose as mediator and almost as arbiter -in the relations of the Italian states. On the election of -Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in 1471, Lorenzo went in person as Florentine -envoy to carry the usual congratulations. He returned not -only with a confirmation of his banking privileges in Rome, -but with the lucrative appointment of receiver of the papal -revenues. At the same time he opened negotiations with -Venice, which led in 1474 to the embassy of Tommaso -Soderini and the conclusion of an alliance between Venice, -Milan, and Florence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But these new connections were dearly purchased by the -alienation of Naples. Ferrante regarded Venice as the inveterate -enemy of his kingdom and his family. -As long as the Medici had identified their interests -with his own he had been eager to uphold -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alienation of Naples and quarrel with Sixtus IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -their power in Florence. But a good understanding -of Milan and Florence with Venice threatened -Naples with isolation, and Ferrante must seek support elsewhere. -Sixtus had already allowed the Neapolitan tribute -to be commuted for a formal gift; and as the ties between -Naples and the papacy were drawn closer, a coolness grew -up between Sixtus and Lorenzo. The origin of the quarrel -is to be found in the opposition of Florence to the aggrandisement -of Girolamo Riario (see p. <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>). Lorenzo refused to -find the money for the purchase of Imola, and the Pope -transferred the post of receiver-general from the Medici to -the Pazzi. The dispute was speedily embittered. Sixtus -<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>appointed Francesco Salviati to the archbishopric of Pisa -without consulting Lorenzo, and in defiance of his wishes. -The Florentines, on their side, refused to admit the archbishop -to his see; they supported the Vitelli in Citta di -Castello, and in many ways showed an inclination to thwart -the Pope’s schemes in Romagna. For some time, however, -the dispute did not seem likely to lead to serious results. -But the death of Galeazzo Maria Sforza in 1476, and the -obvious weakness of the government of the regent, Bona of -Savoy, encouraged the opponents of the Medici to bolder -acts than they would have contemplated when Milan could -give efficient support to Florence. In 1477 Girolamo Riario -and Francesco Pazzi began to discuss in Rome -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conspiracy of the Pazzi.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -how to overthrow a family which stood in the -way of both of them. By the beginning of 1478 the main -outlines of the conspiracy had been agreed to. Francesco -Salviati and Jacopo Pazzi, the head of the family in Florence, -had agreed to take part in the plot. It was understood that -the Pope and the king of Naples would give active support, -but they took no responsibilities for the actual means by -which the desired end was to be attained. Assassination -was a recognised weapon in Italian politics, and it was -obviously difficult to effect a revolution in Florence without -it. Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> might plead that he was ignorant of this part -of the design, but morally the plea is worthless. If the -Medici government had been unpopular in Florence, it might -have been possible to organise a rebellion and to overthrow -them by means of a parliament. But there was no widespread -discontent in the city, and the Pazzi had no strong -following among either the lower or the wealthy classes. It -was decided, therefore, to kill Lorenzo and his brother -Giuliano, and to trust to the resultant confusion and foreign -intervention. A number of hired mercenaries, headed by -Giovanni Battista da Montesecco, were engaged to carry out -the two immediate objects—the murder of the brothers and -the seizure of the magistrates. It says much for the fidelity -<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>of the plotters that no one was found to betray the design, -in spite of the discouragement caused by unavoidable delays. -The great practical difficulty arose from the necessity of -assassinating Lorenzo and Giuliano at the same moment, for -fear that one might receive warning from the fate of the -other. And unless both were removed, the plot would end -in failure. At last the desired opportunity was offered by -a banquet which the Medici gave in honour of Cardinal -Raffaelle Riario, a great-nephew of the Pope. But Giuliano -was too unwell to attend, and the time and place had to be -altered. On Sunday, April 26, 1478, the two brothers were -to be present at divine service in the cathedral, and the -elevation of the host was to be the signal to the assassins. -This gave rise to an unexpected difficulty. Montesecco, who -had undertaken to slay Lorenzo, refused to commit sacrilege -by shedding blood in a church, and two priests were chosen -to take his place. But the priests, though they did not share -the scruples, also lacked the strength and skill of the soldier. -As the little altar bell tinkled, Giuliano was struck down, -and Francesco Pazzi dealt the final deathblow. But Lorenzo -was only wounded in the shoulder, and in the confused scuffle -which followed he succeeded in escaping to the sacristy, -where his friends closed the bronze doors in the face of the -murderers. Elsewhere the conspirators were equally unsuccessful. -Archbishop Salviati, who had gone to the Palazzo -to superintend the seizure of the gonfalonier and priors, -excited suspicion by his obvious agitation, and was seized -with several of his followers. Jacopo Pazzi headed a procession -through the streets with shouts of ‘Liberty,’ but the -people raised the counter-cry of ‘Palle! Palle!’ in favour of -the Medici, and the leaders of the demonstration were carried -by the mob to the Palazzo. On the arrival of the news that -Giuliano de’ Medici was dead, Francesco Pazzi, the archbishop -of Pisa, and several other prisoners were promptly -hanged from the windows. Vindictive severity was shown -to the Pazzi and their allies. Guglielmo Pazzi, who had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>married Lorenzo’s sister, was the only member of the family -who escaped. The two priests who had taken refuge in a -monastery were dragged from their sanctuary by the mob -and barbarously murdered. Montesecco had left Florence, -but he was captured, and after giving evidence which implicated -the Pope in the conspiracy, was executed. One of -the murderers succeeded in reaching Constantinople, but -even there the vengeance of the Medici was able to reach -him. He was handed over by Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span>, and brought -back to Florence, where in 1479 he shared the fate of his -accomplices.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Within Florence all danger was at an end. The cowardly -nature of the attack rallied public opinion to the Medici; and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Naples and the Papacy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the death of a brother, who had hitherto enjoyed the larger -share of popular favour, served to exalt the survivor and to -remove from his way a possible rival. The fate of the conspirators -was a striking object-lesson to future malcontents. -But Lorenzo’s signal triumph only exasperated the foreign -enemies whom his reckless policy had alienated. -He had broken up the triple alliance, in which -Florence served as a link between Milan and -Naples, and had divided Italy into a northern and a southern -league. These were now brought into collision by the failure -of the Pazzi conspiracy. Both Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and Ferrante of -Naples had good reasons for desiring the overthrow of -Lorenzo, and these reasons were multiplied now that success -had made him more formidable. The Pope, urged on by -Girolamo Riario, and infuriated by the execution of an archbishop -and the murder of priests, called upon the Florentines -to banish Lorenzo, who was to be made the scapegoat for -the crime of his opponents. The citizens refused to give up -their leader, and published the confession of Montesecco. -Sixtus laid the city under an interdict, and prepared for war. -The papal troops under Federigo da Montefeltro and a -Neapolitan army under Alfonso of Calabria marched into -southern Tuscany, where the adhesion of Siena gave the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>invaders a convenient base of operations. Florence appealed -to her allies, and obtained assistance from Milan under Gian -Jacopo Trivulzio, and from Venice under Galeotto Pico of -Mirandola. Ercole d’Este was appointed commander-in-chief -for the republic. Great hopes were also entertained of the -intervention of France, and Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> despatched Philippe -de Commines to Italy to try what diplomacy could effect in -favour of Lorenzo de’ Medici.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1478 Florence made a creditable resistance against -superior forces. The fortification of Poggio Imperiale blocked -the Val d’Elsa, the most vulnerable approach to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Campaigns of 1478 and 1479.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the city; and when the disappointed invaders -turned eastwards to the valley of the Chiana, they had -only completed the preliminary operation of taking Monte -San Savino when winter put an end to operations. But -in the campaign of 1479 fortune turned decisively against -the Florentines. A revolution in Milan, which was dexterously -organised by Ferrante, not only compelled the withdrawal of -the Milanese troops; but by substituting the rule of Ludovico -Sforza for that of Bona of Savoy, detached Milan for a time -from the Florentine alliance. The Turkish attack on Scutari, -which reduced Venice to such straits that it was necessary to -make the peace of Constantinople, and to refrain from any -vigorous action in Italy, was also attributed by contemporary -suspicion to the wily suggestions of the Neapolitan king. -Worst of all, France would not take action. A few hundred -French lances would have been worth far more than the -threat of a general council which the Pope knew would not -be carried out. Florence found herself isolated and exposed -to a crushing attack. The plague broke out within the walls, -Poggio Imperiale was stormed, and nothing but the ponderous -tactics of a mercenary army saved the city from the necessity -of an ignominious surrender. Lorenzo de’ Medici was in a -very difficult position. In a sense the city was enduring -these sufferings and risks on his behalf, and the loyalty of -the citizens might give way under an intolerable strain. He -<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>sought and found a way out of the dilemma by an enterprise -which his adherents and apologists have agreed to consider -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Lorenzo goes to Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -heroic. In December 1479 he set out on an -embassy to Naples. The fate of Jacopo Piccinino -was sufficiently recent to convince people that it was dangerous -to trust to the good faith of Ferrante, yet it is difficult to -believe that Lorenzo undertook the journey without some -fairly substantial assurance that there was less risk in it than -appeared on the surface. After all, Ferrante had originally -been the cordial friend of Lorenzo; and although he had since -then taken offence, he might be appeased by a renewal of the -old understanding. Events had proved that it was not worth -while to alienate Naples in order to establish better relations -with Venice, and Lorenzo was quite willing to do penance -for his blunder. And the alliance between Naples and the -Pope did not rest upon very substantial foundations. -Lorenzo could point out that Sixtus only cared for the -aggrandisement of his nephew, that he was already preparing -to expel the Ordelaffii from Forli in order to give a duchy to -Girolamo, and that a strong secular power in the papal states -was by no means likely to benefit Naples. There was an -ultimate argument in the relations of the Medici with France. -The revival of the Angevin claim was a perpetual nightmare -to Ferrante and his son, and it might well prove that the -house of Aragon would find in a Florentine alliance a substantial -bulwark to their throne. At all events, whether -hazardous or not, the enterprise was successful. Lorenzo -returned to Florence in 1480 with a treaty of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conclusion of peace, 1480.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -peace. It was not, of course, a very glorious -agreement: the southern districts of Florentine territory -were ceded to Siena, the allies in Romagna were left at the -mercy of the Pope, and there was no provision for the restoration -of the northern fortress of Sarzana, which had been -seized during the war by the Fregosi of Genoa. But anything -was better than the continuance of the war, and Lorenzo was -hailed as the saviour of the state. It is true that there was a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>momentary reaction, when it was found that the Neapolitan -forces were in no hurry to quit Tuscany, and that Alfonso -was apparently taking advantage of party feuds in Siena to -maintain a permanent foothold in the province. But the -Turks intervened to checkmate any such design, and the -occupation of Otranto compelled Alfonso and his troops to -retire for the defence of their own territory. Even the -obstinate Pope was forced to give way by the danger from -the infidel. Sixtus ceased to insist that Lorenzo should -make another more humiliating, and perhaps more perilous -journey to Rome, and withdrew the interdict which he had -launched against Florence for venturing to punish ecclesiastics -for a flagrant crime.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The conspirators had failed, and foreign enemies had failed, -to overthrow the Medici, and their failure necessarily strengthened -the dynasty against which these strenuous -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitutional changes in 1480.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -attacks had been directed. In 1480 Lorenzo -was able to carry through vital changes in the -constitution which for the rest of his life secured his authority -against serious attack. It is noteworthy that no use was -made of the parliament, as on previous occasions, when -revolutionary decrees had to be enacted. The proposals -were made by the signoria and carried in the ordinary way -through the three councils. A constituent body of thirty was -nominated by the signory. These were to appoint a ‘greater -council’ of two hundred and ten members, afterwards enlarged -to two hundred and fifty-eight, who were to act as a temporary -<i>balia</i>, having power to legislate and to control the filling of -the bags with the names of suitable candidates for office. In -order to secure a wide distribution of influence, no family, -except two specially named, was to have more than three -members on the council. By a far more important provision -the thirty were to nominate another forty, and with them -were to constitute a permanent Council or Senate, known as -the Seventy. The Seventy held office for life, and filled -vacancies by co-optation. From among them were to be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>chosen the two important executive committees—the <i>Otto di -Pratica</i>, who took the place of the occasional committees of -eight or ten whom it had been usual to appoint in time of -war, and the <i>Otto di Balia</i>, who superintended the police of -the city. The institution of the Seventy did not abolish any -of the old magistracies and councils; these still continued as -a means of rewarding supporters and flattering men’s love of -importance. But it placed side by side with them what -Florence had not for a long time possessed, a permanent -machinery of government, and thus supplied the stability, the -want of which had been the chief cause which raised the -Medici to their anomalous and ill-defined position in the -state. It was inevitable that the Seventy, with its two standing -committees, should gradually draw into its hands the real -power which could never be effectually employed by officials -who changed every two months.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The troubles of the last three years had taught Lorenzo a -lesson which he never forgot. The prompt punishment which -followed his youthful errors in statecraft had been -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Lorenzo’s later years.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -an invaluable training to him. For the next -twelve years the internal history of Florence is absolutely -uneventful, a fact which is itself the best evidence of the -capacity of its ruler. Freed from the fear of domestic opposition, -Lorenzo could concentrate his attention on external -affairs, and he became the foremost statesman in Italy. -Reverting to the sound traditions which his grandfather had -handed down, he maintained an alliance with Naples on the -one side, and with Milan on the other, and was thus enabled -to check the aggressive tendencies of Venice and the papacy, -and at the same time to avert the danger of foreign intervention. -In the war of Ferrara (1482-84) he was an active member -of the coalition which saved the house of Este from annihilation, -though he was chagrined that the interested defection -of Ludovico Sforza enabled Venice not only to escape well-deserved -punishment, but also to retain the polesina of -Rovigo. In 1485 a more serious difficulty arose when the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>Neapolitan rebels, backed up by Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, endeavoured -to revive the Angevin claims. Florence had no love for the -house of Aragon, and was closely connected by many ties -with France. Fortunately, the appeal was made to Réné of -Lorraine instead of to Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, and so Lorenzo could -support the cause of Ferrante without any overt breach of the -French alliance. And while engaged in these questions of -high policy, Lorenzo never lost sight of the immediate -interests of Florence. He took advantage of party feuds in -Siena to procure the restoration of most of the territories -which had been ceded in 1480. And he not only recovered -Sarzana from Genoa, but he added to it the neighbouring -fortresses of Pietrasanta and Sarzanella, thus giving to -Florence a strong frontier on the ridge of the Apennines, -which, if properly garrisoned, would have enabled the republic -to check the invasion of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>In Lorenzo’s last years a new and momentous political problem -was created by the growing alienation between Naples -and Milan. Ludovico Sforza could not carry out his -designs upon his nephew’s duchy without incurring -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Importance of Lorenzo’s death.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the hostility of Ferrante and Alfonso; and -upon Florence, as the middle state of the league, devolved -the responsibility of mediating between her two allies. It -was a task which required all Lorenzo’s tact, experience, and -patience, and it may be doubted whether even he could have -ultimately succeeded in averting a collision. It is just possible, -however, that consummate prudence on the part of Florence -might have prevented French intervention in Italy, and in -that case the whole course of European history might have -been altered. But in 1492, when the fate of Italy was -trembling in the balance, Lorenzo died; and his death at -this critical moment must be ranked with those other -events—the discovery of America, the conquest of Granada, -and the election of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—which make 1492 -one of the most memorable years in the history of -Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>Enough has been said of the Florentine constitution to -show that the power of the Medici did not rest upon very -solid foundations. They had no military force -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Recklessness of Piero de’ Medici.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -behind them; none of the ordinary securities -on which a despotism must rely for its permanence. -They ruled, partly because they supplied an -element of stability, which the civic constitution notoriously -lacked, partly because they maintained the credit and the -influence of the state in Italy and in Europe, but mainly -because they had managed to conciliate the interests and the -allegiance of a majority of the citizens. But if the Florentines -once felt that their own interests and the security of the -republic were endangered by the ascendency of the Medici, -that ascendency must inevitably fall. And this was precisely -the impression which Piero, Lorenzo’s eldest son, set himself -to produce. Discarding all pretence of civic equality, he -indulged in the airs and pretensions of a prince born in the -purple. And while his haughtiness disgusted the mass of the -citizens, he made no effort to retain the support of the prominent -families with whom his father had lived on familiar -terms. But his most fatal blunder was in foreign relations. -His mother was an Orsini, and his wife was an Orsini, and -under the influence of his foreign relatives he abandoned the -mediating position of Lorenzo, and allied himself unconditionally -with the rulers of Naples. This action had a double -result. It completed the exasperation of the Florentines, -who had never loved the Neapolitan alliance even when their -trust in the wisdom of Cosimo or Lorenzo had convinced -them that it was to their interest to adhere to it. And it -drove Ludovico Sforza into that desperate appeal to France -which was the immediate cause of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>’s invasion. -When the French came, Piero showed himself to be pusillanimous -as well as incompetent. He took no steps to hold -the defensible passes of the Apennines against the invaders; -and when they had reached Pisa, he sought to disarm their -hostility by a more ruinous surrender than the most extreme -<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>supporter of a French alliance would have advocated. The -patience of the citizens was exhausted; and Piero’s flight was -followed by the expulsion of his family and the restoration -for a few troubled years of republican independence in -Florence.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span> - <h2 id='chap15' class='c009'>CHAPTER XV <br /> BURGUNDIANS AND ARMAGNACS IN FRANCE, 1380-1435</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Minority of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—The princes of the lilies—Risings in Paris—Intervention -in Flanders—Battle of Roosebek and death of Philip -van Artevelde—Rule of the <i>Marmousets</i>—Insanity of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>—Rivalry -for the government—Philip the Bold of Burgundy—Louis of -Orleans—John the Fearless—Murder of Orleans—Outbreak of civil -war—The <i>Cabochiens</i> in Paris—Victory of the Armagnacs in 1413—Henry -<span class='fss'>V.</span> invades France—Battle of Agincourt—Armagnacs retain -their ascendency in France—English successes in Normandy—Burgundians -seize Paris—Murder of John the Fearless—Treaty of -Troyes—War in Northern France—Deaths of Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> and Charles -<span class='fss'>VI.</span>—John of Bedford and Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>—Divided allegiance of France—Humphrey -of Gloucester and Jacqueline of Hainault—Quarrels at -the court of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>—Philip the Good acquires territories in the -Netherlands—Siege of Orleans—Successes of Jeanne Darc—Her -capture and death—Character of the War—Quarrel of Bedford and -Burgundy—Treaty of Arras and death of Bedford.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The death of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> in 1380 ushered in one of the most -disastrous periods in the history of France. The young -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Minority of Charles VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was only eleven years of age, and the -government fell into the hands of his uncles, the -dukes of Anjou, Berri, and Burgundy, and their brother-in-law, -the duke of Bourbon. These men represented the new -class of royal nobles, or princes of the lilies, and it was soon -evident that their interests were those of their caste, and not -those of the monarchy with which they were connected by -blood. Their conduct was characterised by the same selfish -love of independence as had been displayed by the older -feudal nobles, whose lands had fallen to them by inheritance, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>marriage, or royal grant. It was a momentous fact for France -that the power of the crown was wielded just at this time by -men who desired not to advance that power, but merely to -abuse it for their own profit and that of their fellow-nobles. -Everywhere feudalism was fighting a final and -desperate struggle to maintain itself against the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Feudalism and its opponents.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -forces which were destined to effect its overthrow. -In Germany the Swabian towns were engaged in war with the -nobles, and the Swiss were preparing for the struggle in which -they won their great victory of Sempach. In England social -discontent was encouraged and organised by the teaching of -Lollard priests, and the year 1381 witnessed the famous -upheaval which is usually associated with the picturesque -episode of the Kentish leader, Wat Tyler. In Flanders the -citizens of Ghent were heading a rebellion against their count, -Lewis de Mâle; and though the latter succeeded in detaching -Bruges from the league of towns, he found the militia of -Ghent more than a match for his feudal levies, and was compelled -to appeal for assistance to his suzerain, the French -king. It is important to remember that these movements -were connected by more than the accident of occurring at the -same time. News travelled more rapidly in the fourteenth -century than it had done in earlier times, and a consciousness -of common class interests was beginning to unite men -of different countries, as common religious interests united -them two centuries later. Events in Germany and England, -and still more events in Flanders, influenced opinion and -action in France. The burghers of Paris and other towns -had not forgotten their temporary triumphs in 1356 and 1357, -and in 1380 the general unrest in western Europe gave them -a new stimulus to action just at a time when the change -of government made their grievances more intolerable.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Even under Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> the burden of taxation had excited -indignant murmuring, and on his deathbed the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Risings in Paris.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -wise king had promised that the recent imposts -on the sale of commodities should be abolished. But Charles’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>brothers needed money for their own purposes; and the eldest, -Louis of Anjou, was so greedy, that he stole the crown jewels -and the treasure which Charles had amassed for his son. -An order was issued that the taxes should be collected in -spite of the promised relief. Paris rose in revolt, and an -ordinance was extorted from the terrified regents that all -taxes imposed since the reign of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> should be withdrawn. -Peace was purchased for a year by this concession; -but at the beginning of 1382, while the regents were engaged -in suppressing a rising in Rouen, an attempt was again made -to collect the tax on sales. The mob rose in arms, and their -most common weapon gave them the name of <i>Maillotins</i>, -or the hammerers. The streets were barricaded, and again -the government yielded. In May 1382 an amnesty was promised -to the rebels, who showed their gratitude by a civic -gift of a hundred thousand francs.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This treaty was the last act of the duke of Anjou, who had -hitherto been the guiding spirit in the regency. His one aim -had been to collect funds for an expedition to Italy, and in -this year he set out for Naples to enforce his claim against -Charles of Durazzo (see p. <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>). His departure left the chief -power in the hands of Philip of Burgundy, who had bought -off his elder and incapable brother, the duke of Berri, by -handing over to him the wealthy province of Languedoc. -Hitherto the French Government had refused to give any -assistance to the count of Flanders, who was reduced to -great straits by a victory of the Gantois outside -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Intervention in Flanders.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the walls of Bruges (May 2, 1382). Philip van -Artevelde, the son of Jacob van Artevelde, was now more -powerful than his father had ever been. He was not only -supreme in Ghent, but he claimed to be <i>ruwaert</i> or regent -of the whole of Flanders. After his victory he proceeded -to lay siege to Oudenarde, the last stronghold of the court -and the Flemish nobles. If the town were allowed to fall, -the triumph of the burghers would be complete. There was -sufficient evidence of intercourse between Ghent and Paris -<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>to excite the misgivings of a French ruler, and, moreover, the -duke of Burgundy had a strong personal interest of his -own in the matter. He was the son-in-law, and his wife was -the heiress of Lewis de Mâle. It was imperative that he -should strike a blow on behalf of an authority that might -before long be his own, and the French nobles were eager -to suppress a civic revolt which set such a bad example to -their own vassals. A large feudal force was collected to -advance to the relief of Oudenarde, and the young king -himself, who was keenly interested in military affairs, accompanied -the army in person. Filled with the confidence -inspired by their recent victory, the Flemings -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Roosebek.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -quitted their strong position and advanced to -attack a stronger and better-armed force than their own. -On the field of Roosebek they were enveloped by the -converging wings of the French army, and were almost -annihilated. The corpse of Philip van Artevelde was found -at the bottom of a heap of the slain. A prompt advance -must have resulted in the capture of Ghent, but the French -were satisfied with their success, and soon afterwards withdrew. -The chief sufferers were not the defeated Flemings, -but the <i>Maillotins</i> of Paris. The victorious army was irresistible -on its return. Most of the leaders of the recent -rebellion suffered death. The gates of the city were thrown -down, and its municipal liberties were abolished.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the suppression of the bourgeoisie all opposition to -the regents seemed to be at an end. But in 1388 occurred -a dramatic revolution which is a strange parallel to contemporary -events in England. Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> declared -himself to be of age, dismissed his uncles to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rule of the Marmousets.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -their estates, and intrusted the Government to men who -had been trained in the service of his father. For the -next four years these <i>Marmousets</i> or parvenus, as the nobles -scornfully called them, ruled with equal capacity and moderation. -Suddenly, in 1392, came another extraordinary change -in the course of events. One of the ablest of the royal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>ministers was the Constable, Olivier de Clisson, a follower -and fellow-countryman of Bertrand du Guesclin. An attempt -was made to assassinate him in the streets of Paris, and the -would-be murderers sought refuge with the duke of Brittany, -who had a quarrel of his own with the Constable. Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -was furious, and led an army towards Brittany to -exact vengeance. But his health was already -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Insanity of Charles VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -undermined by precocious debauchery and the premature -possession of power. On the journey he became so violently -insane that he had to be kept in forcible restraint. He lived -for thirty years after this, but never recovered the complete -control of his faculties, though he had intervals of comparative -lucidity. As a rule he was worst in the hot weather -of summer and autumn, and recovered to some extent in the -colder months of winter and early spring. It would probably -have been better for France if his insanity had been complete -and permanent, as in that case it would have been -necessary to make regular provision for the regency. As it -was, the government was still carried on in the king’s name; -but it was notorious that even when he was at his best he -had lost all strength of will, and was the obedient slave of -whoever had control of his person at the time. These conditions -led to that struggle for the exercise of power which -brought such innumerable woes to France in the next half -century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The duke of Burgundy was with the king at the time of -the seizure, and took prompt advantage of it to recover the -authority which he had been compelled to relinquish -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Origin of party feuds.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -four years before. By so doing he excited -the bitter animosity of Louis of Orleans, the king’s younger -brother, who clamoured that he was ousted from his proper -position by his uncle. From this rivalry arose in the course -of time the famous factions of Burgundians and Armagnacs, -whose quarrels distracted France and rendered the country -an easy prey to the foreign invaders. It would be useless -and wearisome to trace in detail the frequent fluctuations of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>success and failure, but it is important to form a clear idea -of the position of the two antagonists, and of the interests -which became involved in their disputes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Philip the Bold or the Rash (<i>le Hardi</i>) was the youngest -and favourite son of King John, and had been taken prisoner -with his father at Poitiers. To reward his bravery -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Philip of Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and devotion John gave him the duchy of Burgundy -when it fell in to the Crown in 1361 on the death -of Philip de Rouvre. But the greatness of the house was -mainly due to a lucky marriage. Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> procured for his -brother the hand of Margaret, the only child of Lewis de -Mâle, count of Flanders, Artois, Nevers, Rethel, and Burgundy. -When Lewis died, in 1383, these territories came -through his wife to Philip, who became at once one of the -wealthiest and most powerful princes in Europe. The object -of Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> in promoting this marriage had been to connect -these fiefs, and especially Flanders, more closely with France. -The ultimate result was precisely the reverse; the connection -of Burgundy with France was weakened. Commercial -interests tended to sever Flanders from France and to attach -it to England (see p. <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>). These interests proved stronger -than feudal and family ties. Instead of Flanders following -Burgundy, Burgundy followed Flanders. Thus, although -the duke of Burgundy was the first peer of France, and as -count of Flanders was doubly a peer, yet he found himself -more and more detached from France, and impelled to play -the part of a foreign and independent prince. It is important -to remember that part of Flanders and Franche -Comté, or the county of Burgundy, were imperial fiefs, and -had no legal connection with France. As time went on this -non-French element in the position of the house of Burgundy -was destined to be greatly extended. In 1385 an -important double marriage was concluded with the Wittelsbach -count of Holland, Hainault, and Zealand, the son of -Lewis the Bavarian (see p. <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>). The son of Count Albert, -afterwards William <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (1404-1417), was to marry Philip’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>daughter, Margaret; while Philip’s eldest son, John of Nevers, -was to marry Albert’s daughter, another Margaret. It was -to strengthen this alliance, which two generations later -brought these Wittelsbach possessions to the house of -Burgundy, that Philip negotiated the marriage of Charles -<span class='fss'>VI.</span> to a princess of another branch of the Wittelsbach -house, Isabel of Bavaria—a marriage that was fraught with -anything but blessing to France. Another imperial fief, -Brabant, which was held by the aunt of Philip’s wife, passed -in 1406 to his second son, Antony, and ultimately to the -main Burgundian branch. This gradual absorption of -adjacent provinces by the Valois dukes gave to what came -to be known as the Netherlands, or the Low Countries, their -first semblance of political unity.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The young Louis of Orleans was, in territorial power and -prospects, quite insignificant by the side of his uncle and -rival. His great ambition was to redress this -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis of Orleans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -obvious inequality. At every opportunity he -induced his brother to alienate domain-lands to him in spite -of the protests of the <i>Marmousets</i>. By these grants and by -purchase he obtained the duchy of Orleans, which Charles -<span class='fss'>V.</span> had promised should never be severed from the Crown, -Perigord, a part of Angoumois, and the counties of Valois, -Dreux, and Blois. His marriage in 1386 with Valentina -Visconti, daughter of Gian Galeazzo, which gave to his -descendants a claim upon Milan in later times, brought to -him a million francs as dowry, but in the way of territory -only the town of Asti in Lombardy, and the county of Vertus -in Champagne. Louis even competed with his uncle for -territories in the Netherlands, and in 1401 he agreed to -purchase Luxemburg from Wenzel. But this proved a complete -fiasco, and Luxemburg was ultimately absorbed in the -Burgundian dominions. One discreditable advantage in the -struggle was gained by the duke of Orleans. He became -the paramour of the queen, Isabella of Bavaria, and by -this means he not only secured her support, but also the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>influence which she still retained over her unhappy -husband.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Early in the fifteenth century changes took place in the -personages of the drama, though its action was only slightly -changed by them. Philip the Bold died in 1404, leaving three -sons. The second son, Antony of Rethel, succeeded his -great-aunt in the duchy of Brabant and Limburg, and -married Elizabeth of Luxemburg, a grand-daughter of the -Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> The youngest son, Philip, received -only the county of Nevers. With the exception of Nevers -and Rethel, the whole magnificent inheritance -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John the Fearless.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Philip and Margaret passed to their eldest -son, John, who also succeeded to the position of protagonist -in the party strife in France. John had been taken prisoner -by the Turks at the famous battle of Nicopolis (1396), and -the reckless courage which he displayed on that occasion -gained for him the name of the Fearless (Jean sans Peur). -He displayed the same impulsiveness in politics as in the -field, and this led him into criminal blunders, and ultimately -to a violent death. Like all politicians of the time, he sought -to use marriage as a means of strengthening his position. -His eldest daughter was married to the duke of Guienne or -dauphin, and the king’s second son, John of Touraine, was -betrothed to the daughter of his brother-in-law, William <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -of Holland.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1407 Louis of Orleans was assassinated in Paris; and -after some hesitation, John the Fearless avowed himself to be -the instigator of the murder, and put forward -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Murder of Orleans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -arguments to justify it. Instead of putting an -end to the quarrel, this act proved the occasion for civil -war. The sons of the duke of Orleans deemed it a sacred -duty to avenge their father’s death, and they were encouraged -by the support of all opponents of Burgundy. As they were -young and inexperienced, the practical leadership of the -party was undertaken by Bernard of Armagnac, the father-in-law -of the young Charles of Orleans, and himself the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>son-in-law of the duke of Berri, the only surviving uncle of -the king. From him the party derived the name by which -it is usually known both to contemporaries and to history.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The strife of parties had its origin in a purely personal -rivalry for power, but it gradually came to absorb all the -elements of social, political, and ecclesiastical -conflict in France. Louis of Orleans was the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Burgundians and Armagnacs.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -champion of the past, of feudal independence -and privileges. His party, especially after his death, included -most of the noble families of France. Louis had -been the supporter of Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> against Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, of -Wenzel against his rival the Elector Palatine Rupert, of the -Avignon popes against the policy of neutrality in the great -schism. The Burgundians were forced to espouse the -opposite side in these disputes. They clamoured for financial -economy and encouraged the growth of municipal liberties. -Flemish interests impelled them to maintain a good understanding -with Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> after his successful usurpation. In -the matter of the schism they urged the ‘way of cession,’ and -thus gained the support of the University of Paris. Orleans -had alienated this powerful corporation by encouraging the rival -schools of Orleans, Montpellier, and Toulouse. The University -of Paris showed such devotion to the Burgundian cause -that Jean Petit, one of the leaders of the Sorbonne, marshalled -all the hackneyed arguments in favour of tyrannicide -in order to justify the murder of Orleans. But this went too -far for doctors of more tender conscience, and at Constance -Jean Gerson, the chancellor of the University, pressed for the -condemnation of Jean Petit’s discourse, and thereby incurred -the bitter enmity of John the Fearless (see p. <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>). The -great strength of the Burgundians lay in the enthusiastic -support of the Parisians; the duke at once rewarded and conciliated -their support by restoring in 1409 the municipal -institutions which had been abolished in 1383.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The war has also a geographical as well as a social significance. -The west and south were Armagnac, while the north -<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>and east of France were Burgundian. This opposition was -of long standing, and rested upon a substantial difference of -race. In the south-west the strongest element of the population -was the Romanised Celts; whereas in the north-east the -Teutonic or Frankish race preponderated. For a long time, -especially since the Albigensian crusades, the south had been -reduced to subservience by the north, and in the Armagnac -party it strove to shake off some of the fetters that had been -imposed upon it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In thus roughly estimating the significance of the civil -strife in France, it is important to avoid being too precise and -dogmatic. It was not so much a struggle of principles as a -personal quarrel, in which certain principles became involved. -It is to some extent misleading to speak of the Armagnacs -as an aristocratic, and the Burgundians as a popular or -bourgeois party. The parties did not set out with definite -character and policy; but circumstances and momentary -exigencies forced them to seek allies where they could, and -these allies could only be gained by at least a professed -devotion to their interests. The age also is full of contradictions, -which make it the more difficult to draw definite -distinctions. The dukes of Burgundy were the champions -of municipal privilege in Paris; in Flanders it was their first -business to restrict the independence of the cities. Philip the -Bold declaimed against the extravagance of the government -when he was excluded from it, and promised the people relief -from taxation. But he was personally extravagant, his rule -was at least as expensive as that of his opponents, and he -died so profoundly in debt that his widow had to undergo -a ceremonial proof of bankruptcy in order to secure the -inheritance of her children from the disappointed creditors. -Again, Louis of Orleans is apparently the champion of a -reactionary feudalism; but in another aspect he is a disciple -of the Renaissance, and a patron of the new learning that was -to overthrow the essential ideas of mediæval feudalism. In -this, as in other respects, he may be instructively compared -<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>with an Englishman who was almost his contemporary, -Humphrey of Gloucester.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was fortunate for France that in the early stages of the -quarrel little danger was to be feared from England. The -minority of Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> was disturbed at first by -the social discontent which led to the rising of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations with England.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -1381, and afterwards by party and personal -jealousies which almost produced a great civil war. When -Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> at last took the reins of government into his own -hands and effected a temporary pacification, he began to -prepare for his dramatic revenge upon his opponents, and for -that attempt to establish a despotic power which resulted in -his deposition. The result was that during his reign the war -with France languished. Truces were frequently made and -prolonged, and during the interval of nominal hostility no -operations of importance were undertaken on either side. In -1396 Richard <span class='fss'>II.</span> actually paid a visit to Paris, and was -betrothed to Isabella, daughter of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> The revolution -of 1399, which gave the English crown to Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -seemed likely to bring about a resumption of hostilities, -especially when Henry married the dowager duchess of -Brittany, and thus renewed that connection with the house -of Montfort which had in the past given the English an easy -entry into France. But for some years Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> sat but -insecurely upon his throne, and the struggle against successive -rebellions left him little time or inclination for an -aggressive foreign policy. It was not until French parties -were led by their irreconcilable enmity to each other to -invite English intervention that the prolonged suspension of -hostilities between the two countries came to an end.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The murder of the duke of Orleans exasperated, but at the -same time intimidated the other princes of France, and their -terror was increased by the punishment which the duke of -Burgundy inflicted in 1408 upon the citizens of Liége for a -revolt against their bishop. In spite of the pitiful entreaties -of the widowed Valentina, John the Fearless was allowed to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>retain supreme control of the government through his son-in-law -the dauphin, who was now put forward to represent his -father; and the young duke of Orleans and his brother had -to undergo the shame of a formal reconciliation with their -father’s murderer. It was not till 1410 that the first league -of princes was formed to overthrow the Burgundian -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Civil war breaks out in 1410.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -ascendency. It included the dukes of Berri -and Bourbon, Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, the titular king -of Sicily, the sons of Louis of Orleans, and the counts of -Clermont, Alençon, and Armagnac. The duke of Brittany, -who had previously been the ally of Burgundy, also joined the -league because a daughter of John the Fearless had married -the count of Penthièvre, on whom the claims of the rival house -of Blois had devolved. It would take too long to trace the -actual progress of the war or to enumerate the hollow truces and -treaties by which it was occasionally interrupted. Neither party -could claim any monopoly of patriotism, and both appealed -successfully to England for assistance. In 1411 aid was sent -to the Burgundians, and in the next year to their opponents. -This was not due, as has often been asserted, to a politic -desire to prolong the civil war in France, but was the result of -a change of parties in England. In 1411, when the Burgundian -alliance was concluded, the Prince of Wales and the Beauforts -were in power. In January 1412 their influence was undermined -by an obscure intrigue, Henry Beaufort resigned the -chancellorship, and the Prince of Wales, who had incurred his -father’s displeasure, quitted the court. The government fell -into the hands of Archbishop Arundel and Thomas of Clarence, -Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>’s second son, and they reversed the foreign policy -of their predecessors. Clarence in person commanded the -expedition, which was despatched to help the Armagnacs, but -did little except ravage Normandy and part of Guienne.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The chief interest in the struggle lay in the efforts of the -Armagnacs to get possession of Paris, the stronghold of -Burgundian influence. In 1411 the princes advanced to -besiege the city. The exigencies of the defence gave a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>temporary ascendency to the lower class of the citizens, who -were the most enthusiastic partisans of Burgundy, and among -them the lead was taken by the powerful guild -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Cabochiens in Paris.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of butchers. One Caboche, a flayer, acquired an -unenviable eminence which gave to his associates -the name of <i>Cabochiens</i>. For two years they were all-powerful -in the city, and their history is marked by one of -those extraordinary contrasts which are more familiar in the -history of France than in any other country. On the one -hand, their rule was disgraced by the brutal atrocities of a -Paris mob at its worst. On the other hand, there must have -been among their leaders men of virtue and capacity, who -saw clearly the administrative evils under which France was -suffering. On May 25, 1413, was issued the famous Cabochian -ordinance, containing 258 articles, which has been -warmly praised by more than one eminent historian as a wise -and far-seeing measure of reform. But the authors of the -ordinance hardly acted in its spirit, and it was so short-lived -that it has no practical importance.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The horrors of Cabochian rule excited a strong reaction -among the higher class of citizens, and the Armagnacs were -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Armagnac victory in 1413.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -enabled by their aid to enter Paris. The great -ordinance was revoked in September 1413, and -all offices were transferred to members of the -victorious faction. The dauphin, who had quarrelled with -his father-in-law, joined his former opponents, and this enabled -them to claim that they were governing in the king’s -name and interest. In 1414 the Armagnacs assumed the -offensive, drove the duke of Burgundy from one town after -another, and even invaded Artois. Before Arras a treaty -was concluded which left Paris and the persons of the queen -and the dauphin in the hands of the Armagnacs. John the -Fearless, chagrined by his defeat, and excluded from all -political influence, resumed those relations with the English -to which he was impelled by Flemish interests. Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>, -who as Prince of Wales had shown himself disposed to aid -<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>the Burgundians in 1411, was now on the throne. He was -free from some of the difficulties which had made his father -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>English invasion of France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -pursue a peace policy, and the condition of -France offered him an irresistible temptation to -renew the war. In 1415 he formally announced -his intention of asserting his claim to the crown of France, and -laid siege to Harfleur. The Armagnacs were by no means -dismayed by the news. The militant instincts of an -aristocracy were strong among them, and a victory over -the English invaders would complete their triumph over the -Burgundians. A feudal army was hastily collected under -the constable d’Albret, and the offers of aid from Paris and -other communes were haughtily rejected. The expected -success was to be for the party, not for the nation. But -the military ability of the nobles was not equal to their exclusiveness. -A slight exertion would have relieved Harfleur, -but the town was allowed to surrender on September -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Fall of Harfleur.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -22. This was a considerable gain to the -English; for Harfleur, though less defensible than Calais, was -far better suited for aggressive purposes. It was the real -key to Normandy, whereas the strength of Calais lay in its -isolation. But the English army had suffered heavily during -the siege, and prudence seemed to dictate that it should -either return to England or spend the winter in Harfleur. -Henry, however, trusting to the incapacity and disunion of -his enemies, decided to lead his diminished army, not more -than fifteen thousand at most, through a hostile country to -Calais. The bridges on the Somme had been broken down, -and the English made for the famous ford of Blanchetaque, -where Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> had effected his crossing before the battle -of Crecy. A prisoner declared that the ford was guarded by -six thousand troops, and the English turned southwards to -find another crossing. One place after another was found -to be impracticable, and the army had passed Nesle before -they discovered some marshy shallows which gave them the -desired passage. They thus escaped the trap into which they -<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>had fallen, but their march had brought them to the south -of the French army, which in overwhelming numbers blocked -the way to Calais. It was necessary to fight or perish. In the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Agincourt.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -battle of Agincourt (October 25, 1415) the muddy -state of the ground, the reckless insubordination -of the French nobles, and the skill of the archers gave the -English an extraordinarily easy victory. The losses on the -French side were enormously increased by a massacre of -the prisoners, which Henry ordered when the appearance of -some camp-followers was taken as the approach of a new -army. Among the slain were the constable d’Albret, the -duke of Alençon, and the two brothers of John the Fearless, -Antony of Brabant and Philip of Nevers. The duke himself -had refused to join his opponents, and his brothers only -arrived in time to share the defeat. The most important of -the prisoners whose lives had been spared were the young -Charles of Orleans and the count of Richemont, brother of -the duke of Brittany. As far as Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> was concerned, he -gained no immediate advantage in France, except the ability -to continue his retreat. He hastened to Calais, and there -embarked for England.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Armagnacs had destined for themselves all the glory -of the expected victory, and they had to endure all the shame -of the defeat. The Parisians openly exulted at -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Continued party strife in France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the humiliation of their oppressors, and prepared -to welcome John the Fearless, who advanced as -far as Lagni on his way to the capital. But the duke had -lost much of the energy of his younger days. Bernard of -Armagnac, who had played no part in recent events, hurried -up from the south and took prompt measure to suppress the -Burgundian sympathies of the citizens. He only arrived just -in time. The dauphin, worn out by debauchery of every -kind, died on December 18, and the heir of the throne was -now John of Touraine, who was the creature of the Burgundian -party. If John the Fearless had succeeded in reaching Paris, -his hold on the government would have been secure. But -<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>he had lost his opportunity, and retired after four months -of absolute inactivity. His enemies called him in derision -John of Lagni.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1416 there was no renewal of the English invasion, and -the attention of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was fully occupied with diplomacy. -Sigismund had quitted Constance with the professed intention -of putting an end to the international quarrels which -impeded the work of the council. But his visits to France -and to England failed to effect the desired result. Their -chief result was to ally Sigismund with Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> and to -bring about a better understanding between the latter and -the duke of Burgundy, who had found it difficult to maintain -any alliance with England after the death of his two brothers -at Agincourt. Meanwhile Armagnac continued a reign of -terror in Paris. The citizens were disarmed, the chains and -barriers in the streets were removed, and a strict system of -espionage enabled the government to detect and punish any -attempt to rebel. The atrocities of the <i>Cabochiens</i> were -equalled by their opponents, and without the excuse that -could be offered for the brutal action of a mob. The one -difficulty in Armagnac’s way was the fact that the dauphin -John was in the hands of the duke of Burgundy at Valenciennes. -But in April 1417 the dauphin died so opportunely -that Armagnac was suspected of having brought it about. -The only surviving prince, Charles, was the son-in-law of -Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, and had been brought up in bitter -hostility to the Burgundians. The one influence over him -that might stand in the way of Armagnac was that of his -mother. In a lucid interval Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was induced to -notice and resent his wife’s notorious misconduct, and -Isabel of Bavaria was sent into disguised captivity at Tours. -Indignant at this insult, she forgot the quarrel of a lifetime, -sought the alliance of John the Fearless, and escaped from -Tours with his aid. This encouraged the Burgundians to -fresh exertions. The queen claimed to act as regent during -her husband’s ‘occupation,’ as it was euphemistically called. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>At Amiens she and the duke of Burgundy established a -council and a parliament in opposition to those in Paris, -which were ‘subjected to the usurpers of the royal power.’ -The civil war was carried on in a series of petty combats over -the northern provinces, in which each side was equally discredited -by acts of the grossest brutality.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The renewed outbreak of civil war encouraged Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> -to enter Normandy again in 1417. Little resistance was -offered to him, except at Caen, and a truce with -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>English in Normandy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the duke of Brittany gave him a secure hold upon -north-western France. The rapid success of the foreign invasion -gave rise to negotiations between the French factions, -and a treaty was on the verge of conclusion in May 1418, -when it was broken off by Armagnac and his brutal colleague, -Tannegui du Châtel. This was more than the Parisians could -endure; the gates were opened to admit a body -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Burgundians seize Paris.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Burgundian cavalry, and the citizens rose with -cries of ‘Burgundy and peace.’ Armagnac was discovered -and slain, but the dauphin succeeded in escaping to Melun, -where he was joined by Tannegui and other followers, who -had made a bold but unsuccessful attempt to hold out in -the Bastile. The revolution in Paris gave to the Burgundians -the ascendency in the north, but the dauphin continued to -call himself lieutenant-general for his father, and set up a -council and a parliament in Poitiers.</p> - -<p class='c004'>One result of the revolution was to impose the burden of -national defence upon the duke of Burgundy. The Parisians, -although Burgundian, had not ceased to be Frenchmen, and -their clamour compelled the duke to take measures against -the English. He escorted the insane king to take the oriflamme -from St. Denis, and he established a camp at Beauvais. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Fall of Rouen.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -But he did nothing to relieve Rouen, which was -offering a heroic resistance to Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>, and the -town was forced to capitulate on January 19, 1419. A -systematic government was set up in Normandy as a dependency -of the English crown.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>The news of the fall of Rouen roused the national spirit -of France. The two parliaments of Paris and Poitiers combined -to demand internal peace in the face of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Negotiations between the factions.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the foreign foe. On May 14 a truce for three -months was concluded. But the English successes -continued, and the capture of Pontoise enabled them -to threaten Paris. The pressure of imminent danger forced -the rival factions into closer relations with each other, and -it was agreed that a meeting should take place between the -dauphin and John the Fearless for the final settlement of all -differences. This was a great blow to the extreme Armagnacs, -who dreaded the loss of power and the vengeance of Burgundy. -Tannegui du Châtel and his associates determined -by a desperate act to put an end to all -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Murder of John of Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -prospects of pacification. The interview took -place on September 10, 1419, on the bridge at Montereau, -and John the Fearless was treacherously assassinated by the -dauphin’s followers. Whether Charles himself was aware of -the plot beforehand is open to question, but by continued -association with the murderers he made himself an accomplice -after the event.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The murder of John the Fearless was a fatal event for -France. It revived the unity of the Burgundian party, which -had been rapidly breaking up, and for the moment -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Troyes, 1420.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -it subordinated all sentiment of nationality to -the desire for revenge. The young duke Philip vowed that -the dauphin, whom he regarded as his father’s assassin, should -never sit upon the throne of France. Isabel of Bavaria, who -had never loved her youngest son, did not scruple to join the -duke in a close alliance with the English. The treaty of -Troyes (May 21, 1420) excluded the dauphin from the succession, -arranged that Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> should marry Katharine of -France, that he and his descendants should be the heirs of -Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, and that Henry should be regent during the -lifetime of his father-in-law. Normandy and all other English -conquests were to be reunited to the French crown on Henry’s -<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>accession, and he swore to observe the laws and customs of -France. Paris, already dominated by Burgundian partisans, -and exposed to the danger of English attack from Pontoise, -could make no resistance to an arrangement which proposed -to subject France to an English dynasty.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The treaty of Troyes was a treaty with one of the factions -in France; it was not a treaty with the French nation. In -order to carry it out it was necessary to enforce -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War in northern France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the submission of the Armagnacs, who had the -support of almost all the provinces south of the -Loire, and also held a number of strong places north of that -river. The reduction of the latter was the first task of the -English and Burgundians. Some of them surrendered -readily, but Melun held out for four months, and with its -fall the campaign of 1420 ended. Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> returned to -England, but was recalled by the news of a serious reverse. -Thomas of Clarence, who had been left in command, was -defeated and slain by a combined force of French and Scots -at Baugé in Anjou (March 23, 1421), and a rising in favour -of the dauphin took place in Picardy. Henry’s return restored -victory to the English arms. While Philip of Burgundy -put down the malcontents in Picardy, the English laid siege -to Meaux, the chief Armagnac stronghold in northern France. -With its surrender (March 22, 1422) the supremacy of the -allies to the north of the Loire seemed to be assured. A -few adventurers, at the head of mercenary forces, remained -to pillage the country, but there was no longer any centre of -organised resistance to the English. Their army was preparing -to cross the river when it was recalled by the news -that Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> had died of dysentery, at the early -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Deaths of Henry V. and Charles VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -age of thirty-four (August 31, 1422). Seven -weeks later, the unfortunate Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> was also -carried to the grave, accompanied by the tears of his subjects, -who remembered that if he had never ruled, so he had never -oppressed them. None of his own family were present at -the funeral, and the only mourner of princely rank was the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>Duke of Bedford, now regent of France for the infant Henry -<span class='fss'>VI.</span>, who was solemnly proclaimed King of France and -England.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For several years after 1422 there were two kings of -France—Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, represented by his uncle Bedford, with -Paris as his capital; and Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, a youth of -twenty years of age, at Bourges. The position -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Bedford and Charles VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the latter had been completely changed by the treaty of -Troyes. He was no longer the mere head of an unscrupulous -and discredited faction, but the leader of a national cause. -This washed out the stain of the murder of Montereau. -There was hardly a French nation as yet, otherwise Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> -had never conquered Normandy, but there was certainly a -sentiment of nationality. A duke of Burgundy, half of whose -possessions lay outside France, might be comparatively free -from such a sentiment, but his French subjects were not. -From the very first the result of the struggle was certain. -All the permanent influences were in favour of Charles and -against England. Only two things were necessary to secure -the victory of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>—the national sentiment must be -kindled into a blaze, which was done by Jeanne Darc, and -Burgundy must be detached from England. This was sooner -or later inevitable, both from the natural jarring of interests -and from the pressure brought to bear upon the duke by his -own followers. Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> wore the crown of France, partly -by virtue of the Burgundian alliance, and partly because the -feeling of national union had been overpowered for a time by -domestic feuds and by the misery which they had brought to -the country. Directly this double basis collapsed, the English -power fell. That it lasted as long as it did was due to the -difference between the respective leaders. John of Bedford -was a great soldier and a great diplomatist; there was no one -on the French side who equalled him in either capacity. -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> may have had scant justice dealt to him by -historians, and his latest biographer would have us believe -that he was a model of kingly virtues. But these virtues, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>such as they were, were developed by adversity. At the time -when he assumed the royal title, he was too young to have -much experience of government, his training had been against -him, and he had been fatally compromised by the criminal -violence of his associates. He was not personally a coward, -but he disliked war, and he disliked publicity. Two important -cities—Bourges and Poitiers—remained faithful to -him, but he preferred the more congenial solitude of Loches -and Chinon. He had excellent advisers. The council and -parliament which he established at Poitiers comprised many -of the ablest members of those institutions who had left Paris -in 1418. So far as it was possible to conduct a civil government -during the war, it was conducted well. But against -these civilian advisers must be set the influence of brutal -adventurers, such as Tannegui du Châtel, whose services he -could not dispense with, and whom he was too feeble to -restrain. Their gradual disappearance enabled him at last -to free himself from the Armagnac party, and to render conspicuous -services to France. But for the first seven years of -his reign he had to contend with inferior instruments against -superior force.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Geographically, France was fairly evenly divided. Paris, -with the Ile de France, Normandy, Picardy, Champagne, -and all the Burgundian fiefs, together with -Western Guienne and Gascony, recognised -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Division of France.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> Maine and Anjou were a battleground between -parties. Their duke, Louis <span class='fss'>III.</span>, was absent in Italy, engaged -in the effort to secure the succession in Naples. His mother—Yolande -of Aragon—was the mother-in-law of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, -and an influential personage at his court. Charles could -count, in the first place, upon the provinces which he had -held in fief before his father’s death—Touraine, Dauphiné, -Berri, and Poitou. Orleans, whose duke was still a prisoner -in England, was loyal, and so were Auvergne, Lyons, Bourbon, -Languedoc, and the eastern parts of Guienne and Gascony. -The duke of Brittany was doubtful. He was intimately -<span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>connected with both parties. He had married Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s -sister, but he was the nephew through his mother of the -first duke of Burgundy, and that mother had been the second -wife of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England. His family was under great -obligations to England, but his subjects were, for the most -part, averse to the English alliance; and his brother—Arthur -of Richemont—had been one of Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>’s prisoners at -Agincourt. For the moment the attitude of John <span class='fss'>V.</span> was -decided by a foolish attempt on the part of the Armagnac -leaders to excite a revolt in Brittany in favour of the count -of Penthièvre. This drove the duke, in 1423, to acknowledge -Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and to make a treaty with the dukes of Bedford -and Burgundy. At the same time, Bedford tried to strengthen -the ties between Burgundy and England by marrying Philip’s -sister Anne. There were three provinces—Lorraine, Savoy, -and Provence—which were not French, but for many years -had been involved by their geography in French politics. -Provence belonged to the duke of Anjou, and was certain, -sooner or later, to support Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> Amadeus <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> of -Savoy was the uncle of the duke of Burgundy, but held a -neutral position, and tried to play the part of mediator. -Charles of Lorraine had been an ardent Burgundian partisan, -and had been appointed constable in 1418 by John the Fearless. -But since then he had been gained over by Yolande, -and induced to marry his only daughter to her second son, -Réné.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The actual military operations were not, for some time, of -first-rate importance. There was no campaign on a large -scale, and only two battles which deserve mention. -A few places in the north, notably Guise and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Campaigns of 1423-24.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Ivry, held out for Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, and Picardy was always ready -to revolt. Important assistance was rendered by Scotland, the -permanent ally of France against England. Buchan, a Scot, -was appointed constable of France, and the earl of Douglas, -who brought a number of adventurers, was created count of -Touraine. In 1423 a mixed French and Scottish army was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>defeated by the English and Burgundians at Crevant. In -1424 a more important engagement took place. The English -had laid siege to Ivry, and a great effort was made to relieve -the garrison. Bedford in person met the relieving army at -Verneuil, and inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. Douglas, -Buchan, and a number of French nobles were slain; Maine -was completely reduced, and the remaining fortresses in -Picardy surrendered.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At this juncture Bedford’s progress was arrested, and his -whole design was threatened with ruin by the action of his -brother, Humphrey of Gloucester, whose reckless -selfishness nearly effected a complete rupture -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Gloucester quarrels with Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -with Burgundy. The dearest aim of Philip the -Good was to absorb the dominions in the Netherlands of -the two collateral branches of his house.<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c015'><sup>[11]</sup></a> Holland, Hainault, -and Zealand had now passed, by the death of William <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, -to his only daughter, Jacqueline. Another of Philip’s uncles, -Antony of Brabant, had left two sons, John <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and Philip. -The duke of Burgundy had contrived to unite these two -lines into one by marrying Jacqueline to John <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Brabant. -But the marriage was inharmonious, Jacqueline fled from -her husband, and appealed for aid to the duke of Gloucester. -Philip was infuriated when he learned that Gloucester had -actually married Jacqueline, having obtained a dispensation -from the old anti-pope, Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span> A prolonged and -intricate quarrel followed. Gloucester claimed his wife’s -territories and defied Philip, who supported John of Brabant, -to mortal combat. Bedford was in despair. He endeavoured -to pacify Philip by ceding to him the Picard towns of Roye, -Mondidier, and Péronne, and by allowing him to annex to -Burgundy the counties of Auxerre and Macon. Fortunately, -Gloucester was as changeable as he was rash and hot-tempered. -He repudiated Jacqueline in order to marry -Eleanor Cobham, and Philip the Good was free to settle -matters with his cousin without being hampered by English -<span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>intervention. But Gloucester continued to put difficulties -in Bedford’s way. He quarrelled so violently with his uncle, -Henry Beaufort, that Bedford was compelled to return to -England, where the task of peacemaker detained him from -December 1425 till the spring of 1427.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Philip of Burgundy had been nearly impelled -by the conduct of Gloucester to desert England and come -to terms with Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> One difficulty in the -way was removed by the dismissal from the court -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrels at the court of Charles VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Tannegui du Châtel and the other accomplices -of the assassination at Montereau. Philip had declared that -he would never pardon the murderers of his father, and the -negotiations with Burgundy enabled Yolande and the wiser -advisers of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> to procure their expulsion. The -office of constable was given to the count of Richemont, and -this induced the duke of Brittany to acknowledge Charles. -The latter could now claim to be no longer the champion -of the Armagnacs, but a national king, and a reconciliation -with Burgundy seemed to be the natural and inevitable result -of the change. But the hopes of all patriotic Frenchmen -were disappointed for a time by Charles’s weakness of character. -In his youth he was always under the thumb of a -favourite, and the favourite at this moment was Pierre de -Giac. Giac’s wife had been the mistress of John the -Fearless, and she had been employed to induce him, in -spite of warnings, to keep his appointment at Montereau. -With such a record behind him, it was natural that Giac -should do all in his power to thwart the negotiations with -Burgundy. Richemont, who had just returned to Bourges -from an unsuccessful campaign in Normandy, was furious -at the frustration of a project on which the salvation of -France depended. The favourite was seized at night, condemned -to a hasty trial, and drowned. A successor, who -incurred the displeasure of the rugged constable, was assassinated. -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> could not venture to punish those -acts of violence, but he refused to pardon or trust their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>instigator. As intimidation had failed, Richemont tried -a new way to effect his object. He introduced a new -favourite, George de la Tremouille, who proved the evil -genius of the king and of France for the next six years. La -Tremouille became all-powerful at court, but he turned -against the patron to whom he owed his advancement. -Richemont was banished from Bourges, and a small civil war -broke out between his partisans and those of the favourite. -The condition of France seemed more hopeless than ever. -The reconciliation with Burgundy had failed; and, to make -matters worse, the duke of Brittany, left unaided to oppose -the English, had made terms with them at the end of 1427 -and had become the vassal of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Bedford had succeeded, by persistent diplomacy, -in removing the difficulties that stood in his way. Henry -Beaufort was gratified by being allowed to receive the -cardinal’s hat, which Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> had forbidden, and was induced -to leave England in order to head a crusade against the -Hussites in Bohemia. The quarrel between Gloucester and -Burgundy was terminated by the former’s marriage, and by -the death in 1427 of Jacqueline’s lawful husband, John of -Brabant, whose duchy passed to his younger -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Burgundian aggrandisement in the Netherlands.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -brother. Philip the Good might not be a very -devoted ally, but no opposition was to be expected -from him as long as he was allowed to swallow -the Netherlandish provinces at will. His war with Jacqueline -continued until she undertook to acknowledge him as her -heir in Holland, Hainault, and Zealand, and to grant him the -immediate administration of these provinces as her mainbourg. -Luxemburg was in the hands of Elizabeth, widow of -Philip’s uncle, Antony of Brabant. She was no relation by -blood to the house of Burgundy, and there were members of -her own family to whom the duchy ought to have passed, -but Philip succeeded in the end in securing possession of -Luxemburg. Namur he purchased from its count. The only -provinces in the Netherlands which were free from Burgundian -<span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>domination were the duchy of Gelderland and the bishoprics -of Liége and Utrecht.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Burgundy being thus pacified, Bedford was encouraged by -the mingled folly and misfortunes of his opponents to make -new exertions in France. In 1428 he received -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Siege of Orleans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -reinforcements under the earl of Salisbury, and -a regular campaign was planned instead of the petty local -war of partisans that had been carried on for the last four -years. It was determined to lay siege to Orleans, which was -situated at the elbow of the Loire, and constituted the key -to southern France. Its capture would involve the submission -of Touraine, Berri, and Poitou, the very heart of -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s kingdom. The importance of the siege was -fully recognised, and desperate exertions were made both for -the attack and the defence. The English forces were not -numerous enough to form a complete blockade, but they -gradually drew nearer and nearer, and their engineering -works were regarded as the masterpieces of the age. The -French attempted to cut off a large convoy of provisions, -escorted by Sir John Fastolf, but they were defeated in the -battle of the Herrings. This skirmish seemed likely to -decide the fate of the city. The besieged sent envoys to -Philip of Burgundy, offering to surrender to him if the -English would withdraw. Philip was eager that the offer -should be accepted, but Bedford replied that after having -beaten the bushes he would not allow another to seize the -birds. The duke was so indignant that he ordered his own -troops to retire, and thus a second blow was struck at the -Anglo-Burgundian alliance.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, whose kingdom was at stake, was -doing nothing. Tremouille would not allow him to arrange -terms with the constable, and assistance from Scotland, -which was urgently demanded, could not arrive -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Appearance of Jeanne Darc.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in time to save Orleans. It was at this juncture -that Jeanne Darc made her famous appearance -at Chinon. It is impossible, in a concise narrative, to do -<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>justice to the extraordinarily dramatic episodes that followed -in such rapid succession. All that can be attempted is to -tell the story of the chief events in which Jeanne played her -part, without endeavouring to discuss her claim to supernatural -guidance, or to throw any new light upon her remarkable -character and influence. Great efforts were made by the -courtiers to exclude her from the royal presence; but the -impression she had already made upon the common people, -and the influence of Yolande of Aragon, at last brought about -the desired meeting. She gained the confidence of the king -by reassuring him about the legitimacy of his birth, a matter -on which he entertained not unnatural doubts, though he had -never communicated his misgivings to any one. After some -delay, a force was raised with which she entered Orleans on -April 29, 1429. On May 4 the attack upon the English -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>French successes in 1429.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -positions was commenced, and on May 8 the -siege was raised. Jeanne herself carried the -great news to Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> at Loches, and insisted -that he should accompany her to Rheims for his coronation, -which had never yet taken place. The indolent king and his -courtiers were reluctant to undertake a long and hazardous -march through a country which had long been held by the -enemy, but the persistence of the victorious maid carried the -day. To the astonishment of Europe, the French had -suddenly become invincible. Jargeau was stormed, a large -body of English under Talbot and Fastolf was routed at -Patay (June 18), and one town after another opened its gates -to the advancing army. In Troyes it was determined to -make a stand, but at the first assault the citizens rose and -compelled the garrison to surrender. On July 16 Rheims -was entered, and on the next day the coronation took place -with the accustomed formalities.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The daring and success of the march to Rheims made -a profound impression. Jeanne clamoured for an immediate -advance upon Paris, and it is probable that if she had -had her way the capital would have fallen. Bedford was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>in despair. In Normandy the opponents of English rule -were gaining ground, and the loyalty of the Parisians was -doubtful. To obtain an army he had to conclude his famous -agreement with Cardinal Beaufort, by which the troops which -had been collected for the Hussite war were diverted, much -to the indignation of Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span>, to make war upon Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -In order to secure Paris, he had to appeal to the duke of -Burgundy, and to purchase his continued support by the -cession of Meaux and by the appointment of a Burgundian -partisan to the office of captain of the city. Fortunately -for the English regent, there was treachery and division in -the royal camp. La Tremouille and his associates were -eager to destroy the ascendency which Jeanne was acquiring -over the king. She was known to have advised him to come -to terms with the constable and to free himself from evil -advisers, and they felt that the triumph of France would -be dearly purchased at the cost of their own overthrow. -And although the younger leaders, such as Dunois, the -bastard half-brother of the duke of Orleans, were devoted -to the heroine, the older commanders were indignant at -being controlled by a girl. Jeanne found that she had to -contend with a regular conspiracy, of which Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -himself, to his eternal shame, was a willing accomplice. -Futile negotiations with Burgundy provided a pretext for -a delay which enabled Bedford and Beaufort to bring up -troops for the defence of Paris. But a rising in Normandy -compelled Bedford to retire northwards, and Jeanne at last -succeeded in inducing the royal forces to advance. Compiègne, -Senlis, and Beauvais surrendered in rapid succession. -From Beauvais, the bishop, Pierre Cauchon, was expelled -as an English partisan, and he was destined to take a terrible -revenge for the injury. But at St. Denis, Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> refused -to run any further risks, although his approach would probably -have induced the Parisians to rise. Losing all patience, -the maid attacked the fortifications with a volunteer force, -but met with her first repulse. She returned to St. Denis -<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>with the proposal to cross the Seine and attempt a new -attack on the right bank. To her horrified amazement, the -bridge had been destroyed by order of the royal council. -Against such despicable treachery it was impossible to contend. -Charles withdrew to the Loire and disbanded his -army. Jeanne with difficulty obtained leave to attack some -of the smaller places on the Loire, but after some successes -she was driven back from La Charité, to the undisguised -relief of the courtiers.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In spite of these bitter disappointments, the French cause -had made immense strides in 1429. The attack on Orleans -had been foiled, the greater part of Champagne and Brie -had been recovered, and the dormant loyalty of the northern -peoples had received a sudden stimulus. But these successes -had also served to give new vigour to the alliance between -Burgundy and England. Philip was no longer a loyal -supporter of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, but he was not prepared to acquiesce -in a triumph of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> that was obtained without his -aid. Moreover, his greed for territory was by no means -satisfied, and he knew that as the English got into difficulties -the value of his aid would increase. Bedford was quite -willing to pay the price, and offered the investiture of Champagne. -It is true that the province was no longer in English -hands, and that its acceptance imposed upon Philip the -necessity of recovering it from the French. But Champagne -was of superlative importance to the duke, because it would -serve to unite his two chief possessions—Flanders and the -duchy of Burgundy. He accepted the offer of the regent, -and in 1430 the Burgundian troops once more -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Capture of Jeanne.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -took the field and laid siege to Compiègne. The -news that one of her precious conquests was threatened, -roused Jeanne from the inaction in which she had been -kept against her will. Without authority from the king, -she collected a small band of devoted followers, and threw -herself into the besieged town. It was her last enterprise. -A sortie which she headed was repulsed, and she was cut -<span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>off before she could regain the fortifications. She was taken -prisoner by the followers of John of Luxemburg, a cadet -of the house of St. Pol (May 24, 1430).</p> - -<p class='c004'>From the English point of view, the capture of Jeanne -was insufficient. The impression she had made must be -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Her trial and death.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -effaced, and she herself must be discredited as -well as punished. A charge of heresy and witchcraft -was equally suggested by the superstition of the age -and by the extravagant claims to supernatural powers which -Jeanne herself had put forward. It was natural for her -enemies to hold that these powers came not from above, -but from Satan. The university of Paris, which boasted -itself the home of the highest learning of the time, gave -the first cue for persecution. They demanded that she -should be tried before the inquisition of faith, which had -been established in France by Innocent <span class='fss'>III.</span>, but had since -fallen into oblivion. But the university was not sufficiently -under English dictation, and they had a more suitable -instrument to hand. The bank of the Oise on which Jeanne -had been captured was just within the bishopric of Beauvais; -and Pierre Cauchon, an exile from his diocese, and ambitious -of the archbishopric of Rouen, was at the beck and call of -Bedford. He demanded the surrender of the prisoner to -his jurisdiction, and undertook the necessary negotiations -with John of Luxemburg and his suzerain. In ordinary -times Philip the Good might have preferred to retain so -valuable a prize; but his cousin, Philip of Brabant and -Limburg, had just died, and he was anxious to secure the -succession. The Nevers branch of his house had strong -claims to a partition of the inheritance; and as Bedford’s -intervention might prove decisive, it was imperative to avoid -any quarrel with the English. The bargain was quickly -settled. John of Luxemburg carried his prisoner into Artois, -resigned her to his suzerain, and left to the duke of Burgundy -the disgrace of selling the champion of France to -the foreigner. In November 1430 the shameful transaction -<span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>was completed. Into the details of the trial, with its arid -scholasticism and its wanton brutality, it is unnecessary to -enter. The presiding judge was the bishop of Beauvais, -but he was guided throughout by Bedford and Cardinal -Beaufort. A condemnation was from the first a foregone -conclusion, and the martyr was burned in the old market-place -of Rouen on May 28, 1431.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the war had been going on, and the allies had -gained little by the capture of their most formidable opponent. -Even Compiègne held out successfully -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character of the war.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -through a six months’ siege. An Anglo-Burgundian -army was defeated in Champagne, and Philip was -chagrined to see the prize on which he had confidently -reckoned lost to him for ever. In Normandy the English -gained some successes, but these were counterbalanced by -the loss of Melun. In 1431 hostilities were resumed in -Champagne, Picardy, Artois, and Burgundy. It would be -tedious and useless to describe the innumerable skirmishes -and sieges in which, as a rule, only insignificant forces -took part. With the disappearance of Jeanne Darc all -restraint upon the brutal instincts of the soldiers had been -removed. Most of the leaders were mercenary adventurers -who fought, not out of devotion to one side or the other, -but because their followers could only be kept together by -plunder. The atrocities committed by the French troops -were the greatest obstacle to the success of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -The people were everywhere inclined to return to their -allegiance, but they hesitated to trust their lives and property -to such defenders. The war was complicated by an important -dispute about the succession in Lorraine. On the -death of Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> in 1431 the duchy was claimed by his -son-in-law, Réné of Anjou, who was already duke of Bar. -But he was opposed by Antony of Vaudemont, a nephew -of the late duke, who maintained that Lorraine was a -male fief. Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> sent assistance to his brother-in-law, -while Philip the Good espoused the cause of Vaudemont. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>The Burgundians gained a complete victory in July 1431, -when Réné was taken prisoner. But the Lorrainers were -hostile to the count of Vaudemont, and in the end the -dispute was compromised. Réné recovered his liberty, and -his rival withdrew his claims to the duchy on condition that -his son Frederick should marry Réné’s daughter, Yolande.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Bedford was fully conscious that the English cause was -steadily losing ground in France. He tried to stimulate the -loyalty of the Parisians by bringing over the young Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -to be crowned in Paris. It was his answer to the coronation -ceremony of Rheims. But it failed to produce the desired -result. The French were indignant that the chief part in the -ceremony was taken by Cardinal Beaufort, and not by a -native prelate. The common people complained that there -was no remission of taxes and no release of prisoners. Even -more serious was the growing alienation of Burgundy. In -1432 occurred the death of Bedford’s wife, Anne -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rupture between Bedford and Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Burgundy. She was popular with the Parisians, -whereas the regent was not, and she had always -been a mediator between her husband and her -brother. To make matters worse, within five months Bedford -found a new bride in the person of Jacquetta of Luxemburg, -daughter of the count of St. Pol, and niece of the captor of -Joan of Arc. She was a vassal of Burgundy, and Philip was -indignant that she should make so important a marriage -without his consent. Cardinal Beaufort made vain attempts -to effect a reconciliation between the two dukes. They -were induced to come to St. Omer, but the interview did not -take place, and the personal quarrel was never healed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile important events were taking place at the court -of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> The ill-feeling against the omnipotent -favourite, La Tremouille, had been steadily growing, and the -queen’s mother, Yolande of Aragon, organised a conspiracy -for his overthrow. The conspirators acted in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Fall of La Tremouille.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -conjunction with the constable Richemont, who -sent some of his trusty Bretons to aid them, but wisely -<span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>abstained from interfering in person. The plot was successful. -La Tremouille was surprised in his bed, and was kept -in close captivity till he had ceased to be formidable. The -king was terrified when he heard the news, but was consoled -when he learned that the dreaded Richemont was not present. -It was not till 1434 that Charles consented to be reconciled -to the constable, whose rough exterior and brusque measures -against former favourites had outweighed his loyal services to -the national cause. From this time a new era opened for -France. The Royal Council was reformed under the guidance -of Yolande, and room was found in it for some of those -bourgeois ministers, to whom was due the later reorganisation -of the kingdom. Even Charles himself began to show unwonted -energy, a change which unsupported tradition has -assigned to the influence of his mistress, Agnes Sorel. -French historians are never tired of insisting that France -owed its salvation in the fifteenth century to two women, -the one a saint and the other a sinner.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The quarrel between Bedford and Burgundy and the suppression -of feuds and jealousies at the court of Charles -removed the most obvious difficulties which had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Arras, 1435.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -hitherto impeded a reconciliation between the -French king and Philip the Good. Strenuous negotiations -resulted in an agreement that a congress should meet at Arras -in July 1435. The English were to be invited to accept -reasonable terms, and if they refused Philip was to do all in -his power to restore peace to the kingdom. The inevitable -result of the congress was easy to foresee. Beaufort and the -English envoys rejected the first French demand that -Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> should resign the crown of France, and quitted -Arras. It only remained to arrange matters with Philip, who -was in a position to dictate his own terms. It was the -suzerain who sued for pardon and the vassal who granted it. -The duke demanded and received the counties of Auxerre -and Macon in perpetuity for himself and his heirs, the towns -on the river Somme, which on certain conditions might be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>redeemed by the French king, and the recognition of his -claims to the county of Boulogne, which had been contested -by the heirs of the late duchess of Berri. In addition, -Philip was to be freed from all homage and subjection to -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> during their common lifetime. If Charles died -first, Philip was to do homage to his successor; but if Philip -died first, his heir would become the vassal of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -On these exorbitant conditions Philip agreed to forget all -past wrongs, <i>i.e.</i> the death of his father, to which Charles -virtually pleaded guilty, and to enter into a defensive alliance -against the English. The treaty, which put an end to the -long feud between Burgundians and Armagnacs, was signed -on September 21, 1435. A week earlier Bedford had died. -He had lived long enough to witness the collapse of the -foundation on which the edifice rested, to whose construction -he had devoted all his abilities and exertions.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span> - <h2 id='chap16' class='c009'>CHAPTER XVI <br /> REVIVAL OF THE FRENCH MONARCHY, 1435-1494</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>English disasters and loss of Paris—Prolongation of war—France exhausted -and demoralised—Necessity of reform—Ordinance of 1439—The <i>Praguerie</i> -—Creation of a standing army—Peace party in England—-Henry -<span class='fss'>VI.</span> marries Margaret of Anjou—Renewal of war—Conquest of -Normandy and Guienne—Last years of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>—Accession of -Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>—His character and early actions—League of the Public -Weal—Treaty of Conflans—Charles the Bold and Liége—Louis recovers -Normandy—Interview at Péronne—Charles of France receives Guienne—Relations -of France and Burgundy with England—Renewal of war -between Louis and Charles—Death of the Duke of Guienne—Charles’s -acquisitions in Germany—Fate of St. Pol—War with the Swiss and -death of Charles the Bold—Mary of Burgundy marries Maximilian—Treaty -of Arras—Successes of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>—Regency of Anne of Beaujeu—Charles -<span class='fss'>VIII.</span> marries Anne of Brittany—Question of Naples.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The death of Bedford and the treaty of Arras were events -of decisive importance. The English power in northern -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>English disasters in 1435-6.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -France had rested upon the Burgundian alliance, -which was now irretrievably lost. Philip, it is -true, had not promised active aid to Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, -and probably intended to observe a profitable neutrality. -But the English were too indignant at his desertion to -allow this. They insulted his envoys, maltreated his subjects -who were resident in England, and set themselves to -inflict all the damage they could upon Flemish trade. The -result was that not only was Philip forced into hostilities -with his late allies, but the Flemish citizens, hitherto the -strongest link between him and England, urged on the war -and offered to take the whole burden of it upon themselves. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>The rupture with Burgundy altered both the balance of -military force and the sentiments of the population in the -northern provinces. A rising took place in Normandy, and -even Harfleur, the first conquest of Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>, opened its -gates to French troops. Many of the strong places in the -Ile de France were held by Burgundian commanders, and -they followed their duke’s example in going over to Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -In 1436 the constable Richemont was strong enough to -attack Paris. The citizens had been partisans of Burgundy -rather than of England; they had been alienated by recent -measures of repression; and the French now commanded the -water-ways by which the normal supplies of food reached -the capital. The fear of famine impelled the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Loss of Paris.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -citizens to a course which they were eager to -adopt upon other grounds. One of the gates was opened -to the constable, and the populace rose with shouts of -‘Peace! The king and the duke of Burgundy!’ The -English garrison, after taking refuge in the Bastille, was -allowed to depart upon honourable terms. The parliament -and the other sovereign courts returned to their old abodes, -and Paris became once more the capital of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The fall of Paris seemed to herald the immediate collapse -of the English dominion in France. Yet the general expectation -was disappointed, and the war went on for another -seventeen years. A number of causes combined to retard -the progress of the French arms. The assistance rendered -by the duke of Burgundy proved far less efficient than had -been anticipated. In the first heat of resentment at the -treatment he received from the English, Philip vowed a -striking revenge, and in 1436 he advanced with a large -force to the siege of Calais. But his troops were mostly -Flemings, who had never been very skilful in aggressive -warfare, and had lost most of their military aptitudes during -the comparative peace which they had enjoyed under Burgundian -rule. The siege was abandoned in disorder even -before the arrival of Gloucester with a relieving force. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>Philip was deeply chagrined at this humiliating failure, -and a quarrel with the commune of Bruges diverted his -attention from the war and induced him in 1439 to conclude -a truce for the Netherlands with the English. Even -more serious than the loss of such a powerful ally was -the exhaustion and demoralisation of France. For nearly -thirty years the country had been the scene of a desolating -war which combined the worst horrors of civil strife -and foreign invasion, and added to them some evils -which were peculiar to itself. The most efficient military -force on the French side was furnished by the companies -of adventurers which had been originally introduced by -Armagnac. The employment of these men proved a curse -to France. They recognised no authority except that of -their own commanders, and their loyalty to them was only -purchased by the plunder which they were allowed to extort -with impartial greed from friend and foe. The horrible -tortures which they inflicted in order to compel the hapless -peasants to disclose their savings, are among the most -revolting incidents of a period in which horrors are the -rule rather than the exception. The significant name of -<i>écorcheurs</i> or flayers, applied to them by their victims, has -become almost a technical term. The country was depopulated -as well as despoiled, and the provinces in English -occupation were the worst sufferers. Financial difficulties -on both sides were a prominent cause of the prolongation -of the war. Military operations on a large scale were impossible. -So-called battles were mere skirmishes. A force -of 2000 men was an army. Isolated leaders struck a blow -here, or captured a town there, merely to keep their soldiers -employed and to obtain booty, but not with the object of -gaining any decisive advantage. To many of these leaders -the termination of the war meant ruin and effacement, a -result which they were by no means eager to hasten.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In order to equip France for the final effort that was -needed to expel the foreign conqueror from her soil, it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>necessary to undertake those administrative reforms which -constitute the real glory of the reign of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ministers of Charles VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Charles is known in history by the name of ‘<i>le -bien servi</i>,’ and it is probably to the ministers -rather than to the king that the credit of the internal progress -of France is due. Richemont and Dunois carried out the -arduous task of transforming the free companies into a disciplined -force under royal control. The two brothers, -Gaspard and Jean Bureau, improved the French artillery -till it became the best in Europe, a pre-eminence which it -retained for the rest of the century. But the most famous -adviser of Charles was the merchant of Bourges, Jacques -Cœur. He owed his influence to the great wealth which -he acquired by trade with the Levant. Hitherto the cities -of Italy and the Catalans had been without serious rivals -in the Mediterranean. Jacques Cœur brought Marseilles -into competition with Venice, Genoa, and Barcelona. His -loans to the monarchy enabled Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> to carry on the -war when the exhaustion of the country made it almost -impossible to fill the exchequer by means of taxation. -Charles rewarded him with the office of <i>argentier</i>, or treasurer -of the royal household. In this capacity he took an active -part in reforming the financial administration, and especially -in restoring the currency which had been ruinously debased -during the recent disorders.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By far the most important single measure of the reign was -the <i>Ordonnance sur la Gendarmerie</i>, published by the States-general -at Orleans in 1439. The preamble recites -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ordinance of 1439.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -that it is made ‘to remedy and put an end -to the great excesses and robberies committed by the <i>gens -de guerre</i>, who have long lived and do now live upon the -people without order or justice.’ In the future no one is -to raise a company without royal licence, and all captains -are to be nominated by the king, who is to fix the number -and arms of their soldiers. Pillage is expressly forbidden, -and jurisdiction over the troops is placed in the hands of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>royal judges. For the payment of the troops an important -financial innovation is made. The nobles are forbidden to -impose a <i>taille</i> or tallage on their domain, and the <i>taille</i> is -to be a national tax paid to the king. Thus Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -received a revenue of 1,800,000 livres. There was nothing -in the ordinance to make this tax permanent, or to give to -the king any power of arbitrarily fixing the amount of the -<i>taille</i>; but the permanence of the <i>taille</i> was held to be -involved in the permanence of the military force which it -was granted to support. And the successors of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -held that the right to levy the <i>taille</i> without consent gave -them also the right to increase it without asking for any -fresh grant. The acquiescence of the French people was -due to the sufferings they had gone through. Worn out -by the prolonged war and by the terrible exactions of the -free companies, they were eager to strengthen the hands of -the monarchy to which alone they could look for a restoration -of peace and order. The absolute control of the -national force and the national revenue, which the action of -the States-general of Orleans allowed the crown to assume, -enabled the monarchy to erect a despotism in France. -Englishmen may hold that orderly government and national -independence were dearly purchased by the sacrifice of all -securities for constitutional liberty, but it is at least probable -that if they had ever found themselves in such an evil plight -they would have concluded the same bargain on the same -terms.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But though the mass of the people were ready to welcome -any addition to the royal power, the French nobles were -sufficiently keen-sighted to perceive the dangers -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Praguerie.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which it involved to their hereditary privileges. -The ordinance of 1439 expressly deprived them of three -valued rights: the power of taxing their own domain, the -maintenance of troops under their own authority, and the -carrying on of private war, which was enumerated among -the causes of disorder which must be suppressed by the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>royal troops. It was necessary to strike at once before the -monarchy became too strong. In 1440 a formidable conspiracy -was formed under the leadership of the dukes of -Bourbon and Alençon. Nearly all the great nobles of -France were concerned in it, except the duke of Burgundy, -who was occupied with his own affairs, and the two brothers-in-law -of the king, Réné le Bon and Charles of Maine. -Even Dunois allowed himself to be seduced from the royal -cause by the desire to uphold the interests of his class. -La Tremouille emerged from his obscurity to seize a last -opportunity of injuring the country and overthrowing the -hated constable. In the very forefront of the conspirators -was the dauphin, Louis, who had quarrelled with his father -on the ground that his mother was insulted by the ostentatious -pomp of Agnes Sorel, and whose restless ambition -demanded a share in the government. Like many another -heir to a throne, Louis found himself as prince allied with -a cause of which as king he became the strenuous opponent. -The ‘Praguerie,’as the rising was called, in allusion to the -recent disturbances in Bohemia, seemed at first sight to be -irresistible, especially as the captains of the companies joined -in the movement. But the king showed unexpected energy -and decision; the people rallied to his side, and the selfish -coalition against national interests broke to pieces. Many -of the leaders escaped punishment by betraying their -associates, and Louis was banished to his province of -Dauphiné.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The suppression of the Praguerie enabled the government -to take the necessary steps for carrying out the ordinance -of 1439. By 1445 fifteen companies had been -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Creation of a standing army.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -created, each under a captain selected by the -king. A company contained a hundred lances, -and a lance implied six persons, viz., the man-at-arms, his -page, three archers, and a <i>coutillier</i>, a soldier armed with -a <i>coutil</i> or dagger worn at the side. Thus the total number -of the <i>gens d’ordonnance</i>, as they were called, was nine -<span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>thousand. Each captain on appointment had to take the -following oath: ‘I promise and swear by God and Our Lady -that I will maintain justice—that I will allow no pillage—that -I will unsparingly punish all those under my charge -who are guilty of such offence, and that I will make reparation -for the injuries that come to my knowledge.’ The <i>gens -d’ordonnance</i> were a cavalry force, and three years later an -ordinance of 1448 instituted a body of infantry, the <i>francs -archiers</i>. Each parish was to equip at the common expense -a single archer. During peace the cost of his maintenance -was borne by the parish, but when he was on service he -was to receive pay from the crown. They were called ‘free’ -archers because they were exempt from the <i>taille</i> and other -obligations. Besides these troops, the king had his Scottish -Guard, which had grown up during the intimate connection -with Scotland in the early years of the reign and received -its final organisation in 1445. There was also an efficient -body of artillerymen and engineers, the creation of the -brothers Bureau. That these military reforms were admirably -suited to their purpose is proved both by the complete -cessation of complaints about military outrages, and by the -extraordinarily rapid successes of the French troops when -active hostilities were resumed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While France was occupied with these reforms and with -the ecclesiastical disputes connected with the Pragmatic -Sanction of Bourges (see p. <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>), England in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Parties in England.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -her turn was becoming more and more involved -in those internal dissensions which developed into the Wars -of the Roses. The personal quarrel between Gloucester -and Cardinal Beaufort proved the origin of a lasting party -struggle. After the treaty of Arras, Beaufort and his supporters -had seen clearly that the conquest of France was -impossible and had urged the conclusion of peace as the -only means of preserving a part of the provinces acquired -by Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> and Bedford. On the other hand, Gloucester, -backed by the unreasoning sentiment of the mob, had urged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>the disgrace of surrender and the necessity of a dogged -prosecution of the war. The strife of parties had materially -contributed to relax the efforts of England in the languid -warfare that went on from 1436 to 1444. In 1441 the peace -party had secured the release of Charles of Orleans, who had -been a prisoner since the battle of Agincourt and had found -solace during his captivity in the composition of poems which -have given him an honourable place in literary history. -Three years later the Duke of Suffolk, who was gradually -superseding the aged cardinal in the leadership of the party, -succeeded in arranging a truce for twenty-two months and -in negotiating a marriage between Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and Margaret -of Anjou, a daughter of Réné le Bon and a niece of -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>’s wife. The marriage was solemnised in 1445, -but it was extremely unpopular in England. Not only did -Margaret bring no dowry, but it was part of the bargain -that Anjou and Maine should be handed over to her uncle, -Charles of Maine. Anjou had never been thoroughly conquered, -but Maine had long been in English hands and -they still had a garrison in its capital, Le Mans. Dreading -the outbreak of popular fury, Suffolk did all in his power -to keep the agreement secret and to postpone its execution. -But in 1448, after several prolongations of the truce, the -patience of the French was exhausted, and a small force -marched to Le Mans and compelled the withdrawal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewal of the war, 1449.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the garrison and the evacuation of the -whole province. The truce was now extended -for another two years, but no permanent treaty could be -arranged, and a renewal of hostilities was sooner or later -inevitable. France had by this time completed the work -of internal reorganisation, while England was hopelessly -unprepared and distracted by factious disputes. Under -these circumstances it was madness for England to provoke -a quarrel. But Suffolk and the Beauforts were conscious -that the surrender of Maine had alienated public opinion, -and hoped by a display of vigour to disarm opposition. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>The garrison of Le Mans had been quartered on the border -of Normandy and Brittany. On March 24, 1449, while the -truce was still in force, these troops attacked and took the -Breton town of Fougères. The act was as ill-timed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of the English provinces.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -as it was treacherous. Not only did it -give Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> a pretext for renewing the war, -but it alienated the young Francis <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Brittany, who had -hitherto maintained an attitude of friendly neutrality. The -duke appealed for aid to his suzerain, and Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -despatched his army to invade Normandy. The campaign -was little more than a triumphal progress for the French -troops. Within two months more than twenty towns were -taken. When Rouen was besieged, the citizens rose and -shut up the garrison in the citadel, where Edmund Beaufort, -who commanded, had to surrender (October 19, 1449). By -the end of the year the English had lost the whole of -Normandy except a few places on the coast, which were -all taken in the course of 1450. In England these sudden -and unexpected reverses excited a storm of indignation. -Adam de Moleyns, bishop of Chichester, was assassinated -at Portsmouth. Suffolk was impeached, exiled by the king, -and murdered at sea. The rising of Jack Cade was only a -prominent symptom of the prevalent discontent. The duke -of York came over from Ireland, and civil war was on the -verge of breaking out. But domestic disturbances, however -justified by previous misgovernment, were ill calculated to -assist the defence of the French provinces. From Normandy -the French turned their attention to Guienne, and the -campaign in the south was as rapid and successful as that -in the north. On August 26, 1451, Bayonne surrendered, -and the English held nothing in France except Calais and -the adjacent forts of Guines and Ham. It is true that the -long commercial intercourse with England and the recollection -of the lenity of English rule as compared with that of -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> led to a rising in Bordeaux in 1452, and an -English force under the veteran Talbot was sent to take -<span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>advantage of the opportunity. But Talbot was defeated and -slain at the battle of Castillon (July 17, 1453), and Bordeaux -was soon afterwards compelled to capitulate.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In spite of the glory reflected upon Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> by the -restoration of unity, independence, and comparative order -to his kingdom, his later years were the reverse -of happy. The gloomy suspicion which he had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Later years of Charles VII.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -contracted in his troubled youth became a settled habit as -he grew old. He shut himself up from the eyes of his -subjects with the obscure mistresses who became his companions -after the death of Agnes Sorel in 1450. To his -loyal minister, Jacques Cœur, he showed the same cynical -ingratitude as he had formerly displayed to Joan of Arc. -There were plenty of courtiers who were jealous of the -influence of the merchant whose wealth made the phrase -‘rich as Jacques Cœur’ almost a proverbial expression. -All sorts of charges, ranging from malversation to the -poisoning of Agnes Sorel, were trumped up to procure his -ruin. His property was confiscated, and after a trial in -which the evidence was ludicrously unconvincing, the sentence -of death was commuted by royal clemency to perpetual -imprisonment. From his prison he escaped to Italy, and -was appointed by Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> commander of the papal galleys -in the projected war against the Turks. But he died in -1456 before he had any opportunity of winning distinction -in this novel capacity.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By far the greatest trouble of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> in the later part -of his reign arose out of his quarrel with his elder son Louis. -After the suppression of the Praguerie a temporary -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrel with the dauphin.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -reconciliation took place, and the dauphin -returned to court. But Charles was intensely suspicious of -his son, and in 1446 the alleged discovery of a new conspiracy -induced him to banish Louis once more to Dauphiné. From -this time the quarrel became irreconcilable, and father and -son never met again. For the next ten years Louis set himself -to rule his appanage as if it were an independent principality. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>He erected a parliament of his own at Grenoble and -a university at Valence. His court became the refuge of all -malcontents against the royal government. To strengthen -himself against his father he concluded a close alliance with -the duke of Savoy, and married his daughter Charlotte. So -notorious was the quarrel that the Pope and the kings of -Aragon and Castile proffered their mediation, but in vain. -At last, in 1456, Charles despatched Dammartin with an army -to compel the submission of Dauphiné. Louis had no -adequate military force of his own, his father-in-law declined -to run the risk of assisting him, and he fled to Franche-Comté -and threw himself upon the protection of the duke -of Burgundy. Philip received him with great pomp in -Brabant, and assigned to him a residence at Genappe, where -he remained for the next five years.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Since the treaty of Arras and the futile siege of Calais, -Philip the Good had taken little part in the affairs of France. -He had allowed the Praguerie to be put down, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations with Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and the English to be expelled from France, -without stirring to the aid of either, although the -aggrandisement of the French monarchy was obviously -dangerous to himself. His absorbing interest during these -years was the government and extension of the heterogeneous -dominions which had come under his rule. The Flemish -citizens found it difficult to defend their liberties against a -ruler who could employ against them the resources of so many -other provinces. A rising in Bruges in 1437 was suppressed -with great severity. In 1448 a more serious rebellion broke -out in Ghent, and the citizens appealed for aid to Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> -But the French king was prevented from interfering by the -renewal of the English war, and the Gantois were left unaided -to conduct a heroic resistance against overwhelming odds. -It was not till 1453 that a crushing defeat at the battle of -Gavre compelled them to submit, and even then the duke -granted fairly moderate terms to such formidable opponents. -This victory was followed by the acquisition of Luxemburg, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_360'>360</span>which Philip finally acquired on the death of his aunt -Elizabeth, in opposition to the strong legal claims of Ladislas -Postumus, whose mother was a daughter of the emperor -Sigismund. In spite of the extent and wealth of his -dominions, Philip was conscious of two serious elements -of weakness. There was no social or political unity between -the various provinces, which were held together only by subjection -to a common ruler. And, geographically, they were -split into two distinct units. Between the Netherlands and -the two Burgundies lay the provinces of Champagne and -Lorraine, over which the duke had no legal authority. -He could not travel from his northern capital at Brussels -to his southern residence at Dijon without having to pass -through foreign and possibly hostile territories.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> was fully conscious of the danger involved to -the French monarchy in the erection of a practically independent -state on the eastern and north-eastern frontiers of -France. His suzerainty over the French fiefs of Philip was -suspended during the latter’s lifetime by the treaty of Arras, -and even when it should be revived by his own death or that -of the duke, it would be of little use against a vassal who was -strong enough to defy his overlord. The most pressing -danger was the occupation by Philip of the strongest places -in Picardy, which brought him into dangerous proximity to -Paris. Twice Charles endeavoured to exercise the power of -redeeming the towns on the Somme which had been reserved -in the treaty of Arras, but both times he had to put up with a -rebuff. An open struggle between France and the Burgundian -power was, sooner or later, inevitable, but Charles was too -weary of warfare to allow it to break out during his reign. -Even when the duke gave such an ostentatious welcome to -the rebellious dauphin, the king refused to depart from his -policy of peace. But he showed a grim sense of humour -when he heard of the reception of his restless and ambitious -son in Brussels. Philip, he said, ‘is nourishing the fox who -will one day devour his chickens.’</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_361'>361</span>The dauphin was still at Genappe when the news reached -him that his father had died on July 22, 1461. It was said -that Charles was so terrified of being poisoned in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Accession of Louis XI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his food that he starved himself to death; and it -is quite possible that his suspicious timidity was a trait of -insanity inherited from the unfortunate Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> Louis -lost no time in setting out to take possession of his kingdom, -and he was accompanied by his Burgundian host and -champion. At the coronation ceremony at Rheims, and in -the formal entry into Paris, Philip played the most prominent -part. It is true that, in accordance with the treaty of Arras, -he did homage to the new king for his French fiefs, but under -the circumstances the homage seemed almost ironical. In -the eyes of the people the duke was the powerful patron and -protector, while his nominal suzerain appeared as his grateful -dependant. Louis was still looked upon as the leader of the -Praguerie, as the rebel lord of Dauphiné, as the fugitive guest -in the dominions of the duke of Burgundy; and his first acts -seemed to accord with the principles which had guided his -conduct in the past. He gave the duchy of Berri as an -appanage to his younger brother Charles. To Philip’s son -and heir, Charles of Charolais, he granted the government of -the all-important province of Normandy. The duke of -Brittany received the government of the district between the -Lower Seine and the Loire. The faithful servants of his -father, such as Dunois and Dammartin, were dismissed, and -the latter was imprisoned. The offices thus left vacant were -conferred upon men who had supported the dauphin against -the late king. It seemed as if the feudal nobles of France -had at last found a king who would govern in their interests -rather than in those of the crown. The history of the reign -is the record of their bitter disappointment.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> is perhaps the most familiar figure in the history -of the fifteenth century. His character has been painted for -all time by Philippe de Commines; and his portrait has been -described for English readers by Sir Walter Scott. He is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_362'>362</span>the model prince of the new type, the astute pupil of that -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character and policy of Louis XI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Italian statecraft which Machiavelli drew up in a systematic -treatise. He was, according to Chastellain, ‘the -universal spider’; his intrigues formed a vast web -with himself at the centre. No consideration of -morality, pride, or mercy was allowed to interfere with the -attainment of his ends. His industry was unceasing, and he -had a wonderful insight into the weaker side of human -nature. ‘No one ever took more trouble to gain over a man -who might do him either service or injury.’ His one weakness -was a caustic tongue, and he acknowledged that his -indulgence of this unruly member frequently brought him -into scrapes. He was naturally suspicious and mistrustful; -he would listen to advice, but follow his own counsel; his -ministers must be his tools; independence was treachery in -his eyes. He forgot nothing, and forgave nothing, but he -could dissimulate even his anger. His policy has been -equally clearly portrayed for us. He was, in the words of -Commines, ‘the enemy of all great men, whose power might -surpass his own, and he was naturally the friend of men of -low estate.’ But this phrase must not be misunderstood. -Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> did not depress the nobles in order to exalt the -lower classes or to extend their liberty. Municipal independence -was as hateful to him as aristocratic privilege. -Everything was to be equally subject to the crown. The -great achievement of his reign was the victory of centralisation -over the tendencies to disintegration in France. Individual -members of the bourgeois class were his favourite -instruments; for the class itself he did nothing, except so far -as the people were better off under a strong monarchy than -under the rule of a selfish and divided noble caste.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Commines tells us that Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> was ‘the wisest king at -recovering from a false step,’ and at the beginning of his -reign false steps were not infrequent. In the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis’ first measures.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -first consciousness of the authority which he had -long coveted, he made many powerful enemies by his restless -<span class='pageno' id='Page_363'>363</span>activity, and did not stop to consider the danger to which -their combined hostility might expose him. The vengeful -spirit with which he began his reign soon gave way to the -resolute purpose of increasing his power. Instead of conciliating -the people by the expected remission of taxes, he -imposed a new charge upon the sale of wines. To the great -indignation of the clergy he annulled the Pragmatic Sanction -of Bourges, which, for the last twenty-three years, had given -a large measure of independence to the Gallican Church. -Yet his strong sense of his own authority prevented him from -restoring to the papacy its former powers, and ecclesiastical -anarchy prevailed during the rest of his reign. The Roman -Curia treated the Pragmatic Sanction as null and void, -whereas the Parliament of Paris acted as if it were still in force, -and the king regulated his conduct according to his varying -need to conciliate either the papacy or his own subjects.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the chief dissatisfaction with the rule of Louis was felt -by the nobles. An edict which declared hunting to be a -domain right of the crown, and prohibited -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alienation of the nobles.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -private preserves as illegal, excited intense ill-feeling -among men to whom the chase was not only the chief -occupation of their lives, but also a badge of their rank. -And the greater princes had special grievances. The duke -of Bourbon was deprived of the government of Guienne -which he had mis-used. With the duke of Brittany the king -quarrelled on the old grounds as to the homage due for the -duchy and the extent of the ducal rights to the revenue of -vacant benefices. Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span> opened negotiations with -Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and tried to renew the Anglo-Burgundian -alliance. On discovering these plans, Louis was compelled, -in self-defence, to withdraw the government of Normandy -from Charles of Charolais. At the same time, in order to -render Charles’s hostility impotent, and to strengthen the -crown against the prince whose patronage he resented even -while he had profited by it, Louis set himself to foment -domestic disturbances at the court of Burgundy. During -<span class='pageno' id='Page_364'>364</span>his five years of exile he had established intimate relations -with Philip the Good’s favourite ministers, Antony of Croy -and his brother John of Chimay. The growing ascendency -of these men and the suspicion that they were allied with and -possibly in the pay of the French king, roused the animosity -of Charles of Charolais, who quarrelled so fiercely with his -father on the subject that he quitted Brussels and took up -his residence in Holland. His absence enabled -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrel with Charles the Bold.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Louis, with the help of the Croy brothers, to -induce Philip to allow the redemption of the -Somme towns for the stipulated 400,000 crowns. Charles -was more furious than ever at the curtailment of his inheritance -and the strengthening of the French frontier at his -expense. In 1464 events enabled him to turn the tables on -his opponents. A report was spread that an emissary of -Louis had plotted to kidnap Charles in Holland, and though -there was probably no foundation for the story, it served to -bring about a partial reconciliation between Philip and his -son. Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> sent an embassy to Brabant to denounce the -untruth, and to demand the surrender of its author, but the -Chancellor of France used such peremptory language that -Philip’s pride was roused, and not only was the demand -refused, but the Croy favourites, who were identified with -French interests, were disgraced and expelled from the -court. Philip himself was now old and feeble, and allowed -the reins of government to fall into the hands of his impetuous -son, whom contemporaries and posterity have agreed to call -Charles the Bold or the Rash. This was a serious defeat for -the plans of Louis. Charles was more of an independent -prince than a vassal of France, but in both capacities it was -his interest to weaken the French monarchy by encouraging -the feudal independence of the great nobles. The policy -which he pursued for the next few years is clearly expressed -in his own phrase: ‘Instead of one king of France I would -like to see six!’</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1465 the adhesion of Burgundy emboldened the princes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_365'>365</span>of the lilies to take active measures against the monarchy. -The most prominent organiser of the conspiracy -was the duke of Bourbon, who acted as negotiator -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The war of the Public Weal, 1465.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -between the two most powerful associates, the -duke of Brittany and Charles the Bold. The signal for -concerted action was the flight to Brittany of Charles of -Berri, a youth of nineteen, who was to take the part which -Louis himself had played in the Praguerie. At the court -of Francis were assembled Dunois and most of the other -servants of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> whom Louis had too hastily dismissed. -A sort of open letter or manifesto was drafted in -the name of the duke of Berri and addressed to Philip of -Burgundy. In it the confederates denounced the oppressive -rule of Louis as injurious to the welfare of the people; and -this profession of public spirit to cover private aims was -sufficient to give them the name of the ‘League of the -Public Weal.’ Louis had for some time been conscious of -the approach of danger, and had sought to strengthen himself -against it. The duke of Savoy was his brother-in-law, -and the aid of Francesco Sforza was purchased by the -cession of Genoa. This, however, ruined the Angevin cause -in Naples, and John of Calabria, eager for vengeance, brought -Italian and Swiss mercenaries to the aid of the league. In -England, which could render more efficient aid than any -other power, Louis’ scheme met with failure. He had gained -over Warwick, the apparently all-powerful king-maker, and -hoped, with his help, to induce Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> to form a marriage -alliance with France. But Edward preferred the charms of -Elizabeth Woodville, a niece of the count of St. Pol, who -was marshalling the forces of Burgundy for an invasion of -Picardy, and this marriage was a blow to the influence of -Warwick and the interests of Louis. The king found himself -almost isolated in France. His old province of Dauphiné -was loyal to him, and his uncle, Charles of Maine, undertook -to oppose the rebels on the border of Brittany. In Paris, -too, he had conciliated the citizens, but most of the towns -<span class='pageno' id='Page_366'>366</span>were passively waiting to see which side would prove the -stronger. In these circumstances Louis felt that it would -be dangerous to stake everything on the devotion of his -capital, and instead of waiting to be attacked he determined -to take the offensive. Some of the royal troops preferred -to support their local overlords, but the great mass of them -were loyal to the crown, and the possession of a trained and -well-equipped force was the one advantage which the king -possessed over his enemies who had to collect hasty levies -from among their vassals. His first march was against the -duke of Bourbon, as the most resolute and the most central -of his opponents, and he had already made considerable -progress when he was recalled by the news that Charles -the Bold, at the head of his father’s forces, was threatening -Paris. Louis hoped to enter the capital without a contest, -but chance or treachery brought the two armies so close -together that a collision was inevitable. The battle of Montlhéri -was a confused skirmish in which no military capacity -was displayed on either side. The left wing of each army -routed its immediate opponents, and thus neutralised each -other’s success. The Count of Charolais claimed the victory -on the ground that his troops were left in occupation of -the field, but he had suffered the greater losses, and the only -tangible result was obtained by the king, who entered Paris -two days later. Soon afterwards the arrival of Berri and -Brittany from the north-west and of John of Calabria from -the south-east gave the princes an apparently overwhelming -superiority of numbers. But they were divided by mutual -jealousies and by the selfishness of their several aims, and -thus concerted action was rendered impossible. The urgent -necessity of increasing his forces and of securing the valleys -of the Seine, Marne, and Yonne, by which Paris was provisioned, -compelled Louis to make an expedition to Normandy. -By so doing he ran a very serious risk of losing -Paris, but the citizens refused to listen to the specious offers -of the princes, and the king returned with 12,000 troops -<span class='pageno' id='Page_367'>367</span>and a supply of provisions. Following the advice of Francesco -Sforza, he sought to divide his opponents by separate -negotiations. But there was one demand, that he should -give the government of Normandy to Charles of Berri, which -he persistently refused to grant. Not only was the province -one of the largest and wealthiest of the kingdom, but in the -hands of his brother it would serve to connect the two most -powerful malcontents, Brittany and Burgundy, and the three -together could reduce Paris to such straits that they would -be able to dictate terms to the king. But while this difficulty -proved a stumbling-block in the way of the negotiations, -the news came that Rouen had been treacherously surrendered -to his opponents. Louis at once decided that, the mischief -being done, it was better to put an end to the present war -and to trust to future opportunities for a chance of recovering -his losses. In October the treaty was drawn up -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Conflans.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -at Conflans and finally signed at St. Maur des -Fossés. ‘The public weal was changed into individual weal,’ -and no attempt was made to carry out the professions -which the princes had put forward at the outset. The Pragmatic -Sanction, with regard to which the king’s conduct was -most obviously indefensible, was not even mentioned. The -most important provisions were the restoration of the Somme -towns to Burgundy, with the provision that they should not -be again redeemed till after the death of Charles and his -immediate heir, and the cession of Normandy to Charles -of Berri. But nearly every member of the league received -some concession. The duke of Brittany was to have Montfort -and Étampes, and his claims to sovereign rights, with -regard to ecclesiastical revenues, were allowed. St. Pol was -to be constable, John of Calabria was to have certain cessions -in Lorraine and money for the maintenance of troops to -support the Angevin cause, and the dispossessed officials of -Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> were to recover their places. The princes of -the lilies seemed to have won a complete victory over the -monarchy.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_368'>368</span>But Louis knew that he had only to bide his time. The -very completeness of their success dissolved the bonds that -held the confederates together. United they were irresistible, -but if they could be severed from each other the king could -hope to regain what he had lost. Even during the siege -of Paris his shrewd eye had been keen to detect the nascent -jealousies which were to give him the desired opportunity -for revenge. Already his intrigues had provided an occupation -for the forces of Burgundy. In the heart -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Risings in Liége.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the Netherlands lay the ecclesiastical principality -of Liége, ruled by its bishop as a vassal of the -empire. Annexation was impossible, and geography made -complete independence equally out of the question. Liége -was famous then as it is now for its iron manufactures, -and the prosperous artisans, the most democratic community -in mediæval Europe, were in constant revolt against episcopal -rule. It was the policy of the Burgundian dukes to maintain -a hold over the bishop by supporting him against his -rebellious subjects, and the present bishop, Louis of Bourbon, -was a dissolute youth wholly subservient to his uncle, Philip -the Good, to whom he owed his mitre. On the other hand, -the citizens looked for aid to France, which was the chief -market for their produce. As soon as the war began, Louis -had taken measures to organise a revolt in Liége, which -broke out on the arrival of a false report that the Burgundian -troops had been completely routed at Montlhéri. Dinant, -the second town of the principality, incurred the special -displeasure of Philip by hanging over the walls an effigy of -Charles of Charolais with an inscription declaring him to -be a bastard. Directly after the treaty of Conflans, Charles -led his troops into Liége to put down disorder and to punish -this insult. But the season was too far advanced for active -operations, and after forcing upon Liége the ‘piteous peace,’ -by which the cause of Dinant was abandoned and the liberties -of the city curtailed, Charles dispersed his forces for the -winter. In 1466 the invasion was renewed, and the aged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_369'>369</span>duke, Philip, accompanied the army in person to enjoy the -luxury of revenge. Dinant was taken and razed to the -ground, and the men of Liége, roused by the sufferings of -their neighbours to a tardy breach of the recent treaty, were -compelled to renew their submission, to pay a heavy fine, -and to hand over fifty leading citizens as hostages for their -good faith. In spite of these reverses they retained their -obstinate antipathy to external control and their confident -expectation of assistance from France. In 1467 Charles the -Bold, who had become duke of Burgundy by his father’s -death on June 15, led what had now become an annual -expedition for the attack on Liége. Under the walls of -St. Tron an obstinate battle ended in a victory for the -Burgundians. Liége might still have stood a siege, but the -citizens, divided and cowed, agreed to capitulate. The walls -were levelled to the ground, and the free constitution of the -city was annulled. So impressive was Charles’s success, that -Ghent, which had won increased privileges by a rising on -the occasion of his ‘joyous entry,’ hastened to appease -him by a timely submission. It seemed for a moment -that the champion of feudal independence in France might -succeed in establishing despotic government within his own -territories.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While Charles was engaged in his first campaign against -Liége, Louis had seized the opportunity to recover the most -serious of his losses. As soon as the treaty of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis recovers Normandy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Conflans had been concluded, the dukes of Berri -and Brittany had set out together to take possession -of Normandy. But the triumphant confederates quarrelled -over the division of the spoil. The feeble Charles of -Berri resented the patronage and pretensions of his ally, who -claimed for his own subjects the most valuable places in the -duchy. Louis took prompt advantage of the dispute. He -concluded a treaty with the indignant Francis of Brittany at -Caen, and despatched the royal troops to Rouen. The -province was recovered as rapidly as it had been lost, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_370'>370</span>the two duke—‘wise after the event’—made up their -differences and set themselves in Brittany to devise means for -regaining what they had forfeited by their own folly. They -made urgent appeals for aid to Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England and -to Burgundy, and Louis was fully alive to the danger of such -a coalition. He had two trump cards to play in the intricate -negotiations which followed. In England he had gained over -the earl of Warwick, and Warwick, though his influence was -waning, and he was unable to prevent the marriage of Charles -the Bold with Margaret of York, was yet strong enough to -avert for a time any active intervention of England in opposition -to France. And Louis, as we have seen, was able to -hamper the action of Burgundy by stirring up disaffection -in Liége. His supreme object was to keep Burgundy and -Brittany apart, and he constantly offered to abandon the -cause of the Liégeois if Charles would give him a free hand -in dealing with the dukes of Brittany and Berri. But Charles -the Bold was too astute to approve of so one-sided a bargain, -and Louis was forced to adopt another ruse. In 1468 he -bribed his brother and duke Francis to conclude a separate -treaty, without consulting Burgundy, and then he promptly -communicated the fact of their desertion to Charles. He -was confident that Charles’s indignation would impel him to -punish them by a similar abandonment, and when his envoys -failed to conduct the negotiations to a successful issue he -determined to try his own powers of diplomacy. The -experienced politicians of Europe were astounded to hear -that the French king had obtained an unconditional safe-conduct -from his vassal, and had ventured with a wholly -inadequate escort to run the risk of a personal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Interview at Péronne.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -interview at Péronne. But in his own self-confidence -and his contempt for the ability of his rival, Louis -had made another ‘false step.’ He had completely forgotten -that his emissaries were at the moment engaged in rekindling -the smouldering embers of rebellion in Liége. While he was -still the duke’s guest at Péronne, the news arrived that the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_371'>371</span>citizens had seized the bishop, and had barbarously murdered -several members of the chapter. Charles was so furious that -his more prudent advisers had great difficulty in dissuading -him from laying violent hands upon his suzerain. Louis’s -father had been held responsible for the murder of a duke of -Burgundy; and it might well have been that the duke’s -grandson would not shrink from the death of a king of -France. Louis could only escape from his perilous position -by agreeing to all the terms dictated by the host who was -now his gaoler. He had to incur the ignominy of accompanying -the Burgundian army in a fourth expedition against -Liége, and to take part in the destruction of a city whose -chief fault was a too implicit confidence in his own promises -of support. If Charles had demanded the restoration of -Normandy to the duke of Berri, Louis could hardly have -refused. But the duke of Burgundy had not yet forgotten -the action of Brittany earlier in the year, and he was more -anxious to strengthen himself than to weaken the French -king by renewing the old league against him. Instead of -Normandy, he demanded the cession to the king’s brother -of Champagne and Brie. Isolated from Brittany, Charles of -Berri could hardly fail to become the tool of Burgundy; and, -in the hands of a submissive ally, these provinces would -serve to connect the Netherlands with the original Burgundian -possessions. Louis perforce consented; but before he -escaped from the toils, his quick mind had already discovered -a means of evading the danger. At his parting -interview with Charles he put forward as a casual suggestion -that his brother might decline the proffered appanage, and -asked what he should do. Charles replied, without thought, -that in that case he must leave the king to satisfy the duke. -Louis took these hasty words as authority to make an independent -bargain. No sooner was he safe within his own -realm than he offered his brother the duchy of Guienne. -Guienne was a far more wealthy and important province than -Champagne, and in itself was a greater loss to the crown; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_372'>372</span>but, on the other hand, it was far removed from the two -dangerous opponents of the crown—the dukes of Burgundy -and Brittany—and Louis knew that his brother, by himself, -was not likely to be formidable. The bribe was accepted, -and thus the most important provision of the treaty of -Péronne was never carried into effect.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The substitution of Guienne for Champagne freed Louis -from the worst consequences of his ill-timed visit to Péronne, -but it did little or nothing to remove the great standing -difficulties in his way. Burgundy and Brittany were as powerful -and as independent as ever. They could reckon on the -support of all the feudal nobles in France who wished to -limit the authority of the crown. Worst of all, they could -call in the aid of the Yorkist king of England, who had -recently proved his complete estrangement from France by -giving his sister in marriage to Charles the Bold. -It was obviously of immense importance to Louis -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations of France and Burgundy with England.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to secure himself from danger on the side of -England, and for the moment events seemed to -favour his schemes. Warwick was now completely -estranged from Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and Clarence, the latter’s -brother, had joined the king-maker and had married his elder -daughter, Isabel Neville. But Edward was still too strong -for his opponents, and in 1470 Warwick and Clarence had to -seek refuge in France. Louis seized the opportunity to effect -a reconciliation between his cousin, Margaret of Anjou, and -the man who had done more than any other to ruin the -Lancastrian cause. Warwick’s second daughter, Anne, was -married to the ill-fated Edward, titular prince of Wales, and -the former champion of the Yorkists undertook to restore the -house of Lancaster. Such an extraordinary and unexpected -coalition effected an easy revolution in England. Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -emerged from his prison to play, for a few more months, -the part of king; and Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> sought safety and assistance -in the dominions of his brother-in-law. Charles the -Bold found himself placed by these events in an awkward -<span class='pageno' id='Page_373'>373</span>dilemma. Descended through his mother from John of -Gaunt, he had long posed as a supporter of the Lancastrian -cause, and had sheltered at his court many of the leading -nobles of that party. Recent events had forced him into an -alliance with Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, but it had been dictated by policy -rather than by good-will. If the restoration of Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -were permanent, Charles could hope to gain such support -among the Lancastrian nobles as would secure him against -the French proclivities of Warwick and Margaret of Anjou. -On the other hand, Edward was his wife’s brother; he was a -refugee in the Burgundian province of Holland; to disown -him would put an end to all hope of English assistance in -the event of Edward recovering his crown. Charles escaped -from the dilemma in a manner characteristic of the age. -Publicly he protested his devotion to the house of Lancaster, -but secretly he gave Edward sufficient assistance to enable -him to return to England. The desertion of Clarence, who -had no interest in restoring the Lancastrian dynasty, and the -ill-concealed enmity with which the Lancastrian partisans -continued to regard Warwick, gave Edward successive -victories over the two sections of the hostile coalition. At -Barnet, the Nevilles were crushed and Warwick slain (April -14, 1471), and three weeks later Margaret and her immediate -followers met with a fatal reverse at Tewkesbury. The -deaths of the prince of Wales and his father left the house of -Lancaster almost extinct, except for a solitary scion of the -illegitimate line of Beaufort, and the permanence of the -Yorkist dynasty, with its numerous male representatives, -seemed to be assured.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The decisive victory of Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was a blow to Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, -and it was the more serious because in 1470 he had become -involved in new hostilities with Charles the Bold. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Constable St. Pol.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -This was in great measure due to the Count of -St. Pol, who had been an influential personage at -the French court ever since the war of the Public Weal. His -position was in many ways an extraordinary one. For his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_374'>374</span>hereditary estates he was a vassal of Charles the Bold, -and the bulk of these estates lay in or near the province of -Picardy, the very frontier where the rivalry between French -and Burgundian interests was most acute. As Constable he -was a servant of the French king and the chief commander -of the standing forces of the crown. The incongruity of -such a double relation had been clearly shown in recent -events. In 1466 St. Pol had taken part as a Burgundian -vassal in the campaign against Dinant and Liége. In the -next year he had headed the French embassy which had -suggested the abandonment of Liége by Louis as the price of -Charles’s severance from Brittany. The importance and the -anomaly of the constable’s position were both increased by -his own marriage with Mary of Savoy, Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>’s sister-in-law, -and by the marriage of his niece, Elizabeth Woodville, to -Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of England. It was the ambition of St. Pol to -play the part of an independent potentate in the politics of -Europe, and he conceived that the best way to do this was -to prolong the strife between France and Burgundy. Not -only did the war increase his power and importance as constable -of France, but it also enabled him, through the position -of his own estates, to hold a sort of balancing position -between the two opponents. Both might hate and fear him, -but it was in the highest degree unlikely that they would -combine against him; and as both must bid for his support, -it was in his power to make his own terms with either side as -interest and policy should dictate. Accordingly, in 1470, he -persuaded Louis to strike a blow for the recovery of the -Somme towns, and in the king’s name he took possession of -Amiens and St. Quentin. Charles the Bold was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewed war between France and Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -taken by surprise, and the want of a standing -army always made it difficult for him to meet any -sudden move on the part of the French king. -He was naturally indignant that the blow should be dealt by -one of his own vassals, and his anger was by no means -diminished when he received a message from St. Pol and his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_375'>375</span>associates that they would desert to his side if he would -marry his daughter Mary to Charles of Guienne. Charles -had no desire to give up his daughter, whose hand was a -valuable asset in his diplomacy, and he had no intention of -submitting to coercion in the choice of a son-in-law. His -obstinacy compelled the constable and the confederate nobles -to remain outwardly loyal to the king, though their real aim -was to reduce the duke to such straits that he must accept -their terms. An attempt on the part of Charles to recover -Amiens ended in failure, and the critical struggle in England -led to a truce in April 1471, by which the captured towns -were left in the king’s hands. The Yorkist victory seemed -likely to turn the balance in favour of Burgundy, but, fortunately -for Louis, Edward <span class='fss'>IV</span>. was resolutely hostile to the -marriage project put forward by the French princes. It is -true that a dauphin had been born in 1470, but he was a -sickly child, and if he died the duke of Guienne would once -more become heir to the throne, and the possible absorption -of the vast Burgundian inheritance by the French monarchy -would be ruinous to English interests and ambition. Sooner -than allow such a union to be effected Edward would abandon -Burgundy and join Louis. But Louis was discouraged by -the failure of his English policy. He knew that he could -not trust the loyalty of his instruments, and he preferred -diplomacy to the renewal of a war in which there was little -prospect of assured gain. So for six months he negotiated -with Charles, offering to restore Amiens and St. Quentin and -to abandon St. Pol to the vengeance of his injured suzerain, -on condition that Charles would give up all connection with -the dukes of Guienne and Brittany. At last, in the spring of -1472, Charles announced that he would accept the proffered -terms. At the same time he privately assured the dukes that -he only agreed to the treaty in order to recover his own -possessions, and that he had no intention of deserting them. -But Louis was not so easily duped. He had received -intelligence that his brother was hopelessly unwell, and he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_376'>376</span>adroitly postponed any final agreement until the news came -that the duke of Guienne had died on May 24. Of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Charles of Guienne.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -course it was rumoured that so opportune an event -must be due to contrivance rather than to chance, -but Louis’s gains were so substantial that he could afford to -disregard a suspicion which had no real foundation. Guienne -reverted to the crown, troops were despatched to invade -Brittany, and the treaty on which so much time had been -spent was repudiated. Charles was carried away by rage and -disappointment. Although the truce was not yet expired he -crossed the Somme to harry the territories of the French -king. Nesle was taken and sacked with a brutality unusual -even in fifteenth century France, and Charles advanced to -the siege of Beauvais. But his military skill was not equal -to his indignation, and after a prolonged attack he was compelled -to retreat and to close the campaign by a truce in -November, 1472. Curiously enough this proved more durable -than many formal treaties of peace. The truce was renewed -from time to time, and Charles and Louis never again met -in open hostility.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of the duke of Guienne proved far more important -than his life had been. A coalition of the princes of the -lilies had nearly ruined the monarchy in 1465, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Altered policy of Charles the Bold, 1472.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and the energies of Louis had been taxed ever -since to prevent its revived activity. That -coalition was now wholly broken up. Charles -the Bold was as hostile as ever to the French king, but he -was compelled to adopt different means to overthrow his rival. -Hitherto his primary concern had been with the affairs of -France. He had appeared to the world as the powerful -vassal who headed the forces of feudalism to depress the -authority of his suzerain. Henceforth he turned his chief -attention from his French to his German provinces, and -sought to build up a rival kingdom along the valley of the -Rhine, which might surpass France in wealth and power, and -might even bring to its ruler the imperial crown. The danger -<span class='pageno' id='Page_377'>377</span>to Louis was perhaps as great, but it was wholly different in -character, and it required wholly different expedients to cope -with it. That within France the monarchy had gained a -decisive victory over the forces arrayed against it was recognised -by two of the most subtle intellects of the time. -Philippe de Commines, the born vassal and the intimate -adviser of Charles the Bold, had already made the acquaintance -of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> during the troubled days at Péronne. In -the autumn of 1472 he deserted his suzerain to enter the -service of the king, whose character and career he has described -in the most important historical work of the century. -His example was followed by Odet d’Aydie, lord of Lescun, -who had hitherto been the trusted guide of Charles of Guienne -and Francis of Brittany. The shrewd Gascon found no -difficulty in gaining the favour of his new employer, and he -was rewarded with the title of count of Comminges.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Already, before 1472, Charles the Bold had taken an -important step in the direction of territorial aggrandisement -in Germany. Alsace and the Breisgau, representing -the original Swabian possessions of the house -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Acquisitions of Charles the Bold in Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Hapsburg, had been ruled since 1439 by -Sigismund, son of that Frederick of Tyrol who -had played a prominent part in the early stages of the Council -of Constance (see p. <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>). Like his ancestors, Sigismund -had become involved in a quarrel with the members of the -Swiss confederation, and by a treaty in 1468 he had pledged -himself to pay to the League a considerable sum of money. -Unable to raise the sum from his own resources, he had -applied to Charles the Bold, who agreed to furnish the money -if Alsace and the Breisgau were handed over to him as -security. It was more than improbable that the penniless -count of Tyrol would ever redeem the pledge, and Charles, -treating the provinces as his own possession, intrusted the -administration to Peter of Hagenbach. When, in 1472, the -direct opposition to Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> came to an end, Charles turned -with avidity to that acquisition of lands in Germany which -<span class='pageno' id='Page_378'>378</span>was to prove the cause of his ruin. Interfering as arbiter in -a dispute between father and son in Gelderland, he seized -the disputed duchy for himself (1473). In the same year -occurred the death of Nicolas of Calabria, the grandson and -last male descendant of the old Réné le Bon. The duchy of -Lorraine now passed to another grandson, Réné of Vaudemont, -who inherited both the Angevin and the Vaudemont -claim. Lorraine was of peculiar importance to Charles the -Bold, as it lay between his northern and his southern -dominions. Although he had no legal claim to interfere, he -seized the young duke and only released him on condition -that he should cede four fortresses as a guarantee for the -free passage of Burgundian forces through Lorraine. Meanwhile -Charles was negotiating with the emperor Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -to have his duchy of Burgundy erected into a kingdom, and -he intended to claim all those territories which at one time -or another had borne the name of Burgundy. Such a claim -would have included Savoy, Provence, and several adjacent -districts. The emperor was to be bribed by the proposal of -a marriage between his son Maximilian and the heiress of -these vast dominions present and prospective. An interview -was arranged at Trier, and Charles brought with him the -crown that was to be placed on his head. But Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, -always cautious and rather timid, was alarmed by the extravagant -pretensions of the aspirant to royalty, and he was -cognisant of a scheme to recover Alsace for his cousin -Sigismund. So one night the emperor slipped away in a -boat down the Moselle, leaving the duke the laughing-stock -of Europe. But this humiliation failed to check Charles’s -ambition, and in 1474 he embarked on a new enterprise. -The archbishop of Cologne, Robert of Bavaria, deposed by -his chapter and his subjects, appealed for assistance to the -duke of Burgundy, who seized the opportunity to gain on the -middle Rhine a preponderance similar to that which he had -acquired in the bishopric of Liége. With a large army -Charles entered the territories of Cologne, as the champion -<span class='pageno' id='Page_379'>379</span>of the archbishop against his rebellious subjects, and laid -siege to Neuss, a fortress on the Rhine held by the Landgrave -of Hesse, whose brother had been appointed administrator -of the diocese.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The siege of Neuss was one of the great blunders of -Charles the Bold. He had never shown any skill in siege -operations, and for a whole year his obstinacy -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis XI. stirs up enemies against Charles the Bold.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -kept him before a town which he was ultimately -unable to reduce. During these months his -enemies were able to attack with impunity the -extremities of his dominions, and he lost a -favourable opportunity of weakening his chief opponent -Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> Louis was frequently urged by his advisers to -check the aggrandisement of the Burgundian duke by a -renewal of direct hostilities. But he preferred the more -subtle policy of allowing his rival to exhaust his strength -in distant enterprises, while he secretly encouraged the -resistance of the German princes and people whose interests -were threatened by Charles’s progress. Among the latter -were the leading members of the Swiss Confederation. They -had always quarrelled with the Hapsburgs in Alsace, and -they were not likely to find a less formidable neighbour in -the duke of Burgundy, whose expansion southwards could -hardly be effected without destroying their independence. -The oppressive rule of Peter of Hagenbach, Charles’s bailiff -in Alsace, was bitterly resented by all the cities and towns -of Swabia, and Bern, now the leading canton of the Confederation, -was prominent in demanding redress. Louis -seized the opportunity to score a notable diplomatic victory. -He induced Sigismund to demand the restoration of Alsace, -and he set himself to reconcile the Swiss with their old -opponent. On March 30, 1474, it was agreed by the Everlasting -Compact that Sigismund should renounce all Hapsburg -claims within the territory of the League, and that -the confederates should support him in recovering the -provinces which had been pledged to Charles. The chief -<span class='pageno' id='Page_380'>380</span>Swabian towns furnished the necessary money to redeem -the pledge, and when Charles took no notice of the demand -for restitution, Alsace was invaded and Hagenbach was put -to death (May 9, 1474). After this there was good reason -to dread the duke’s enmity, and a strong party was formed -within the League which contended that the safest method -of defence was to anticipate attack. French gold was -employed to aid and extend this party, which was headed -by Nicolas von Diesbach of Bern, and the emperor -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> was induced to use his authority to urge on -a war with Burgundy. In October a treaty was concluded -with France, and this was followed by a formal defiance -of Charles and an invasion of Franche-Comté. Charles -received the news of these events before Neuss, but he -refused to abandon the siege, and the only step which he -took to protect his interests in the south was to conclude -a close alliance with Yolande of France, the dowager-duchess -and regent of Savoy. Yolande was the sister of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, -but her policy was as independent and self-seeking as that -of her brother, and she did not scruple to break off the -intimate alliance between Savoy and France which had -resulted in her own marriage and that of Louis. She even -used her influence to detach her brother-in-law, Galeazzo -Maria Sforza, from France, and to arrange an alliance -between Milan and Burgundy. But the first result of her -action was to extend the area of Swiss aggression, and in -the spring of 1475 Granson, Morat, and other Savoyard -territories fell into the hands of the confederates. About the -same time Réné of Lorraine was induced by the French -king to repudiate his recent treaty with Charles the Bold -and to invade the duchy of Luxemburg. So formidable -was the coalition now formed that Louis sent to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -to propose a partition of the Burgundian territories, the -French provinces to be escheated to the crown, and the -German fiefs to be claimed by the emperor. But the -cautious Hapsburg would not commit himself to so far-reaching -<span class='pageno' id='Page_381'>381</span>a scheme, and replied that he preferred not to -bargain about the bear’s skin until the beast was dead.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The position of Charles was one of great danger. He -was practically at war with the Swiss, with Sigismund of -Tyrol, with the duke of Lorraine, and with the forces of -the empire, which he had alienated by his unjustifiable -intervention in the affairs of Cologne. But Charles knew -that these enemies were all set in motion by Louis <i>XI.</i>, and -that if he could ruin his arch-opponent the hostile coalition -would almost certainly fall to pieces. And in 1475 he had -an unequalled chance of dealing a fatal blow -to the power of France. For years the duke -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Edward IV. invades France, 1475.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Brittany and other opponents of the French -monarchy had been striving to bring about a renewal of -the English invasion, and at last their efforts were rewarded -with success. Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, securely established on the English -throne by the double defeat of the Nevilles and the Lancastrian -nobles, determined to resume the ambitious schemes -of Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span> and to make himself king of France with the -aid of Burgundy. In 1474 the terms of the treaty had been -arranged with Charles, who was to receive as his reward -Champagne and some smaller districts, together with complete -emancipation from the suzerainty of France. In the summer -of 1475 a considerable English army was transported to -Calais, and Charles at last set himself free to aid his ally -by retiring from Neuss, and concluding an agreement with -the emperor by which the Pope was to arbitrate in the -dispute about Cologne. The truce between Burgundy and -France had expired on May 1, and Charles had refused -all the entreaties of Louis for its prolongation. But all the -hopes which Charles had based upon the intervention of -England were doomed to disappointment. Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> was -immensely chagrined when Charles arrived alone at Calais, -having sent his army from Neuss to chastise the duke of -Lorraine. St. Pol, who had offered to admit the English -into St. Quentin, fired upon the approaching forces from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_382'>382</span>behind the closed gates. The French monarchy was infinitely -stronger in 1475 than it had been in 1415, and -Edward IV. was shrewd enough to see that with such support -as he received from professed allies the conquest of France -was impossible. Louis on his side was not slow to profit -by the obvious discouragement of the invaders, and promptly -opened negotiations which resulted in a personal interview -at Pecquigni on the Somme. In return for a large sum -of money and a promise that the dauphin should marry -his daughter Elizabeth, Edward agreed to withdraw from -France. Charles was furious at what he denounced as -treacherous desertion, but his own conduct had been so -obviously selfish that his complaints were treated as unreasonable, -and he was compelled to renew his former truce -with Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>The failure of the English invasion and the renewal of -peaceful relations between France and Burgundy proved -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Fate of St. Pol.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -fatal to St. Pol, who had succeeded for five years -in maintaining a practically independent position -in Picardy. He had been profoundly disappointed by the -termination of active hostilities in 1472, but he still trusted -in his ability to play off one rival against the other, and -he was confident that their mutual jealousy would never -allow them to act together against him. For a time his -forecast had been justified. In 1472 it had been proposed -that Louis and Charles should unite to punish the constable, -but the scheme had broken down, because neither would -trust the other. In 1475 the proposal was renewed. St. -Pol’s recent conduct, and especially his relations with -Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span> who handed over to Louis the constable’s -correspondence, had created a strong desire to punish the -man who betrayed and deceived everybody in turn. Charles -was to have St. Quentin, Ham, and Bohain, with all the -fiefs which St. Pol held of him, on condition that he would -undertake to capture the constable and either punish him -within eight days or hand him over to the king. On the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_383'>383</span>news of this treaty St. Pol determined to trust Charles -rather than Louis, partly because he believed him to be -less vindictive, and partly because after his territories were -in Charles’s hands the latter had little to gain by inflicting -any further penalty. Charles was besieging Nanci when his -ministers sent word that the constable was in their hands. -Charles was anxious to avoid any French opposition in -Lorraine and he sent instructions that if Nanci held out -beyond November 24, St. Pol was to be handed over to -the French, but if it were taken before that date they were -to keep him in their hands. Nanci did not surrender till -after the time had elapsed, but Charles began to think -that his order had been hasty and that St. Pol might still -be useful to him in his quarrel with France. His instructions -to delay the transfer, however, came too late, as the -Burgundian ministers, many of whom had a personal grudge -against St. Pol, had punctually obeyed the original order. -Louis was not unwilling to show that neither rank, nor -royal relationship, nor eminent office could save a rebel -against the crown, and St. Pol, of whose treason there was -ample proof, was executed in Paris on December 19, -1475.</p> - -<p class='c004'>At the end of 1475 Charles the Bold seemed to be at the -height of his power. He was at peace both with the emperor -and the king of France. Since the submission of Ghent he -had met with no opposition from his subjects in the Netherlands. -The fall of St. Pol had restored his complete -ascendency in Picardy. Savoy and Milan were apparently -loyal and almost submissive allies. The aged Réné of -Provence, who had never loved the house of Vaudemont, -expressed his willingness to disinherit his only surviving -grandson in favour of the duke of Burgundy. Above all, -Charles had at last succeeded in uniting the two main -divisions of his realm by the conquest of Lorraine, and he -determined to make Nanci the capital of the Burgundian -kingdom that seemed now to be within his grasp. His one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_384'>384</span>immediate task was to recover the province of Alsace, and -to punish the Swiss, not only for aiding to restore Sigismund, -but also for their raids upon his own territories -and those of his allies. His troops were exhausted -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles’s war with the Swiss, 1476.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -by their exertions in the long siege of -Neuss and the subsequent conquest of Lorraine; but his -resources, both in men and money, were so infinitely superior -to those of his opponents that it was hardly possible to doubt -his ultimate victory. The Swiss had begun the war as the -allies of the emperor and the French king, but they were now -deserted by both. In February 1476 Charles crossed the -Jura to drive the Swiss from the districts they had seized in -Savoy. Granson, a town near the lake of Neuchâtel, which -was held by the house of Orange as a fief of Savoy, was taken -by the Burgundians, and the garrison was put to death. -Two days later the confederates arrived, and at once began -the attack. Charles ordered a portion of his army to retire -to the plain where he could use his superior cavalry. But -the retirement became a panic-stricken retreat, and the Swiss, -pressing their advance, gained a complete and easy victory -(March 2, 1476). Granson was recovered, and the Burgundian -camp and artillery were the prize of the conquerors. -So humiliating a disaster was the more galling to Charles -that it shook the fidelity of his allies. The succession in -Provence upon which he had confidently reckoned, was now -transferred by Réné to the French king. Galeazzo Maria -Sforza opened negotiations with Louis, and even Yolande of -Savoy began to contemplate the possibility of a reconciliation -with her brother. But Savoy could hardly desert Charles as -long as there was a prospect of recovering the lost lands with -his help; and the Burgundian power was not destroyed by a -single disaster. Within a few weeks a new army had been -collected at Lausanne, and Charles advanced to the siege of -Morat, which the Bernese had taken from the Count of -Romont, a brother of the late duke of Savoy. The Swiss -hastily reassembled the troops, which had been disbanded -<span class='pageno' id='Page_385'>385</span>after their recent success in spite of the warnings of Bern. -On June 22, an obstinate, and for a long time, a very equal -contest was fought out under the walls of Morat. At last the -Swiss gained a decisive advantage by turning the flank of the -Burgundian army; and the very obstinacy with which the -latter fought only served to make their losses heavier. -Nearly two-thirds of Charles’s forces were practically annihilated, -and the final desertion of his allies, combined with the -disaffection of his own subjects, rendered it hopeless to renew -the struggle. Savoy made peace with the Swiss, through the -mediation of France; and Granson, Morat, and other towns -of Vaud became subject to the Confederation. Charles retired -into gloomy solitude near Pontarlier, and it was feared that -his reason would give way as he cursed the ill-fortune which -had humbled so powerful a prince before a despicable foe. -He was roused from his retreat by the news that Lorraine -was lost to him. The young Réné had joined the Swiss in -the battle of Morat, and had proceeded after the victory to -raise a force with which he had recovered Nanci. Charles -hurriedly collected a third army, and, in spite of the winter -cold, commenced a second siege of the town which he had -destined to be his capital. The scanty garrison -could not long have resisted the attack, but Réné -appealed for the assistance of the Swiss, and they -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Charles the Bold.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -sent 20,000 men to raise the siege. The Italian mercenaries, -in whom Charles placed great confidence, were headed -by the count of Campobasso, a Neapolitan who had -been driven into exile for his adhesion to the house of -Anjou. Of that house Réné of Lorraine might now claim -to be the lawful heir; and Campobasso was induced to -desert his master in favour of the family to which his first -allegiance was due. This treachery placed Charles at a -fatal disadvantage, and he had to fight between the besieged -and the relieving forces. But his dogged character -would not allow him to retreat, and in a third contest with -the despised German Confederation the great Valois duke -<span class='pageno' id='Page_386'>386</span>of Burgundy found an obscure and unhonoured death -(January 5, 1477).</p> - -<p class='c004'>Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> had watched the events of the last twelve months, -at first with anxiety, and later with feverish attention. Ever -since his accession he had been haunted by the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Louis seizes Burgundian territories.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -sense of Charles’s hostility, and the dangers which -it involved; and now his great rival had been -slain by the agency of an unforeseen and apparently unequal -opponent. The only claimant of the vast inheritance left -vacant by the death of Charles the Bold was an unmarried -girl of twenty-one years. Various schemes were debated in -the royal council as to the best way of profiting by so favourable -a contingency. One very obvious plan was to effect a -marriage between Mary of Burgundy and the dauphin. But -there were several objections to this. The dauphin was only -in his eighth year; he was already betrothed to an English -princess, and Edward IV. was not likely either to pardon an -insult to his daughter, or to acquiesce in the absorption of -the Burgundian inheritance by the French monarchy. To -the alternative scheme of marrying Mary to a French noble -of royal blood, such as Charles of Angoulême, it could be -objected that the new dynasty thus created might be as -dangerous and disloyal as that to which it would succeed. -Louis determined to keep the possibility of either marriage -as a card to be played, if necessary or expedient, but in the -meantime to take measures for the occupation of those -Burgundian territories which France could acquire without -serious opposition. The revival of such a power as that of -Charles might be prevented, and the adhesion of German -princes might be purchased, by a partition of the fiefs which -the late duke had held of the empire. No preparations had -been made to resist Louis, and his promptness ensured a considerable -measure of success. He had an unquestionable -claim to the Somme towns, whose transfer had been limited -to male heirs; and the duchy of Burgundy could be reasonably -claimed as an escheated fief. But Flanders, Artois, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_387'>387</span>Franche-Comté had come to the Burgundian house through -an heiress, so that Mary’s right of succession could hardly be -disputed. Regardless of this consideration, and of the fact -that Franche-Comté was an imperial fief, Louis proceeded -with the work of annexation. Both the duchy and the -county of Burgundy submitted to French rule. From -Picardy, which returned willingly to its former allegiance, -the forces of Louis entered Artois and succeeded in reducing -its capital, Arras.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The occupation of Artois brought the French to the frontier -of Flanders, the most wealthy and important of the Burgundian -possessions. The Flemish citizens, and especially -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conduct of the Flemings.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -those of Ghent, where Mary of Burgundy was -residing, were not likely to allow the choice of -their future ruler to be settled without their participation. -Their policy in the matter was quite distinct. They had -hated Burgundian rule and the Burgundian ministers whom -Charles and his predecessors had appointed to govern them. -As long as their sovereign had been a mere count of Flanders, -they had enjoyed a large measure of independence and self-government, -but they had lost this under the too powerful -Valois dynasty. They therefore welcomed the occupation of -the Burgundies, and had no objection to a further weakening -of Mary’s inheritance. But they would not be annexed to -France, and the aggressive measures of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> drove them -into opposition to him. The Burgundian ministers, whom -Charles had left in authority, were seized by the mob on the -discovery that they were conducting separate negotiations -with France, and in spite of the passionate entreaties of -Mary, were put to death. The plan that commended itself -to the people of Ghent was to marry Mary to Adolf of -Gelderland, the youthful monster who had been imprisoned -and disinherited for brutal ill-treatment of his father. Adolf -was released and sent to oppose the French before Tournay; -where, to Mary’s great relief, he was killed in an unsuccessful -attempt to relieve the town. This event, and the necessity -<span class='pageno' id='Page_388'>388</span>of gaining support against the encroachments of France, forced -the Gantois to revive the scheme of marrying Mary to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Maximilian marries Mary of Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Maximilian of Hapsburg, the son of the emperor -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> Mary herself, naturally frightened -and aggrieved by the conduct of Louis since her -father’s death, was not averse to the proposal, -and the marriage was solemnised in August 1477. Louis was -extremely chagrined by the news of an event, which not only -frustrated his plans for a further partition of the Burgundian -inheritance, but also compelled him to fight for the provinces -he had already seized. Maximilian undertook the championship -of his wife’s claims with his usual impetuosity. But he -was hampered by his want of money—Commines calls his -father ‘the most perfectly niggardly man of his time’—and -by the obstruction of the Flemish citizens, who had taken -advantage of the weak government since Charles the Bold’s -death to recover much of their old independence. In 1482 -Mary died, leaving two infant children, Philip and Margaret. -This was a great blow to Maximilian, who had no longer any -formal authority in the Netherlands, except so far as the -estates of the various provinces recognised him as his son’s -guardian. In these circumstances he was not unwilling to -come to terms with Louis, and the treaty of Arras -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Arras, 1482.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -gave to the king most of the territories he had -contended for. The dauphin, Charles, was to be betrothed -to Margaret, the daughter of Maximilian and Mary, and she -was to be brought up in France as its future queen. Artois -and Franche Comté were to be regarded as her dowry. The -treaty made no mention of the Somme towns or of the duchy -of Burgundy, and thus tacitly conceded Louis’s contention -that his legal rights to these provinces were indisputable. It -was fortunate for Louis that Edward <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, who had good reason -to regard this treaty as both injurious and insulting, was not -able to give practical expression to his displeasure. He died -in 1483, and the disturbances which followed kept England -from any idea of intervention on the Continent. But though -<span class='pageno' id='Page_389'>389</span>the treaty of Arras appears, at first sight, to be a considerable -triumph for the policy of Louis, the permanent gain to the -French monarchy was not very great. Artois and Franche-Comté -were lost again before very long; and the annexation -of the Netherlands to the Hapsburg possessions, together -with the subsequent further aggrandisement of that house, -involved France in even greater dangers than those which -had been threatened by the Valois dukes of Burgundy. But -the subsequent struggle which thus arose differed from its -predecessor in one very important respect. The Hapsburgs -of Spain and Austria were more powerful sovereigns than -Philip the Good or Charles the Bold, but they were complete -foreigners to France, and had none of that traditional -and family alliance with French nobles and French parties -which gave to the Valois-Burgundian dynasty such a unique -position. The contest with the Hapsburgs served to -strengthen, not to destroy, the national unity of France.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The relations with Burgundy constitute by far the most -important episode of the reign of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>; and he could -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Successes of Louis XI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -boast of no more conspicuous achievement than -the defeat of Charles the Bold, and the annexation -of a considerable share of his dominions. But he gained -other successes and acquired other lands. By intervening to -support John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon against the rebellious Catalans -(1462), he obtained the cession of Roussillon and Cerdagne, -and for a time extended the French frontier to the Pyrenees. -And the Angevin inheritance was almost as great a windfall to -the monarchy as the duchy of Burgundy. Réné le Bon had -hastily abandoned the cause of Charles the Bold, after the -latter’s defeats in 1476; and Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> succeeded in extorting -from his uncle an arrangement by which the latter’s territories -were to pass, in the first place, to his nephew, Charles of -Maine, and on the extinction of his line to the crown. The -successive deaths of Réné in 1480 and of Charles of Maine in -1481, gave to Louis the possession of Anjou and Maine, with -the duchy of Bar and the imperial fief of Provence. Equally -<span class='pageno' id='Page_390'>390</span>important, from the point of view of the French monarchy, -were the signal humiliations inflicted by Louis upon the great -feudatories who had ventured, in the early years of his reign, -to identify themselves with the cause of opposition to the -monarchy. The duke of Alençon was kept a prisoner till his -death in 1476. The count of Armagnac, the restless leader -of the southern nobles, was attacked in his chief town of -Lectoure and perished in the sack which followed its capture. -His cousin, the duke of Nemours, who had been a favourite -companion of Louis in his youth and had since been twice -pardoned for ungrateful treachery, was executed in 1477 -after having suffered the most horrible tortures. The fate -of St. Pol has been already related. With regard to the -nobles who were more closely related to the royal family, -Louis took precautions to ensure their loyalty or to disarm -their opposition. The duke of Bourbon abstained from -further rebellion after the War of the Public Weal. His -brother and heir, Pierre de Beaujeu, was married to the -king’s eldest daughter, Anne, with the proviso that if they -left no male heirs the succession should pass to the crown. -For Louis of Orleans, the heir-presumptive to the throne -after the dauphin, a bride was found in another daughter, -Jeanne, who was deformed in person and was regarded as -unlikely to have issue.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The government of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, though in many ways -advantageous to France, was too obviously selfish to be -popular. His death in August, 1483, transferred -the crown to his only son, Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, but as -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Regency of Anne of Beaujeu.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he was too young to rule, the actual government -was assumed by Anne of Beaujeu. She had much of her -father’s ability and all his love of power, but her position -was insecure and she was obliged to conciliate support by -measures which Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> would never have adopted. The -States-General were convoked at Tours in January 1484, -and for the first time the rural districts were represented in -the third estate, which had hitherto included only delegates -<span class='pageno' id='Page_391'>391</span>from the towns. Although the estates recognised the regent, -their <i>cahier</i> of grievances showed an obvious hostility to -the despotic rule of the late king. Among other things -they demanded that they should meet regularly every second -year. But the States-General, having lost all efficient control -over taxation, had no power to extort concessions, and the -crown reserved absolute discretion as to the redress of -grievances. A more serious danger to Anne was a coalition -of nobles, including the duke of Brittany and headed by -Louis of Orleans, who deemed it a wrong that he was -excluded from the regency. There was some risk that the -confederates might receive support from Richard <span class='fss'>III.</span> of -England, who had good reason to divert the attention of his -subjects to a foreign war, and from Réné of Lorraine, who -advanced a well-founded claim to his grandfather’s dominions -of Bar and Provence. Anne of Beaujeu showed notable -ability in meeting her opponents. To prevent English intervention, -Henry of Richmond, whose mother was the -last of the Beauforts, was encouraged to prosecute the -enterprise which placed the house of Tudor on the throne -(1485). The duke of Lorraine was partially satisfied by the -cession of Bar, and the prospect of gaining Provence was -dangled before his eyes in an artfully prolonged law-suit, -which was not decided against him until all danger was -over. Meanwhile, the princes, deprived of external aid, -proved powerless to resist the forces of the crown. The -Bretons were defeated, and Louis of Orleans, carried a -prisoner to Bourges, found it to his interest to reconcile -himself with his cousin.</p> - -<p class='c004'>A few days after the defeat of the Bretons the death of -duke Francis <span class='fss'>II.</span> extinguished the male line of the Montforts, -and left the one great province which had retained -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Brittany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -its old independence in the hands of his -daughter Anne (September 9, 1488). The disposal of the -hand of so important an heiress was naturally a matter of -great political interest, and Anne of Beaujeu, who wished -<span class='pageno' id='Page_392'>392</span>to use the opportunity for the gain of the monarchy, was -chagrined to learn in 1490 that the young duchess had been -married by proxy to Maximilian of Austria, who had been -a widower since the death of Mary of Burgundy. Declaring -the marriage to be null without royal consent, she despatched -an army into Brittany, and Anne of Brittany was compelled -to give her hand to Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> A double injury was -thus inflicted upon Maximilian. Not only was he deprived -of a wife, but his daughter, who had been educated in France -since 1482 as the future queen, was sent back to him. The -archduke, however, was too distant and too busy elsewhere -to be immediately formidable, and it was worth while to -risk his displeasure in order to secure possession of Brittany. -But the children of Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> and Anne did not survive -their parents, and two subsequent marriages were necessary -before the union of Brittany with France was complete.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The marriage of the king was the last achievement of Anne -of Beaujeu, whose regency came to an end when her brother -assumed the reins of government, while she herself -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The question of Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -became duchess of Bourbon by the death -of her brother-in-law. In 1493 a wholly new problem was -presented to the French government by the arrival of -Neapolitan exiles with an invitation to Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> to claim -the crown of Naples on the same grounds as he already held -Provence. The late regent and the more experienced councillors -were resolute in opposing the scheme. But Charles -himself and his younger associates were dazzled by the -prospect of an Italian kingdom, and the proffered support -of Ludovico Sforza seemed to give a reasonable prospect -of success. Before Charles could venture to quit his kingdom -it was necessary to secure it against the hostility of -jealous neighbours. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of England, who had come -forward as the champion of Anne of Brittany, was bought -off by the peace of Etaples which offered him a large -money bribe (1492). The treaty of Barcelona restored -Roussillon and Cerdagne to Ferdinand of Aragon (January -<span class='pageno' id='Page_393'>393</span>1493); while the enmity of Maximilian was appeased by -the treaty of Senlis and the cession of Artois and Franche-Comté, -which had been the stipulated dowry of Margaret -(May 23, 1493). In September 1494, Charles set out on -his journey towards the Alps. The resources of the revived -French monarchy were to be employed in an enterprise of -which no one could foresee the end, but which was destined -to usher in a new epoch in the history of Europe.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_394'>394</span> - <h2 id='chap17' class='c009'>CHAPTER XVII <br /> GERMANY AND THE HAPSBURG EMPERORS, 1437-1493</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>German disunion in the fifteenth century—The House of Hapsburg—The -succession in Hungary and Bohemia—The Imperial election in 1438—Death -of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span>—Election of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>—Death of Frederick <span class='fss'>I.</span> of -Brandenburg—Futile opposition in Germany to the Emperor and the -Papacy—Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> at war with the Swiss—Sigismund of Tyrol—Succession -to Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> in Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia—Ladislas -Postumus—Relief of Belgrade and death of John Hunyadi—Death of -Ladislas Postumus—Austria falls to the Styrian Hapsburgs—Election of -Mathias Corvinus in Hungary and of George Podiebrad in Bohemia—War -between Hungary and Bohemia—Relations of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> with -Burgundy—Hungarian conquests in Austria—Last years and death of -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span></p> - -<p class='c007'>In the history of three of the great countries of Europe, -France, England, and Spain, the fifteenth century marks a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disunion and weakness of Germany.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -decisive epoch in the growth both of national -unity and of monarchical government. In France -the civil strife of Armagnacs and Burgundians -and the long struggle against the English prepared -the way for the rule of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> In -England the Wars of the Roses ended with the accession -of a powerful Tudor dynasty. In Spain national sentiment -was kindled by the anti-Moorish crusades, and the union -of the chief kingdoms by the marriage of Ferdinand and -Isabella led to the great expansion of Spain under the -despotic rule of Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> and Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> The history of -Germany resembles that of its neighbours up to a certain -point. Anarchy and disorder were as conspicuous there as -they were in France under Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, or under Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_395'>395</span>in England. The schism which filled the first decade of the -century both illustrated and increased the weakness and -the degradation of the once powerful German monarchy. -But in Germany no remedy was found for political and -social disunion. No ruler arose with the strength and the -resolution that were needed to transform a vague suzerainty -into a territorial monarchy, as Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> had schemed to -do. On the contrary, there was a marked decline of -imperial authority, which reached its nadir in the reign of -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> The impulsive Sigismund had striven for a -moment to revive the Ghibelline tradition, and he seemed -to have made a considerable stride when, in 1415, he -humbled the pride of Frederick of Tyrol, and rewarded the -loyalty of Frederick of Hohenzollern with the electoral Mark -of Brandenburg. But Sigismund’s imperial ambitions were -bound up with the cause of the reforming party at Constance, -and he was discouraged and disconcerted by its -failure. From that time he abandoned the interests of -Germany to devote himself to the affairs of Bohemia and -Hungary. The party which had rallied round him at Constance, -deserted by their natural leader, endeavoured to give -to Germany a new central government which should take -the place of the decadent monarchy. A series of ignominious -defeats by the Hussites enabled them to carry through -the diet some tentative reforms in 1427. There was to be -a system of imperial taxation, an imperial army, and a -standing representative council to wield the executive power -which the emperors had allowed to fall from their hands. -But the projected reforms ended in failure. The sense of -nationality was not strong enough to overcome the selfish -independence of states and classes. The two last crusades -against the Bohemians were even more humiliating to -Germany than their predecessors.</p> - -<p class='c004'>That the disunion of Germany was a source of many evils -and of serious dangers was apparent even to the proverbial -blindness of contemporaries. The dependence of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_396'>396</span>Italy had become the merest name. Even Milan, which -under the Visconti was most closely connected with Germany, -was about to pass to the Sforzas, who did not think it worth -while even to apply for imperial investiture. North of the -Alps, Lyons and Dauphiné had long been absorbed by -France. Provence and Lorraine were in the hands of a -French dynasty, and before the end of the century the -former had been acquired by the French crown. Savoy -was more independent of France, but hardly more closely -tied to Germany. The Old League of High Germany, as -the Swiss confederation was then called, had paraded devotion -to the empire as a means of resisting the claims of the -Hapsburgs, but the cantons really desired freedom from all -external control, and by the end of the century they had -practically acquired it. Franche-Comté was ruled by a -Valois duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, who was absorbing -one after the other a number of imperial fiefs in the Low -Countries. The Scandinavian kingdoms, strengthened for a -time by the union of Kalmar, were beginning to recover their -previous losses, and the Hanseatic League, the champion -of German interests in the Baltic and the North Sea, was -no longer at the height of its power. In the north-east, -the Teutonic knights had been fatally weakened by the -union of Poland and Lithuania, and since the battle of -Tannenberg in 1410 were waging what seemed to be a -hopeless struggle against the powerful Jagellon kings. The -danger of a general Slav revolt against German encroachments -had been brought even more nearly home to the -princes of Germany by the long Bohemian war. It is true -that the extreme Hussites had been defeated in 1434, but it -was by their own countrymen; and the sentiment of -national independence, which was necessarily anti-German, -was almost as strong as ever. And in the south-east a -new and far more terrible danger was approaching. The -Turks had already established themselves in the Balkan -peninsula, and threatened to sweep up the Danube valley. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_397'>397</span>Hungary was the only substantial guard to the German -frontier; and if Hungarian resistance failed, it was hardly -likely that the German troops, impotent to crush the ill-armed -followers of Ziska, would be able to resist the all-conquering -Janissaries.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Losses on the extremities were the inevitable result of -weakness at the centre. But although this weakness continued, -Germany escaped from some of the extreme disasters -which seemed almost inevitable. It is possible that a too -vigorous attempt to bring about a compulsory union might -have broken the state up into its component parts, and -Germany, like Italy, might have become a mere geographical -expression. That this complete disruption was avoided, and -that Germany retained at any rate some symbols of unity, -may be attributed, partly to the very looseness of the federal -tie, which was so little felt that it was hardly worth while to -make an effort for its rupture, and partly to the extraordinary -series of events which enabled a single family, the House of -Hapsburg, to obtain a sort of hereditary primacy within -Germany. In view of the danger threatened by Slavs and -Turks, it was of supreme importance that Germany should -retain its hold upon the border states of Bohemia and -Hungary, which had been gained by Sigismund. But with -Sigismund’s death in 1437 the male line of the House -of Luxemburg became extinct, and the family was only -represented by two women—Sigismund’s own daughter, -Elizabeth, who was married to Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Austria, and -his niece, another Elizabeth, the widow of Antony of -Brabant.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Although Albert of Austria might claim through his wife -the succession to the Luxemburg inheritance, the most -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The House of Hapsburg.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -sanguine of contemporary observers could hardly -have foretold that the Hapsburgs would bring -even partial salvation to Germany. Since the -first great expansion of the family under Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span> and his -immediate successors, its power and prestige had sensibly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_398'>398</span>diminished. This had been caused, partly by defeats at -the hands of the Swiss, and partly by the subdivision of -Hapsburg territories effected in 1370 between the two -brothers, Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span> and Leopold <span class='fss'>III.</span> (see p. <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>). Albert -had taken the archduchy of Austria, and Leopold the other -territories of the House—the Swabian lands, Styria, Carinthia, -Carniola, and Tyrol. The Albertine line in Austria had -been continued by the successive rulers Albert <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (d. 1404) -and Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> The history of the Leopoldine line had been -less simple. Leopold himself had fallen in 1386 in the -famous battle of Sempach, and had left his dominions to the -joint rule of four sons—William, Leopold, Ernest, and -Frederick. But the first precedent of subdivision was again -followed, and in the end the two surviving sons, Ernest and -Frederick, shared the inheritance between them. Ernest, -the founder of the Styrian, and ultimately the dominant, -branch of the House, was called ‘the Iron’ on account -of his physical strength, and his marriage with Cymburga, -a niece of the Polish king, is said to have brought the -famous Hapsburg lip into the family. On his death in -1424 his two sons, Frederick and Albert, succeeded as joint -rulers to Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. Meanwhile -Frederick, who had received Tyrol and the Swabian lands, -had played a prominent part in the early stages of the Council -of Constance, and his territories had been confiscated by -Sigismund in 1415. But the imperial authority was not -strong enough to make the penalty permanent, and in 1417 -Frederick recovered his dominions with the approval and -aid of his subjects. He lived till 1439, when he left a young -son, Sigismund, to succeed him.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of the Emperor Sigismund gave rise to three -problems of considerable magnitude. It extinguished a -dynasty which had held the imperial crown for -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Hungary and Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -nearly a whole century, and it opened the succession -in two kingdoms which were of supreme -importance to Germany in her relations with the Slavs on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_399'>399</span>one hand and with the Turks on the other. The House of -Luxemburg had built up a unique territorial power on the -eastern frontier of the empire, and it was very doubtful if -it could be retained by any other family. In Hungary -little opposition was made to the accession of Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> -of Austria, who had already won a reputation in the Turkish -wars for valour and sagacity. But before his coronation -he had to promise to refuse the imperial crown if it should -be offered to him, a stipulation which shows how little -the Hungarians valued the connection with Germany. -In Bohemia, Albert had identified himself with the -orthodox party, and could reckon on its support. But the -Hussites, still a majority of the population, were resolutely -opposed to him, not only on religious grounds, but also -because his accession would continue the hated German -domination, and his claim ran counter to their contention -that the Bohemian crown was elective. The result was a -renewal of civil war. Albert was accepted and crowned by -his partisans, while the Hussites sought to gain the general -support of the Slavs by offering the crown to Casimir, the -brother of Ladislas of Poland.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the electors in Germany had to fill the imperial -throne. The reforming party, which had been stirred to -activity by the disasters of the Hussite war, was -still in existence and still headed by Frederick of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Albert II., 1338.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Hohenzollern. If they could control the election, -it might be possible to return to the policy which Sigismund -had pursued in his early years. Their desire was to choose -a prince whose interests lay within Germany and not outside, -and who would sacrifice any personal or family considerations -for the general welfare. The candidate whom they -put forward was Frederick of Hohenzollern himself, who had -already given an example within Brandenburg of that reforming -activity which was needed to put an end to the selfish -and distracting divisions of Germany. But the majority -of the German princes were little influenced by patriotic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_400'>400</span>considerations. They valued independence far higher than -unity. It was no grievance to them that Sigismund had -neglected Germany since 1417, and had busied himself with -affairs in Bohemia and Hungary. They turned their eyes to -Albert <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Austria, who seemed to occupy precisely the -same position as Sigismund had held in his later years. His -immediate objects lay so far outside the empire that he was -not likely to interfere with princely independence, while the -pursuit of his own interests in the east might indirectly render -no small service to Germany. Another and perhaps decisive -argument in Albert’s favour was that he had adopted that -policy of neutrality in the struggle between Pope and Council -which commended itself to most of the German princes. -When the Electoral College met in March 1438, it was -speedily evident that Albert had a secure majority in his -favour, and Frederick of Brandenburg gracefully withdrew -his candidature in order to allow the election to be unanimous. -The election does not bulk very largely in either -contemporary or later narrative, but it was really of quite -decisive importance. Until the fall of the Holy Roman -Empire in 1806, with the exception of one short interval in -the eighteenth century, the Hapsburgs retained practically -hereditary possession of the imperial crown. Under them -Germany became a loose and ineffective federation, held -together by tradition and habit and by the ascendency of a -dynasty which showed remarkable astuteness and obstinacy -in the pursuit of its own interests. The monarchy of the -Ottos and the Hohenstaufen had ceased to exist, and the -traditions of Ghibellinism became an anachronism after -1438. The choice in that year lay between a Hapsburg and -a Hohenzollern; and it is of more than superficial interest -to note that when the empire of the Hapsburgs had come -to an end, when the evils of disunion had at last worked -their own cure, the first attempt to revive German unity was -the election of a Hohenzollern to the throne which the -Hapsburgs had failed to fill.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_401'>401</span>Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span>, as he is called in the list of emperors, only -accepted the proffered dignity with considerable reluctance, -and was never able to visit Germany, even for the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Albert II.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -purpose of being crowned. His first occupation -was to enforce his claim in Bohemia against his rival, the -Polish prince Casimir. With the aid of a German force, -Albert laid siege to Tabor, which was still the great Hussite -stronghold. The besiegers were repulsed by a sally headed -by a young Bohemian noble, George Podiebrad; and though -Albert was more successful in Silesia, where there was a large -German element in the population, the fate of Bohemia was -still doubtful when he was called away by the news that the -Turks had invaded Servia and were threatening Hungary. -Leaving his representatives with instructions to patch up a -truce with Poland, Albert hurried to meet this new danger. -But he wholly failed to relieve Semendria, and his troops -were decimated by dysentery contracted in the marshy valley -of the Theiss. Albert himself was attacked by the disease, -and hurried homeward in the hope of seeing his capital and -his wife once more. On the way he learned that his cause -in Bohemia was jeopardised by treachery, that the Council of -Basel had revived the schism by electing Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span> as anti-pope, -and that the Turks were advancing upon Belgrad, the -key of Hungary. At this crisis, when disaster or ruin seemed -imminent from every side, Albert succumbed to disease just -as he had reached the outskirts of Vienna (October 27, 1439). -His death seemed to make the general confusion worse confounded. -Not only was the empire again left without a -head, but the recently-established connection of Austria with -Hungary and Bohemia was dissolved before it had had time to -gain any strength, and it was extremely doubtful whether it -would ever be restored. The only children born to Albert -and Elizabeth were two daughters, but Elizabeth was pregnant -at the time of her husband’s death, and until the child was -born any question of hereditary right must remain in abeyance. -It will perhaps be clearer to consider the imperial -<span class='pageno' id='Page_402'>402</span>election and the general history of Germany before turning -to the tangled series of events which ensued in Albert’s -personal dominions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The election of 1438 was too recent for any marked -change to have taken place in the balance of parties, and the -principles which had then prevailed were re-affirmed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Election of Frederick III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in 1440 with even greater emphasis. In choosing -Albert the electors could argue with some force that they -were giving the imperial office to the strongest candidate. -Albert was the legitimate successor of the late emperor, and -he was a powerful prince. Not only was he archduke of -Austria, but he had been crowned king in Hungary and -Bohemia, and though he was opposed in the latter country -he had a better claim than his opponent. Moreover, his -personal character and his past achievements commanded -general respect. None of these arguments could be advanced -in favour of Frederick of Styria, who was now brought forward -by the electors who had supported Albert. In his father’s -territories of Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola he was only joint -ruler with his brother Albert. He was barely twenty-four -years old, so that little was known of his character and -abilities, but he had given no proof either of energy or capacity -for affairs. But these considerations had no weight with -men who desired only a King Log, and Frederick was chosen -by five votes to two on February 2, 1440. The rival candidate -was Lewis of Hesse, who was put forward and supported -by Frederick of Brandenburg. Events had convinced the latter -that in face of the jealous hostility of the house of Wettin -neither he nor any member of his family had a chance of success.</p> - -<p class='c004'>His vote on this occasion was almost the last public act -of the first Hohenzollern elector of Brandenburg, though he -received one more proof of the esteem in which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Frederick I. of Brandenburg.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -he was held. A council of forty-seven was formed -in this year to choose a new king for Bohemia. -Ten votes were split among several candidates, -while thirty-seven were given for Margrave Frederick. But -<span class='pageno' id='Page_403'>403</span>he was too old and too weary to entertain any new ambitions, -and the flattering offer was declined. On September 21, 1440, -he died, leaving his territories to the joint rule of his four -sons. For nearly fifty years, ever since he saved Sigismund’s -life in the battle of Nicopolis, he had played a foremost part -in German politics. He had met with failures as well as -triumphs, but he had always secured respect, both for -distinguished ability and for purity of motive. He was the -last champion of the grand imperial traditions, which had -really perished at the time of the Great Interregnum, though -Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> and, at one time, Sigismund had made an effort -for their revival. It was fitting that Frederick should die in -the year in which the ideas which he represented met with -their final reverse. But he was much more than the champion -of the mediæval past. He was the real creator of the modern -state of Prussia, which has become the centre of a revived -German nationality, and has thus succeeded to some extent in -carrying out the schemes in the advancement of which its -great founder spent his life.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, who held the German crown for fifty-three -years, was almost as inefficient a ruler as the drunken Wenzel, -but his inaction was due rather to set purpose than -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Character of Frederick III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to incompetence. He is described by a German -chronicler as handsome and well built, of quick intelligence -but of placid spirit, fond above measure of peace and quiet. -Even the labours of the chase were distasteful to him, and his -chief delight was in architecture and the collection of precious -stones. By many he was considered a coward. His acute -contemporary, Philippe de Commines, calls him ‘the most -perfectly niggardly man that ever lived.’ In another passage, -however, Commines admits that his long experience of -men had given him wisdom. This was quite true. Frederick -had none of the energy and decision of a statesman who -wishes to control the course of events. But he had the -merit of self-control, and a cheery confidence that patience -and delay would bring improvement, no matter how hopeless -<span class='pageno' id='Page_404'>404</span>might seem the condition of affairs. His reputation -for cowardice arose from his habit of evading difficulties -when he felt unable to face them. Thus, in 1451, when he -was threatened by a simultaneous rising in Austria and -Styria, he left the rebels to do their worst, and hurried off -to Italy to receive the imperial crown. In 1473 he had his -famous interview at Trier with Charles the Bold, who desired -to receive the royal title. Unwilling either to grant the -request or to exasperate the duke by a direct refusal, the -emperor escaped by night to Cologne. Such expedients -were not very dignified, nor were they calculated to produce -any great triumphs of statesmanship, but they were not -ill suited to avoid fatal disasters. In Germany Frederick was -threatened with reforms which should annul the royal power, -and even with deposition, yet he succeeded in the end in -defeating his opponents. In his hereditary dominions he -suffered many humiliations; and at one time the greater part -of Austria, including the capital, Vienna, had fallen into the -hands of the Hungarians. But at the time of his death, -Frederick left the house of Hapsburg infinitely more powerful -than it had been at the time of his accession. The -family territories, which had been subdivided since 1370, -were gradually re-united in the hands of the Styrian line. -And the marriage of his son Maximilian with Mary of -Burgundy raised the Hapsburgs to be one of the great -dynasties of Europe, and prepared the way for still greater -pre-eminence in the future.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Of Germany as a state there is naturally very little history -under a king who deliberately neglected his duties. For -nearly thirty years Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> remained obstinately -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>German opposition to Frederick III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -secluded in his own territories, and -never visited any other part of Germany. Diets -were held and matters of the gravest importance debated, -but neither entreaties nor threats could induce the emperor -to attend. In the first great problem of his reign, the quarrel -between the papacy and the Council of Basel, Frederick -<span class='pageno' id='Page_405'>405</span>showed the most cynical disregard of national interests and -prejudices. The pope was anxious to annul the pragmatic -sanction of 1439, which had given some measure of independence -to the German Church. Frederick allowed himself -to be bribed into a secret treaty with the papacy, and the -diplomacy of Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini was employed to -divide and gain over the princes and electors. Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -lived just long enough to accept the preliminary treaty, and -the final concordat was concluded with Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> (see p. -<a href='#Page_241'>241</a>). Equally discreditable, though less treacherous and self-seeking, -was Frederick’s conduct when the news came that -Constantinople had fallen before the Turkish attack. The -pope and the emperor, as the joint heads of Christendom, -were the natural leaders of resistance to the encroachments -of the infidel. And Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> had strong personal and -territorial interests at stake which he might consider more -important than the obligations of his high dignity. Nicolas -<span class='fss'>V.</span> hastened to issue exhortations to a new crusade, and -Æneas Sylvius set himself to rouse the martial spirit of -Germany. But Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> shut himself up in his room, -and with tears lamented the instability of human greatness. -The German diet met at Ratisbon in 1453, and at Frankfort -in 1454, but the emperor would not appear, and in his -absence no decision could be come to. Bitter indignation -was felt and expressed at such pusillanimous inactivity. The -archbishop of Trier, Jacob von Sirk, who had never pardoned -Frederick for his betrayal of the German Church to the -papacy, took the lead of the opposition. With him was -allied the Elector Palatine Frederick the Victorious, who -had supplanted the infant nephew for whom he had been -guardian, but had never been able to obtain the imperial -sanction for his usurpation. The deposition of the emperor -was discussed, and Philip of Burgundy, who professed great -ardour for the projected crusade, was suggested as his -successor. Ultimately in 1455 a more practical scheme was -put forward for the creation of a central administrative body, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_406'>406</span>in which the emperor might appoint a deputy if he would -not attend in person. This council, in which the electors -would have preponderated, was to put down disorder, to -raise a revenue by an imperial tax upon clergy and laity -alike, and was to take measures for the defence of the empire -against the Turks. The scheme came to nothing. Frederick -<span class='fss'>III.</span> opposed a passive resistance, and the archbishop of Trier -was more interested to gain power and prominence for -himself than to effect any real reform. In 1456 Mohammed -<span class='fss'>II.</span> laid siege to Belgrade, and the fall of the fortress would -have opened the whole valley of the upper Danube to the -Turks. The danger was warded off, not by the exertions -of emperor or princes, but by the heroism and skill of a -Hungarian soldier.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the opposition to the emperor was combined -hostility to the papacy. Many of the princes looked back with -regret to the pragmatic sanction of 1439, and -envied the French who still retained the pragmatic -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>German hostility to the papacy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -sanction of Bourges. The death of -Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> in 1455 and the election of Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span> gave an -opportunity for formulating the old complaints against the -Roman see. Some of the electors proposed to summon a -new general council in a German city to take up the work -of ecclesiastical reform which the council of Basel had failed -to carry through. At the same time the reform of the -imperial administration was again mooted, and Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -was called upon to attend a meeting of the diet. But the -princes had ceased to be a united party. Albert Achilles, -the brother of the elector of Brandenburg, had quarrelled -with the Elector Palatine, and now came forward as the -supporter of the emperor. The archbishop of Trier was -dead and his successor was gained to the side of Frederick -<span class='fss'>III.</span> The opposition leaders still threatened to depose the -emperor, but they had no longer a majority behind them. -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> by a masterly inactivity had thwarted the -projects of administrative reform, and thus set the seal upon -<span class='pageno' id='Page_407'>407</span>German disunion. His triumph brought with it a victory -for the papacy. Ecclesiastical tenths were constantly levied -on the pretext of a Turkish crusade, but the money passed -into the pope’s coffers. Half the benefices in Germany were -practically in the gift of the Curia. In 1459 Æneas Sylvius -became pope as Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span> in succession to Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span> In -1460 he dealt a fatal blow to the conciliar opposition with -which he had been so closely associated in earlier years. -The bull <i>Execrabilis</i> declared any appeal from a papal -decision to a general council to be impious and heretical. -From this time the opposition to the papacy in Germany -was only weak and fitful until a new era began in the next -century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For his inaction in Germany, Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> had a fairly -substantial excuse in the constant troubles in which he was -involved at home. Not only had he to contend with the -factious opposition of his brother Albert and the Styrian -nobles, but in 1439 the death of his uncle Frederick left -him to act as guardian for the young Sigismund of Tyrol, -and later in the same year he was called upon to deal with -the very serious problems to which the death of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> -gave rise. As Sigismund’s guardian, Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> had to -administer Tyrol and the Swabian territories, and the latter -brought him into collision with the Swiss. For -a long time jealousy had existed between the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Frederick III. and the Swiss.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -rural cantons and the city members of the -League, especially Zürich. This was brought to a head in -1436 by the death of the count of Toggenburg. His -inheritance was claimed by the emperor, by the Confederation -as a whole, and by Zürich. When the citizens seized a -large part of the disputed territory, the rest of the confederates, -headed by Schwyz, took up arms and compelled -them to disgorge their booty. It was the prominent part -taken by the men of Schwyz on this occasion which helped -to give their name to the whole Confederation. Indignant -at the humiliation, Zürich drew aloof from the League and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_408'>408</span>appealed to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> as both emperor and representative -of the House of Hapsburg. Frederick could not resist the -temptation to enforce the imperial claims to Toggenburg, -and also to recover the Aargau which the Swiss had taken -from his uncle, Frederick of Tyrol, at the time of his quarrel -with the Emperor Sigismund. The war broke out in 1442, -and in spite of Frederick’s assistance Zürich was again closely -besieged by the forces of the Confederation. Unable to -spare more troops from his own territories, Frederick resorted -to the extraordinary expedient of employing French -mercenaries against his German subjects. Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, freed -for the time from his war with England, was only too glad -to get rid of some of the <i>écorcheurs</i>, who had become a curse -to France. Instead of the 5000 men whose services were -demanded, he sent nearly 20,000 so-called ‘Armagnacs’ to -invade Swabia under the nominal command of the dauphin. -Devastation and misery marked the track of this vast force -as it advanced to raise the siege of Zürich. A few hundred -Swiss tried to block the way, and on the field of St. Jacob, -the German Thermopylæ, they were completely annihilated. -But their heroism had gained its end. The invaders, who -had suffered terrible losses, hastened to conclude a truce -with such resolute foes, and retired to Alsace. In 1445 they -were induced to evacuate the country, but it was long before -the horrors of the raid were forgotten in Germany. Frederick -<span class='fss'>III.</span>, who had brought such sufferings upon his subjects, -gained nothing by his unpatriotic action. The Swiss were -more than ever determined to resist the hated Hapsburgs to -the last. The war went on till 1450, when Zürich deserted -the Austrian alliance and returned to the League. Frederick -had to give up the guardianship of his cousin -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Sigismund of Tyrol.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Sigismund, who became independent ruler in -Tyrol and the Swabian territories. His subsequent history -may be briefly traced. Involved in constant quarrels with -the Swiss, for which he was inadequately provided with men -and money, he pledged his Swabian lands in 1469 to Charles -<span class='pageno' id='Page_409'>409</span>the Bold. They proved as fatal a possession to the -Burgundian duke as they had been to the Hapsburgs. The -wily Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> gained one of his greatest diplomatic triumphs -when he reconciled the Swiss with Sigismund of Tyrol, and -stirred them up to make war against their powerful neighbour. -After successive defeats at Granson and Morat, -Charles the Bold fell in 1477 before the walls of Nancy. -Sigismund of Tyrol recovered his Swabian inheritance, but -he had no children, and before his death in 1496 he handed -his territories over to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>’s son Maximilian, in whose -hands all the Hapsburg territories were reunited.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The succession to Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> in Austria, Hungary, and -Bohemia gave rise to a series of complications in the east, -and involved Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> in many difficulties. -Albert’s widow, Elizabeth, gave birth to a son, -Ladislas Postumus, on February 22, 1440. In -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Succession in Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Austria, where the rule of male succession was -unquestioned, the infant duke was immediately acknowledged, -and was placed under the guardianship of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -But in Bohemia and Hungary, where Hapsburg rule was -both novel and unpopular, the problem was by no means -so easily settled. In Hungary there was no absolute rule of -inheritance, and female succession was not excluded either by -custom or law. Sigismund’s claim to the crown had rested -on his marriage with the daughter of Lewis the Great, and -Albert had been accepted as the son-in-law of Sigismund. -It was possible to contend that there was no real vacancy, -and that Elizabeth was lawful queen. The primary need of -Hungary was defence against the Turks, and in order to -strengthen the kingdom the nobles compelled Elizabeth -to offer her hand, and with it the Hungarian crown, to -Ladislas <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Poland. On the birth of her son, Elizabeth -repudiated the engagement, and had the infant crowned -king. But she was not strong enough to enforce her will, -and on her death in 1442 the Polish king was generally -acknowledged in Hungary. But he perished in the great -<span class='pageno' id='Page_410'>410</span>battle of Varna against the Turks in 1444, and in the -following year the Hungarians returned to the direct line -and recognised Ladislas Postumus as king. But he was -still a minor in the guardianship of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>; and as -the Hungarians would not allow a foreigner to administer -their kingdom, they gave the office of governor in 1446 to -John Hunyadi, who had won a brilliant reputation in the -Turkish war. Meanwhile, Bohemia had pursued its own -course. The Utraquists, the most numerous and powerful -party in the kingdom, refused to recognise claims based upon -hereditary right or dynastic treaties, and insisted upon the -right of election. In all probability they would have chosen -the Jagellon king of Poland, if he had not already been -accepted in Hungary. The connection with Hungary was -no more popular than that with Austria. The crown was -offered to Frederick of Brandenburg, but he would not -have it, and in the end it was decided to elect Ladislas -Postumus as king, and to intrust the administration during -the minority to a council of Regency. But this settlement -of the succession failed to produce any harmony among the -contending parties. The Roman Catholics, headed by -Ulrich von Rosenberg, desired a complete reconciliation -with Germany and the Papacy. The Utraquists, who found -a capable leader in George Podiebrad, were resolute to -maintain the national independence and the religious settlement -arranged in the <i>Compactata</i> with the Council of Basel. -A prolonged civil war ended in the Utraquist victory and -the appointment of George Podiebrad as governor of Bohemia -in 1452.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Hapsburg rule in Hungary and Bohemia was nominally -prolonged by the recognition of Ladislas Postumus in his -father’s dominions. But in actual fact there was -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Ladislas Postumus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -little strength in the connection, as each state -arranged its own affairs with intentional disregard of its -fellows. To Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the guardianship of his young -cousin brought little but incessant worries and annoyances. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_411'>411</span>Neither Hungary nor Bohemia would allow him any -authority whatever, and even in Austria Styrian administration -was extremely unpopular. Both the Austrian nobles -and John Hunyadi were urgent in demanding that Ladislas -Postumus should be released from external tutelage and -intrusted to the care of his own subjects. George Podiebrad, -on the other hand, who had no wish to jeopardise -his own authority by the presence of a young king, who -might fall under the influence of his opponents, urged -Frederick to maintain his rights as guardian. In 1451 -a simultaneous rising broke out in Austria and in Styria. -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> chose this moment for a journey to Rome, -to receive the imperial crown at the hands of the Pope. -He endeavoured to checkmate the rebels by taking Ladislas -Postumus with him. The coronation, on March 19, 1452, -was the last that was destined to take place in the ancient -capital of the empire. On the emperor’s return to Germany, -he was disgusted to find that his absence had only exasperated -his opponents. The Austrian nobles entered Styria -and attacked him in his own capital of Neustadt. Unable -to resist any longer, Frederick agreed in September 1452 -to hand over his ward to the Count of Cilly, who carried -him in triumph to Vienna.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Ladislas Postumus seemed to have a brilliant career before -him, when he emerged from tutelage to be Duke of Austria -and King of Hungary and Bohemia. He was at the time -in his thirteenth year, and he had only five troubled years -to live. Hungary and Bohemia remained under the administration -of Hunyadi and Podiebrad, but Ladislas was -involved in quarrels with the two regents by the evil influence -of the Count of Cilly. It was still -uncertain whether the young king would succeed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relief of Belgrad, 1456.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in asserting his personal authority, when the -fall of Constantinople and the pressing danger from the -Turks compelled a temporary pacification. In 1456, -Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> with a huge army laid siege to Belgrade, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_412'>412</span>and Turkish vessels sailed up the Danube to exclude -any attempt to relieve the garrison by way of the river. -Hungary and south-eastern Germany would be exposed -to invasion if the great fortress were allowed to fall. For -a moment, something like the old crusading fervour was -excited by the preaching of an enthusiastic Franciscan, -Fra Capistrano, and Hunyadi undertook the command of -the motley host that was collected by the eloquence of the -friar. A flotilla of rafts and boats was prepared, and the -destruction of the Turkish ships, under the very eyes of -the Sultan and his army, enabled the relieving force to -enter Belgrad. But Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> refused to acknowledge -his defeat. As a blockade was no longer possible, he -determined to carry the fortress by storm. One by one -the outworks were carried by sheer force of numbers in spite -of the heroic resistance of the defenders. The crescent was -about to be elevated to announce a signal victory, when -Hunyadi and Capistrano headed a last sally. The Turks -were driven in headlong flight from the walls, their camp was -stormed and burned, and before evening the Sultan’s army -was in full flight for Sofia, leaving 20,000 men on the field -(July 22, 1456). The relief of Belgrade was a magnificent -achievement, but it cost the life of the two leaders. Hunyadi -died of camp fever on August 11, and a few weeks later -Capistrano followed him to the grave.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of the Hungarian regent was welcomed by -Count Cilly as removing a rival from his path. But the -great soldier had left two sons, Ladislas and -Mathias, who inherited their father’s popularity -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Ladislas Postumus.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and might aspire to hold his position in the -state, and Cilly schemed to effect their ruin. Ignorant that -his intrigues had been discovered, he accompanied the young -king on a visit to the rescued fortress. No sooner were -they within Belgrade than they found themselves prisoners, -and Cilly was brought before Ladislas Hunyadi, reproached -for his treachery, and put to death. Ladislas Postumus -<span class='pageno' id='Page_413'>413</span>was shrewd enough to dissimulate his wrath and to pretend -to pardon the murderers. But he was only waiting his time. -Early in 1457 he returned to Pesth, and as soon as he had -surrounded himself with his own partisans, he had Ladislas -Hunyadi taken prisoner, tried and executed for the murder -of Cilly. Mathias, the younger brother, he carried off to -Vienna and thence to Prague. At the latter city he was -preparing to celebrate his marriage with Madeline, daughter -of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of France, when he died suddenly on -November 23, 1457. So tragic an event made a profound -impression in Europe. Ladislas Postumus was too young -to be regarded as responsible for the demerits of his government, -and his handsome face and winning manners had -always made him personally popular. In Vienna the news -was received with paroxysms of grief, and a suspicion was -naturally entertained that the young prince had met with -foul play. That he should have died in Prague was almost -conclusive proof of crime. German dislike of the Slavs -and Roman Catholic detestation of heretics combined to -formulate the charge against George Podiebrad. Before -long men told in detail how the poison had been administered, -its effects on the unfortunate victim, and the way in which -the doctors had been suborned by the Bohemian regent. -But there is not the slightest foundation for these stories, -and Ladislas unquestionably died of the plague or Black -Death which devastated Europe at intervals throughout the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For the second time within a few years the connexion -between Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia was dissolved, and -as Ladislas Postumus left no descendants, it seemed extremely -unlikely that it would be renewed. In each of the -three countries which he ruled he represented a different -dynasty. In Austria he was the last of the Albertine line, -and his death left the primacy to the Styrian branch of the -Hapsburgs. In Hungary he had ruled, through the marriage -of his grandfather Sigismund, as the ultimate descendant of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_414'>414</span>the Angevin dynasty, which had held the crown for a century -and a half. In Bohemia, through his mother Elizabeth, he -represented the house of Luxemburg. Great interest attached -to the succession. Austria, by family agreement, passed to -the joint rule of the three surviving Hapsburg princes, -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> and his brother Albert, and their cousin Sigismund -of Tyrol. Such an arrangement gave rise to quarrels, -which were only terminated by the death of Albert in 1463, -when Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> bought off Sigismund with a money -payment and assumed the undivided government of the -Austrian duchy. In Hungary it was decided to disregard all -hereditary claims, and to fill the throne by free -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Elections of Mathias Corvinus and George Podiebrad.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -election. On January 24, 1458, the choice of -the diet fell upon Mathias Corvinus, the surviving -son of Hunyadi, whose final exploit in relieving -Belgrade had made him a national hero. In Bohemia a -similar contempt was shown for dynastic or treaty claims, -and the growing national sentiment found expression in the -election of George Podiebrad (March 2, 1458). These two -elections were events of no ordinary significance. They -marked a popular protest against dynastic arrangements -which had paid no regard to national interests, and had so -often brought about the rule of alien princes. The practical -assertion of the rights of the people, of the principle of -nationality, and of the idea that merit rather than birth -confers a claim to rule, was a serious blow to the vested -interests of European kings and princes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The termination of Hapsburg rule in Hungary and Bohemia -was a bitter disappointment to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, who had hoped -to succeed his cousin in these kingdoms. But as usual, his -exertions were unequal to his ambition; and after a futile -struggle he was compelled to acknowledge his successful -rivals. Common interests drew the new kings -together, and the marriage of Mathias with the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War between Hungary and Bohemia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -daughter of Podiebrad seemed likely to be the -basis of a close and lasting alliance. Such an alliance would -<span class='pageno' id='Page_415'>415</span>have been of the greatest value to Europe, and would -have constituted a formidable barrier to Turkish aggression. -George Podiebrad had already shown consummate statesmanship -in restoring order in the distracted state of Bohemia, and -Mathias soon proved that he had inherited no inconsiderable -share of the military skill and energy of his father. But -unfortunately religious differences placed an impediment in -the way of the concerted action of two princes who had no -superior among the monarchs of their time. Mathias was -an orthodox member of the Church, while his father-in-law -had been born and bred a Utraquist, and had consistently -directed his policy to the maintenance of the Compacts -of 1433. But these concessions to the Hussites had been -extorted with difficulty from the Council of Basel, and successive -popes were eager to restore uniformity of belief and -ritual by their revocation. Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, encouraged by a confident -expectation of the revival of crusading ardour, ventured to -annul the Compacts in 1462, and his successor, Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span>, in -1466 decreed the deposition of Podiebrad as a heretic. The -result of these papal measures was to rekindle a religious war -in Bohemia, and Breslau became the centre of a rebellious -Catholic league. But Podiebrad was well able to hold his -own against domestic opposition, and the Pope, with the -connivance of the Emperor, set himself to obtain the active -assistance of the Hungarian king. Mathias had no sympathy -with heresy, his wife had died in 1464, and he was tempted -by the prospect of acquiring the Bohemian crown for himself -and of gaining the active support of the German states against -the Turks. War broke out in 1468, but Mathias, in spite of -occasional victories, gained little honour or substantial advantage. -In fact the chief result of hostilities was to deprive him -of the prospect of gaining Bohemia. George Podiebrad, -driven by Hungarian invasion to seek the support of Poland, -suggested Ladislas, the son of Casimir of Poland, as his -successor. The proposal was not unwelcome to the diet. -The sentiment of nationality was conciliated by the choice of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_416'>416</span>a Slav prince, and the only lingering sentiment of loyalty to the -ancient dynasty was gratified by the thought that Ladislas’s -mother was the younger daughter of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Elizabeth -of Luxemburg, and that therefore some of the blood of -Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> ran in his veins. On the death of Podiebrad in -1471, Ladislas succeeded in attaining the crown in spite of -all the efforts of Mathias to exclude him.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Mathias had good reason to suspect that the emperor, his -professed ally, had supported the candidature of Ladislas, -and during the later part of his reign he was engaged in -almost continual hostilities with Austria. Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> was -no soldier, and for a time he was glad to purchase the restoration -of conquered territories by a money payment to his -formidable neighbour. His attention was absorbed during -a whole decade by the important events in the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Frederick III and Burgundy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -west which preceded and followed the death of -Charles the Bold. His great desire was to secure -the hand of Charles’s daughter for his son Maximilian, but he -must many times have despaired of achieving his end. In -1473 he evaded by flight Charles’s imperative request for a -royal title. In the next year he had to raise an imperial -army in order to relieve Neuss from the Burgundian besiegers, -though he was careful to avoid actual hostilities, and rejected -the artful proposals of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> for a partition of the territories -of a common enemy. Yet he used his influence to -bring about the war between Charles and the Swiss, which -restored to the Hapsburgs their ancient lands in Swabia, and -in which Charles met with his defeat and death. Then at -last Frederick found his opportunity. Pressed by the selfish -aggression of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, Mary of Burgundy concluded the -marriage with Maximilian which had been so long debated, -and brought to her husband the great Burgundian inheritance, -though the treaty of Arras (1482) shore off some provinces -which Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> would not relinquish.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This notable triumph was followed by an equally signal -humiliation. The war with Hungary was renewed, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_417'>417</span>Mathias Corvinus overran the whole of Austria and great -part of Styria and Carinthia. In 1485 Vienna was compelled -to surrender, and Frederick III., driven from his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Last years of Frederick III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -capital, was forced to wander as an imperial -mendicant from one German monastery to another. Yet the -old man never lost his cheerfulness or his confidence in the -future. He refused to allow Maximilian to conclude a treaty -in which any permanent cession of Austrian territory should -be stipulated, and insisted upon waiting for a favourable turn -in the course of events. In 1486 he induced the electors to -choose Maximilian as King of the Romans, and thus secured -the continuance of the imperial dignity in his family. In -1490 Mathias Corvinus died leaving no legitimate heir to -continue the line of Hunyadi. Neither Frederick nor Maximilian -could secure the succession, and the Hungarian diet -offered the crown to Ladislas of Bohemia. But though the -extension of Jagellon power was in itself displeasing, the -change of rulers enabled the Hapsburgs to recover their -losses. In 1491 Ladislas was compelled to sign the treaty of -Pressburg, by which all the conquests of Mathias were restored, -and it was arranged that on the extinction of his male line -his territories should pass to the Hapsburgs. By a series of -chances, this condition was actually carried out within the -next forty years. But the exertions of Maximilian to extort -these terms from the Hungarian king had involved him in a -great humiliation in the west. The heiress of Brittany, to -whom he had been actually married by proxy, was forced -to give her person and her province to the French king -Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, and his only daughter, Margaret, who had been -for years betrothed to the latter, was repudiated and sent -back to her father. But the wrong brought with it some compensation -when Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, in 1493, found it a necessary -preliminary to his Italian expedition to conciliate his injured -rival by the restoration of Artois and Franche-Comté. The -year before, Maximilian had received Tyrol and Alsace from -Sigismund, so that Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> lived to see the Hapsburg -<span class='pageno' id='Page_418'>418</span>dominions not only reunited in a single line, but vastly -extended. For some time he had allowed all power to fall -into the hands of his impetuous son, and little interest was -aroused in the midst of more exciting events by the news -that the old emperor had died on August 19, 1493. For -years he had inscribed the five vowels as a mystic sign on all -his buildings, books, and ornaments, and it appeared that -their significance was <i>Austriæ est imperare orbi universo</i>, or -in German <i>Alles Erdreich ist Œsterreich unterthan</i>. The -implied prophecy was never literally fulfilled, but it came -nearer to fulfilment than any contemporary of Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> -could have anticipated. And to this result the patient and -rather ignoble diplomacy of the long-lived emperor contributed -in no small degree.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_419'>419</span> - <h2 id='chap18' class='c009'>CHAPTER XVIII <br /> THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE AND THE SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Relations of Germany in the fourteenth century with Scandinavians and -Slavs—The towns of southern and northern Germany—Unions of German -merchants abroad—Trade in the Baltic and the North Sea—Alliance of -Lübeck and Hamburg—Origin of the Hanseatic League—Aggressions -of Eric Menved—Collapse of Denmark and revival of the League—Waldemar -<span class='fss'>III.</span> and the capture of Wisby—The Hanse towns at war with -Waldemar—Treaty of Stralsund—The League at the zenith of its power—Queen -Margaret and the Union of Kalmar—War between Denmark -and Holstein for the possession of Schleswig—Deposition of Eric of -Pomerania—Christopher of Bavaria re-unites the three kingdoms—Christian -<span class='fss'>I.</span> of Oldenburg and the severance of Sweden from the Union—Karl -Knudson and the Stures—Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> acquires Schleswig and -Holstein—Gradual decline of the Hanseatic League.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The fourteenth century is not a period to which Germans -look back with pride or satisfaction. It produced no great -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relation of Germany with Scandinavians and Slavs.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -rulers, like the Ottos, or Frederick Barbarossa, or -Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span>, who are the favourite heroes of -German history in the middle ages. In their -place we have Lewis the Bavarian and his -pusillanimous struggle with French popes, Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> with -his subtle and cold-blooded policy which has been little -understood or appreciated because it produced no great -obvious results, and Wenzel, whose drunken incompetence -led to deposition and schism. There is an obvious decline -of German power and prestige. The crowns of Italy and of -Arles confer upon their holder a nominal dignity as unreal -as that of the Roman Empire itself. The German kingship -<span class='pageno' id='Page_420'>420</span>is more substantial, but possesses little efficient authority. -The king’s influence depends more upon his private territorial -possessions than upon his royal position, and his chief -interest is in the aggrandisement of his family rather than -the extension of the powers of the crown. He cannot extort -obedience from his powerful vassals, still less can he defend -the distant frontiers of his kingdom. Yet in spite of the -impotence of the central authority, there were two points on -the frontier on which the cause of Germany was championed -with brilliant though not very lasting success. To the north-west -lay the Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Sweden and -Denmark, of which Denmark was the nearest and for a long -time the most powerful. The Danes were of German origin, -and for generations they had recognised the overlordship of -German emperors. But they had gradually become severed -from the southern members of their own race, and their -interests and prejudices were in many respects anti-German. -Knud <span class='fss'>VI.</span> (1182-1202) repudiated any allegiance to the -emperor, and the break-up of the Saxon duchy by Frederick -Barbarossa destroyed the most efficient bulwark of northern -Germany against Danish aggression. Geographical position -enabled the Danes to claim a control of the Baltic, which -more than one king from Waldemar <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1202-1241) to -Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1340-1375) sought to convert into absolute -supremacy. Resistance to a design which would have been -disastrous to Germany was undertaken, not by the emperors, -who showed a curious incapacity to appreciate the importance -of the Baltic, but by the famous association of North German -towns which is known as the Hanseatic League. Their -motive was neither patriotism nor a sense of nationality, but -a selfish pursuit of trading interests: nevertheless their action -saved Germany from a serious danger. Farther east was a -still greater problem. In the ninth century the whole of the -southern coast of the Baltic was inhabited by Slavs, who had -displaced the earlier German settlers. With the tenth -century began a long struggle on the part of the Germans to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_421'>421</span>drive back this alien migration, or at any rate to extort -submission and the acceptance of Christianity from the -conquered Slavs. Thanks to the exertions of two great -families, the Welfs in Saxony and the Ascanians in Brandenburg, -this task was in great measure accomplished by the -thirteenth century. As far as the Vistula German preponderance -had been established and secured by the introduction -of German settlers and the foundation of German -towns. But to the east of the Vistula the struggle was still -going on, and it still involved religious as well as political -and commercial interests. Here again, as in the north-west, -the emperors were absolutely inactive, and the Teutonic -Order was left almost unaided to carry on a crusade in -Lithuania and Livonia for the extension at once of Christianity -and of German civilisation. These two very different -corporations, the Hanse towns and the Teutonic knights—with -the equally different Swiss Confederation in the south—are -in many ways the most interesting developments of -German life in an age when Germany as a whole was weak -and anarchical.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The towns of Germany developed more slowly than the -great Italian republics, and never attained to the same -measure of independence or fame. Yet in many -respects their history is similar. Both owed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The German towns.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -their municipal self-government to the weakness of the -central authority, and both owed their prosperity to an -advantageous position for carrying on trade. The great -commercial routes, by which the commodities made or -collected in Italy were distributed throughout central Europe, -ran through southern Germany, and it was their position on -these routes that gave importance to such towns as Ulm, -Ratisbon, Augsburg, and Nürnberg. In the north an almost -equally lucrative trade was conducted along the shores of -the Baltic and the North Sea, and this trade was almost a -monopoly in the hands of German merchants. And the -northern sailors had another source of wealth in the fishing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_422'>422</span>industry, which was of special importance in the Middle Ages, -when strict rules as to fasting were enforced by the Church. -The combination of trade and fishing brought prosperity to -the great northern towns of Bremen, Hamburg, Lübeck, -Rostock, Danzig, and many others. Between the north and -the south lay the great city of Cologne, interested in the -southern trade as it found its way along the Rhine valley, -and having also a large stake in the commerce with England -and other countries bordering on the North Sea. But the -real meeting-place of north and south was in the Flemish -city of Bruges, whither merchants from all parts of Europe -thronged to exchange their respective wares.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The fourteenth century is the golden age of the German -towns, the period in which their wealth and political importance -were higher than at any other period. But -there is a marked and noteworthy distinction -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Distinction between northern and southern towns.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -between the northern and the southern groups. -The great southern cities had many interests in -common with each other. They had to resist the growing -power of the territorial princes, always jealous of municipal -independence; they were eager to put down disorder and -private war; and obvious motives impelled them to oppose -excessive tolls on roads and rivers and to obtain security for -travellers. These interests, and especially the need of police -measures to put down robbery or to extort redress, induced -them from time to time to form alliances among themselves. -But still stronger than community of interest was the jealousy -with which the cities regarded each other, and none of these -leagues proved lasting. The dominant aim of the southern -cities was independence and isolation. In the north the -sense of rivalry was equally strong, but the dangers and -difficulties were in many ways greater, and thus there was a -more powerful impulse towards union. The surrounding -states were all of them more backward and less civilised -than the Germans; and this gave to the northern towns an -infinitely greater political influence than could be exercised -<span class='pageno' id='Page_423'>423</span>by those of the south, which had to deal with powerful and -highly developed communities. Hence, while the southern -cities could never combine together except for a short time -and an immediate object, those in the north gradually formed -a league, faulty and ill adjusted in many ways, but which -gave its members far greater importance than they could -have acquired by isolated action, and even enabled them to -play for a short time a dominant part in the politics of -northern Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The word ‘hansa’ is of some importance in the Middle -Ages. In its earliest known use it means a band or troop -of soldiers. Hence it acquires its later meaning of a union -or association, especially for mercantile purposes. It is also -used for the charge made by a superior authority for leave to -carry on trade. When Henry the Lion wished to encourage -trade in his newly acquired town of Lübeck, he authorised -foreign merchants to enter and leave it <i>absque theloneo et -absque hansa</i>, ‘without tax or toll.’ But its most usual -signification is association or guild; the <i>hansa</i> is the -merchant-guild, the <i>hans-hus</i> is the guild-hall. And it is in -this sense that it came to be applied to the great <i>Hansa</i>, the -league of north German towns. The very name expresses -the important fact that the league of towns had its origin in -a league or leagues of traders.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The whole social and economic life of the Middle Ages -is dominated by the principle of association. The village -community or manor is the most familiar illustration; the -Church with its inner corporations is another. In urban -communities we find the same thing. Whoever wished to -practise a handicraft must belong to a guild: whoever -wished to engage in commerce must enter a trade-guild -or <i>hansa</i>. The individual was powerless. Only through -union with others did he obtain capacity of action and -protection for his activity. Any comparison of the modern -association with the mediæval union is as a rule superficial -and misleading. What is now a matter of use and advantage -<span class='pageno' id='Page_424'>424</span>was then a matter of necessity, of actual if not of formal -compulsion. The essential distinction is to be found in -the very limited area of state action in early times. In the -Middle Ages the corporation fulfilled most of the duties -which the undeveloped state had neither the will nor the -power to undertake.</p> - -<p class='c004'>If the home trader required an association, the merchant -who journeyed to foreign countries needed one still more. -There were few commission agents in the Middle -Ages, and the merchant in person had to superintend -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Unions of German merchants abroad.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the carriage and the sale of his goods. The -perils of travelling by land were great; those by -sea were far greater. Pirates were almost as numerous and -more difficult to resist than land-robbers, and the dangers -of navigation were a very serious consideration when sailors -had no compass to guide their course, and owners had no -system of insurance to cover their risks. It was no wonder -that traders desired to travel in considerable numbers in -order that perils and disasters might be avoided, or at the -worst, chronicled. But it was when the merchants reached -a foreign soil that the necessity of union became most -pressing. It often took a long time to dispose of a cargo; -and as winter travelling was considered impossible, it was -frequently necessary to spend several months in a foreign -land. Hence the merchants combined to acquire joint -property in the chief markets they visited: not only inns -for personal lodging, but warehouses for the stowage of -goods, and harbourage for their ships. These ‘factories,’ -as they were called, became the central point of the union -or <i>hansa</i> formed by the merchants. The mediæval system -of law gave another impulse towards combination. Law -in early time was personal, not territorial; it did not apply -to all persons on the soil. The guest, as the foreigner -was called, if not altogether lawless, was yet at a great -disadvantage as compared with the native. Any disputes -among the foreign merchants had to be settled among -<span class='pageno' id='Page_425'>425</span>themselves and by their own law. In disputes with natives -it was difficult for them to obtain justice, unless they could -secure some powerful support within the state. To carry on -trade at all they required privileges and concessions, which -were not easily to be gained by individuals. All these -considerations forced the merchants to adopt a corporate -organisation. At the head of the <i>hansa</i> were elders or -aldermen, who administered justice among the members, -held assemblies for the consideration of common interests, -and represented the community in its relations with the -outside world. The more efficient this organisation was, -the better able were the merchants to obtain privileges, -especially the remission of duties upon trade, from the community -with which they had to deal. The new-comer could -only share these privileges by obtaining admission to the -<i>hansa</i>, and for this he had to obtain the consent of the -members and to pay a money fee.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The two chief scenes of mercantile activity in the north -were the Baltic and the North Sea, connected with each other -only by the narrow straits which separate the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Trade in the Baltic and North Sea.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -islands and peninsulas of Scandinavia. The -great centre of the Baltic trade was Wisby, the -capital of the island of Gothland. So important and flourishing -was Wisby in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries that -many merchants took up their abode there; and though it -remained a part of the Swedish kingdom, it became to all -intents and purposes a German town. Thus an important -distinction grew up between the German residents in Wisby -and the older union of merchants, who only visited the -town for purposes of trade. From Wisby factories were -organised for the extension of eastern trade. Of these, by -far the most important was at Novgorod, which became -the great centre of trade with Russia. In the course of the -thirteenth century the ascendency of Wisby in the Baltic -was threatened by the rise of a group of towns upon territory -which had been won back for Germany from the Wends, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_426'>426</span>the most westerly of the Slav settlers on the Baltic coasts. -These ‘Wendish’ towns, as they are called, though in -population and character they were wholly German, were -Lübeck, Rostock, Wismar, Stralsund, and Greifswald; and -among them Lübeck, thanks to its advantageous position -on the Trave and to the efficient patronage it received, -played from the first by far the most prominent part. In -the North Sea there were three great foreign markets to -which German merchants resorted, and where they formed -<i>hansas</i> of notable importance. These were Bergen in -Norway, London in England, and Bruges in Flanders. For -a long time the majority of the North Sea traders came -from Cologne, which was as predominant in the west as -Wisby had become in the east. But other towns became -rivals of Cologne, notably Hamburg on the Elbe, and -Bremen on the Weser. Even from inland towns, such as -Soest, Dortmund, and Münster in Westphalia, merchants -journeyed to the coast and hired vessels for the conveyance -of their goods to England or Norway.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was inevitable that these unions of German merchants -in foreign parts should exercise a marked influence upon -the conduct of the towns from which they came. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Influence of trade on the relations of the towns.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The merchants were only occasional sojourners -in their foreign abodes; the greater part of their -lives was spent at home. And it is important -to remember that the councils of most of the north German -towns were composed almost solely of merchants. Artisans -were jealously excluded and looked down upon, and there -are few traces of a land-owning nobility in the German -towns such as that which played a prominent part in the -history of Florence and other Italian cities. Hence the -policy of the town councils was guided by the mercantile -interests of their members. And the foreign <i>hansas</i>, if they -failed to gain what they wanted, appealed for support to the -towns from which the members came. Thus when merchants -were closely associated in trade, their towns were -<span class='pageno' id='Page_427'>427</span>naturally drawn into co-operation for common interests. -This joint action for the furtherance of trade and the protection -of the fisheries gave the first great impulse to the -formation of town leagues. As long as the Baltic and the -North Sea were fairly distinct units, the tendency was to -form two or more separate groups. The towns on the North -Sea tended to group themselves round Cologne or Hamburg, -while in the Baltic one or two leagues might have been -formed under the guidance of Wisby or of Lübeck. But -a new era in the development of northern Germany set in -when the Baltic towns began to encroach upon the North -Sea trade, and when Lübeck undertook to dispute the -primacy of Cologne in the west, as she had already disputed -the pre-eminence of Wisby in the east. The great struggle -took place in London. Here German merchants had been -active since the reign of Æthelred <span class='fss'>II.</span>, one of whose laws -enacts that ‘the men of the emperor shall be held as worthy -of good laws as ourselves.’ These early traders must have -come mostly from Cologne, and it was the men of Cologne -who formed the first German <i>hansa</i> in England. Other -merchants had to obtain admission by payment to the -<i>Hansa</i> of Cologne, and gradually it expanded to admit most -of the traders from the Rhine and Westphalia. But natives -of other districts found it difficult to gain admission, and -when the men of Lübeck appeared upon the scene they set -themselves to break down the monopoly of Cologne. In -this struggle they had the support of Hamburg, already a -serious rival to Cologne, and possessed of a more advantageous -site for trade with England. When applicants had -money and influence behind them, it was not difficult to -obtain concessions from the English government, which -found a pecuniary interest in the protection of foreign -merchants. In 1266 and 1267 Hamburg and Lübeck were -allowed to form <i>hansas</i> of their own on the model of that -of Cologne. These were not in London, but at Lynn, a -favourite port of the Germans on the east coast. In the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_428'>428</span>early years of Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span> the three separate <i>hansas</i> were -fused into a single <i>Hansa Alamanniæ</i>, of which we first -find official mention in the year 1282. Its members were -known to the English as the Easterlings or Osterlings, a -name which they afterwards adopted for themselves.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The combination of all German merchants to form a single -hansa in England is in many ways a very significant event. -It marks a union between Baltic and North Sea -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alliance of Lübeck and Hamburg.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -traders, which for the first time rendered possible -a general league of all the towns of northern -Germany. It was brought about by the joint action of Lübeck -and Hamburg, and there is a well-founded tradition which -attributes to the alliance of these two towns the origin of the -Hanseatic League. For free trade between the Baltic and -the North Sea it was imperative, if possible, to secure the -passage through the narrow channels of the Sound and the -Belt. But these were dominated by Denmark, which in those -days held not only the peninsula of Jutland and the island -of Zealand, but also the southern provinces of what is now -Sweden. Geography enabled the Danes either to close the -straits or to levy a toll upon the vessels that passed through. -Moreover, the great centre of the herring fishery in the -thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was the coast of Skaania, -on the eastern side of the Sound. Here again the Danes -had it in their power to inflict damage upon the German -merchants and sailors who flocked to the coast of Skaania -during the fishing season. Hence one of the most pressing -needs of the north German towns was to protect the straits -and the fisheries from Danish aggression, and the lead in -this defence naturally devolved upon the two towns which -stood nearest to the barrier between the two seas—Lübeck -to the east of Jutland, and Hamburg to the west. The two -towns were not very distant from each other; and if, at the -worst, the passage of the Sound was blocked, a merchant -could unlade his goods at either port, carry them overland to -the other, and thence renew his voyage either on the Baltic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_429'>429</span>or the North Sea. The earliest alliance between the two -towns had for its object the protection of the roads leading -from one to the other, and from this they advanced to -common action in England and in Flanders.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was no wonder that other towns tended to ally themselves -with the two cities which could and did render such -invaluable services to a cause which was common -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The origin of the Hanseatic League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to all. By the end of the fourteenth century we -can find sufficient traces of combination among -the north German towns to justify the fixing of this as the -date of the origin of the Hanseatic League. Lübeck was -the more active and enterprising of the two allies, and had -the more commanding position through her intimate connection -with the Wendish and other Baltic towns, which were -already united together by the acceptance of the Lübeck -laws. It was an obvious advantage for German merchants to -have a common legal system for the settlement of disputes in -which any of them might from time to time be involved; and -in spite of the opposition of Wisby, Lübeck had succeeded in -procuring the adoption of its code by most of the eastern -traders. The hegemony which was thus acquired within a -limited area both fitted and encouraged Lübeck to undertake -the leadership of a larger and more ambitious combination. -It was from Lübeck that invitations were issued to the other -towns to send delegates for the discussion of matters of -common interests, and many of the early meetings were -held within its walls. In 1284 a complaint of injuries -received from Norway led to a decision of the towns at an -assembly at Rostock to close all export and import trade with -Norway until redress had been obtained. It was further -determined to cease all intercourse with Bremen if that city -should refuse to accept the decision of the other towns. In -1293 a meeting of delegates from the Saxon and Baltic towns -resolved that henceforth all appeals from Novgorod should -be carried to Lübeck. Wisby was supported only by Riga -and Osnabrück in opposing a resolution which recognised the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_430'>430</span>ascendency of its rival. In 1300 the consideration of commercial -grievances in Flanders was undertaken in a general -assembly at Lübeck, to which all the north German towns -were invited from the mouths of the Rhine to the Gulf of -Riga.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By the beginning of the fourteenth century the unions of -German merchants in foreign parts had lost their independence, -and had become subject to the control and guidance of -the towns. But the combination thus created among the -towns was in many ways incomplete. There was nothing -like a federation involving permanent obligations upon its -members. The meetings were only occasional, when any -matter requiring settlement arose, and there was a great -variation in the number of towns represented, according as -the matter was of general or local interest. Within the large -area over which the north German trading communities were -spread, there were many smaller combinations of towns, connected -by joint action in the past, by agreements as to the -use of common laws or a common currency, or merely by -local contiguity. These smaller associations were older and -possessed more consistency than any general league. In fact, -such a general league can hardly be said to have come into -existence; and so far as it was beginning to grow up, it was -concerned solely with commerce, and had no political significance -whatever. Some of the towns were free imperial cities, -as Lübeck had become on the fall of Henry the Lion, -whereas the majority were subject to a territorial prince. -Under such conditions an efficient federation for political -purposes was impossible. This is illustrated by the history -of the early years of the fourteenth century. In -1307 Lübeck, threatened by the neighbouring -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Aggressions of Eric Menved.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -count of Holstein, appealed for assistance to -Eric Menved, king of Denmark, and actually acknowledged -Danish suzerainty. Such an act on the part of the most -flourishing German city on the Baltic shows how little any -sentiment of nationality existed among the citizens. Eric was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_431'>431</span>emboldened to attempt the recovery of that ascendency over -the Baltic coasts which his predecessor, Waldemar <span class='fss'>II.</span>, had -for a time established till it was overthrown at the battle of -Bornhöved in 1227. In carrying out his aim he had to -subdue the Wendish towns. Rostock and Wismar were compelled -to submit, and only Stralsund offered a successful -resistance to the Danes. But the striking fact is that the -towns rendered no assistance to each other. The whole -episode proves that their union was limited to the protection -of mercantile interests. As long as the Danish king abstained -from any attack upon German commerce, there was no -machinery for common action. Still it would seem that the -loss of political independence brought with it a diminished -ability to act together in any way. For some years after the -submission of Lübeck we lose any traces of combination -among the north German towns, and the foreign merchants -were left once more to protect their own interests without -any assistance or any control from the municipalities at -home.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But this decline of the towns, which amounted almost to a -dissolution of the growing league, was as short-lived as the -revival of Danish preponderance on the Baltic. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Decline of Denmark.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Eric Menved had attempted a task beyond the -resources either of his own ability or of his state. His -extravagant and reckless policy forced him to purchase -support by lavish grants of lands and privileges, and -the consequent growth of a powerful nobility in Denmark -proved a serious hindrance to later kings. Eric himself died -in 1319, and left his brother, Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span>, to face the -troubles for which he had been responsible. Christopher -found it impossible to resist the combination of foreign attack -with domestic rebellion. The whole of Denmark was lost, -either to the native nobles or to German invaders; while -Skaania and the adjacent provinces were seized by Magnus -of Sweden, who had also obtained the crown of Norway as -the grandson of King Hakon. When Christopher died in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_432'>432</span>exile in 1332 the Danish monarchy seemed for the next eight -years to be practically extinguished. The sudden collapse of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Revival of the League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Denmark restored independence to the Wendish -towns, and with it revived the activity of the -League. The anarchy and disorder in the north during and -after the reign of Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span> rendered the duty of defending -trade-routes and fishing-stations more imperative than -ever. Between 1330 and 1360 we find evidence of more and -more regular meetings of the town delegates; and it is in -these years that the name of Hansa, hitherto used only for -the mercantile unions in England and other foreign countries, -came to be applied to the league of towns. In 1358 an -assembly was summoned of ‘all towns belonging to the -Hansa of the Germans,’ and the invitation was sent to -Cologne and Wisby, to the towns of Brandenburg, Saxony, -Westphalia, Prussia, and Livonia. Already, in 1352, Magnus -of Sweden speaks of ‘the merchants of the sea-towns, called -hanse-brothers.’ The decrees of the assembly are binding -upon all members, and the penalty is expulsion from the -League and its privileges. ‘If any town of the German -Hansa shall refuse to observe this,’ says one decree, ‘the -town shall remain for ever outside the German Hansa, and -shall be deprived for ever of German law.’ About this time -Bremen, which had been excluded ever since the quarrel -with Norway in 1284, was restored to membership of the -League. Within the wider association, which champions the -interests of all north German traders, we find distinct evidence -of a recognised division into three parts for more local -purposes. The Wendish and Saxon towns under the leadership -of Lübeck constitute one division. Another is formed -of the eastern settlements in Gothland, Livonia, and Sweden, -with Wisby as a sort of capital; while a curious and unexplained -combination of Westphalian and Prussian towns are -grouped round Cologne. In 1347 an agreement was made -that each third should elect two elders every year to manage -the German depôt at Bruges. Thus by the middle of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_433'>433</span>fourteenth century we find that the Hanseatic League has -gained a definite organisation, although its functions are -still limited to matters of trade, and have no strictly political -character. But events were soon to occur which were to try -the stability of the League and to give it more political -importance than it had yet possessed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For eight years after the death of Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span> Denmark -was without a king, but in 1340 Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Christopher’s -youngest son, undertook the task of recovering -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Waldemar III and the capture of Wisby.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -his father’s dominions. He received the -assistance of the Wendish towns, which had no -interest in the prolongation of anarchy, while they seized the -opportunity to obtain a confirmation of their privileges as the -price of their help. They even watched with equanimity -when, in 1360, he wrested the province of Skaania from the -feeble hands of Magnus of Sweden. But they found that -success had rendered Waldemar less easy to deal with than -he had been in the days of his weakness, and they had to -pay a heavy sum for the renewal of their fishing rights. Still, -the relations with Denmark were altogether peaceful when, in -1361, the news arrived that a Danish fleet had sailed to the -island of Gothland, and that a Danish army had sacked the -ancient town of Wisby, whose wealth gave rise to the current -phrase that the pigs ate out of silver troughs. The old -tradition assigned greed of plunder as the motive for the -raid. Later writers have suggested that it was merely the -continuance of the quarrel with Sweden about Skaania, or -that Waldemar intended to use the central position of Gothland -for the purpose of carrying out the ambitious plans of -Waldemar <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Eric Menved.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The delegates of the Hanse towns were assembled at -Greifswald when the astounding news arrived. The action -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>First war with Waldemar III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Waldemar created a wholly novel problem -for a mercantile association to deal with. Wisby -was subject to Sweden, and it was against Sweden that an -act of open hostility had been committed. But Wisby was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_434'>434</span>also a great centre of German trade, its wealth had been -created by Germans, and it was one of the chief towns of -the Hanseatic League. It was instinctively felt rather than -reasoned that it was impossible to allow Waldemar’s action -to pass without active resentment, and that the League must -justify its existence by undertaking new duties and responsibilities. -The assembly passed a decree forbidding all trade -and intercourse with Denmark, and then adjourned in order -to give time for negotiations with Magnus of Sweden and his -son Hakon, who had been since 1350 independent king of -Norway in his father’s place. On September 7, 1361, the -second meeting was held, and it was decided to go to war -with Denmark in alliance with Sweden, Norway, and Holstein. -For the first time a federal tax was imposed, in the -form of an export duty of fourpence in the pound, which was -to be levied by all the towns until Michaelmas 1362.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Hanse towns had promised to furnish two thousand men -with the necessary ships, and Sweden and Norway were to do the -same. In April the Hanseatic fleet sailed to the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disastrous campaign of 1362.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Sound under the command of John Wittenborg, -the burgomaster of Lübeck. The Swedish contingent -failed to appear, but the Germans were persuaded -by their allies to abandon the projected attack upon Copenhagen -and to lay siege to Helsingborg, a strong fortress on -the coast of Skaania. Too many of the sailors had been -taken from the ships in order to press the siege, when Waldemar -suddenly appeared with the Danish fleet. He at once -attacked the ships of the League—sunk some, and carried off -the rest with their cargoes and the remnant of their crews. -Wittenborg had perforce to abandon the siege, and returned -home to pay the penalty for failure with his life. The disaster -was as terrible as it was unexpected, and the towns considered -themselves lucky to be able to conclude a truce in November -for fourteen months, during which trade was to be resumed -and no new charges were to be imposed by the Danish king. -But there was no security that Waldemar would observe -<span class='pageno' id='Page_435'>435</span>his promises, especially when he succeeded in depriving the -Hanse towns of their allies. Magnus and Hakon had never -been eager for the war with Denmark, which was really the -work of the nobles in the Swedish Council. The Council -had arranged a marriage between Hakon and the daughter -of the count of Holstein, but Waldemar seized the lady as -she was on her way to Sweden, and kept her a prisoner until -the match was broken off. In 1363 he persuaded Hakon to -marry his own daughter Margaret, and thus laid the foundation -for the future union of the three kingdoms. This -marriage was a serious blow to the League, which seemed to -be on the verge of dissolution. The Wendish towns had -been most active in the war, and would have been the chief -gainers by its successful issue. Upon them inevitably fell -the chief blame for the disaster. The Prussian towns refused -to pay the export duty; they said that they had granted it -for the protection of the Sound, but the Sound was now less -protected than ever. It was quite useless to make the obvious -reply that Lübeck and its neighbours had spent far more and -lost far more, and that their losses included men as well as -money.</p> - -<p class='c004'>If Waldemar had behaved with statesmanlike prudence -and moderation, he might have permanently weakened, if -not destroyed, the League, which was the chief -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Temporary peace.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -obstacle in his way. If once the more distant -towns had been convinced that their interests in Danish -waters were as secure after defeat as they had been before, -they would hardly have adhered to an alliance which proved -costly as well as useless. But Waldemar was eager to deprive -the German traders of all the privileges they had obtained -through the weakness of Denmark since the days of Eric -Menved, and this danger served to keep the Hanse towns -together in spite of their discouragement and their quarrels -with each other. Before the truce had expired, Waldemar set -out at the end of 1363 on a long tour to the principal courts -of Europe. During his absence the Danish Council agreed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_436'>436</span>to prolong the truce, but it seemed almost impossible to -arrange any permanent peace upon terms that the German -merchants could accept. It was still doubtful whether the -towns would give way or venture on a renewal of hostilities, -when events in Sweden compelled the Danes to moderate -their demands. The Swedish nobles had long been alienated -by the feeble government of Magnus. They had resented -the loss of Skaania and the humiliating conquest of Gothland. -Their fierce indignation was roused by the change of -policy in 1363, when the Holstein alliance was abandoned -and Hakon was married to Margaret of Denmark. In 1364 -they declared Magnus deposed, and elected in his place -Albert, the second son of the duke of Mecklenburg, and of -Euphemia, a sister of Magnus. The elder brother was passed -over because he had married Ingeborg, another daughter of -Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and the Swedes would have no connection -with Denmark. A civil war followed, in which the forces of -Magnus and Hakon were defeated, and the former was taken -prisoner. The greater part of Sweden acknowledged Albert. -When Waldemar returned from his travels, he found his -plans checkmated by this Swedish revolution, and resolved -to overthrow the new dynasty in alliance with his son-in-law -Hakon. In order to prepare for this new war, he concluded -the treaty of Wordingborg in September 1365 with the Hanse -towns. Freedom of trade through the Sound and a confirmation -of German privileges on the coast of Skaania were -granted, but only for a period of six years. It was obviously -a truce rather than a real treaty; neither side was satisfied -with its terms; and the inevitable struggle between Danish -and German interests in the Baltic was only postponed.</p> - -<p class='c004'>That Waldemar, in attacking the new king of Sweden, was -influenced by wholly selfish motives, is proved by the treaty -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Second Danish war.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which he concluded in July 1366 with the duke -of Mecklenburg. In return for the formal cession -of Gothland and other considerable territories, he abandoned -the cause of Magnus and Hakon, and agreed to recognise -<span class='pageno' id='Page_437'>437</span>and support Albert and his successors in the remaining provinces -of Sweden. This unprincipled policy raised Denmark -to a greater height of power than it had reached since the -days of Waldemar <span class='fss'>II.</span> Emboldened by success, the king did -not scruple to break his recent agreement with the Hanse -towns. In the course of 1367 several German ships were -seized and plundered in the Sound, and increased tolls were -levied upon vessels resorting to the coast of Skaania for the -fishing season. Even the distant south-western towns, which -had taken hardly any part in the previous war, felt that these -outrages were intolerable, and clamoured for active measures -in defence of their trade and industry. It is significant of -the greater unanimity of the League on this occasion that the -decisive meeting was held, not as usual in a Baltic town, but -at Cologne. There in November 1367 it was decided to go -to war with the Danish king; and if any town should hold -aloof from the common cause, ‘its burghers and merchants -shall have no intercourse with the towns of the German -Hansa, no goods shall be bought from them or sold to them; -they shall have no right of entry or exit, of lading or unlading, -in any harbour.’ A new export duty was imposed for a year, -and the sum raised was to be divided among the towns in -proportion to the contingent which each furnished. To avoid -the quarrels which had followed the last campaign, it was -expressly enacted that no injury or loss on the part of any -town should give it a claim upon the others for compensation. -All privileges or other advantages which should be -gained in the war were to belong equally to all the members -of the League.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It was a formidable array of enemies that Waldemar had -to face in 1368. His treaty with the duke of Mecklenburg -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>triumph of the League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had come to nothing, because the Swedes refused -to sacrifice their own interests to their new -dynasty, and would not surrender the stipulated territories. -So Waldemar had to renew both the alliance with Hakon -and the war with Albert of Sweden. On the mainland both -<span class='pageno' id='Page_438'>438</span>Mecklenburg and Holstein were on the side of his enemies, -the nobles of Jutland were on the verge of rebellion, and -now he had provoked the Hanse towns to a new campaign. -In the presence of these dangers he adopted an extraordinary -course of action. In April 1368 he placed all his accumulated -treasure upon a ship, and sailed to Pomerania, leaving -the Danish Council to govern the kingdom during his absence, -and to carry on the war which he had provoked. For two -years he wandered about Europe from one court to another, -while his dominions were overrun by his enemies. The -Hanseatic fleet appeared in the Sound soon after the king’s -departure, and at once attacked Copenhagen. The town was -taken and destroyed, and the fortress was occupied by a -German garrison. From Zealand the victorious traders -turned to Skaania, and by the end of the year every fortress, -except the redoubtable Helsingborg, had fallen into their -hands. It was decided to keep their forces in the field -during the winter and to prolong the tax on exports for -another year. In 1369 Helsingborg surrendered after an -obstinate resistance, and the Danes, attacked also from -Holstein and Mecklenburg, opened negotiations with the -Hanse towns. Hakon of Norway had already concluded a -truce by which all the rights and privileges of German -merchants in his kingdom were confirmed. On -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Stralsund.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -May 24, 1370, the Treaty of Stralsund put an -end to the Danish war. For fifteen years all the castles and -fortified places on the coast of Skaania were to be held by -the League, which was to receive two-thirds of the revenue -of the province in order to cover the cost of their maintenance. -These terms, which transferred the control of the -Sound and its fisheries from Denmark to the Hansa, were to -be confirmed by Waldemar as the condition of his return -to his kingdom. No future king was to be placed -on the Danish throne without the consent of the Hanse -towns and until he had confirmed all their privileges and -concessions.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_439'>439</span>The second Danish war marks an important epoch in the -history of the Hanseatic League. Not only was it raised to -the position of an influential power in northern -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The League at the zenith of its power.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Europe, but its whole character had undergone -an important change. Hitherto it had been a -mercantile league for the extension and strengthening of -trade privileges, and for the settlement of trade disputes. -The decisions of the Cologne assembly in 1377 had superadded -to this mercantile association a political and military -alliance. It is true that that alliance was in express terms -only temporary and for the achievement of an immediate -object—the protection of the narrow waters from outrage and -oppression. But the new obligations which success brought -to the League gave to the Cologne decrees a more permanent -importance than had been contemplated at the time of their -adoption. The occupation of the forts on the Sound -conceded by the treaty of Stralsund, and the necessity of -constantly watching the changes and struggles in the Scandinavian -kingdoms—a necessity which was all the more pressing -after the Union of Kalmar—compelled the League to maintain -an armed force in constant readiness, and to continue -the collection of a federal revenue for military purposes. -When new towns applied for admission to the League, and -there were many such applications in the years following the -Treaty of Stralsund, they had to accept, not only the old -conditions as to trade, but also the more stringent obligations -imposed by the assembly at Cologne. Thus the League -became more concentrated and more highly organised than -it had been before the war. The federal assemblies were -more frequent, and their sessions were longer and more full -of business. Every year there was a general assembly at -midsummer, but there were also frequent provincial meetings, -especially of the Wendish towns, which continued to form -the most central and the most influential unit within the -League. And not only was the external activity of the -League greater, but it began to concern itself with the internal -<span class='pageno' id='Page_440'>440</span>affairs of its members. In the fourteenth century the -ascendency of the merchants in municipal government was -threatened by the rise of the artisans in Germany, as it was -in Florence and other southern towns. The Hanseatic -League, essentially mercantile in its origin and its aims, -naturally made itself the champion of the old exclusive -oligarchy. In 1374 a rising took place in Brunswick against -the ruling council: some of its members were executed, and -the rest were driven into exile. For this offence Brunswick -was formally expelled from the League, and its merchants -were excluded from all the markets under its control. This -mercantile excommunication was now a formidable weapon, -and the men of Brunswick had to make humble reparation -for their democratic aspirations before they could obtain -their readmission to the confederacy. But in emphasising -the greater unity and greater influence of the League after -its victory over Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, it is imperative to remember -that there were several defects and weaknesses in its federal -constitution. The very wide extent over which the towns -were spread, from the Scheldt to the Gulf of Finland, -and the jealousy which mercantile rivalry must almost -inevitably create, rendered any complete real unity of interest -and purpose almost impossible. There was never any -assembly at which all the towns were represented, and, in -fact, it would be difficult to give a precise enumeration of the -members of the League at any given date. Sometimes -several towns would combine to give authority to a single -delegate, but no town considered itself bound to take part -in the meeting. Not infrequently the delegates would declare -that their instructions did not allow them to consent to a -proposal, and that they must refer the matter back to their -respective town-councils. Hence arose uncertainty and -delay. But the chief defect was that membership of the -League was not and could not be the only political obligation -of the towns. Most of them were subject to some immediate -authority, usually that of a territorial prince. Thus they had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_441'>441</span>a double allegiance, and the two might come into collision -with each other. The princes might allow their towns to -gain trading privileges by joining the League, but they were -not likely to consent to any diminution of their own authority. -Under such conditions it is wonderful that the League held -together as long as it did.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The increased dignity and importance of the Hanseatic -League after the Treaty of Stralsund are illustrated by the -action of the emperor. Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, as is shown -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Charles IV and the League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in the Golden Bull, disapproved of confederations -of towns and of the rapid growth of municipal -independence. Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span> was his personal friend, and -during the recent war the emperor had more than once -endeavoured to use his influence in behalf of the Danish -king. But in 1373 Charles had obtained Brandenburg from -the last Wittelsbach Margrave (see p. <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>), and thus acquired -a new interest of his own in the politics of northern Germany. -He was now eager to conciliate the League and to obtain -the privileges which it could give to the towns of his new -dominion. In 1375 he left Prague to pay a visit to Lübeck, -where the magnificence of his reception made a profound -impression on contemporaries. Tradition declared that he -began his speech in acknowledgment of civic hospitality with -the words ‘My Lords’; and when the burgomaster shook his -head to deprecate such a title, the emperor continued: ‘You -are Lords! The old imperial registers prove that Lübeck is -one of the five chief towns of the empire; that your city -councillors are also imperial councillors; and that they may -enter his council without waiting for his permission.’ The -chronicler complacently adds that the five chief towns were -Rome, Venice, Pisa, Florence, and Lübeck.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Treaty of Stralsund was followed by a general restoration -of peace in the north. Waldemar III. returned to his -kingdom, and obtained the restoration of the -Mecklenburg conquests by a treaty with Duke -Albert, who had established one son on the throne of Sweden, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_442'>442</span>and now hoped with Waldemar’s support to gain Denmark -for his grandson. In 1371 the long strife between Sweden -and Norway came to an end. On condition that Magnus -and Hakon should abandon all claims to the Swedish crown, -Albert agreed to release the former from his imprisonment -and to allow him an annual income till his death, which -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Death of Waldemar III.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -occurred three years later. The most pressing question in -the north was the succession to Waldemar in Denmark. -His only son had died in 1363, so that Waldemar was the -last male of his dynasty. Of his two daughters who had -lived to become brides, the elder, Ingeborg, had married -Henry of Mecklenburg, the elder brother of the reigning -king of Sweden, and the younger, Margaret, had married -Hakon of Norway. Thus the choice lay between two -children—Albert, the son of Ingeborg and Henry, and -Olaf, the son of Hakon and Margaret. The Mecklenburg -claimant was recognised as his heir by Waldemar, and had -the support of the Emperor Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and of the powerful -count of Holstein. But the Danes had not forgotten the -rule of the German invaders in the time of Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span>; -and when Waldemar died in 1375, they elected the five-year-old -Olaf as his successor. Both by treaty rights and by -actual power the Hanse towns were entitled to a voice in the -decision, and they seem to have preferred the possibility -of a union between Denmark and Norway to an extension -of the already formidable power of the House of Mecklenburg. -Olaf was acknowledged by the League, and one of -his first acts was to confirm the provisions of the Treaty of -Stralsund.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1380 Hakon of Norway died, and Olaf wore his father’s -crown in addition to that of Denmark. During his minority -his mother Margaret ruled in both kingdoms. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Queen Margaret and the Union of Kalmar.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -In 1386 she found it necessary to conciliate the -count of Holstein by the cession of Schleswig, -which was to be held as a fief of Denmark; but -in other respects her government was so successful, that on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_443'>443</span>her son’s death in 1387 she was invited to succeed him by -the Danes and Norwegians. At the same time she received -an offer of the crown of Sweden. The government -of Albert of Mecklenburg, who had rewarded his German -followers with lands and offices, had excited great ill-will -among the Swedish nobles, whose power was more than a -match for that of the king. The conquest of the distracted -kingdom proved a comparatively easy task. At Falköping -in 1389 Albert was completely defeated, and after seven -years’ imprisonment he could only procure his liberty by -abdication. Stockholm, aided by forces from Mecklenburg, -held out for some years; and the famous association of -the <i>Vitalien-Brüder</i>, or ‘Victualling Brothers,’ originally -formed for its relief, became a formidable body of pirates -in the Baltic. The interference which they caused to trade -induced the Hanse towns to employ their mediation in -favour of Margaret, who became queen of the three Scandinavian -kingdoms. Her great ambition was to render this -union permanent. As she had no surviving child of her -own, she adopted Eric of Pomerania, the grandson of her -sister Ingeborg. In 1397 she convened the councils of the -three kingdoms to Kalmar, and induced them to agree to a -formal act of union. The three kingdoms were to be -irrevocably united under the same king, and the election -of successors to the crown was limited to the descendants -of Eric. Each state was to retain its own laws and institutions, -but treaties with foreign powers were to be binding -upon all. The arrangement had one obvious defect. No -single electing body was created; and if each kingdom could -choose a king, even within the limits of a single family, there -was no security that their choice would fall upon the same -person.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The fifteenth century was a troubled period in the history -of northern Europe, but its events are far less interesting -and far less important than those of the fourteenth century. -There were two great questions at issue: Whether the Union</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_444'>444</span>of Kalmar could be permanent, and whether the Hanse -towns could retain either their unity of action or the preponderance -in the north which it had given them. Both -questions remained in doubt during the century, but -ultimately both were answered in the negative. To maintain -the union of the three Scandinavian kingdoms, which -had no great love for each other, while in two of them a -powerful noble class had obtained a considerable measure of -independence, would have required either exceptional good -fortune or exceptional ability, and the successors of Margaret -had neither. Even the ‘Union Queen’ herself made a -serious blunder in her later years. Count Gerhard of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War between Denmark and Holstein.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Holstein, to whom she had granted Schleswig, -as a hereditary fief, died in 1404, leaving a young -son Henry to succeed him. Encouraged by her -previous triumphs, Margaret could not resist the -temptation of trying to escape from the bargain she had -made in 1386, and to gain Schleswig for the crown. Various -claims to the duchy were put forward on behalf of Denmark, -but the Schauenburg princes were resolute in support of -Gerhard’s son. The struggle lasted for thirty years, and in -the course of it most of the north German states became -involved. Margaret died suddenly in 1412, but Eric of -Pomerania continued to maintain the claims which his great-aunt -had put forward with the mingled obstinacy and violence -which marked his character. The authority of the king of -the Romans was called in to settle the dispute, and twice -Sigismund gave a formal decision in favour of the Danish -crown. But as had happened more than once before, the -Hanseatic League showed a greater regard for the interests -of Germany than the German king. Hamburg, closely -associated with Holstein, from the first supported the House -of Schauenburg, and gradually Lübeck and the other Hanse -towns were involved in the war against Eric. Their intervention, -combined with disturbances in Sweden, turned the -balance; and in 1435 Adolf of Holstein, who had succeeded -<span class='pageno' id='Page_445'>445</span>his brother Henry in 1428, was recognised as duke of -Schleswig.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The war with Holstein was not only unsuccessful, it also -involved Eric in serious domestic difficulties. Sweden and -Norway, which required the constant attention of -the king, were left unvisited and unregarded. In -Denmark, Eric could only induce the nobles to serve in a -war in which they had little interest by lavish concessions -which further weakened the royal authority. In all the -kingdoms discontent was excited by increased taxation and -by debasement of the coinage. Another grievance was -furnished by Eric’s partiality for his Pomeranian relatives, -and his avowed desire to secure the succession to his -cousin, Boguslav. In 1434 the first rising took place in -Sweden among the peasants of Dalecarlia, but Eric succeeded -in conciliating Karl Knudson, the leader of the -nobles, who was appointed Marshal of the kingdom, and -in 1435 the Union of Kalmar was confirmed by the Swedish -diet. But the king’s neglect of the duties of government -had become intolerable, and in 1439 he was formally deposed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Deposition of King Eric.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -by the Danish Council. As neither of the other -kingdoms had the slightest desire to support Eric, this act -rendered vacant the three Scandinavian thrones. The -deposed king lived for another twenty years, but he never -had any chance of recovering the dignity he had forfeited.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Danes proceeded in 1439 to offer the crown to -Christopher of Bavaria, whose mother was a sister of Eric, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Christopher of Bavaria.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and he accepted it upon conditions which -narrowly limited the royal power. One of his -first acts was to settle the dispute about Schleswig by -confirming the duchy to Adolf of Holstein as a hereditary -fief. The action of Denmark had no binding force upon -the other kingdoms, but lavish bribes to Karl Knudson and -the clergy purchased the acceptance of the Swedish diet; and -Norway, which had shown less enmity to Eric than the other -states, was induced to follow the example of its neighbour. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_446'>446</span>In 1442 Christopher was recognised in the three Scandinavian -kingdoms, and the Union of Kalmar was continued for -another generation. In 1446 he strengthened his position -by marrying Dorothea of Brandenburg, but no heir had been -born to continue the Bavarian dynasty, when Christopher -was carried off by a sudden death in January 1448.</p> - -<p class='c004'>With the death of Christopher the severance of the -kingdoms seemed to be inevitable. There was no obvious -heir to any one of them, and it was hardly possible -that they should combine to find the same -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Severance of Sweden.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -successor. Sweden and Denmark were the first to act, and -neither paid the slightest regard to the proceedings in the -other. In Sweden there was a strong party hostile to the -union; and an organised demonstration on the part of the -mob led to the hasty election of Karl Knudson, who had -been for years the most powerful and wealthy noble of the -kingdom (June 1448). Meanwhile the Danes had offered -the crown to Adolf, count of Holstein and duke of Schleswig. -He refused the offer, but suggested the choice of his sister’s -son, Christian of Oldenburg, who could claim descent from a -daughter of Eric Glipping, the predecessor and father of -Eric Menved. Christian was accepted, but the conditions -which were imposed upon him gave the chief control of the -government to the council of nobles. And he also had to -pay for his uncle’s support by a formal document, in which -assurance was given that the duchy of Schleswig or south -Jutland ‘shall never be united or annexed to the kingdom of -Denmark, so that one person shall be lord of both.’ In -Norway, less energetic and independent than the other two -kingdoms, there was a prolonged struggle as to whether the -Danish or the Swedish king should be chosen. Karl Knudson -believed that he had assured his own election, and he actually -assumed the crown in Trondhjem, but the party which supported -the Danish connection proved the stronger, and in -August 1450 the diet decreed the permanent union of -Denmark and Norway.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_447'>447</span>Denmark and Norway remained united under the Oldenburg -dynasty until the latter was combined with Sweden by the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Christian I. recovers Sweden.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -decision of the allies in 1815. It would probably -have been better if Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> had abandoned -all idea of recovering Sweden. But the Union -of Kalmar was not to perish without giving rise to a long and -exhausting struggle. Many of the Swedish nobles were -jealous of the elevation of Karl Knudson to royal rank, and -the archbishop of Upsala headed an opposition party which -appealed for Danish intervention. Christian could not resist -the temptation of gaining a third crown. In 1457 Karl -Knudson was forced to flee to Danzig. Christian was crowned -at Upsala, and his son John or Hans was acknowledged as -his heir. This success was followed by another conspicuous -triumph. In 1459 the death of Adolf of Holstein -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Schleswig and Holstein.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and Schleswig extinguished the male line of the -chief branch of the House of Schauenburg. Christian could -advance a double claim to the vacant county and duchy. -He was the nearest relative of his uncle Adolf on the female -side, and he could contend that Schleswig as a Danish fief -escheated to the overlord on the extinction of the family to -which it had been granted. On the other hand, the surviving -Schauenburg princes claimed to be the nearest male heirs, -and they could point to Christian’s own pledge in 1448 that -Schleswig should never be united to the Danish crown. The -dispute enabled the estates of the two provinces to exercise -powers which had never hitherto belonged to them. On -condition that Schleswig and Holstein should remain united, -and that they should be free to elect any member of the -family and not be bound to take the successor to the Danish -throne, they accepted Christian as duke and count in March -1460. The Schauenburg princes were bought off by a money -payment. In 1479 the Emperor Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> raised Holstein -from a county to a duchy, and granted the formal investiture -to Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span></p> - -<p class='c004'>Good fortune had suddenly raised the House of Oldenburg -<span class='pageno' id='Page_448'>448</span>to an extraordinary preponderance of territorial power in the -north. No previous ruler had succeeded in uniting the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Independence of Sweden.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -three Scandinavian kingdoms with two considerable -provinces on the mainland. But the real -strength of Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> was in no way proportioned to its -appearance. He had purchased every state by concessions -which sapped the very foundations of the central authority. -In Sweden especially his kingship was merely nominal. The -strong national sentiment of the Swedes objected to the -Union of Kalmar because, in spite of stipulated equality, it -made their state little more than a province of Denmark. -The archbishop of Upsala, whose quarrel with Karl Knudson -had given the crown to Christian, was really more powerful -than the king. Disputes were inevitable, and in 1467 Karl -was invited to quit his exile in Danzig and to resume possession -of the crown. On his death in 1470, his nephew, Sten -Sture, was proclaimed regent of Sweden. Christian led an -army to compel his submission, but was completely defeated -and driven from the kingdom. For the next half century a -succession of Stures ruled Sweden in practical independence.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Sweden was not the only territory that was lost to Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> -In 1469 his daughter Margaret was married to James <span class='fss'>III.</span> of -Scotland; and the Orkneys and Shetlands, which had been in -the hands of Denmark since the tenth century, were pledged -to the Scottish king as security for the princess’s dowry. As -the pledge was never redeemed, the islands were to all intents -and purposes ceded to Scotland. The death of Christian in -1481 left his dominions to his eldest son John. The new -king was weakened by having to divide Schleswig and Holstein -with his younger brother Frederick, and by an unsuccessful -war which he carried on to extort the submission -of the independent peasants of Ditmarsh. Thus though he -was able for a time to recover Sweden and to assume the -crown, he could not retain his hold upon the kingdom. Sten -Sture regained the government in 1500, and after his death -it was transmitted to his successors, Svante Sture and a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_449'>449</span>younger Sten. The desperate effort of the next Danish king, -Christian <span class='fss'>II.</span>, to restore the Kalmar Union, and the cruelty -which he displayed in the famous ‘blood-bath of Stockholm’ -only led to the final vindication of Swedish independence by -Gustavus Vasa.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile the fifteenth century had been a period of -difficulty and stress to the Hanseatic League. The Union -of Kalmar in itself constituted a serious danger -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Gradual decline of the Hanseatic League.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to the north German towns. The privileges -which they had extorted from the Scandinavian -rulers amounted to a practical monopoly of trade -and fishing rights along their coasts. The obvious interest -and duty of a really strong ruler would impel him to repudiate -such restrictions on the freedom of his subjects. -Fortunately for the League, the Union was never much more -than nominal. The policy of the Wendish towns was -steadily directed to place difficulties in the way of the -Scandinavian rulers, and to encourage every tendency to -independence in the subject provinces. Thanks to the -weakness of the successive kings and the turbulent opposition -of the Swedes to the Union, this policy was successful, -and the Hanse towns were enabled to retain for a time their -political and mercantile ascendency in the north. But in -spite of this the century was on the whole a period of decline -in the history of the League. The weaknesses which were -inherent in the coalition from the first became more and -more visible. Foreign competition, especially that of the -English, was a constant and increasing source of trouble. -In the fourteenth century the Germans still had a preponderant -share of the import and export trade of England. -In the fifteenth century the native traders steadily set themselves -to get the better of the privileged foreigners, and by -the reign of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> the English had established a considerable -direct trade, not only with Flanders and Norway, -but also with the countries on the Baltic. But foreign -competition was a less serious danger than internal weakness -<span class='pageno' id='Page_450'>450</span>and disruption. In the course of the fifteenth century a -notable change began in the balance of northern trade. At -first the western towns of the League had been for the most -part engaged in trade in the North Sea, whereas the eastern -towns had carried on their trade in both the North Sea and -the Baltic. In the fifteenth century the western towns, and -especially those of the Netherlands, began to encroach upon -the Baltic trade and entered into rivalry with Lübeck, -Rostock, Stralsund, and Danzig. This growing importance -of the western and non-Baltic merchants was completed by -two changes which could neither be foreseen nor controlled. -For more than a century the gregarious herrings had made -the coast of Skaania their favourite summer resort, and in -consequence this had been the scene of the largest and most -lucrative fishing industry in Europe. In the middle of the -fifteenth century the fish made one of those sudden and -inexplicable changes of habitat, which have more than once -affected the social and economic relations of the northern -states. They ceased to enter the Baltic in any large numbers, -and transferred themselves to the coast of Holland. The -privileged position in Skaania for which the Hanse towns -had struggled so long and so successfully became all at once -almost valueless, and the gains of the Dutch were measured -by the losses of the Wendish and other Baltic towns. This -change was followed by the great geographical discoveries -which began at the end of the century. These had the effect -of transferring the great trade routes from European waters -to the outlying oceans, and this proved as fatal to the towns -on the Baltic as it was to those on the Mediterranean.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Commercial jealousy and the growth of wholly separate -interests of their own impelled the towns of the Netherlands -to independent political action, which in the end led to the -severance of their connection with the League. Thus in the -war waged by King Eric to gain possession of Schleswig the -chief Hanse towns supported Holstein, but the Netherlanders -sent assistance to Eric in order to gain a share in those -<span class='pageno' id='Page_451'>451</span>commercial privileges in the Scandinavian kingdoms which -Lübeck and its immediate associates tried to keep in their -own hands. Also it must be remembered that the Netherlands -became less German as they fell under the rule of the -Valois dukes of Burgundy. There was no formal rupture of -vassalage to the empire, but practically there was complete -independence of control, and the new rulers directed the -conduct of their subjects to suit their own ends. This points -to the fundamental weakness of the Hanseatic League, which -led to its gradual dissolution in the course of the next -century and a half. If Germany could have been made into -a single united state, the League, as the champion of -common German interests, might have had a prolonged -existence. But Germany became a very loose federation of -territorial princes, and in such a state there was no room for -an active and efficient league of towns. The local prince -would not allow the burghers within his dominions sufficient -independence to make their membership of such a league a -reality. As the provinces became more compact, the towns -were withdrawn from their federal allegiance and tied down -to their direct duties as subjects of the prince. This gradual -process destroyed the Hanseatic League. A few imperial -cities, as Lübeck, Hamburg, and Bremen, retained the name -of Hanse towns till the present century, but the name was -used to express independence rather than union.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_452'>452</span> - <h2 id='chap19' class='c009'>CHAPTER XIX <br /> THE TEUTONIC ORDER AND POLAND</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Foundation of the Teutonic Order—Struggles of Germans and Slavs in the -Baltic provinces—The Knights are invited to Prussia—Their conquests—Quarrel -with the Papacy and complete transfer of the Order to Prussia—Further -territorial acquisitions—The Order at the height of its power -under Kniprode—Union of Poland and Lithuania—The Battle of Tannenberg—Decline -of the Order—Internal discontent and disorder in -Prussia—The Prussian League—Civil war and Polish conquest—The -Peace of Thorn—End of the Teutonic Order and of the Order of the -Sword.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The great Emperor Frederick Barbarossa died in Asia Minor -as he was leading his forces to take part in the -Third Crusade. The German army broke to -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Foundation of the Teutonic Order.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -pieces after the loss of its leader, and only a few -scanty fragments reached Palestine to take part -in the siege of Acre (1189). The besiegers were decimated -by the diseases to which troops are liable in an unaccustomed -climate, and complaints were made that the German sick -were neglected in such scanty hospital arrangements as then -existed. Under the pious care of some merchants from -Lübeck and Bremen, an order was formed to combine the -functions of soldiers and nurses. The ‘German Knights of -St. Mary’ borrowed most of their rules from the Hospitallers -or Knights of St. John, but some of their military regulations -were adopted from the still more famous Order of the Temple. -In 1191 the new crusading order received a bull of confirmation -from Pope Clement <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and the first grand-master fixed -his headquarters in Acre, which had now fallen before the -assaults of the Crusaders. Its origin and its peculiarly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_453'>453</span>national character were emphasised by the limitation of -membership to men of German birth and speech. Like the -Templars and Hospitallers, the Teutonic knights were the -recipients of numerous gifts and bequests from pious benefactors, -and acquired considerable estates in western Europe. -But crusading ardour had begun to decline in the West, and -the Germans had never taken quite as prominent a part in -the movement as the Romance nations. If the activity of -the Teutonic Order had been confined to Palestine, it is not -likely that its existence could have been either prolonged or -important. But within forty years from its foundation a new -sphere was provided for its military exertions.</p> - -<p class='c004'>By the end of the twelfth century immense strides had -been made by Christianity and German civilisation -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Germans and Slavs.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -among the Slavonic peoples to the south of -the Baltic. Bohemia and Poland, the two outposts of the -Slavs to the south-west, had been converted and brought into -some sort of submission to the German Emperors. Their -most thriving towns were filled with German settlers; and -some of the border provinces, such as Silesia, had already -received a preponderantly German element in their population. -To the north-west the efforts of Henry the Lion and -Albert the Bear had conquered and converted the Wends; -Lübeck and other towns had been founded to serve as -centres of German commerce and German influence; and -bishoprics had been created for Mecklenburg and Pomerania. -But from the valley of the Vistula to the Gulf of Finland -there stretched an immense tract of dreary country, alternately -sandy wastes and undrained marsh, in which a number -of Slavonic peoples—Prussians, Lithuanians, Esthonians, and -Livonians—still lived their primitive life, engaged in hunting, -pasture, and rudimentary agriculture. They retained their -heathen religion and their ancient customs, and were regarded -by their more advanced neighbours as little better than -savages. In the tenth century St. Adalbert of Prague had -met with a martyr’s death as he sought to preach the Gospel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_454'>454</span>to the Prussians, and ever since there had been a nominal -bishopric on the eastern Baltic, but its holders had never -ventured to reside in their diocese.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the thirteenth century a vigorous effort was made to -extend Christianity among these eastern Slavs. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Teutonic knights invited to Prussia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -The Bishop of Riga founded in 1200 the Order -of the Sword to compel the acceptance of the -faith by the people of Livonia. Soon afterwards -Christian, a Cistercian monk of Oliva, undertook to preach -the Gospel among the Prussians. The Pope gave him the -title of Bishop of Prussia; and a Polish duke, Konrad of -Masovia, who claimed the border district of Kulm, promised -him active assistance. But the task proved beyond the -powers of duke and bishop. The Prussians rose against the -intruders, destroyed their settlements, and carried fire and -sword into the Kulmerland and Masovia itself. This war -between the Christian and the heathen Slavs gave occasion -for the introduction of the Teutonic knights into Prussia. In -1226 an embassy from Konrad of Masovia appeared before -the grand-master in Italy, and offered to cede the Kulmerland -if the Order would undertake to defend him from the -Prussians.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Hermann von Salza, who was grand-master at the time, -was an intimate adviser of the Emperor Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span>, who had -given the black eagle of the empire as the Order’s standard, -and a man of no small importance in the politics of -southern Europe. Endowed with equal energy and foresight, -he welcomed the opportunity of founding a new -Christian state in the north, where greater security and -distinction could be gained than in upholding a losing cause -in the Holy Land. But he had no intention of fighting the -battles of the Polish duke or the Prussian bishop without -adequate reward, and he took the most painstaking precautions -to secure the independent rule of the Order in what was -destined to be its future home. Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span>, who knew -little and cared less about the fate of the Baltic provinces, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_455'>455</span>was easily induced to grant to the Order a formal investiture -of the district of Kulm with all future conquests in Prussia. -This was followed by treaties with the Duke of Masovia and -with Christian of Oliva, whose original alliance had been -broken by their rival claims to suzerainty; and finally, to -remove any difficulties with Rome, Pope Gregory <span class='fss'>IX.</span> was persuaded -to claim the lands of the heathen as the property of -St. Peter, and to grant them to the Order on payment of a -nominal tribute (1234).</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1231 the first detachment of Knights entered Prussia -and commenced the work of conquest. In spite -of their smaller numbers, their superior arms and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Prussia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -discipline gave them an immense advantage over the disorderly -hordes which opposed them. As each district was -reduced to submission, a fortress was built to enforce obedience -and to serve as a base for further operations. Thus, in -the first few years, Thorn, Kulm, and Marienwerder were -built and garrisoned in rapid succession. In 1237 the -Knights of the Sword agreed to form a close alliance with -the Teutonic Order, of which they became a subordinate -branch, though retaining a considerable measure of autonomy. -Thus the heathen were threatened with attack on -both sides—on the west from the valley of the Vistula, and -on the north-east from Riga and the coast of Livonia. But -the rapid successes of the Knights provoked jealousy and -opposition. The Poles were indignant at the establishment -of a German state between their own borders and the Baltic, -and political and race antipathy soon overpowered the -original alliance on religious grounds. Konrad of Masovia -bitterly repented his shortsighted cession of Kulmerland, -and both from Poland and from Pomerania aid was sent to -the heathen Prussians. Even the bishop, Christian of Oliva, -was alienated by the Order’s assumption of ecclesiastical -independence, and did his utmost to enforce his own claims -to superiority in the conquered districts. But the Papacy -remained loyal to the warrior priests, whom it regarded as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_456'>456</span>submissive vassals. The usual indulgences were offered to -all who would undertake the pious duty of joining a crusade -against the heathen, and crowds of recruits were induced to -secure their temporal prosperity and their future salvation -by fighting in the service of the Knights. The most famous -of the princely allies was Ottokar of Bohemia, the lord of -Austria, and the most powerful of German princes in the -middle of the thirteenth century. In 1255 he led a large -army into Prussia, and the fortress of Königsberg was named -in his honour.</p> - -<p class='c004'>But the conquest of Prussia was not achieved without -difficulties and reverses. In 1260 a general rising was -organised among the Slav population, and for the next ten -years the Knights were in serious danger of losing all they -had gained. But their dogged resolution prevailed in the -end, and by 1280 the land had once more been forced into -sullen submission. The desperate struggle had seriously -diminished a population which was always thinly scattered -over a huge area. To fill the place of those who had fallen -or had migrated eastwards to preserve their independence -in Lithuania, the Order encouraged the settlement of -German peasants and German burghers. The conquest of -Prussia was a victory for Germany as well as for Christianity. -The Slavs had to accept the religion and the language of the -conquerors.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The end of the thirteenth century ushered in a period of -trial for the great crusading orders. The fall of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Quarrel with the Papacy.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Acre in 1291 marked the ultimate failure of the -attempts to recover the Holy Land for Western Christendom. -The military associations were discredited by their ill-success; -and while they lost their hold upon popular favour, their -immense wealth excited the avarice of the temporal princes. -The Papacy had fallen from the lofty position which it had -held in the time of Innocent <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and was forced to become -the accomplice and the agent of the royal spoilers. The -Templars were first persecuted and then suppressed by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_457'>457</span>Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France and his creature Pope Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> The -Knights of St. John only escaped a similar fate by throwing -themselves into Rhodes, and by holding the island as a -bulwark of Christendom against the encroaching Mohammedan -power. The position of the Teutonic Order was as -insecure as that of their older and, for a time, more prosperous -rivals. The grand-master had removed his headquarters -from Acre to Venice, and thence could watch the approach -of danger. When, in 1309, Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span> issued a hostile bull -against the Order, the Knights were prepared with a practical -and efficient answer. The only way to prove -their strength and their value to Europe was to -concentrate their undivided energies upon the -work which had been undertaken on the Baltic coast. The -hostility of a distant Pope would there be comparatively -impotent, and they could strengthen themselves by a close -alliance with the interests and forces of Germany. It was, -no doubt, a great sacrifice for the Knights to abandon a -residence in southern Europe, where they had enjoyed considerable -wealth and influence, and to bury themselves in a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Transference of the Order to Prussia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -remote and barbarous district in the inclement north. But -there was no other alternative if they would escape destruction; -and in 1309 the grand-master transferred his residence -from Venice to Marienburg, which became henceforth the -headquarters of the Order.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The severance of the Teutonic Order from all connection -with Palestine and its concentration in Prussia had many -important results. The close connection which -had been hitherto maintained with the Papacy was -weakened, and the ties with Germany and the Empire were -drawn closer. Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> hastened to assure the Knights of -his protection and to confirm their rights and privileges. -Hitherto they had conquered in the name of the Church, -henceforth their triumphs are to be for the extension of -Germany. And these triumphs were for a time proportioned -to their increased unity and strength. In 1311, by dexterously -<span class='pageno' id='Page_458'>458</span>taking advantage of a dispute between Brandenburg -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Acquisition of Pomerellen.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and Poland, they seized the district of Pomerellen on the left -bank of the Vistula, which contained the important city of -Danzig. This acquisition enormously strengthened the -position of the Order on its western or German border; but, -at the same time, it led to the long and desperate struggle -with Poland which ultimately brought disaster in its train. And -the conquest illustrates the changed attitude of the Order, for -which the quarrel with the Papacy was partially responsible. -Its aims have become political rather than religious. It is -no longer solely absorbed in the task of forcibly converting -the heathen, but can turn aside to the pursuit of self-aggrandisement -at the expense of its Christian neighbours.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Papacy, which had been so enthusiastic a supporter -of the Teutonic Order in the thirteenth century, was on the -side of Poland in the fourteenth. But its ecclesiastical -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Order at the height of its power.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -weapons were blunted by the energetic -support which was given to Lewis the Bavarian, -and by the complete alienation of Germany owing to the -residence in Avignon. The first war with Poland ended in -the victory of the Order. In 1343 Casimir the Great concluded -the Treaty of Kalisch, by which he confirmed the -cession of Pomerellen and other disputed territories near -the valley of the Vistula. In 1346 Denmark handed over to -the Order its ancient claims on the province of Esthonia. -The Knights had now acquired almost the whole of the Slav -territories to the south-east of the Baltic. Only the Lithuanians -remained obstinately heathen and obstinately independent, -and against them the Order waged a fairly successful -war during the grand-mastership of Winzig von Kniprode -from 1351 to 1382. During these years the Teutonic Order -was at the zenith of its power and prosperity. Brandenburg, -which might have contested its ascendency in the north, -was rendered impotent by the extinction of the Ascanian -line, and by its rapid transfer through the hands of successive -Wittelsbach and Luxemburg margraves. In Poland -<span class='pageno' id='Page_459'>459</span>Casimir the Great was succeeded in 1370 by his nephew, -Lewis of Hungary, who had no sympathy with the anti-German -prejudices of the Polish nobles, and was disinclined -to employ his forces in the defence of the heathen peasants -of Lithuania. The campaigns of the Order had become a -recognised school of warfare for the active and ambitious -youth of northern Europe. Among the numerous allies who -gave their services to the cause of Christianity were the -adventurous John of Bohemia, who lost his eyesight in the -marshes of Prussia, and Henry of Derby, son of John of -Gaunt, who later established the Lancastrian dynasty on the -English throne. Chaucer, in describing the career of his -knight, says that</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b c016'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘Full ofte tyme he had the bord bygonne</div> - <div class='line'>Aboven alle naciouns in Pruce,</div> - <div class='line'>In Lettowe had he reysed and in Ruce.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c007'>The death of Kniprode in 1382 was followed by the death -of Lewis the Great of Hungary and Poland. The party of -strong Slav sympathies among the Polish nobles -were determined to put an end to the union with -Hungary and the rule of a foreign king. Lewis’s -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Union of Poland and Lithuania.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -younger daughter, Hedwig, was invited to assume the crown -of Poland, but she was compelled to offer her hand to -Jagello, the grand prince of Lithuania. Jagello agreed to -purchase a bride and a kingdom by accepting Christianity, -and was baptized and crowned by the name of Ladislas in -1387. The accession of this Lithuanian dynasty, under -whose rule Poland rose to the height of its power, dealt a -fatal blow to the interests of the Teutonic Order. The two -great enemies of the Order, whose quarrels with each other -had more than once given the Knights both military and -diplomatic triumphs, were henceforth united in a common -cause. And the conversion of the Lithuanians, who now -adopted the faith of their neighbours and allies, struck at -the very foundations of the Order, which rested upon the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_460'>460</span>conception of a crusade against the heathen. Now that -Prussia was surrounded by a ring of Christian states, there -could no longer be any pretext for a religious war; and -foreign princes and nobles were not likely to take an active -interest in what became from this time a purely political -struggle. The stream of auxiliaries from Europe was dried -up at its source, and the Order had to fall back upon the -expensive and unsatisfactory expedient of filling its armies -with mercenary troops.</p> - -<p class='c004'>For more than three hundred years Germany had been -steadily conquering the Slavs, driving them eastwards, or -subjecting them to overwhelming German influences. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Poland.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Thanks to the Hanseatic League and -to the Teutonic Knights, the Baltic had been made into a -German sea. But with the fifteenth century a reaction set in -in favour of both Scandinavians and Slavs. Just as the -Union of Kalmar involved a serious danger to the Hanse -towns, so the close association of Lithuania and Poland -threatened the vital interests of the Teutonic Knights. In -Bohemia the same reaction against German predominance -found expression in the Hussite movement, and in the -internal quarrels within the University of Prague (see p. 209). -But it was in Prussia that the Slavs gained their most durable -successes, though the victories of Ziska and Prokop over the -crusading armies of Germany made the greater impression -upon Europe at the time. The inevitable struggle which -altered conditions forced upon the Teutonic Order broke -out in 1409. In the next year the largest armies -which had ever met in these northern wars confronted -each other on the field of Tannenberg. After a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Tannenberg.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -terrible contest, in which John Ziska, the future leader of -the Hussites, fought for the men of his own race, superior -numbers gave a decisive victory to the forces of Poland and -Lithuania. The grand-master and the flower of his Knights -fell in the battle, and Prussia seemed to be at the mercy of -the conquerors. But the progress of King Ladislas was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_461'>461</span>checked by the heroic resistance of the fortress of Marienburg; -and he consented, in the Peace of Thorn (1411), to -give up all his conquests except one district, which was to be -ceded only for his own lifetime. The ruin of the Order was -postponed for half a century.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The defeat at Tannenberg might have proved less fatal in -its results if it had not been accompanied by growing internal -weakness. An order of militant monks may provide -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Decline of the Order.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -a magnificent fighting force, but it is unlikely -to prove a satisfactory conductor of civil administration. -The great evil in Prussia was the absence of any substantial -common interest between the governors and the governed. -At first the German settlers were bound to the Knights as -their protectors against the original inhabitants; but as time -went on, and new generations grew up in the country of -their birth, the original enmity between Germans and Slavs -gradually cooled, and the two peoples were brought closer -together in the ordinary intercourse of industry, trade, and -social life. But this growing union was a source of danger -rather than of gain to the ruling Order, because it deprived -them of the aid of that section of the population which -might naturally have been expected to support the Government. -The Knights themselves, being bound by the priestly -vow of celibacy, could not train up successors with a hereditary -knowledge of the people and the country. Each generation -of Knights came from other districts, and had to learn the -work of government afresh. They came for the most part -from southern Germany, and their habits and even their -language differed in many respects from those of the Low -Germans who had come in to settle in their towns and -villages. And strict as the disciplinary code of the Order -was, it was difficult to enforce its rules among men who were -not secluded from the world in monasteries, but were busily -engaged in the work of war and administration, and were in -constant intercourse with visitors from all countries. The -charges of immorality and unbelief which had been urged -<span class='pageno' id='Page_462'>462</span>against the Templars could certainly be brought with equal -if not with greater force against the members of the Teutonic -Order. The Knights had none of the ordinary restraints of -family affection, private property, and home life; and it would -have been superhuman if most of them had been able to -resist the temptations to which their mode of life and their -despotic authority over their subjects exposed them. For -there was nothing like constitutional life in Prussia outside -the Order itself. The authority of the grand-master was -limited by the necessity of gaining the consent of his chapter -and by the great independence of the provincial masters. -But there was no machinery by which the Knights could -receive advice and information from the people whom they -ruled. Even the Prussian nobles, whether of German or -Slavonic origin, were excluded from all voice in the government. -After the battle of Tannenberg an attempt was made -to establish a representative diet, in order to enlist popular -sympathy in the task of resisting invasion. But it was the -arbitrary act of an individual grand-master, and it broke the -standing rule which forbade priests to be guided by the -counsel of laymen. The economic policy of the Order was -peculiarly affected by this want of easy intercourse with the -traders whose interests were at stake. The most important -towns within its dominions—Danzig, Elbing, Memel, Thorn, -Kulm, and Königsberg—were extremely flourishing, and all -except Memel were members of the Hanseatic League. On -the whole, a wise instinct impelled the Knights to maintain a -close alliance with the League, which so ably championed -the cause of Germany in the western Baltic, and thus the -danger of conflicting interests between the Order and the -Hanse towns proved less than might have been expected. -But the Knights themselves embarked in trade, especially in -amber; and, after the fashion of rulers, they sought to regulate -the market to bring gain to themselves, a course of action -which excited the jealous hostility of the professional merchants. -And their imitation of the action of the League -<span class='pageno' id='Page_463'>463</span>proved disastrous. For the maintenance of their great war -against Denmark, the Hanse towns had imposed a duty upon -all exports to be levied at each port (see p. 434). The -Teutonic Order imposed a similar tax for the Polish war, and -endeavoured to make it a permanent source of revenue. -But the inevitable comparison was not in their favour. The -Hanseatic League was fighting in the common interests of -all German traders, and it was reasonable to ask them to -contribute. The Order was conducting a war in which the -merchants as such had no appreciable interest at all. The -heavy taxation necessitated by the employment of mercenaries -raised the question whether the government of the Order -was worth the expense. Both nobles, citizens, and peasants -were gradually convinced that their welfare was by no means -bound up with crusades in Lithuania and perpetual warfare -with Poland. In 1440 a number of nobles and twenty-one -towns combined to form a ‘Prussian League’ for the defence -of their liberties and common interests. There was no overt -defiance of the Order, but the League constituted a state -within the state, and a collision with the older government -was sooner or later inevitable. And when it did occur, it -was more than probable that the foreign enemies of the -Order would be able to make use of the League to serve -their own purposes.</p> - -<p class='c004'>As the alienation of their subjects became more and more -pronounced, the Knights were driven to maintain their power -by measures of ever-increasing severity. They denounced -their opponents as traitors. But they themselves had no -better claim to be considered as patriots. They were not -native Prussians, and they had none of that instinctive devotion -to the cause of their country which can hardly ever be -acquired except under the subtle influences of birth and -early training. For this love of the soil loyalty to a corporation -proved a very inadequate substitute. Henry of -Plauen, the hero of the defence of Marienburg in 1410, was -rewarded for his services by election to the vacant grand-mastership. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_464'>464</span>But a few years later he incurred the displeasure -of the chapter and was formally deposed. In his chagrin he -did not hesitate to open treacherous negotiations with the -Polish king, and ultimately he died in the prison to which he -was justly condemned. Such an instance was by no means -isolated; and, in fact, many of the Knights were secretly -members of the Prussian League. The wonder is, not that -the Order fell, but that its rule was for a time so successful, -and that it lasted as long as it did.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Under the circumstances that grew up in the fifteenth -century, with the Government divided in itself and confronted -by the growing hostility of its subjects, a renewal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Civil war and Polish invasion.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of the Polish war could only be attended with -disaster. For many years a quarrel was averted -by a series of abject concessions, which were interpreted as a -sign of weakness, and naturally encouraged further demands. -At last the final catastrophe was hurried on by the outbreak -of civil war. The Prussian League had become more -and more openly antagonistic to the rule of the Order, and -it was determined to make a resolute effort to crush the disaffection. -In 1453 the Emperor Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> was induced -to condemn the League, and the Order armed its forces to -carry out the imperial decree. The result might have been -foreseen. The League renounced all allegiance to the Teutonic -Order, and offered the suzerainty of Prussia to Casimir -of Poland. The offer was accepted. The Polish king -declared Prussia to be annexed to his dominions, and an -army was led by Casimir himself to aid the rebels. For -twelve years the unfortunate country was doomed to suffer -all the horrors of civil strife and foreign invasion. In spite -of the tremendous odds against them, the Knights offered a -resistance worthy of their military reputation in the past. In -1457 the grand-master was forced to quit the fortress of -Marienburg, where seventy of his predecessors had held -their residence for a century and a half. A refuge was found -for a time in the eastern castle of Königsberg, which was to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_465'>465</span>be the future home of kings of Prussia in times of similar -distress. But the town of Marienburg held out with heroic -obstinacy for another three years, and siege operations there -and elsewhere delayed the progress of the Poles long after -they had crushed all resistance in the open field. The grand-master -made frantic appeals to the Emperor and the German -princes for aid against the Slavonic conquerors of the great -province which the Order had won for Germany. To -Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Brandenburg he sold the Neumark (1455), -which had been handed over to the Teutonic Knights by -Sigismund in 1402. But prayers and bribes were equally -unavailing to excite any sentiment of nationality among -princes who had long ceased to regard anything but their -own territorial interests. In 1466 it was at last -necessary to submit to the consequences of defeat -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Treaty of Thorn, 1466.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and to sign the Treaty of Thorn. The whole of western -Prussia, with Pomerellen, including the towns of Danzig, -Thorn, Elbing, and Kulm, was ceded to Poland, and the -valley of the Vistula passed once more into the hands of the -Slavs. Eastern Prussia, with Königsberg as its capital, was -left in the hands of the Order, but it was to be held as a -Polish fief. All allegiance to any other secular prince was -to be repudiated, and thus the connection with Germany was -formally ended. Future grand-masters were to do homage -on election to the king of Poland, and were to sit on his left -hand in the Polish Diet.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is needless to dwell at any length on the subsequent -fate of the Teutonic Order, which had fallen so lamentably -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>End of the Teutonic Order.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -from its high estate. The Knights of the Sword -repudiated their subordination to a grand-master -who was no longer a sovereign prince, and assumed -the independent rule of Livonia and Esthonia. The House -of Jagellon went from one triumph to another; and its -ascendency in eastern Europe seemed to be established -when Ladislas, a younger son of Casimir <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, was elected to -the crown of Bohemia in 1471, and to that of Hungary in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_466'>466</span>1490. Resistance to so great a power as Poland had now -become must have seemed chimerical, yet the Knights continued -to cherish the idea of recovering their lost independence. -With this object in view they resisted all proposals -to unite the grand-mastership with the Polish monarchy, and -adopted the policy of electing successive chiefs from the great -families of northern Germany, in the hope of enlisting their -support for the cause of Prussia. Thus in 1498 they chose -Frederick of Saxony, and in 1511 Albert of Hohenzollern. -The latter was for a time encouraged by the promise of -assistance held out by Maximilian <span class='fss'>I.</span> But the Hapsburgs -ever preferred the interests of their house to those of Germany; -and the hopes of Albert were dashed to the ground -when he learned that Maximilian had, in 1516, concluded a -treaty and a double marriage alliance with the Jagellon -princes in order to secure to his grandson Ferdinand the -succession in Hungary and Bohemia. In anger and despair -Albert determined to repudiate his allegiance both to Church -and Empire. In 1525 he adopted the Protestant faith, confirmed -the cession of West Prussia to Poland, and received -East Prussia as a hereditary duchy for himself and his heirs. -Although an obstinate minority of the Knights refused to -acknowledge the validity of the grand-master’s action, the -Teutonic Order was practically dissolved. The remnant of -the state which it had built up with such strenuous exertions -fell a century later to the main line of the electors of Brandenburg, -and gave a title to the monarchy which has become in -later times the paramount power in a united Germany.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Order of the Sword lingered a few years longer, only -to meet with a similar fate in the end. In 1561 the last -grand-master, Gotthard Ketteler, finding it impossible -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>End of the Order of the Sword.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to maintain independence, imitated the -action of Albert of Hohenzollern. He carved -out for himself the secular duchy of Courland, to be held in -vassalage to Poland, while the rest of Livonia and Esthonia -was thrown as an apple of discord into the midst of the rival -<span class='pageno' id='Page_467'>467</span>Baltic states—Poland, Denmark, Sweden, and Russia. The -struggle which followed is noteworthy, not only because it -led to the temporary ascendency of Sweden in the Baltic, -and so to the achievements of its warrior-kings, Gustavus -Adolphus, Charles <span class='fss'>X.</span>, and Charles <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, but also because it -gave occasion for the first appearance of Russia as a European -power.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_468'>468</span> - <h2 id='chap20' class='c009'>CHAPTER XX <br /> THE CHRISTIAN STATES OF SPAIN</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Suspension of the Moorish wars in the middle of the thirteenth century—Constitution -of Castile—Disorders in the kingdom—Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span>’s victories -over the Moors—Peter the Cruel and Henry of Trastamara—John -of Gaunt in Spain—John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile and Alvaro de Luna—Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span> -and the accession of Isabella in Castile—The Constitution of Aragon—Acquisition -of Sicily and Sardinia—The general Privilege and the Privilege -of Union—Reign of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span>—Re-union of Sicily with Aragon—Accession -of the House of Trastamara in Aragon—Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> gains -Naples—Relations of Aragon and Navarre—John <span class='fss'>II.</span> and Charles of -Viana—Union of Castile and Aragon—Government of Ferdinand and -Isabella—The <i>Santa Hermandad</i> and the Inquisition—Conquest of -Granada—Geographical discoveries of Portugal and Castile—The Bull -of Borgia and the Treaty of Tordesillas.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The middle of the thirteenth century was an important -turning-point in the history of Spain. Hitherto the Christian -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Suspension of Moorish wars.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -states had been engaged in a continuous crusade -for the conquest or expulsion of the Moors, who -had held almost the whole peninsula in the eighth -century. But the capture of Cordova in 1236, and of Seville -in 1248, with the reduction of the province of Murcia in -1266, drove the Moors to their last stronghold in the kingdom -of Granada, which they were allowed to retain in comparative -peace for nearly two centuries and a half. This cessation of -military activity in the south was due to several causes. -Granada itself was strongly defended by nature, and its -population was more homogeneous than that of the dominions -which had been lost. And the old enemies of the Moors -were now diminished in number. Portugal was cut off -from all direct contact with the infidel by the district round -<span class='pageno' id='Page_469'>469</span>Seville and Cadiz, and Aragon was equally isolated by the -intervention of the Castilian province of Murcia. The only -state which had a conterminous frontier with the Moors was -Castile, and the attention of Castile was distracted from its -southern neighbours by internal feuds and foreign interests. -One result of the termination of the religious war is that -Spanish history loses such unity as it had hitherto possessed, -and it is henceforth necessary to follow the separate history -of its component states. And with its unity the history of -the peninsula loses much of its dignity and importance. The -record of internal feuds, of dynastic revolutions, and of -criminal bloodshed, which fills the annals of the Spanish -kingdoms, and especially of Castile, would hardly be worth -preserving if it were not the necessary prelude to the rise of -Spain in the sixteenth century to a foremost position among -the powers of Europe.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Castile, permanently united with Leon since 1230, was the -largest, and ultimately the dominant state of Spain. It had -been formed in the course of a prolonged religious -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitution of Castile.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -war, and this had left a permanent impress on the -constitution. While the kings had risen to power -as military leaders, the nobles and cities had also earned -great independence in a struggle which had often depended -more upon sudden local effort than upon the action of large -armies; and the clergy, as the preachers of religious ardour -against the infidel, retained more authority than in any -other country in Europe. When national exertion was -relaxed by the diminution of external danger, a struggle -between the rival forces was inevitable; and though the -victory rested in the end with the monarchy, it was long -before this result was assured. The national assembly, or -Cortes, was composed of three estates—clergy, nobles, and -citizens—and its importance varied very much from time to -time. But the royal power was more effectually limited by -the danger of armed resistance than by any formal constitutional -restrictions. The great nobles were independent -<span class='pageno' id='Page_470'>470</span>princes in their own domains, and could command the -allegiance of their vassals in private feuds with each other, -and even in warfare against the crown. For the vindication -of their own rights, and for resisting the encroachments of -the barons, the towns claimed and exercised the right of -forming an armed union or <i>hermandad</i>. It was fortunate for -the kings that conflicting interests and mutual jealousy prevented -any common action between classes whose power -both of offence and defence was so extremely formidable.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Alfonso <span class='fss'>X.</span>, who ruled in Castile from 1252 to 1284, is -known in history as ‘The Wise,’ but the epithet was earned -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disorders in Castile.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -by his remarkable learning rather than by his -ability as a ruler. The only territorial acquisition -of his reign, Murcia, was won for him by the arms of -Aragon. He abandoned the war against the Moors for a -vain effort to gain the imperial dignity, which he disputed -during the Great Interregnum with an English rival, Richard -of Cornwall. His later years, and the reigns of his successors, -Sancho <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1284-1295) and Ferdinand <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (1295-1312), -were disturbed by a disputed succession to the crown. -Alfonso’s eldest son, Ferdinand de Cerda, died in 1275, -leaving two sons, who are known as the Infantes de Cerda. -According to modern ideas, their hereditary claim would be -incontestable. But in the Middle Ages it was frequently held -that nearness of blood gave a better claim than descent in an -elder line. On this ground Alfonso’s second son, Sancho, -was recognised as his father’s heir, and succeeded in ousting -his nephews. But the Infantes de Cerda had many partisans -in Castile, and a prolonged but desultory struggle ensued, -in which the neighbouring kings of Aragon and Portugal -were involved. The actual contest was ended by a treaty in -1305, by which the claimants were bought off with lavish -grants of land. But the disorders to which it had given rise -were not so easily suppressed. Two successive kings, Ferdinand -IV. and Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span> (1312-1350), came to the throne -in their childhood, and a minority is always an evil in an -<span class='pageno' id='Page_471'>471</span>early stage of society. Castile in this matter was almost as -unlucky as was Scotland a little later, and the results in the -two countries were very similar. The noble families fought -out private wars among themselves, and the kings became -rather partisans than arbiters among their subjects. In fact, -the chief force for the maintenance of order was supplied, -not by the monarchy, but by a great <i>hermandad</i> or brotherhood, -which was formed in 1295 by thirty-four Castilian towns.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The obvious weakness of Castile, after nearly seventy years -of anarchy, encouraged the Moors to make an effort for the -recovery of their lost power. Abul Hakam, the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War of Alfonso XI. with the Moors.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Emir of Fez, crossed the Straits of Gibraltar in -1339 with a large army. He was joined by the -ruler of Granada, and their combined forces laid -siege to Tarifa. The approach of danger had a wholesome -and healing effect upon Castile. Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span> was enabled to -make peace with his rebellious subjects, and also with the -king of Portugal, whose daughter he had married only to -desert her for the beautiful Eleanor de Guzman. In 1340 he -advanced to the relief of Tarifa, and gained in the battle of the -Salado the first victory which had fallen to a Castilian king -for nearly a century. The complaisant chronicler of the -royal achievement tells us that only twenty Christians perished -in a battle which cost the lives of two hundred thousand -Moslems. It is at any rate authentic that Abul Hakam was -driven back to Africa, and that in 1344 Alfonso captured the -town of Algeciras. He hoped to complete his success by the -reduction of Gibraltar, which would have excluded any -further reinforcement from Africa to the Moors of Granada. -But he was carried off by the Black Death in 1350, and this -event led to the abandonment of the siege. Alfonso’s successes -against the infidel have outweighed in the histories of -Spain both the vices of his private character and the disorder -that prevailed in the kingdom during his minority and the -greater part of his reign.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Few historical epithets have been more thoroughly deserved -<span class='pageno' id='Page_472'>472</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Peter the Cruel.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -than that of ‘the Cruel,’ as attached to the name of Peter <span class='fss'>I.</span> -(1350-1369). Numerous attempts to whitewash his character -have been made in vain, and all that can be said -in his favour is that he had received very great -provocation. He was the only son of Alfonso <span class='fss'>XI.</span> and Maria -of Portugal, and during his father’s reign both he and his -mother had been kept in ignominious seclusion, while every -mark of favour was showered upon the royal mistress, Eleanor -de Guzman, and her numerous children. Henry, the eldest -of the bastards, was Count of Trastamara, and his twin-brother -Frederick held the grand-mastership of the great Order of -St. James. It was by no means unnatural that the dowager -queen should urge her son, when he came into power, to -avenge the insults which she had so long endured in angry -impotence. Eleanor de Guzman was strangled in 1351, and -two of her sons in later years were murdered by the king’s -own hand. Henry of Trastamara sought safety in exile, first -in Portugal, and afterwards in France. It would be disgusting -even to enumerate the atrocious acts which have -been attributed, some with more and some with less authority, -to the youthful monster in his early years. His treatment of -Blanche of Bourbon, whose hand he had solicited from the -French king, is a conspicuous but rather mild illustration of -his ruthless temperament. He was living openly with a -mistress, Maria de Padilla, when the princess arrived, and he -refused even to see her. Later, under considerable pressure, -he went through the form of marriage, but immediately -returned to the arms of his mistress; and the bride, who was -never a wife, was consigned to a solitary prison, and ultimately -poisoned. In 1356 Peter put down a rebellion among -his nobles, and took the most sanguinary vengeance upon -his defeated opponents. His thirst for bloodshed seems, in -moments of excitement, to have amounted almost to mania. -Yet, for a long time at any rate, he was not unpopular with -the lower orders among his subjects. It was upon the nobles -and the Jews, neither very popular with the people, that his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_473'>473</span>hand fell with such severity, and he could show at times a -coarse good-nature and a taste for rough buffoonery which -won him some popular applause. This helps to explain why -he met with little or no opposition when he endeavoured to -secure the succession to his own illegitimate children. In -1362 he solemnly swore to the Cortes, and his oath was supported -by the archbishop of Toledo, that he had been for -ten years the lawful husband of Maria de Padilla, and the -docile Cortes recognised her children as legitimate heirs to -the crown. But this settlement was not destined to be -carried out. Bastardy in Spain, as in Italy, was not considered -so fatal a bar to inheritance as it was regarded in -northern countries. Henry of Trastamara found supporters -in Peter of Aragon and Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France, who had both -grounds of quarrel with the king of Castile. The latter, who -was preparing to repudiate the treaty of Bretigni and to -renew the war with the English, was not unwilling to allow -Bertrand du Guesclin to train on Spanish soil the military -companies which he was forming for the service of France. -In 1365 a large army crossed the Pyrenees into Aragon, and -thence proceeded in the next year to establish Henry of -Trastamara upon the Castilian throne. Peter fled to Bordeaux -to implore the aid of the Black Prince, and unfortunately -succeeded in touching a chivalrous chord in his host’s -character. At the battle of Najara the war-hardened troops, -which had won the victory of Poitiers, proved more than a -match for the only half-trained recruits of du Guesclin (1367). -Peter recovered his kingdom, but he showed as much ingratitude -to his auxiliaries as he showed barbarity towards his own -subjects. Neither the Black Prince nor his army ever completely -recovered from their successful but disastrous campaign -in Spain, and Charles V. was able in a few years from -1369 to expel the English from nearly the whole of their -possessions in France (see p. <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>). But the betrayer had no -better fortune than the betrayed. The departure of Peter’s -allies enabled Henry of Trastamara to return to Castile, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_474'>474</span>with French aid to win the battle of Montiel. In a personal -interview the two half-brothers came to blows, and Henry’s -dagger avenged the death of his murdered kinsfolk. The -two surviving children of Peter and Maria Padilla, Constance -and Isabella, had been left at Bordeaux, and were married to -two brothers of the Black Prince—John of Gaunt, duke of -Lancaster, and Edmund Langley, duke of York.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span> had by no means reached the end of his troubles -when the death of Peter enabled him for the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Henry II., 1369-79.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -second time to ascend the throne of Castile. -His title was contested by two rival candidates—Ferdinand -of Portugal, whose grandmother had been a daughter of -Sancho <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and John of Gaunt, who asserted the legitimacy -and rights of his wife as recognised by the Cortes of 1362.<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c015'><sup>[12]</sup></a> -The Portuguese king was the nearer and, for the moment, -the more formidable opponent, but French aid enabled -Henry to attack Lisbon and extort a treaty of peace. The -illness of the Black Prince left the conduct of the war in -France to John of Gaunt, and so Henry was able at once to -harass his rival and to repay some of his obligations to -Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> by sending a Castilian fleet to cut off direct communication -between England and Gascony. Thus the reign, -which had opened so stormily, ended in complete peace, -and Henry of Trastamara handed on the crown to his son -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John I. 1379-90.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -John <span class='fss'>I.</span> (1379). His accession gave the signal -for a renewal of the war with Portugal and of the -Lancastrian claim. In 1385 the Portuguese troops won a -crushing victory at Aljubarrota, and in the next year John -of Gaunt came to the Peninsula in person to uphold his -wife’s cause. His daughter Philippa was married to the -new king of Portugal, John <span class='fss'>I.</span>, and their united forces invaded -Castile and occupied Compostella. But the Castilians had -no desire to accept a foreign dynasty; and John of Gaunt, -never very lucky or very resolute in his enterprises, was -induced to desert his son-in-law and to conclude a separate -<span class='pageno' id='Page_475'>475</span>peace (1387). Catharine, the only daughter of John of -Gaunt and Constance, was betrothed to John of Castile’s -eldest son Henry, the first heir to the crown who received -the title of Prince of Asturias, and the mother’s claim was -renounced in favour of the youthful bride.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span>, though he was only a boy when his father was -suddenly killed by a fall from his horse, proved to be one of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Henry III., 1390-1406.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the ablest kings in the history of Castile. He -insisted on a resumption of domain-lands which -had fallen into the hands of the nobles, and maintained -greater order in the kingdom than had been known for many -generations. His marriage with Catharine of Lancaster freed -him from any rival claimants to the throne, and also contributed -to the maintenance of peace with Portugal, whose -queen was Catharine’s half-sister. But, unfortunately, his -health was never strong, and he died in 1406 at the early -age of twenty-seven, leaving a boy of two years -old to succeed him. As it happened, the minority -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John II., 1406-1454.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> proved to be the most successful and orderly -part of his reign. The regency was shared between his -mother and his uncle Ferdinand; and so great was the -respect inspired by the latter, that he might easily have -supplanted his nephew with the general approval of the -Castilians. But Ferdinand acted with perfect loyalty; and -after his elevation to the throne of Aragon in 1412, he -continued to give honest and disinterested advice to his -sister-in-law. Unfortunately, when John II. was old enough -to take the government into his own hands, he proved wholly -unworthy of the care with which his kingdom had been administered -for him. Unwarlike and averse to the cares of business, -he allowed himself to be completely overshadowed by the -famous Alvaro de Luna, grand-master of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alvaro de Luna.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Order of St. James, and constable of Castile. -Alvaro de Luna was no commonplace favourite. He was by -general recognition the most accomplished knight of his -country and his age, and he combined with his brilliant -<span class='pageno' id='Page_476'>476</span>personal attractions political abilities of no mean order. He -set himself to increase the authority of the crown because -that authority was wielded by himself, and he achieved no -small measure of success. He trampled upon the privileges -of his brother nobles, and he prepared the way for the humiliation -of the third estate by reducing the representation in -the Cortes to seventeen of the principal cities. But his government, -although despotic, was by no means conducive to -order. The absolutism of a king may be submitted to and -even welcomed, but the absolutism of a subject is certain -to excite discontent among those who consider themselves -to be legally his equals. The reign of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> was filled by -a series of conspiracies and rebellions, and the malcontents -in Castile received formidable assistance from the king’s -cousin, John of Aragon. The constable, however, was as -successful in the battle-field as in the tilt-yard, and no -Castilian rebel or foreign foe was strong enough to effect his -overthrow. His ultimate downfall was due to the ingratitude -of his master. John’s second wife, Isabella of Portugal, -indignant that her authority counted for so little in the state, -set herself to sow distrust between her husband and the all-powerful -minister. The more domestic influence triumphed -for the moment over the feeble mind of the king, and Alvaro -de Luna was put to death after a parody of a trial in 1453.</p> - -<p class='c004'>John <span class='fss'>II.</span> only survived the constable a year, and his death -in 1454 ushered in a still more troubled period for Castile. -He left behind him three children—Henry, the -son of his first wife, Mary of Aragon, and Isabella -and Alfonso, the offspring of Isabella of Portugal. Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Henry IV., 1454-74.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -who succeeded his father, was the most incapable king of -Castile until the accession of the unfortunate Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> -in the seventeenth century. He was equally feeble in mind -and body, and the contempt of his subjects found expression -in his appellation of ‘Henry the Impotent.’ There were -several aspirants to fill the position which Alvaro de Luna -had held in the previous reign, and success rested with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_477'>477</span>Beltran de la Cueva, who had all the showy without any of -the solid qualities of the famous constable. It was currently -reported that the handsome favourite supplemented his -influence over the king by securing the affections of the -queen, Joanna of Portugal. The birth of a daughter increased -instead of allaying the scandal, and the unfortunate infanta -was generally known as ‘la Beltraneja.’ Jealousy of the -favourite and disgust with the king’s incompetence combined -to provoke a formidable rebellion (1465). At Avila the -rebels went through the formal ceremony of deposing a -puppet dressed up to represent the king. The crown was -offered to Henry’s half-brother Alfonso, on the ground that -Joanna was illegitimate, but the young prince died in 1468, -before the civil war had come to a decisive end. Isabella, -to whom the malcontents now turned, showed that she had -inherited the qualities of her mother rather than those of her -father. With a calculating wisdom beyond her years, she -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Isabella.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -refused to weaken her claim by allowing her -cause to be associated with rebellion against the -monarchy. At the same time she was equally resolute to -avoid any recognition of the legitimacy of her niece. Her -firmness extorted a treaty from Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, by which she was -recognised as his heiress, and on this condition the rebels -were induced to lay down their arms (1468). In the next -year Isabella concluded her all-important marriage with -Ferdinand, the heir to the crown of Aragon. As soon as the -immediate danger of deposition was removed, Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -embarked in a struggle to repudiate the recent treaty and to -secure the succession to his wife’s daughter. But he died in -1474 without having succeeded in his aim, and his half-sister -inherited the crown. The cause of Joanna was now espoused -by her uncle, Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Portugal, but Isabella succeeded -in maintaining the position she had won. Her accession, -and the subsequent union of the crowns of Aragon and -Castile, ushered in a new and more distinguished epoch in -the history of the Spanish peninsula.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_478'>478</span>The kingdom of Aragon was formed by the union of the -three provinces of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia. The -union was very imperfect, as each province jealously -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Constitution of Aragon.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -insisted upon retaining its own laws and -institutions, and resented any attempt to introduce uniformity -of administration. The powers of the monarchy were more -narrowly restricted than in the neighbouring kingdom of -Castile. The privileges of the <i>ricos hombres</i>, or great nobles, -were so extensive as to make them almost the equals of their -king, and the desire to maintain these privileges brought -about among them a wholly unusual unity of interest and -political action. Ferdinand the Catholic expressed this -difference between the two kingdoms in his saying that -‘it was as difficult to divide the nobles of Aragon as to -unite the nobles of Castile.’ And the citizens were not far -behind the nobles in the spirit of independence, which was -especially strong in the maritime province of Catalonia. -The representation of towns in the Cortes of Aragon dates -back to 1133, thirty-three years before any similar concession -was made in Castile, and more than a century before any -regular practice of central representation was established in -England. The Cortes was not a general assembly of the -whole kingdom, but each province had its own Cortes, which -possessed within its borders the supreme control of jurisdiction, -legislation, and taxation. In Valencia and Aragon the -assembly consisted, as in Castile and France, of the ordinary -three estates—clergy, nobles, and citizens. But the Cortes of -Aragon contained four estates or arms (<i>brazos</i>). Besides the -clergy and the delegates of towns, the secular nobles were -divided into two distinct classes—(1) the <i>ricos hombres</i>, who -had the right of attending either in person or by proxy, and -(2) the <i>infanzones</i>, or lesser tenants-in-chief, and the <i>caballeros</i>, -the sub-tenants, who were entitled to attend in virtue of their -knighthood. In the office of Justiciar, Aragon possessed a -unique institution which has always attracted the interest of -historical students. Originally the Justiciar was merely the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_479'>479</span>president of the Cortes when it sat as a court of justice, and -his functions were of no special political importance. But -in course of time he became the mediator, and ultimately -the supreme arbiter, in all disputes between the monarch -and his subjects. In this capacity he was regarded as -at once the depositary and the champion of constitutional -traditions and liberties. The dignity of the office was -enhanced by the character of its successive holders, -and the history of Aragon abounds with instances of their -resolute resistance to despotism on the one hand or to -lawless disorder on the other. It is noteworthy that the -responsibility of the Justiciar to the Cortes was secured by -his selection from the lesser nobles or knights. The <i>ricos -hombres</i>, whose privileges included exemption from execution -or any corporal punishment, were always excluded from the -office.</p> - -<p class='c004'>James <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon (1213-1276) is known by the honourable -title of the Conqueror. He brought the long Moorish -wars to an end, and completed the extension of the kingdom -by the annexation of the Balearic Islands, which had long -been a nest of Mussulman pirates, and of Valencia. He also -effected the reduction of Murcia, but with rare loyalty -handed it over to the king of Castile, in whose name he had -carried on the war (1266). One result of these victories was -that his successors, freed from the pressure of continual warfare -at home, were able to turn their attention eastwards to -events in Italy. Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1276-1285) was -married to Constance, the daughter and heiress -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Aragon and Sicily.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Manfred, and thus acquired a claim to be -regarded as the successor of the Hohenstaufen in Naples -and Sicily. But it is doubtful whether this claim would have -led to any practical results but for the massacre of the French -in the famous Sicilian Vespers (1282). To protect themselves -from the vengeance of Charles of Anjou, the islanders -appealed to the king of Aragon, and offered him the crown. -Hence arose the prolonged wars against a coalition formed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_480'>480</span>by the Angevin rulers of Naples, the popes and the kings of -France, which constitute the most prominent episode, not -only in the later years of Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span>, but also in the reigns of -his two sons and successors, Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1285-1291) and -James <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1291-1327). These wars have already been -referred to in connection with the history both of France -and of Italy (see pp. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>), and it is unnecessary to tell the -story again. The essential points to remember are that in -1295 Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> negotiated a treaty by which James <span class='fss'>II.</span> -was to marry Blanche, the daughter of Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples, -to receive the island of Sardinia, and resign his claim upon -Sicily; but the Sicilians refused to agree to terms in which -they had had no voice, offered the crown to James’s younger -brother Frederick, and succeeded in 1302 in establishing him -upon the throne. Hence in the end there was a double gain. -Sicily was secured to a younger branch of the house of -Aragon, and on its extinction reverted to the main line. -Some years later James <span class='fss'>III.</span> (1327-1336) took Sardinia from -the Genoese and Pisans in virtue of a treaty which had been -very imperfectly carried out on his side, as the only price which -he paid for his acquisition had been an ineffectual attempt -to expel his brother from a kingdom which he had deemed -himself too weak to retain. Sardinia remained united with -Aragon, and so with Spain, until the treaty of Rastadt in -1714 gave it to Austria, and the treaty of London in -1720 transferred it, with the title of king, to the duke of -Savoy.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These Italian wars were not without their influence on the -history of Aragon. They were waged in the interest of the -dynasty, not of the kingdom, and the Aragonese -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Concessions to the Aragonese.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -had a substantial grievance in being called upon -to furnish money, men, and ships for an enterprise -in which they had no particular concern. Hence the -kings were compelled to appease their subjects by concessions, -which went far beyond any sacrifices extorted from -contemporary rulers in other countries. The ‘General -<span class='pageno' id='Page_481'>481</span>Privilege,’ granted by Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> in 1283, has been compared, -and justly compared, with the English <i>Magna Charta</i>. It -provided salutary securities for general and individual liberty, -and its frequent confirmation shows that it was highly valued. -But four years later Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> went to a dangerous extreme -when he signed the famous ‘Privilege of Union’ (1287). -By this his subjects were formally authorised to take up arms -against their sovereign if he attempted to infringe their privileges. -Rebellion may be and often is the only effectual -safeguard against oppression, but it is harmful and unnecessary -to formulate a right to rebel. The Privilege of Union -put a very formidable weapon into the hands of the nobles, -who could always disguise the selfish pursuit of their own -interests under the pretence that they were engaged in -opposing despotism.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon (1336-1387) was the first king who set -himself to free the monarchy from some of the excessive -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reign of Peter IV.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -restraints which had been imposed upon it. He -annexed to the crown the Balearic Islands, which -had been held since 1374 by a younger son of -James the Conqueror and his descendants, under the title of -kings of Majorca. The reigning king, James <span class='fss'>II.</span>, made a -prolonged struggle to retain a dominion which he had done -nothing to forfeit, but was compelled to submit to the superior -force of his imperious cousin. This arbitrary act was followed -by an attempt to settle the succession according to the personal -wishes of the king. At the time (1347) Peter had only -one child, a daughter Constance, and the heir-presumptive -to the throne was his half-brother James, Count of Urgel. -There was no law or custom excluding females from the succession -in Aragon, but there was a very strong prejudice in -favour of male heirs, and they had usually been preferred to -heiresses, even though the latter stood nearer in the line of -descent. The attempt of James to procure a settlement in -favour of his daughter, combined with the generally high-handed -character of his government, provoked a formidable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_482'>482</span>rising among the nobles, and also gave them a powerful leader -in James of Urgel. Claiming the rights accorded by the -Privilege of 1287, the rebels formed a Union at Saragossa -and formulated their demands. The king, taken by surprise, -was compelled at first to feign compliance; but the opportune -death of James of Urgel, attributed by contemporaries to -poison administered by his brother’s command, together with -a rally of the Catalans to the cause of the king, turned the -balance in favour of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> In 1348 the royal forces met -the rebels on the field of Epila, and gained a complete victory. -The Privilege of Union was promptly revoked, and the parchment -on which it was written was destroyed by the king’s -own hands. Thus the monarchy gained a really considerable -triumph, and the nobles were the only immediate sufferers. -In fact, Peter made no attempt to curtail any popular liberties, -and the authority of the Justiciar was more firmly established -in his reign by the grant of a life-tenure to the holders of the -office. His later years were occupied with wars against his -cruel namesake in Castile, with a struggle against the Genoese -in Sardinia, and with the suppression of an attempt on the -part of James <span class='fss'>III.</span> to recover his father’s kingdom of Majorca. -The original doubt about the succession was removed by the -birth of two sons, who successively came to the -throne as John <span class='fss'>I.</span> (1387-1395) and Martin <span class='fss'>I.</span> -(1395-1410). Their reigns are chiefly noteworthy -for the reunion of Sicily with Aragon. The two crowns had -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reversion of Sicily.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -been separated since the repudiation of his claims by James <span class='fss'>II.</span> -had given his younger brother Frederick the opportunity of -gaining a kingdom. Since 1302 Sicily had been peacefully -held by the descendants of Frederick <span class='fss'>I.</span>; and on the extinction -of the male line had fallen to an heiress, Mary, the -daughter of Frederick <span class='fss'>II.</span> by a marriage with a daughter of -Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon. Mary was married in 1391 to her cousin, -Martin the Younger, the only son of Martin <span class='fss'>I.</span>, who was -enabled by the support of his uncle and father to obtain the -Sicilian crown. On his early death in 1409, the island kingdom -<span class='pageno' id='Page_483'>483</span>fell to his father, who for the one remaining year of his life -was king both of Aragon and of Sicily.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The death of Martin the Younger not only brought the -crown of Sicily to the king of Aragon, but also gave rise to a -disputed succession in the latter kingdom. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Disputed succession.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -elder Martin was now the only surviving male -descendant of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, and he died in 1410, before any -arrangement had been come to about his successor. If male -descent were insisted upon, the obvious heir was James of -Urgel, whose grandfather had been the second son of -Alfonso <span class='fss'>IV.</span> Recent precedents, notably the accession of -Martin himself in preference to the daughters of John <span class='fss'>I.</span>, were -in favour of the exclusion of heiresses, but there remained -the open question whether the male descendants of a woman -could derive a claim through her. Of such candidates, two -were most prominent—Louis, the eldest son of Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of -Anjou and John <span class='fss'>I.</span>’s daughter Yolande, and Ferdinand, the -regent of Castile in the minority of John <span class='fss'>II.</span>, whose mother -was Eleanor, a daughter of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span><a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c015'><sup>[13]</sup></a> There can be no -doubt that the count of Urgel had by far the strongest hereditary -claim; but his own rash assumption that he had only -to take the crown provoked opposition among the rather -contentious Aragonese, and he was ultimately excluded. A -joint committee was appointed from the Cortes of the three -provinces to inquire into precedents; and after an interregnum -of two years, their choice curiously fell upon Ferdinand of -Castile, whose claim by descent was unquestionably weaker -than that of his rivals (1412).</p> - -<p class='c004'>Thus the lucky house of Trastamara, in spite of its -illegitimate origin, had come to furnish a king in Aragon -as well as in Castile. And within a generation events -enabled the family to add to these possessions the kingdom -of Naples, and for a time the kingdom of Navarre. -Ferdinand <span class='fss'>I.</span> did not live long enough to display in Aragon -the great qualities which his administration in Castile had -<span class='pageno' id='Page_484'>484</span>shown him to possess. His elder son Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> (1416-1458) -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Alfonso V. and Naples.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -is more associated with the history of Italy than with that -of Spain. He inherited from his father Sicily -and Sardinia as well as Aragon, and in 1423 his -adoption by Joanna <span class='fss'>II.</span> opened to him the prospect of inheriting -Naples. But the vicious queen soon changed her mind, -disinherited Alfonso, and adopted in his place Louis <span class='fss'>III.</span> of -Anjou, who could claim through his mother a better right to -the crown of Aragon than Alfonso himself. This double -adoption led to the long war between the house of Aragon -and the second house of Anjou, which raged for the last -twelve years of Joanna’s reign, and for eight years after her -death. It ended in the victory of Alfonso, who reigned -peacefully in Naples until his death in 1458 (see p. <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>). As -he left no legitimate children, Aragon, Sicily, and Sardinia -passed to his brother John <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1458-1494), but Naples was -transferred to his bastard son Ferrante <span class='fss'>I.</span> Half a century -was to elapse before the kingdom of the Two Sicilies was -re-formed by Ferdinand the Catholic.</p> - -<p class='c004'>While Alfonso was engaged in winning the crown of Naples -amidst the turmoil of an Italian war, his younger brother -John had succeeded in establishing an intimate -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Relations of Aragon and Navarre.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -relation with Navarre. This little kingdom, -which comprised territory on both sides of the -Pyrenees, had for a long time been more closely connected -with France than with Spain.<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c015'><sup>[14]</sup></a> United with the French -crown by the marriage of Blanche of Navarre with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, -it had again become independent on the extinction of the -direct line of the house of Capet. When Philip of Valois -ascended the throne of France, Navarre passed to the rightful -heiress, Jeanne, the daughter of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, and she was -crowned with her husband, Philip of Evreux, in 1329. -Their son, Charles the Bad (1349-1387), played a prominent, -though not very creditable part in French history during the -wars with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span> (see <a href='#chap04'>Chapter IV</a>.). Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> (1387-1425), -<span class='pageno' id='Page_485'>485</span>who succeeded his father, devoted more attention to -art and letters than to politics, and kept his kingdom in peace -and obscurity. His daughter and heiress, Blanche, married -John of Aragon, but the succession was secured to her children. -As long as she lived Blanche ruled Navarre in her -own right, and on her death in 1442 her son, -Charles of Viana, was entitled to the crown of -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John II. and Charles of Viana.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Navarre. He actually undertook the administration -of the kingdom; but in deference, apparently, to his -mother’s wishes, he forbore to assume the royal title, which -was still borne by his father. In the ordinary course of -things, no special difficulty need have arisen, as Charles would -have succeeded his father in Aragon as well as Navarre. But -in 1447 John concluded a second marriage with Joanna Henriquez, -daughter of the Admiral of Castile, and a woman of equal -energy and ambition. She persuaded her husband to intrust -her with the administration of Navarre, and Charles of Viana -found plenty of advisers to remind him that the kingdom was -lawfully his own, and to urge resistance to such an encroachment -upon his authority. Hence arose a civil war between -the father and the stepmother on the one side, and the son -on the other. The great Navarrese families of Beaumont and -Egremont, as uniformly hostile to each other as the Orsini -and Colonnas in Rome, gladly welcomed so congenial a pretext -for warfare. The Beaumonts were intimately associated -with Charles, so the Egremonts had perforce to espouse the -cause of his father. At Aybar, in 1452, the royal troops won -the victory, and Charles fell a prisoner into his father’s hands. -He was released soon afterwards, but his power had been -destroyed by his defeat, and his position was rendered worse -by the birth of a son, afterwards Ferdinand the Catholic, to -the queen in 1452. Joanna hardly concealed her intention -to secure the recognition of her own son as heir to his father, -and her influence over John was unbounded. The unfortunate -prince of Viana set out to Naples in 1458 to implore -the advice and assistance of his uncle Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> But Alfonso -<span class='pageno' id='Page_486'>486</span>died in 1458, and John was now king in Aragon instead of -merely lieutenant for his brother. In 1460 Charles of Viana -ventured to return to his father’s kingdom, and, after a feigned -welcome, was thrown into prison at Lerida. This gross -injustice—for there was no shadow of a charge to be brought -against the prince—excited a rebellion among the liberty-loving -Catalans. The revolt rapidly spread to the other -provinces, and the king of Castile showed a suspicious interest -in the welfare of the heir to the crown of Aragon. John <span class='fss'>II.</span> -found it politic to yield to such general pressure. Charles of -Viana was released and appointed governor of Catalonia, but -before he could undertake the rule of his province he was -removed by poison.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This terrible crime enabled John to retain possession of -Navarre for his lifetime, but it rather increased his difficulties -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Rebellion in Catalonia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in his lawful kingdom. The Catalans renewed -their rebellion to avenge the death of the prince -whose cause they had championed with such fatal results, and -besieged the queen and her son in the fortress of Gerona. -Unable to force his way through to their aid, John was compelled -to purchase the assistance of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> of France by -pledging the provinces of Roussillon and Cerdagne to cover -his expenses. French troops raised the siege of Gerona, but -the Catalans maintained an obstinate resistance. They went -so far as to offer the crown to Réné le Bon of Anjou and -Provence, who was a grandson, through his mother, of John <span class='fss'>I.</span> -Réné, old, and averse to risk or exertion, sent his chivalrous -son, John of Calabria, who had already fought a desperate -war against the reigning Aragonese king of Naples (see -p. <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>), to carry on the war with the same family on the soil -of Aragon. For a time John was almost in despair. He had -become blind, and in 1468 he lost the wife whom he had -loved and trusted too well. But the old man fought on with -a dogged obstinacy which deserved its reward. In 1469 -John of Calabria died, and in 1472 the fall of Barcelona -completed the reduction of Catalonia. On his death in 1479 -<span class='pageno' id='Page_487'>487</span>John bequeathed to Ferdinand an inheritance which was only -diminished by the loss of Roussillon and Cerdagne, and these -provinces were restored by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> in 1493 in the hope -of preventing the sending of aid from Aragon or Sicily to -the bastard ruler of Naples, whom Charles was preparing to -attack.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Death had at last relaxed the tenacious grip which John <span class='fss'>II.</span> -had so long maintained upon the kingdom of Navarre. Of -his three children by his first wife Blanche—Charles -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Navarre after 1479.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Viana, Blanche, and Eleanor—only -the last, who had married Gaston de Foix, survived her -father; Charles had been poisoned by his father, and Blanche -had been poisoned by her sister. And, after all, Eleanor only -outlived her father for a few weeks. Her grandson, Francis -Phœbus, succeeded her, but died in 1483, and his sister -Catharine carried the kingdom to the house of d’Albret. -From this family Ferdinand the Catholic wrested that part of -Navarre which lay on the Spanish side of the Pyrenees. The -remainder came to the house of Bourbon by the marriage of -duke Antony to Jeanne d’Albret, and by the accession of -their son Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> to the throne was ultimately annexed to -France. When in the following century Roussillon and -Cerdagne were finally handed over to the same state (1659), -the Pyrenees at last became, as nature seemed to have -intended, although history was always thwarting her intention, -a boundary between two separate states.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The union of Castile and Aragon by the accession in the -two kingdoms of Isabella (1474) and Ferdinand (1479) laid -the foundations of a kingdom of Spain, and -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Union of Castile and Aragon.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -opened the way for a brief period of Spanish -predominance in Europe. Yet the union of the -kingdoms was merely personal: it was no more, in some -ways it was even less, than the union of England and Scotland -effected by the accession of James <span class='fss'>I.</span> in the former -kingdom in 1603. The great states of the peninsula were -not welded into one; they remained distinct units, each with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_488'>488</span>its own national characteristics, its own laws and institutions, -its own sense of corporate life and interests. This imperfection -of the union is a fundamental fact in later Spanish -history; it marks the essential difference between Spain and -its more successful neighbour France; it is a chief cause of -the rapid and apparently irreparable decline of Spain in a -later age. Nevertheless, in spite of its defects, the union -was a necessary condition of the emergence of Spain from -its mediæval isolation. The very want of harmony among -the component states contributed to the rise of the royal -power, and the strength and weakness of Spain were equally -bound up with the fate of the monarchy. Without the forces -of Aragon it would have been impossible for Isabella to put -down the disorderly independence of the Castilian nobles, -or for Charles <span class='fss'>V.</span> to repress the communes and to degrade -the Cortes to impotence. And without the forces of Castile -Philip <span class='fss'>II.</span> could never have ventured to trample upon the -hardy liberties of Aragon.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The grand period of Spanish history, and even great part -of the reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, lie beyond the limits -of this volume, which is only concerned with -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Government of Ferdinand and Isabella.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the earlier achievements of these monarchs. The -primary duty of the queen was to strike at the -independence of the Castilian nobles, and to put an end to -the lawless anarchy which had reached its height under the -feeble rule of her brother. For this purpose she found an -instrument ready to her hand in the time-honoured privileges -of the burgher class. In 1476 she proposed and carried in -the Cortes the organisation of the <i>Santa Hermandad</i>, or -Holy Brotherhood, which was to supply a force of civic -police on a most extensive scale. Its affairs were managed -by a central junta, composed of deputies from all the cities -of Castile, which was convened once a year. A small army -of two thousand cavalry, with attendant archers, was formed -to enforce the decisions of local magistrates and of the -supreme court. The nobles protested against the measure -<span class='pageno' id='Page_489'>489</span>as unconstitutional, but the protest of the chief evil-doers -is a proof of its value and its efficiency. Other measures -followed in rapid succession. The extravagant grants of -lands and pensions which had been made to the nobles in -recent years were revoked, the fortresses which had served -as centres of brigandage were destroyed, and steps were -taken to codify the numerous laws which had been enacted -since the reign of Alfonso <span class='fss'>X.</span> The grandmasterships of the -orders of Calatrava, Alcantara, and St. James, which conferred -upon their holders powers too great to be safely -intrusted to subjects, were on successive vacancies annexed -to the crown. And the strengthened monarchy showed -itself the enlightened protector of the material interests of -its subjects. Trade and industry were encouraged by the -remodelling of taxation, by a much-needed reform of the -currency, and by the removal of the barriers to commercial -intercourse between Castile and Aragon. It has been -reckoned that the royal revenue, without any increased -charges upon the people, was multiplied thirty-fold between -Isabella’s accession in 1474 and her death in 1504.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The greatest of rulers have their defects, and Isabella’s -were a fanatical hatred of heresy and a feminine passion for -religious uniformity. There can be no doubt -that her influence predominated in bringing about -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Spanish Inquisition.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the introduction of the Inquisition, which was authorised -by a bull of Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in 1478, and was set in working in -1483 under the presidency of Torquemada. It may be -regarded as the first institution of a united Spain. Its -extension to Aragon excited much opposition among the -liberty-loving people, but the iron will of Ferdinand proved -irresistible. One of the first outcomes of religious persecution -was the expulsion of the Jews in 1492. Some two -hundred thousand Jews are said to have been driven from -Spain by this edict. It was a cruel measure, but it was not -so disastrous as it has been represented by some writers, who -seem to have forgotten that it was followed, not by the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_490'>490</span>immediate decline of Spain, but by a period of unexampled -prosperity.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The first overt proof to the world that a new power had -arisen in Spain was furnished by the final extinction of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Granada.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Moorish dominion in the peninsula. The most -signal illustration of the weakness caused by the -internal disorders of Castile for the last two hundred years -is to be found in the prolonged existence of the kingdom of -Granada. The establishment of a united and efficient state -upon their borders was fatal to the Moors. The war began -in 1481, and was steadily but not impetuously prosecuted for -ten years. On November 25, 1491, the capitulation of the -Moorish capital was signed. The terms granted to the conquered -were as liberal as prudent policy could dictate or as -their heroic resistance had deserved. Full liberty as to the -exercise of their religion and the maintenance of their own -laws was granted to all who would peacefully submit to -Christian rule. But unfortunately the terms were not -observed. After seven years of tranquillity the bigotry of -the Castilian government proved stronger than considerations -either of honour or of policy. The Moors were suddenly -called upon to choose between conversion and exile. Those -who accepted the former alternative had to live under a sort -of ban in the midst of an alien and hostile majority, until -the insane edict of expulsion against the Moriscoes in 1609 -deprived Spain of a harmless and industrious element of its -population just at the time when it could least afford to -lose them.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In one great department of activity—geographical discovery -and expansion—Spain was anticipated and to some extent -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Portugal.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -guided by her neighbour Portugal. Portugal began -life as one of the struggling Christian states -of Spain, with no essential difference from the other petty -counties or kingdoms which were in the end combined to -form larger states. Gradually Portugal had been hardened -into something like nationality by a long struggle, first to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_491'>491</span>secure its existence against the Moors, and then to resist -that absorption into Castile which considerations of geography -and race seemed to render not only natural, but almost inevitable. -The first end was achieved by the victories of Alfonso <span class='fss'>I.</span> -(1112-1185), who exchanged the title of count for that of -king; the second by the victory of Aljubarrota in 1385 (see -above, p. <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>), and the wise government of John <span class='fss'>I.</span> (1383-1433). -It was in the reign of the latter that Portugal -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Geographical discovery.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -began to interest itself in the task of exploring -the west coast of Africa, which was destined to bring to the -small kingdom such a lavish measure of wealth and renown. -His third son, who was also the grandson of an Englishman, -John of Gaunt, was the famous Prince Henry the Navigator. -He was inspired with a confident belief that it was possible -to sail round Africa, and that the Portuguese might by this -route divert to themselves the great gains which the Venetians -and Genoese enjoyed from their indirect trade with India -through the Levant. His dream was not fulfilled during his -own lifetime, but his efforts contributed to its later realisation. -For forty years he laboured to fit out expeditions for -African exploration, and to these were due the successive -discovery, or in some cases the re-discovery, of Porto Santo -(1419), Madeira (1420), the Canaries, which were later surrendered -to Castile, the Azores (1431-1444), the White Cape -or Cabo Blanco (1441), and Cape Verde (1446). When -once the great shoulder of Africa had been rounded it was -easy to reach the Guinea coast. The death of Prince Henry -in 1460 checked, but did not arrest the progress of discovery. -Africa had been found to produce one very valuable commodity—slaves—and -Portugal was keenly interested in the -lucrative but demoralising slave-trade. This served to -stimulate frequent voyages to the west coast of Africa, and -it was certain that before long some of the more adventurous -sailors would be induced, either by design or by accident, to -prolong their journeys. Moreover, as the fifteenth century -advanced, the impulse to find a new route to India became -<span class='pageno' id='Page_492'>492</span>constantly stronger. The Levant was becoming more and -more a Turkish lake. First the coast of Asia Minor and -then Constantinople fell into their hands. There was a -growing danger that the great markets in which the Venetians -and Genoese had purchased from Arab caravans the products -of the East would be closed to Christian merchants. Europe -could not afford to dispense with commodities which had -become almost necessaries to her peoples, or to purchase -them upon terms which drained the western countries of -their all too scanty supply of the precious metals. A great -prize was offered to the discoverers of a direct maritime connection -with India, and the competition became more and -more keen. Portugal, thanks to Prince Henry, had -been first in the race, and she deservedly won the -prize. In 1486 Bartholomew Diaz reached Algoa -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Cape route to India.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Bay, having at last rounded the Cape, to which he gave the -well-merited name of <i>Cabo Tormentoso</i>, or the stormy cape; -though King John <span class='fss'>II.</span>, with greater prescience and less -familiarity, insisted upon calling it the Cape of Good Hope. -Twelve years later, in 1498, Vasco da Gama completed the -work by conducting a continuous voyage from Lisbon to -Calicut.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile Castile had attempted to solve the great problem -of the age. By the treaty of 1479, when Isabella was recognised -and the claims of Joanna were abandoned -by her uncle and husband, Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span>, Portugal -had given up the Canaries, but had received the confirmation -of past and future discoveries on the African coast. Thus -Spain was debarred from competing with Portugal on the -route to India which Henry the Navigator had pointed out. -But Christopher Columbus, a Genoese mariner who entered -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Discovery of America.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the service of Castile, proposed to find a way to Asia by -sailing westwards. In 1492 the first of his ever-famous -voyages brought him to land which he conceived to be part -of India. He had really found the new world of America, -but his fruitful error has given to the islands at which he first -touched the name of the West Indies.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_493'>493</span>These two discoveries, of America and of the route to -India round the Cape, are perhaps the greatest events of the -fifteenth century. They brought men face to face -with new problems, new conceptions, new interests, -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Partition of the New World.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which have drawn a conspicuous line of -demarcation between the Middle Ages and later times. But -these belong to a subsequent period. The most immediate -result was to create a danger of collision between Spain and -Portugal, which contemporary statesmanship set itself to -avert. A bull of Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span> in 1493 drew an imaginary -line a hundred leagues west of the Azores, and gave the -countries to the west of the line to Spain and those to the -east to Portugal. This arrangement was modified in the -next year by the treaty of Tordesillas between the two -countries, which shifted the line of demarcation some -hundred and seventy leagues farther west. This served to -give to Portugal its subsequent claim to Brazil. But the -monstrous pretension of the two pioneers of discovery to -monopolise all its fruits to themselves provoked before long -the vigorous resistance of northern countries which were -equally fitted by geography for oceanic trade. When Spain -in 1580 annexed Portugal, the struggle against a single -monopoly became more desperate; and it was this, even -more than differences of religion, which led to those prolonged -wars with the English and Dutch in which the power -of Spain was shattered.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_494'>494</span> - <h2 id='chap21' class='c009'>CHAPTER XXI <br /> THE GREEK EMPIRE AND THE OTTOMAN TURKS</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>The Greek Empire after the recovery of Constantinople in 1261—The reigns -of Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> and Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span>—The Grand Company of the -Catalans—Civil war and deposition of Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span>—The Seljuk and -Ottoman Turks—Conquests of Othman and Orchan—The tribute of -children—John <span class='fss'>V.</span> and John Cantacuzenos—Stephen Dushan and -the Empire of Servia—First conquests of the Turks in Europe—Vassalage -of the Greek Empire—Turkish successes against the Slavonic -States—Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span> attacks Constantinople—Battle of Angora—Revival of -the Ottoman power—The Emperor John <span class='fss'>VI.</span> and the Council of Florence—Wars -of Amurath <span class='fss'>II.</span> with Hungary—Revolt of Albania under -Scanderbeg—Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> takes Constantinople—Conquest of Servia, -Wallachia, and Bosnia—Conquest of Greece—War with Venice—The -Turks in Otranto—Death of Mohammed the Conqueror.</p> - -<p class='c007'>It is not a little curious that the two powers which claimed -to represent the ancient Empire of Rome both perished in -the thirteenth century. The fall of the Hohenstaufen -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Greek Empire after 1261.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and the Great Interregnum mark the real -end of the western Empire. Henceforth it is -nothing more than a feeble kingship of Germany with a -shadowy claim to suzerainty over Italy. The eastern Empire -was annihilated by the destructive triumph of the Crusaders -in 1204. Its so-called revival in 1261 was merely the -recovery of Constantinople by a prince who had previously -ruled in Nicæa. The rule of Michael Palæologus and his -successors, though the forms of ceremonies of Roman tradition -were carefully maintained, has no claim to be called a -Roman Empire at all; at the most, it is a Greek or Byzantine -Empire. Their territories were smaller than those of several -of the western kings. In Europe they held little more than -<span class='pageno' id='Page_495'>495</span>Constantinople itself, with the adjacent district of Roumelia -and the peninsula of Chalcidice. To the north and west -they were hemmed in by the independent kingdoms of Bulgaria -and Servia. The greater part of the Morea was split -up into small states in the hands either of Frankish princes -or of Venice. Venice also held the important islands of -Corfu, Crete, and Negropont, and many of the lesser islands -in the Ægean were ruled by Venetian families. In Asia -Minor the Palæologi succeeded in retaining for a time the -greater part of the west coast with a few towns on the Black -Sea; but the rest of the peninsula was in the hands of the -Turkish sultans of Iconium, with the exception of a small -strip in the south-eastern corner of the Black Sea, which constituted -the so-called Empire of Trebizond. It is true that -Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> himself, and even some of his feeble successors, -made a few acquisitions of territory, especially in the Morea, -but these were counterbalanced by quite equal losses. The -Knights of St. John, who lived in Crete for a few years after -their expulsion from Acre in 1291, seized Rhodes and the -small adjacent islands in 1310. And the Genoese, who had -rendered valuable service in the war with the Latin emperors, -demanded very large concessions as their reward. Not only -did they receive the suburb of Pera or Galata, which they -fortified against the Greek emperors, but they established -their power at Kaffa in the Crimea, and in Azof, at the -mouth of the Don, thus securing a monopoly of the Black -Sea trade, and they also seized upon the islands of Lesbos -and Chios.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is a sorry task to trace the fortunes of the decadent -Greek Empire during the two centuries that were secured to -it, not by any ability on the part of its rulers or any heroism -on the part of their subjects, but partly by a series of accidents -which checked the advance of encroaching neighbours, -and partly by the extraordinary defensive strength of the -capital. There is hardly a single episode in this period of -Greek history that inspires any interest or would deserve any -<span class='pageno' id='Page_496'>496</span>attention, but that the weakness of the Empire was a prominent -cause of that rapid rise of the Ottoman Turks which is -one of the great events in history. In Constantinople itself -there is little to record except miserable court jealousies and -intrigues, and the most puerile discussions of minute questions -of religious dogma. The recent establishment of Latin -rule had inspired the Greeks with a bitter hatred of Roman -Catholicism, and at the same time with a consciousness of -their own weakness. Hence the stolid conservatism which -characterised the administration in both Church and State -under the Palæologi. ‘The Greeks gloried in the name of -Romans; they clung to the forms of the imperial government -without its military power; they retained the Roman code -without the systematic administration of justice, and prided -themselves on the orthodoxy of a Church in which the clergy -were deprived of all ecclesiastical independence, and lived -in a state of vassalage to the imperial Court. Such a society -could only wither, though it might wither slowly’ (Finlay).</p> - -<p class='c004'>The fall of the Latin Empire could not take place without -causing a sensation in western Europe, and for some time -Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> had to fear a possible attempt to -effect its restoration. Charles of Anjou, who as -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Michael VIII. and Andronicus II.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the champion of the Papacy has gained Naples -and Sicily from the Hohenstaufen, twice pledged himself to -carry his victorious forces across the Adriatic, in 1266 by -the treaty of Viterbo with the exiled Baldwin <span class='fss'>II.</span>, and in 1281 -by the treaty of Orvieto with Venice and Pope Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span> -So alarmed was Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, that he resorted to the last -expedient of a Greek emperor in distress, and sought to conciliate -the Pope by offering to bring about the union of the -Greek with the Latin Church. But his pusillanimity made -him unpopular with his subjects, and proved to be wholly -unnecessary. Both schemes of the Neapolitan king were -rendered abortive; the former by the attack of the luckless -Conradin in 1267, the latter by the Sicilian Vespers in 1282 -(see p. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>). These events enabled Michael, who died in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_497'>497</span>latter year, to leave an undiminished dominion to his son, -Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span> The new emperor was as superstitious and -as timidly orthodox as any of his bishops could desire, and -his personal character was far better than that of the majority -of Eastern despots; but he was a thoroughly worthless and -incompetent ruler. His long reign, which lasted from 1282 -to 1328, was marked by three events which brought the -Empire to the verge of ruin. Ruling over a comparatively -small and unwarlike population, the Greek emperors after -1261 were peculiarly dependent upon mercenary troops for -either defensive or aggressive warfare. In 1303 chance gave -to Andronicus the service of perhaps the finest -fighting force in Europe at that time. The -twenty years’ struggle for the possession of Sicily between the -houses of Anjou and Aragon had just ended in the victory of -the latter, and Frederick <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Sicily was not unwilling to rid -himself of the hardy soldiers from Catalonia and the other -Aragonese provinces who had gained him his crown, but -were likely to be a source of trouble and disorder now that -peace had been concluded. Under the leadership of a -brilliant adventurer, Roger de Flor, these men were formed -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Grand Company.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -into the ‘Grand Company of the Catalans,’ and were transported -to the eastern Empire. Properly led, these troops -might have taken advantage of the dismemberment of the -Seljuk dominions to gain the whole of Asia Minor for the -Palæologi. But Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span> was incapable of even planning -so ambitious a project. The strength of the Company -was wasted in petty operations; and when the withholding of -arrears of pay provoked a mutiny, the emperor recklessly -endeavoured to intimidate the mercenaries by procuring the -assassination of their idolised commander. Vowing vengeance, -the Catalans turned their arms against their employer, -routed the armies that were sent against them, and for the -next few years lived in luxurious idleness upon the spoils -which they wrested from the emperor’s unfortunate subjects. -Nor was it possible to expel them, and they only quitted the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_498'>498</span>dominions of Andronicus when they were tempted in 1310 to -enter the service of the duke of Athens. The emperor’s last -years were darkened by a civil war which was -almost as disastrous as his quarrel with the -foreign mercenaries. His grandson, another Andronicus, a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Civil war, 1321-1328.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -young man of considerable ability but of vicious habits, -raised the standard of rebellion in 1321 because he was not -admitted to the position of joint-emperor which had been -held by his father till his death in the previous year. The -war was interrupted by several futile attempts to bring about -a reconciliation; but at last the partisans of the young prince, -among whom John Cantacuzenos was the most prominent, -gained a complete victory in 1328, when the capital was -taken and Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span> was deposed in favour of his grandson. -Four years later the aged emperor died, after having -been compelled to become a monk in order to render his -restoration impossible. The terrible waste of force in the -ravages of the Grand Company and the miserable contest -between grandfather and grandson are the more significant -when it is remembered that in this reign occurred the first -collision between the Greek Empire and its destined -destroyers, the Ottoman Turks.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Ottoman Turks, or Osmanlis, as they call themselves, -were by no means the only or the earliest members of the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Ottoman Turks.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Turkish race to gain distinction. Long before -their appearance in history the Seljuk Turks had -risen to ascendency in western Asia, first as the soldiers and -then as the masters of the Saracen caliphs. A Seljuk dynasty -established itself in the eleventh century in Nicæa with the -title of Sultans of Rome, as ruling over great part of the -Roman Empire. The early crusades had aided the Eastern -emperors to drive the Turks back from Nicæa to Iconium, -but they remained the dominant power in Asia Minor. The -disruption of the eastern Empire after the Fourth Crusade -would probably have enabled the Seljuks to extend their -dominions if they had not been at the same time exposed to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_499'>499</span>attacks from the Moguls in the east. It was in this war that -we first hear of the Ottoman Turks. One of the sultans of -Iconium was hard pressed in battle by the Moguls, when the -scale was turned by the intervention of a small but warlike -band of Turks under Ertogrul, the father of Othman, -from whom their later name was derived. The grateful -sultan rewarded his unexpected auxiliaries with a considerable -grant of lands; and when the Seljuk power was broken up on -the death of Aladdin <span class='fss'>III.</span> in 1307, Othman was one of the -numerous emirs who acquired independence. Among these -emirs Othman and his successors gradually rose to acknowledged -pre-eminence, chiefly through their victories at the -expense of the Greek emperors, which attracted to their -service the ablest and most ambitious Turks from -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquests of Othman and Orchan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the other provinces. Just before Othman’s death -in 1326 his forces captured the Greek city of -Brusa, which became the Asiatic capital of the Ottomans. -Under his son and successor, Orchan, the Turkish power -made immense strides. Orchan’s first enterprise was the -attack on Nicæa, which may be regarded as the second -capital of the Byzantine Empire. No formal siege was laid -to the city, but the Turks constructed strong forts in the -neighbourhood, from which they could harass the inhabitants -and cut off supplies of water and food. Andronicus <span class='fss'>III.</span> and -his minister, John Cantacuzenos, crossed the Bosphorus to -attempt the relief of Nicæa, but were defeated at Pelekanon -(1329), the first battle in which a Greek emperor confronted -the Ottoman Turks in arms. Nicæa surrendered in 1330, and -was treated with such leniency as to create a temporary impression -that the Greeks would be better off under Turkish -than under Byzantine rule. The military incapacity of the -emperor allowed Orchan to continue his aggressions with -comparative ease; and at the end of the next ten years the -only territories retained by Andronicus in Asia Minor were the -two towns of Phocæa and Philadelphia, together with a small -strip of territory along the eastern coast of the Bosphorus.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_500'>500</span>Orchan is famous in Turkish history not only as a conqueror, -but also as a legislator and administrator. One of his -institutions proved invaluable to his successors. -The law of Mohammed offered two alternatives to -unbelievers—the Koran or tribute. By payment of tribute -the conquered could purchase the security of life and property -and the permission to retain their own religious worship. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The tribute children.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Orchan introduced the innovation of exacting this tribute not -only in money or goods, but in children. Every Christian -village was compelled to furnish every year a fixed proportion -of the strongest and most promising boys about eight years of -age. These children were brought up in the Mohammedan -religion, and were educated with the greatest care both for -body and mind. As they grew older, according as they excelled -in mental or physical qualities, they were drafted either -into the civil administration or into the army. The civil -servants taken from these children formed an administrative -body, which was under the absolute control of the sultan, and -was more efficient than could be found in any other country -at that time. The troops were still more serviceable. They -constituted the famous Janissaries (<i>Yeni Tcheri</i> or new troops), -who for two centuries were unsurpassed by any other military -force. With diabolical ingenuity the Turks secured the victory -of the Crescent by the children of the Cross, and trained -up Christian boys to destroy the independence and authority -of their country and their Church.</p> - -<p class='c004'>A critical period in Byzantine history followed the death of -Andronicus <span class='fss'>III.</span> in 1341. His young son, John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, was left -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>John V. and John Cantacuzenos.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -under the regency of his mother, Anne of Savoy. -But the authority of the regent was disputed by -John Cantacuzenos, who had been virtual prime -minister under Andronicus, and was now persuaded by his -partisans to assume the imperial title. A prolonged strife of -factions followed, in which both sides were base enough to -appeal for the support of the Turks. Cantacuzenos was -successful in gaining Orchan to his side, but by a bargain -<span class='pageno' id='Page_501'>501</span>which even Greek morality considered disgraceful. His -daughter was married to the Mussulman sultan, and was sent -to reside in the harem at Brusa. But the complaisant father -achieved his object. In 1347 he was recognised as emperor -by the empress-regent, and was to be allowed to hold the -executive authority for ten years, when it was to be shared -with John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, who was to marry Helena, another daughter of -Cantacuzenos. The latter was now crowned again with his -wife, and John <span class='fss'>V.</span> was also crowned with his bride. Thus -Constantinople witnessed the unique pageant of two emperors -and three empresses at the same time.</p> - -<p class='c004'>This civil war had not only given to the Turks a dangerous -insight and influence in Greek politics, it had also enabled -a rival power to extend itself on the western side of the -empire. Stephen Dushan, who had become king -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquests of Stephen Dushan.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Servia in 1333, took advantage of the anarchy -in Constantinople to seize Albania, Epirus, and -Thessaly, and thus to extend his dominions to the Adriatic -on one side and to the Ægean on the other. He assumed -the title of Emperor of Roumania, Slavonia, and Albania. -It would probably have been for the ultimate advantage of -Europe if he could have extinguished the Greek empire -altogether by the conquest of Constantinople. But he was -not strong enough to do this, and his territories were divided -after his death in 1355. His conquests left the European -dominions of Byzantium hardly larger than those in Asia. -Besides the capital, with the adjacent part of Thrace, there -were Thessalonica and another strip of territory, about a third -of the Morea, and a few islands in the Ægean. Even between -Constantinople and Thessalonica there was no secure communication -except by sea, as the intervening territory was -held by Servia.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The treaty of 1347 was not likely to bring about lasting -peace in Constantinople, and in 1351 a quarrel between -John <span class='fss'>V.</span> and his father-in-law gives us another illustration -of the weakness of the empire. The dispute became mixed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_502'>502</span>up with the standing quarrel between the Venetians and the -Genoese. The Genoese maintained that alliance with the -Palæologi which had given them their predominance -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Renewed disorder in Constantinople.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -in the east, and therefore Cantacuzenos -tried to overthrow them by obtaining the support -of Venice. The two Italian republics fought out their own -quarrel in Greek waters, without much regard to the interests -of their allies. The Venetians were defeated in 1352 in a -great naval battle fought within sight of Constantinople, and -Cantacuzenos was compelled to confirm all the privileges of -the victors. His authority never recovered from the blow, -and in 1354 he was compelled to abdicate and become a -monk.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The same year in which John <span class='fss'>V.</span> became sole emperor -witnessed the first permanent establishment of the Turks -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Turks in Europe.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -upon European soil. Hitherto they had only -appeared either as plunderers or as the auxiliaries -of Cantacuzenos. But in 1354 Suleiman, Orchan’s eldest -son, took advantage of an earthquake, which had destroyed -the walls of many towns in Thrace, to seize and garrison -Gallipoli. John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, afraid that the Turks might support -Matthew Cantacuzenos, who claimed to take his father’s -place as emperor, was unable to attempt their expulsion, -and Gallipoli became the basis for later conquests. Suleiman -died in 1358, and Orchan in 1359; but the new sultan, -Amurath or Murad <span class='fss'>I.</span>, added one city after another to his -rule, till in 1361 he made himself master of Adrianople, -which became the European capital of the Turks for nearly -a century. The fact that these early conquests of Amurath -were gained without serious opposition in the districts in -which the party of Cantacuzenos had been most numerous -seems to show that faction had overpowered all sense of -patriotism among the Greeks. The conquest of Adrianople -brought the Turks to the northern boundary of the Byzantine -empire, and for the next few years they were occupied with -wars against the Slavonic states—Bulgaria, Servia, and Bosnia—great -<span class='pageno' id='Page_503'>503</span>parts of which were conquered or compelled to pay -tribute.</p> - -<p class='c004'>John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, finding himself surrounded by the growing -dominions of the infidel, made desperate efforts -to obtain aid from western Europe. In 1369 he -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Vassalage of the Empire.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -actually went to Rome to meet Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span>, who had -just returned to his capital, and agreed to a written profession -of faith, in which he accepted the Roman view on all the -questions at issue between the two Churches—that the procession -of the Holy Ghost is from both Father and Son; that -unleavened bread may be used in the Sacrament; and that the -Church of Rome is supreme in matters of faith and jurisdiction. -But the document was worthless to either side. The -emperor could not coerce the faith of his subjects, and the -Papacy in the middle of the fourteenth century was powerless -to rouse any crusading ardour among the European princes. -Discouraged by the failure of this negotiation, the pusillanimous -emperor sought a still more humiliating path to -safety. He became the vassal of the Turkish sultan, allowed -him to occupy Thessalonica; and when his own son Andronicus -headed a successful rebellion, it was put down by Turkish aid -purchased by a treaty which stipulated for the payment of -tribute by the Greek emperor (1381).</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Slavonic states to the north and west of Constantinople -offered a more resolute, though not in the end a more successful -resistance than the Greeks. In 1387 a great -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Turkish conquests in the north.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -league was formed for mutual protection, under -the leadership of the king of Bosnia. For -a time this checked the Ottoman advance; but in 1389 -Amurath won a complete victory over the allied forces at -Kossova, where the Servian king was slain. Amurath himself -was killed after the battle by a Servian noble who pretended -to be a deserter. But the murder brought no gain to the -Slavonic cause, as Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span> succeeded at once to his father’s -position and reaped all the fruits of the victory. The new -king of Servia had to give his sister in marriage to the sultan, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_504'>504</span>and to promise both tribute and military service. Wallachia -was also made to pay tribute, and Bulgaria was annexed to the -Ottoman dominions, which were thus extended to the Danube. -The most vigorous effort made by a European combination -against the infidel, when Sigismund of Hungary was joined -by a band of French nobles under John of Nevers, heir to the -duchy of Burgundy, only served to give another still more -brilliant victory to Bajazet under the walls of Nicopolis -(1396). Sigismund narrowly escaped captivity; and John the -Fearless, as he was afterwards called, was only allowed to -save the lives of twenty-four of his fellow-prisoners, who were -to carry back to Europe the tale of the prowess and the -fantastic mixture of cruelty and magnanimity displayed by -their conqueror.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Meanwhile John <span class='fss'>V.</span> had died in 1391, and was succeeded -by his second son, Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the elder brother, Andronicus, -having died in 1381. Manuel had been compelled -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>First Turkish siege of Constantinople.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -to lead a Greek contingent into Asia to aid Bajazet -in taking Philadelphia, one of the last cities in Asia -Minor which retained its independence, and was still at Brusa -when the news arrived of his father’s death. He succeeded in -escaping to Constantinople, but it was lucky for him that the -sultan was engaged in reducing to obedience the Seljuk emirates -which had not yet recognised the supremacy of the Ottoman -dynasty. This enabled Manuel to make good his position, -but he had to accept the same subjection as had been imposed -upon his father. When, however, the great coalition -was formed under Sigismund to resist the Turks, Manuel had -welcomed the prospect of regaining his freedom, and Bajazet -had learned how little he could trust the fidelity of his -imperial vassal. After his victory at Nicopolis the sultan -determined to inflict a signal punishment on all those tributary -princes who had ventured to oppose him. In 1397 he -reduced Epirus and Thessaly, while Manuel was harassed by -the recognition of his nephew John, the son of Andronicus, -as emperor. Recognising the futility of relying upon his own -<span class='pageno' id='Page_505'>505</span>strength to resist the sultan, Manuel came to terms with his -nephew, admitted him as a colleague, and left the administration -in his hands, while he himself set out on a tour through -western Europe to implore assistance. During his absence -Bajazet laid regular siege to Constantinople, and would -probably have completed its conquest if he had not been -called away to Asia to resist the attack of the great Tartar -leader, Timour, or Tamerlane, who had already marched -victoriously over the greater part of Asia. In the famous -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Battle of Angora, 1402.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -battle of Angora, the Ottoman Turks met with a -crushing defeat (1402). Bajazet himself fell into -the conqueror’s hands, and was still a captive when he died -in 1403.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The battle of Angora gave Constantinople a reprieve for -fifty years. Manuel, whose western journey had given him -little beyond experience and discouragement, was unexpectedly -able to return to his capital and to banish the nephew whom -necessity rather than affection had compelled him to admit as -a colleague. It is true that he had to pacify Timour by -paying to him the same tribute as he had owed to Bajazet. -But the Tartar had too much to do in the east to undertake -the conquest of Europe, and his destructive career came to -an end in 1405 as he was on his way to attempt the subjugation -of China. The Ottoman power seemed to be annihilated. -Not only did the Seljuk emirs in Asia recover their independence, -but for ten years after Bajazet’s death his four -sons carried on a fratricidal struggle for the succession. Yet -all that the Emperor Manuel could gain from such extraordinary -good fortune was the recovery of Thessalonica and -a few districts in Thessaly and Epirus. When in -1413 Mohammed <span class='fss'>I.</span> succeeded in reuniting his -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Revival of the Ottoman power.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -father’s dominions, the Greek emperor with the -other European vassals hastened to renew their submission; -and the sultan met with so little difficulty in Europe, that he -was able to devote the remaining eight years of his reign to -the reduction of the princes of Caramania and other opponents -<span class='pageno' id='Page_506'>506</span>in Asia. The extraordinary rapidity with which the Ottomans -recovered their power after the apparently shattering blow of -1402 proves that their authority, thanks to the wisdom and -ingenuity of Orchan, rested upon far stronger foundations -than that of any other Asiatic conquerors.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Mohammed <span class='fss'>I.</span> was succeeded in 1421 by his son Amurath <span class='fss'>II.</span> -Manuel Palæologus, rendered confident by the unbroken -peace of the last few years, was bold enough to stir up -opposition against the new sultan by supporting a pretender -who claimed to be a son of Bajazet. Amurath had no difficulty -in defeating and putting to death the rival claimant, and in -1422 he undertook another siege of Constantinople in order -to punish the emperor’s insolence. An attempt to carry the -walls by storm was repulsed with heavy loss to the assailants, -but the raising of the siege was due to a rebellion in Asia in -favour of a brother of the sultan. When in 1424 Amurath -returned to Europe after putting down disorder in the east, -Manuel hastened to appease his wrath by the payment of -increased tribute and by the cession of several cities in -Thrace.</p> - -<p class='c004'>John <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, who succeeded his father, Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, in 1425, -was perhaps the feeblest of all the Palæologi. His whole -reign was spent in endeavouring to evade dangers -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Reign of John VI.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -which he was incapable of confronting. The -best known event of his reign is the Council which was held -in 1438 and 1439, first at Ferrara, and then at Florence, to -negotiate for the union of the eastern and western Churches -(see p. <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>). As far as the powers of the Council went, the -treaty of union was fully and finally ratified. But the Greeks -could resist their own ruler with more courage and confidence -than they could face the infidel assailant, and such a -storm of reprobation greeted the return of the emperor and -the envoys that they hastened to disavow their formal acts. -The decrees of the Council of Florence remained a dead -letter. It was fortunate for John that he had no occasion to -rely either upon western aid or upon the loyalty of his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_507'>507</span>subjects. His very weakness and pliancy disarmed hostility -and avoided all occasions of rupture. His reign was a period -of almost complete peace. Thessalonica, which had repudiated -the rule of Constantinople and put itself under the -protection of Venice, was conquered by Amurath in 1430. -But with this exception the Sultan paid little attention to the -Byzantine empire, and devoted all his energies to war with -more formidable enemies in the north and west.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In 1427 a new king came to the throne of Servia, and set -himself from the first to repudiate the vassalage to which his -predecessors had been subjected since the great -battle of Kossova. The Wallachians and Bosnians -were inspired by the same sentiments, and George -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Amurath II.’s wars with Hungary.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of Servia purchased the aid of Sigismund of Hungary by -ceding the great border fortress of Belgrade. Against this -powerful confederacy Amurath waged a successful war for -several years. In 1438 he had advanced as far as Semendria; -and Albert of Austria, who had succeeded Sigismund on the -throne of Hungary, vainly endeavoured to compel the sultan -to raise the siege. Semendria fell, but the war was checked -for a time by an outbreak of dysentery in both armies, and -Albert perished of the disease. This was followed by an -event which for a moment turned the balance in favour of -the Christians. In 1440 Hungarians offered their vacant -crown to Ladislas of Poland in order to enlist the aid of -the great house of Jagellon. For four years the combined -Slavs and Magyars not only held their own against the -dreaded Janissaries, but even gained some notable successes. -Under the leadership of John Hunyadi the allies repulsed -the Turks from the walls of Hermanstadt and defeated them -in the open field (1442). In the next year Hunyadi crossed -the Danube, routed a Turkish army near Nissa, and pursued -the fugitives in a brilliant march across the Balkans. These -successes extorted from Amurath the treaty of Szegedin -(July 12, 1444), by which he abandoned his suzerainty over -Servia and Bosnia, and allowed Wallachia to be annexed to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_508'>508</span>Hungary. So chagrined was the sultan at this unexpected -reverse, that he resigned the government to his son, Mohammed, -and retired to seclusion at Magnesia. This news -inspired the Christian princes and prelates with the belief -that the Ottoman power was on the verge of ruin, and that -another effort would suffice to bring about its complete overthrow. -The representations of Pope Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span> and his -legate persuaded Ladislas, against the advice of Hunyadi, to -repudiate the treaty of Szegedin and to renew the war. The -Hungarian army crossed the Danube into Bulgaria, marched -to the coast of the Black Sea, and captured the important -town of Varna. But Amurath had been roused from his -retirement by the news of this act of Christian treachery. -Hastily collecting his troops, he advanced to Varna. In the -battle which ensued the invaders were scattered to the winds, -and Ladislas was slain (November 10, 1444). Servia and -Bosnia were once more reduced to submission; and although -Hunyadi tried to renew the struggle in 1448, he was defeated -and taken prisoner in the second battle of Kossova.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Amurath had retired for the second time to Magnesia after -the victory of Varna, but he was recalled by the outbreak of -disorders which Mohammed was unable to quell, -and he continued to rule till his death in 1451. -During his last years he was busied with a rising in Albania, -headed by George Castriot, or Scanderbeg, as the Turks -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Scanderbeg in Albania.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -called him. This famous patriot had been trained in the -Turkish service, and thoroughly understood the strength and -the weakness of their tactics. Collecting round him a band -of hardy mountaineers, he avoided all conflicts in the open -ground; and, aided by the difficult character of the country, -maintained a harassing guerilla warfare for more than twenty -years. But though he caused great annoyance to his enemies, -he was not strong enough to divert them from the career of -successful aggression which has given to a prince, who had -twice shown an apparent incapacity for government, the -name of Mohammed the Conqueror.</p> - -<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_509'>509</span>Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> ascended the throne with the firm determination -to reduce the tributary states into complete subjection, -and to begin the work with the Greek -Empire. The year 1452 was spent in open preparation -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Mohammed II. takes Constantinople.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -for the siege of Constantinople. A fort -was built upon the Bosphorus, troops and stores -were collected from all parts of the Turkish dominions, and -foreign engineers were employed to construct larger cannon -than had ever yet been employed in warfare. Constantine, -who had succeeded his brother John in 1448, was fully aware -of the danger which threatened his capital. To remove any -difficulties with the western powers he confirmed the acts of -the Council of Florence, and the union of the Churches was -formally celebrated in St. Sophia. The bigoted Greeks -looked on in sullen indignation, and resolved to do nothing -for a prince who thus paltered with heresy. And Latin -Christendom was not prepared to do anything in return for -this tardy acceptance of its creed. France and England -were exhausted by their long struggle, which was just ending -in the loss of the English possessions on the mainland; -Philip of Burgundy was absorbed in the extension of his rule -in the Netherlands; Germany was hopelessly distracted; and -Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, the weakest of emperors, was unable to govern -even his own hereditary provinces. In the eastern states the -disputes that had gathered round the succession of Ladislas -Postumus distracted attention from vital interests in the -distant Balkan peninsula. The only peoples who could give -any aid to the Greeks were the Venetians, Genoese, and -Catalans, whose trade with the Levant impelled them to -do all in their power to maintain the feeble ramparts of -Christianity against the Turks; and their forces, scanty as they -were in proportion to the work to be performed, provided -the only efficient garrison for the city of the eastern Cæsars. -In the spring of 1453 the great siege began. The first -general assault was repulsed; and a Genoese squadron, by -superior weight and seamanship, forced its way through the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_510'>510</span>immense Turkish flotilla which attempted to exclude the -arrival of supplies and reinforcements by sea. But this was -the last success of the defenders, whose limited numbers had -to hold five miles of fortifications against an overwhelming -attack. On the 29th of May the last assault was ordered, -and after a desperate struggle for two hours the Janissaries -forced an entrance through a great breach which the artillery -had made in the wall. The Emperor Constantine, whose -heroism did something to redeem the cowardly incapacity of -his predecessors, fell at the head of the defenders of his -capital. The mass of the Greeks did nothing to resist the -advance of the victorious assailants, and Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> -made a triumphal progress to the Church of St. Sophia, which -witnessed on that day the first celebration of the worship of -the Prophet. The measures of the conqueror were marked -by consummate wisdom. To conciliate the bigotry of the -natives, which had signally contributed to his victory, and to -interpose a permanent barrier between his new subjects and -western Christendom, Mohammed proclaimed himself the -protector of the Greek Church, and allowed the installation -of a new Patriarch, whose gratitude should take the form of -servility to his Mussulman patron. To remove the disastrous -results of the siege, Mohammed set himself to restore the -buildings of the city, and to encourage the immigration of -settlers from all parts of his dominions. Before the end -of his reign Constantinople was more populous and more -flourishing than it had been at any time under the rule of -the Palæologi.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The European powers were aghast when the news arrived -that Constantinople had fallen; but as they had been impotent -to save the city, they were still more unable to attempt -its recovery with any prospect of success. This was fully -recognised by those states which were most immediately -concerned. The Venetians and Genoese continued their -inveterate rivalry in the haste with which they made terms -with the conqueror, and purchased the retention of their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_511'>511</span>trading privileges and of their possessions in the east by the -payment of tribute. The two brothers of Constantine, -Demetrius and Thomas, who had established themselves as -petty princes at Patras and Mistra in the Morea, obtained -temporary recognition upon similar terms, and even received -Turkish aid to put down a rebellion among their subjects. -Leaving these self-seeking vassals in their humiliating -dependence, Mohammed turned his arms -to the subjection of the tributary states in the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Servia, Wallachia, and Bosnia.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -north. In 1455 he advanced through Servia, -expelled its king, and in the next year laid siege to Belgrade. -Here he met with his first and most serious reverse. The -crusading army raised by Hunyadi and Capistrano not -only relieved the fortress, but drove the sultan and his -shattered army in disorderly flight to Sofia (see p. <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>). This -signal triumph saved Hungary and eastern Germany from -serious danger for eighty years, but it failed to effect the -liberation of the Balkan states. The Hungarian hero died -on the scene of his greatest exploit; and the subsequent death -of Ladislas Postumus, and the difficulties attending the succession, -distracted the attention of Hungary from the eastern -war. Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> returned to the attack with renewed -vigour, and in 1457 and 1458 Servia was again overrun and -made a province of the Ottoman dominions. For the next -three years Mohammed was engaged with war in Albania and -in Greece, but in 1462 he again turned northwards and completed -his work by the annexation of Wallachia (1462) and of -Bosnia (1464).</p> - -<p class='c004'>The incompetence of the two surviving Palæologi, Thomas -and Demetrius, and their incessant quarrels with each other, -created such anarchy in the Morea that intervention -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Conquest of Greece.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -was almost forced upon the Turks. At first -a few garrisons were sent to the chief cities for the enforcement -of order, but in 1460 an army was despatched to take -more stringent measures. Resistance was hopeless. Demetrius -was taken prisoner and conveyed to Asia Minor, where -<span class='pageno' id='Page_512'>512</span>a small territory was assigned to him rather as a place of exile -than as a principality. Thomas fled in a Venetian galley to -Corfu, and thence made his way to Rome. By the end of the -year the whole of the peninsula, with the exception of a few -harbours which were held by the Venetians, was in Turkish -occupation. At the same time, the Turks were also active to -the north of the isthmus of Corinth. The last duke of Athens -was put to death by the bowstring; and his duchy, with the -other Frankish principalities which had survived since the -partition of Greece among the Crusaders, was annexed by the -Turks. In the Ægean the conquest of the islands was undertaken -by a Turkish fleet, and was completed in 1462 by the -capture of Lesbos. Only Rhodes continued to make good -its resistance under the Knights of St. John.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The annexation of Greece constituted a serious danger to -the Venetians, who now held the only considerable possessions -in the east which were left under Christian -rule. So far they had gained rather than lost by -the fall of Constantinople, because their treaty with Mohammed -in 1454 had given them greater advantages over the -Genoese than they could have extorted from the Palæologi, -who had usually favoured their rivals. But a series of significant -events convinced them that the sultan was not likely to -observe the treaty any longer than his interest impelled him. -While he was still confronted with serious problems in the -north and the south, he had good reason for desiring to pacify -Venice. But his successive conquests had removed these -difficulties from his way, and there was no longer any substantial -reason for allowing the Venetian dominions to escape -the fate that had attended the other tributary states. There -had always been a party in Venice which had opposed the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>War with Venice.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -policy expressed in the treaty of 1454; and the obvious -approach of danger, heralded by the fall of Lesbos, enabled -this party to gain the upper hand in 1463. It is needless to -trace the history of the war, which has been already alluded -to in connection with the history of Venice (see Chapter -<span class='pageno' id='Page_513'>513</span><a href='#chap12'>XII</a>.). On the whole, it was creditable to the capacity and the -resolution of the great maritime republic; and though the -Venetians could not prevent the loss of Negropont and the -conquest of Albania, which had been left under their protection -on the death of Scanderbeg, they obtained better terms -than were given to any other opponent of Mohammed. By -the treaty of Constantinople in 1479 the Turks obtained -Albania and the islands of Negropont and Lemnos, but -Venice was able to keep her possessions in the Morea and -some of her trading privileges in the Levant on payment of -increased tribute. The Venetian quarter in Constantinople -was restored under the administration of a bailiff appointed -by the Republic.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The conquests of Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span> were not confined to -Greece and the Balkan peninsula. In Asia Minor he extinguished -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Other conquests of Mohammed II.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -the independence of the feeble empire of -Trebizond (1461), which had been allowed to -remain in harmless obscurity under a branch of -the Comneni ever since their expulsion from -Constantinople in 1204. He also completed the subjection -of the princes of Caramania, the most inveterate opponents of -the Ottoman ascendency. To the north of the Black Sea he -extorted tribute from the Tartars of the Crimea, and ruined -the Genoese by depriving them of their valuable establishments -at Kaffa and Azof. In 1480 he undertook an enterprise -which made almost more sensation in Europe than the -siege of Constantinople. A Turkish force landed on the -coast of Apulia and took possession of Otranto. For the -moment men believed that the conqueror of the eastern -empire would complete his fatal work by the capture of Rome, -the capital of the west. But the dreadful anticipation was -never realised. The death of Mohammed in -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Mohammed’s death, 1481.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -1481 led to the recall of the garrison from -Otranto. Under his successor Bajazet <span class='fss'>II.</span>, the only -one of the early Ottoman rulers who did not display conspicuous -courage and ability, the progress of the Turkish -<span class='pageno' id='Page_514'>514</span>arms was stayed for a generation, to be resumed again under -Selim <span class='fss'>I.</span>, the conqueror of Egypt, and under the great -Suleiman, who at last overcame the obstacle offered by -Belgrade, and added to his dominions the greater part -of Hungary.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_515'>515</span> - <h2 id='chap22' class='c009'>CHAPTER XXII <br /> THE RENAISSANCE IN ITALY</h2> -</div> -<p class='c014'>Some differences between mediæval and modern history—The period of the -Renaissance is the transition between the two periods—The Renaissance -in its wider and in its narrower sense—Prominence of Italy in the Renaissance—The -revival of letters—Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio—The age -of collectors—The age of criticism—The revival of art—(1) Painting—(2) -Sculpture—(3) Architecture—Humanism and the Reformation—The -impulse given to education.</p> - -<p class='c007'>The division of history into periods is always arbitrary, and -always, if too rigidly interpreted, misleading. Yet some sort -of division is not only convenient, but almost -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Mediæval and modern history.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -necessary, and the distinction between mediæval -and modern history is as clearly marked as any -distinction of the kind can be. It is, of course, impossible to -fix upon any date, and to say that here the Middle Ages come -to an end and modern times begin, just as it is impossible to -say that on a given day in the year winter ends and spring -begins. The changes in history, as in the seasons, are -gradual, and not sudden. Between the great historic epochs -there is a period of transition in which the changes which -mark them off from each other are slowly developing, sometimes -advancing, sometimes apparently receding, but ultimately, -by a gradual evolutionary process, reaching completion. -And another word of caution is necessary. It must be borne -in mind that the Middle Ages—the period which follows the -disruption of the Roman Empire by the immigration of the -German peoples, and ends with the formation of the great -national states which still exist—do not constitute a complete -<span class='pageno' id='Page_516'>516</span>homogeneous and stationary epoch. Social and political -changes were not perhaps quite as rapid before the fifteenth -century as they have been since the Reformation, but changes -were constantly taking place. A generalisation about the -eighth century cannot be applied without serious modifications -to the eleventh or the twelfth. All attempts to estimate -the Middle Ages as a whole can only be extremely superficial -and general.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It follows that it is impossible to give any adequate account -of the differences between mediæval and modern history in a -few perfunctory sentences or paragraphs. The -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Differences between the two periods.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -differences are real and substantial, but they must -be felt rather than expressed, and can only be -properly and usefully comprehended by a prolonged study of -the past. There is, it may be said, a difference of historical -atmosphere, to which some historians, eager above measure -to find comparisons and parallels, have never become -acclimatised, in spite of great learning and research. The -often-quoted phrase that ‘history is past politics’ has been -responsible for a woful number of anachronisms. For the -historical student imagination, the power of projecting himself -by a sort of instinct into the conditions and life of the past, -is almost as necessary a quality as painstaking industry. And -imagination is rather fettered than assisted by the attempt to -express what it sees, in precise and formal language. For the -immediate purpose of this chapter it will be better to abandon -all attempt at minute precision or completeness of analysis, -and to be content with pointing out three salient characteristics -of the Middle Ages, which the modern reader should grasp at -the outset. These may serve to guide him to the appreciation -of other and deeper distinctions between that period and -the more familiar times that have followed it.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the first place, the modern conception of the state as a -nation was very imperfectly grasped in the Middle Ages. The -modern nations, such as the French, English, Spaniards, and -others, were in process of formation, but they only became -<span class='pageno' id='Page_517'>517</span>fully conscious of their distinct corporate unity at the end of -the period. Mediæval theorists—guided by the traditions of -the Roman Empire, as modified by the influences of Christianity—regarded -Christendom as a single state under two -heads—the Pope and the Emperor—who held ecclesiastical -and secular authority as delegates of the Deity. The best -concrete illustration of this conception of unity is offered by -the Crusades, which ended in failure, partly on account of the -distance of the scene of action, but mainly because the unity -of Christendom was theoretical rather than real. Internally -western Christendom was organised under what is called the -Feudal System, a semi-agricultural and semi-military organisation, -in which the mutual rights and duties of classes to each -other were regulated by the tenure of land, while industry, -the most potent of modern forces, had no place in it. Allied -with feudalism was the fantastic body of rules and customs -known as Chivalry. Chivalry was as essentially non-national -as Christianity itself. A French and a German knight had -more in common with each other than either had with a -French or German citizen or peasant.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the second place, the social unit in the Middle Ages -was not what it is now, the individual man, but a corporation; -either the feudal unit which in England is called the -manor, or the municipal commune, or within the commune -the guild. There was no scope for the activity of the -individual by himself. The only way in which an able and -ambitious man could hope to rise from obscurity to eminence -was by entering the greatest of all corporations—the Church.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Thirdly, the mediæval period was a period of ignorance. -Learning and education were for the most part monopolised -by the clergy, and in their hands were bound down by prescription -and by ecclesiastical authority. Everybody knows -with what ill-will the Church regarded freedom of inquiry and -scientific research: the charge of heresy was always ready to -be brought against a Roger Bacon or a Galileo. Moreover, -quite apart from the influence of the Church, learning and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_518'>518</span>literature were withheld from the mass of the people by their -expense. Printing was unknown, and paper was only introduced -at the very end of the period. Parchment was so -expensive that many of the manuscripts of ancient writers -were erased in order to make room for monkish chronicles -or service-books. Moreover, such literature as existed was -in Latin, and that in itself was sufficient to close it alike to -nobles, burghers, and peasants, most of whom were unable to -read or write even their native tongue. And ignorance was, -as usual, accompanied by gross superstition. To realise this -it is only necessary to peruse the lists of marvels with which -the mediæval chroniclers fill their pages, or to study the -working of the judicial system in which the guilt or innocence -of an accused person was decided by the ordeal.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The period of the Renaissance, in its proper and most comprehensive -meaning, may be regarded as the age in which the -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Renaissance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -social and political system of the Middle Ages came -to an end, in which mediæval restrictions upon -liberty of thought and inquiry were abolished. It may be said -to begin in the thirteenth century, to be in full progress -during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and to be continued -in an altered form in the religious struggles of the -sixteenth century. It is, in fact, the period covered by the -present volume. To this great epoch of transition, ‘The -Close of the Middle Ages,’ belong a number of changes of -the first magnitude: the decline of the Empire and the -Papacy, and of the ideas and traditions with which they were -connected; the growth and the hardening into shape of the -French, Spanish, and English nations; the rise of national -literatures and of the conception of national churches; the -breaking up of feudalism and chivalry by the growing importance -of industry; the overthrow of aristocratic and ecclesiastical -predominance by the rise of the people to political -influence; the growth of strong territorial monarchies based -upon popular support, though in every country except England -the monarchy kicked away its support as soon as it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_519'>519</span>no longer needed. With these changes must be coupled the -results of the great inventions and discoveries of the age: the -employment of the compass and the astrolabe, and the consequent -development of maritime adventure, which led to the -finding of a new way to India and a new world across the -Atlantic, and so to an enormous extension of knowledge and a -complete alteration of the great trade-routes of the world; the -discovery of gunpowder, and the revolution which it effected -not only in the art of war, but also in the organisation of -society, which in the Middle Ages was inextricably bound up -with the military system; the invention of printing, followed -by a vast extension and popularisation of literature and -knowledge; and, finally, the great astronomical discovery of -Copernicus, which overthrew the old belief in the stability -and central position of the earth, and dealt a fatal blow to -the vast structure of superstition which had been erected -upon that belief.</p> - -<p class='c004'>All these vast changes belong to the Renaissance; they are -all part of the development which has been aptly called a -new birth; no one of them can be fully appreciated apart -from the rest. Some of them have been alluded to in the -preceding pages of this volume; all of them merit the most -careful consideration; their mere enumeration is enough to -show their immense importance. But a single chapter can -only serve as a sort of sign-post, and the dictates of prudence -compel a limitation of attention to two movements with which -the name of the Renaissance has been pre-eminently and -sometimes exclusively associated—the revival of letters and -the revival of art. And it is to the Renaissance in this -narrower sense that Italy rendered its most active and -enduring services.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The revival of literature and art was peculiarly the work of -Italy. It is not merely that the Italians began the work and -that other nations carried it on to completion. The recovery -of ancient literature and art and the application of the lessons -to be learned from them to contemporary needs were both -<span class='pageno' id='Page_520'>520</span>begun and completed in Italy. It was only after this completion -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Prominence of Italy in the Renaissance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -that the other countries came in to learn the lessons -which Italy was able and ready to teach them. -It is true that the spirit inspired by this teaching -was applied by the other nations with great -results to the reform of religion, to the extension of geographical -knowledge, and to new discoveries in the realms of -science. But this must not blind us to the magnitude and -completeness of the task accomplished by Italy single-handed; -nor must it be forgotten that, in the departments -of painting and sculpture at any rate, the actual -achievements of the Italians have never been surpassed by -their pupils.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Nor is there anything surprising in the prominence of -the part played by Italy in the intellectual Renaissance. -Although Italy, like the other provinces of Rome, fell a -victim to the barbarian invaders, yet the tradition of -supremacy which Roman victories had created was not -wholly destroyed, and it was revived with the growing -authority of the Papacy during the Middle Ages. Moreover, -the geographical position of Italy was of immense importance -in an age when the Mediterranean was still the centre -of the world’s commerce. Trade and manufactures brought -wealth to the great civic communities of Italy, to Florence, -Venice, and Genoa, and wealth has rarely failed to create a -sense of self-importance, a consciousness of power and a -desire for freedom, while at the same time it supplies the -leisure requisite for prolonged intellectual exertion. But it -may be thought—after what has been said before—that the -Church, having its central seat and authority in Italy, would -be strong enough to suppress independence of thought and -inquiry. But to this suggestion two answers may be made. -It is an old saying that familiarity breeds contempt. The -Italians had no objection to the presence of the Papacy in -their midst. On the contrary, it flattered their pride to think -that Rome was still the head of a great spiritual empire, as it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_521'>521</span>had once been of a vast territorial power. Moreover, the -tribute of other states was poured into Italy by way of the -papal coffers; and Italians had, if not a monopoly, at any rate -a preponderant share in the cardinalate and other lucrative -offices in the Church. But at the same time the Italians by -no means felt the same superstitious awe and reverence of the -Church and Papacy as prevailed in more distant countries. -The ecclesiastical thunders of excommunication and interdict -were much less dreaded by people who could see the working -of the machinery which could produce such awful sounds. -The abuses of the papal court, which ultimately produced -the indignant revolt of the greater part of northern Europe, -were so familiar to the Italians that they were hardly -scandalised by them. Thus though the Italians, as a whole, -showed little zeal for religious reform, they were, at any rate -the wealthier classes, usually free from superstition and -unlikely to tolerate ecclesiastical despotism.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is also to be noted that the popes in Italy did not -always pursue a policy of enlightened devotion to their -spiritual interests. These interests were, or were -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Papacy and the Renaissance.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -thought to be at a later time, opposed to freedom -of thought, and therefore to such an advance in -literature and art as would favour such freedom. But the popes -were secular princes as well as heads of the Church. The -central provinces of Italy constituted a considerable temporal -principality; and it frequently happened that the interests of -this principality by no means coincided with the interests of -Roman Catholicism throughout Europe. The same motives -which made so many Italian princes the munificent patrons -of literature and art appealed to the popes also in their -secular capacity. They, too, desired to have a magnificent -and learned court; they were ambitious to compete with the -Medici of Florence and with the kings of Naples; they wished -to have their palaces and their churches built and adorned -by the most eminent artists of their time; they were eager -that their praises should be handed down to posterity by men -<span class='pageno' id='Page_522'>522</span>whose genius would secure immortality to their patrons as -well as to themselves. Thus individual popes, such as -Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> and Leo <span class='fss'>X.</span>, were the industrious furtherers of the -Renaissance; and they unconsciously stimulated a movement -which was destined to overthrow the magnificent structure of -ecclesiastical autocracy which had been built up by their -great predecessors from Gregory <span class='fss'>VII.</span> to Innocent <span class='fss'>III.</span> Such -shortsightedness has many parallels in history. It is easy -to recall how the French nobles in the eighteenth century -flirted with a philosophy which preached the doctrine of -popular rights and liberties; and how the French monarchy -gave practical aid to a rebellion which secured such rights -and liberties in North America, thus encouraging the advance -of that Revolution which for a time swept the French monarchy -and the French nobility from the face of the earth.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Turning now to a rapid survey of the actual achievements -of Italy, we find that the revival of literature and art was -not only a stimulus to intellectual progress and a -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The Revival of letters.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -deathblow to ignorance and superstition; it also -marks a great step in the freedom of the individual from -mediæval restrictions. In art, and still more in literature, -the individual found a career by which he could exercise his -highest talents, and in which he could attain a personal -eminence hitherto impossible. Dante, who stands on the -threshold of the Renaissance, was the first great man in the -Middle Ages who stood out by himself, unconnected with any -corporate body or institution. He used to boast exultingly -that he was his own party. The <i>Divine Comedy</i> gave literary -form to the first of the new living languages of Europe. For -Italy the work was almost too great; it has left too weighty an -impression upon his fellow-countrymen. To this day it is the -highest ambition of an Italian writer to use the language of -Dante, and he must have frequent recourse to a dictionary -to make sure that his words were really current in the -thirteenth century. It is never wholesome to have too -marked a distinction between the language of literature and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_523'>523</span>that of ordinary life, and this servile habit of looking back -has checked the growth of a really great Italian literature in -later times. But Dante, with all his greatness, was not really -imbued with the modern spirit. He had not emancipated -himself from the ideas of his time, though he had raised -himself above them. In his <i>De Monarchia</i> he willingly -surrendered himself to the scholastic philosophy, and made a -vigorous effort to defend the already effete and worthless -theory of a universal empire. Dante stands on the threshold -of the Renaissance, but he is rather the last giant of the -Middle Ages than the herald of a new epoch.</p> - -<p class='c004'>Dante was followed by Petrarch, whose sonnets have -influenced literary form in all countries, while his passionate -devotion to the literature and liberty of the ancients makes -him the first of Italian humanists. A contemporary of -Petrarch was a man of still greater original genius, Giovanni -Boccaccio. Like Petrarch, Boccaccio was a great lover and -student of ancient literature, and he did much to introduce -the study of Greek into Italy. But it is as the author of the -<i>Decameron</i> that he is entitled to the greatest fame. In this -collection of stories he displayed a contempt for superstition -and a delight in life which were alien to the spirit of the Middle -Ages. Chaucer borrowed many plots of the <i>Canterbury Tales</i> -from the <i>Decameron</i>; and through Chaucer and other writers -Boccaccio has influenced the whole of later English literature.</p> - -<p class='c004'>These three great men were followed by a crowd of -collectors, men who travelled throughout Europe and even -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The age of collection.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -beyond it in search of manuscripts of ancient -authors. It is almost impossible nowadays to -appreciate the extraordinary ardour with which the search -was carried on. In some cases the greed for these new and -valuable possessions tempted men into actions which in a -less worthy cause would have merited the name of fraud. -The greatest of these collectors, who really performed an -invaluable service to the world with marvellous industry and -success, were Poggio Bracciolini, Francesco Filelfo, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_524'>524</span>Niccolo Niccoli, the founder of the library of St. Mark in -Florence. Their most bountiful patrons were Cosimo de’ -Medici, the ‘father of his country,’ and Pope Nicolas <span class='fss'>V.</span> -During this period, which is roughly the first half of the -fifteenth century, the Italian language seemed likely to fall -into oblivion. The only great writers in Italy were Poggio -and Æneas Sylvius, and they both wrote solely in Latin. -That Italian did not go wholly out of fashion was due, in the -first place, to the influence of the Medici in Florence. One -great object of their ambition was to attract the most learned -men of the day to their court. But their anomalous position -as despots masquerading in republican robes compelled them -to appeal to popular favour. Hence even their studies had -to some extent to be regulated so as to please the people. -The magnificent Lorenzo himself set an example by writing -the famous ‘carnival songs’ to be sung at popular festivals. -These songs have a place of their own in the history of -Italian literature; but they are of special importance as showing -how a great prince, in the midst of Greek and Latin -studies, could find time to cultivate the language of the -people. The finest Italian poem of the century is the -<i>Giostra</i> of Politiano, who was not only an eminent scholar, -but also a courtier and a favourite companion of Lorenzo -de’ Medici.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In classical studies the second part of the fifteenth century -was not so much an age of collection as an age of criticism. -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The age of criticism.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -Men set themselves to read and interpret the -treasures which had been already brought together, -and they were insensibly led to apply the teaching of -ancient writings to the circumstances and problems of their -own time. Prominent among the scholars who gave to the -world the fruits of their researches were Lorenzo Valla in -Rome and Naples, and Ficino and Politiano in Florence. It -is impossible to over-estimate the solvent influence of these -studies upon human thought. Much of the scholastic philosophy -which had been based upon a corrupt translation of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_525'>525</span>Aristotle from the Arabic gave way at once before a study of -the philosopher’s original text. All kinds of delusions and -superstitious beliefs were overturned by the new spirit of -inquiry. Lorenzo Valla published a treatise to prove that -the pretended Donation of Constantine, upon which the popes -had professed to base their claim to temporal sovereignty, -was a forgery. Valla was at this time in the service of -Alfonso the Magnanimous of Naples, who had quarrelled -with the Pope. Under his protection Valla went on to -attack the whole ecclesiastical system, and especially the -moral decline of monasticism. These may serve as illustrations -of the influence exerted by the new culture. In fact, -so great was the energy displayed in the work of destruction, -that it seemed probable that all the old religious bonds would -be broken before anything had been found to take their -place. If Italy had stood alone, this might have been the -case. But by this time the new learning had begun to spread -to other countries. The more sober temperament of the -Germans revolted against the extravagances of many of the -Italian scholars. Luther and Reuchlin were impelled by the -critical spirit of the age to revolt against the mediæval -system, but they were not content with mere negation, and -their revolt, constructive as well as destructive, has been -called the Reformation.</p> - -<p class='c004'>If we can trace to the Italians the origin of modern literature, -we may with still greater confidence call them the -creators of modern art, or at any rate of the arts -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>The revival of art.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -of painting and sculpture. Architecture was the -only form of art which did not fall into decay during the -Middle Ages, and in which the northern peoples may claim -at least equality with the people of Italy. But in painting -and sculpture the Italians can claim not only that they are -entitled to all the glories of their revival, but also that they -brought these arts to their highest perfection. This is far -more than can be said of their services to literature.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In the Middle Ages painting was so bound down by fixed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_526'>526</span><span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>1. Painting.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -and arbitrary rules that it hardly deserved the name of an -art. It was employed only for religious purposes, -and it was forced to conform to the dominant -religious spirit. Custom and tradition regulated not only the -subject and its treatment, but even the very colours to be -employed. Any departure from these recognised rules, if it -had been possible, would have been regarded as impious. -The altar-pieces of mediæval churches were covered with -stiff and lifeless representations of madonnas and saints. -These had a conventional value, and no artistic standard was -dreamt of. There were many pictures, but no artists. The -individual, as was so often the case in the Middle Ages, was -repressed and kept down by the society of which he was perforce -a member. Anybody can obtain a concrete illustration -of the differences in painting between the Middle Ages and -modern times, who can compare a picture of Cimabue or any -other contemporary artist with a picture by Titian. The -Renaissance, which bridges over the gap between these artists, -is the steady though gradual assertion of the freedom of the -individual from the bondage of mediæval rules and traditions. -The change may be traced in the increased love of -nature, in the new reverence for and study of the human -figure, and in the improvement of artistic methods. The -most important of the technical changes were the introduction -of fresco for wall-pictures, the discovery of oil-colours, -which is to be credited to the Flemings, and the -employment of copper-plate and woodcuts, which made it -possible to reproduce and disseminate great works of art. -But still more important than any change in method was the -change in the very spirit of art; for the old stereotyped -forms were substituted imitations of the beautiful from Nature. -The study of anatomy and perspective became necessary for -a painter. Works of art ceased to be mechanical copies of -a pattern prescribed by ecclesiastical authority; they became -an index to the mind of the free artist. The change marks -a complete alteration in the motives of religion as well as of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_527'>527</span>art. Religion ceased to be a superstitious reverence for -something unearthly and inhuman; it was brought into closer -relation with the ordinary life of men and women.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The beginning of the Renaissance in painting is usually -placed in the fourteenth century. At that time two great -art cities, Florence and Siena, were especially prominent. -The first great Florentine artist whose name has been handed -down to posterity is Cimabue. His Sienese contemporary -was Duccio. In their works we see the first conception of -the beauty of the human face and figure, though they were -still bound down to the old stiffness of composition and the -prescribed distribution of colours. They were followed by -a number of artists who have obtained lasting renown. In -Florence Giotto, equally great as a painter, sculptor, and -architect, founded a school which raised the whole character -of art, besides effecting a great improvement in technique. -Giotto was the first to substitute dramatic painting for the -stiff and lifeless representation of human figures which had -hitherto been universal. With him may be coupled the -name of Andrea Orcagna, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, and Fra -Angelico, though the last-named belongs chronologically to -a somewhat later period. But of these men the same observation -may be made as of Dante in literature. They are -rather the greatest men of an age which is already passing -away than the beginners of a new period. Giotto especially -is the Dante of art. He and his contemporaries sum up in -a pictorial form the mediæval theories and conceptions of -religion and of human life. To their representation they -contribute a vast improvement in manner and style, as did -Dante in his great poem, but what they represent is essentially -mediæval. In fact, if any one wished to see the -Middle Ages before his eyes, he might be referred to three -great pictures of this period. The gloomy personal religion, -which weighed down the spirits of thoughtful men in the -Middle Ages, may be seen in Orcagna’s picture, ‘The Triumph -of Death,’ in the Campo Santo of Pisa. On the other hand, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_528'>528</span>the converse side of religious life in the Middle Ages, the -grand and awe-inspiring organisation of the Church, is represented -in ‘The Church Militant and Triumphant,’the work -of Giotto’s pupils, in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria -Novella in Florence. And the stormy political life of a -mediæval commune may be studied in the frescoes of -Ambrogio Lorenzetti, entitled ‘Civil Government,’ on the -walls of the Palazzo Publico of Siena.</p> - -<p class='c004'>It is when we leave the school of Giotto and his pupils, -and turn to the next generation of painters in the fifteenth -century, that we find the artistic change associated with the -Renaissance in full progress. Florence was still the most -important city in the history of art. The first great painter -in this transition period was Masaccio. His frescoes in the -Brancacci Chapel of the Church of the Madonna del Carmine -at Florence may be taken as illustrating the next marked -advance in independence and artistic beauty from the days -of Giotto. These works exercised great influence upon all -later artists, and especially upon Raphael, who made them -the subject of special study. Masaccio was followed by a -large number of eminent painters, among whom may be -named Filippo Lippi, in connection with whom Browning’s -poem gives so vivid a picture of the artistic struggles of the -early Renaissance, Sandro Botticelli, who was the first to -introduce classical myths and allegories as alternative subjects -with the old Biblical stories, Filippino Lippi, Domenico -Ghirlandaio, and Luca Signorelli. The last is perhaps in -some way the ablest, though by no means the most pleasing, -of the fifteenth century painters. In the boldness of his conceptions, -in his knowledge of anatomy, and in his contempt -for arbitrary and meaningless rules, he is not only the forerunner -but the rival of Michael Angelo. But Florence, -although the most important, was by no means the only city -in which this artistic revolution was taking place. The same -sort of work was being done in Perugia by Pietro Perugino, -the tutor of Raphael, in Padua by Andrea Mantegna, one of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_529'>529</span>the greatest of fifteenth century painters, and, above all, in -Venice by Giovanni and Gentile Bellini and by Vittore -Carpaccio. It was the work of these men, in addition to -that of the Florentine and many other painters, which prepared -the way for the supreme artists of the sixteenth -century—Leonardo da Vinci, Michael Angelo, Raphael, -Andrea del Sarto, Giorgione, Titian, and Tintoretto. These -painters still devoted their talents mainly to the illustration -of religious subjects; but they treated these subjects in a -human and secular spirit. The religious and devotional aspect -was subordinated to the desire for artistic perfection of form -and colour, and to the exciting of natural associations in the -minds of men and women. There is nothing really irreligious -in their art, though it shows a new way of regarding both art -and religion. At the same time, it is possible to discover in -these artists of the completed Renaissance a certain relaxation -of moral earnestness and purpose as compared with their -predecessors; their very mastery of colour and of drawing -seems to mislead them; there is no longer the noble struggle -to express a lofty meaning in spite of difficulties and drawbacks. -It was the perception of these differences which led -many thoughtful artists and art students, who formed what -has been called the pre-Raphaelite school, to devote themselves -to the study of the earlier and less faultless painters -of the fifteenth century, and somewhat to undervalue the -more mature artists who had been the idols of previous -generations.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Renaissance marks almost a greater epoch in the -history of sculpture than in that of painting. In some -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>2. Sculpture.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -respects the change which took place was the -same. Great artists revolted against the prescribed -forms of the Middle Ages, and produced works of -greater beauty and greater originality. But sculpture was -more profoundly influenced than painting by the revived -study of antiquity. The great painters of ancient Greece -were mere names, their works had perished. It was therefore -<span class='pageno' id='Page_530'>530</span>only the classical spirit that influenced painting. Direct -imitation was impossible. With sculpture it was otherwise. -Greek and Roman statues were still in existence, and many -that had been buried were unearthed and welcomed with -passionate reverence. In some of these statues had been -realised the utmost possible beauty of form and truth to -nature that were possible in sculpture. It was impossible to -surpass them, and before long the passion for antiquity led -to a servile imitation of the ancient originals. But the first -enthusiasm did produce a few great master-workers who -rivalled the artists of Greece. The first to inaugurate the -new epoch in the history of sculpture was Niccolo da Pisano. -A Greek sarcophagus, still preserved, had been brought to -Pisa, and Niccolo was induced by its beauty to make a -thorough study of Greek forms and methods. From this time -he set himself to reconcile, as far as was possible, the Greek -love of beauty with the traditions of Christian art. He was -followed in the next century by a number of great sculptors, -most of whom were Florentines. Among their names the -most important are those of Lorenzo Ghiberti, who carved -the gates for the Baptistery in Florence, which Michael -Angelo declared worthy to be the gates of Paradise; Luca -della Robbia, whose chief works are reliefs in terra-cotta; -Donatello, the sculptor of the famous figure of David; and -Andrea Verrocchio, the modeller of the grand equestrian -statue of Bartolommeo Coleone, which stands near the Scuola -di San Marco in Venice. After them came the great masters -of Renaissance sculpture—Benvenuto Cellini and Michael -Angelo. The Memoirs of the former may be commended to -any one who wishes to study the purely artistic temperament, -uninfluenced by considerations of religion or morality, which -was produced in the later stages of the Renaissance. Sculpture, -it must be remembered, was more essentially non-religious -and pagan than painting. The beauty of the face -was necessarily subordinate to beauty of figure. Thus the -new religious impulse of the sixteenth century, which led to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_531'>531</span>the Reformation in northern Europe and to the counter-Reformation -in the south, was in many ways alien or hostile -to sculpture, and from this time the art tended to decline.</p> - -<p class='c004'>In architecture the Renaissance exerted an overwhelming -and permanent influence, and here again Italy led the way, -but it may be questioned whether the influence -resulted in unmixed gain. Architecture had -never been a lost art, as painting and sculpture had been. -Nor was classical influence a new thing, for the Romanesque -style of the early Middle Ages had been based upon ancient -models. Beyond the Alps the early Romanesque buildings -had been followed by the great Gothic churches and -cathedrals which remain the great monument of the religious -zeal of the Germanic peoples in the later Middle Ages. -Gothic architecture had been introduced into Italy by German -builders in the later part of the thirteenth century. But -Italian Gothic was a different style of architecture from that -which prevailed in the northern countries. From the first it -had been modified by national usages and by considerations -of climate. The great Gothic churches of Italy are the -cathedrals of Orvieto and Siena, and they are very different -from the Gothic cathedrals of Germany, France, and England. -The excessive height in proportion to the width and length, -the enormous arches, and the flying buttresses are absent in -Italy. Italy never departed altogether from the classical -models.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Renaissance in architecture, as in sculpture, was the -result of the revival of classical studies; and its formal changes -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>3. Architecture.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -are to be seen in the return, first to the round arch of the -Romanesque period, and later, in the use of the flat top or -lintel of the Greeks and Romans. The great building of the -early or transitional Renaissance is the Cathedral of Florence, -with its magnificent dome, the work of Filippo Brunellesco, -and the progress of the movement, may be traced in St. Peter’s -in Rome, designed by Bramante, but modified and completed -after his death, and finally in the palaces built by Palladio in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_532'>532</span>Vicenza and Verona. Thus only the beginning of the architectural -Renaissance belongs properly to the period covered -in this volume, whereas much more progress had been made -in painting and sculpture by the end of the fifteenth century. -And its ultimate results were in many ways alien to the true -spirit of the real Renaissance. Gothic architecture, whatever -its defects, had given great scope for originality. After the -main design had been agreed upon, the completion of details -had been left in great measure to the ability and imagination -of the individual workmen. But the architecture of the later -Renaissance laid supreme stress upon symmetry and uniformity. -Thus the workmen could no longer be allowed to -be original. Every detail, as well as the central design, had -to be fixed from the outset. The result was magnificent and -imposing, but it was purchased at the sacrifice of originality -and imagination. When the first vigour of the intellectual -revival was spent, there was a marked decline in architecture -as in sculpture, because in both the imitative faculty was -cultivated rather than the power of independent creation.</p> - -<p class='c004'>The Renaissance, like all great historic movements, contained -good and evil intermingled together. Its two prominent -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Humanism and the Reformation.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -directions, especially in its earlier period, were -the revival of classical influences in literature and -art, and the vindication of originality of thought -and of individual freedom. Both had their -special dangers, and they only went together for a limited -distance. The first tended to degenerate into the slavish -and mechanical imitation of ancient models; the second led -in many cases to atheism, to licence, to the chaos of pure -negation. Nor were these the only evils. The Renaissance -spirit of free inquiry, when applied to religion, gave rise to -the Reformation, and the religious Reformation hastened to -turn against the spirit that had given it birth. Extreme -Protestantism or Puritanism was in many ways diametrically -opposed to humanism. Savonarola, who may be said to -represent the Puritan spirit upon Italian soil, urged his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_533'>533</span>followers to make bonfires of their pictures, their personal -ornaments, and even of their books. The English Puritans -denounced the love of beauty in art as a carnal and misleading -pleasure. The Protestants, who owed their origin to the -assertion of freedom of thought and worship, soon came to -erect a rigid system of dogma and church government, which -was fully as repressive and intolerant as that against which -they had revolted. The persecution which they resisted with -such heroism impelled them, unfortunately, not to practise -toleration, but to become persecutors in their turn.</p> - -<p class='c004'>That the good results of the Renaissance were not entirely -destroyed or overwhelmed either by the evils of the movement -<span class='sni'><span class='hidev'>|</span>Spread of education.<span class='hidev'>|</span></span> -itself or by the reaction provoked by those -evils, is due to the impulse which the Renaissance -and the Reformation both gave to education. In every -country the introduction of the new learning and the reformed -religion was followed by the creation of new schools and -universities, and by the improvement of educational methods -in the institutions which already existed. To the spread of -education we owe the greatest and most permanent result -of the Renaissance, the union, instead of the antagonism, -of morality and culture. And this union has resulted in a -higher morality than that inspired by compulsory beliefs and -compulsory observances—the morality of the free mind and -conscience of the individual.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_535'>535</span> - <h2 class='c009'>APPENDIX <br /> GENEALOGICAL TABLES</h2> -</div> - -<div id='gene_a' class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/table_a.jpg' alt='The Succession in Bohemia.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>A. The Succession in Bohemia. (See p. <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.)</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_b' class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/table_b.jpg' alt='The Succession in Tyrol.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>B. The Succession in Tyrol. (See pp. <a href='#Page_107'>107</a> and <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.)</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_c' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_536'>536</span> -<img src='images/table_c.jpg' alt='The House of Hapsburg.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>C. The House of Hapsburg.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—The Hapsburg territories were divided between Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span> and his brother Leopold, the former taking Austria, and the latter all -the rest. Of the sons of Leopold, Ernest succeeded to Styria and Carinthia, Frederick to Tyrol and the lands in Swabia. The Albertine line -became extinct with the death of Ladislas Postumus, when Austria passed to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, and the latter’s son, Maximilian <span class='fss'>I.</span>, reunited all -the territories of the house.</p> - -<div id='gene_d' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_537'>537</span> -<img src='images/table_d.jpg' alt='The House of Wittelsbach.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>D. The House of Wittelsbach.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_e' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_538'>538</span> -<img src='images/table_e.jpg' alt='The House of Luxemburg.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>E. The House of Luxemburg.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—Luxemburg was transferred by Elizabeth, daughter of John of Görlitz, to her husband’s nephew, Philip the Good -of Burgundy, to the exclusion of her own nearest surviving relative, Ladislas Postumus.</p> - -<div id='gene_f' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_539'>539</span> -<img src='images/table_f.jpg' alt='The Later Capets in France.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>F. The Later Capets in France.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_g' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_540'>540</span> -<img src='images/table_g.jpg' alt='The House of Valois.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>G. The House of Valois.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_h' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_541'>541</span> -<img src='images/table_h.jpg' alt='The Duchy and County of Burgundy.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>H. The Duchy and County of Burgundy.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Notes.</span>—The duchy and county were united by the marriage of Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span> with -Jeanne, daughter of Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span> of France (see p. <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>). On the death of Philip de Rouvre -the duchy fell to the crown, and was granted by John to his fourth son, Philip the Bold. -The County, with Artois, passed to Margaret, widow of Lewis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Flanders: and her -grand-daughter, another Margaret, brought these provinces, together with Flanders, -Nevers, and Rethel, to the Valois dukes of Burgundy.</p> - -<div id='gene_i' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_542'>542</span> -<img src='images/table_i.jpg' alt='The First House of Anjou in Naples and Hungary.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>I. The First House of Anjou in Naples and Hungary.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Notes.</span>—Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span>, called in by the popes, acquired both Naples and Sicily, but lost the latter in the Sicilian Vespers, 1282 (see p. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>). -Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span>, in order to disinherit her nephew, afterwards Charles <span class='fss'>III.</span>, adopted as her heir Louis of Anjou, who could claim a distant descent -from Charles <span class='fss'>II.</span> Louis obtained possession of Provence, but he and his descendants carried on a long and unsuccessful struggle for the -crown of Naples.</p> - -<div id='gene_k' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_543'>543</span> -<img src='images/table_k.jpg' alt='The Second House of Anjou in Naples.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>K. The Second House of Anjou in Naples.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—Several members of the family made strenuous efforts to gain the crown of Naples, but without any substantial success. Réné -le Bon, who spent a long life in Provence, disinherited his grandson, Réné of Lorraine, and left his possessions to his nephew, Charles of -Maine, with remainder to the French crown. This enabled Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> to annex Provence in 1481, and also gave rise to the claim upon Naples -which was put forward by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> in 1494.</p> - -<div id='gene_l' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_544'>544</span> -<img src='images/table_l.jpg' alt='The House of Aragon in Sicily and Naples.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>L. The House of Aragon in Sicily and Naples.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_m' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_545'>545</span> -<img src='images/table_m.jpg' alt='The Houses of Visconti and Sforza in Milan.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>M. The Houses of Visconti and Sforza in Milan.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_n' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_546'>546</span> -<img src='images/table_n.jpg' alt='The Medici in Florence.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>N. The Medici in Florence.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_o' class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/table_o.jpg' alt='The Union of Kalmar.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>O. The Union of Kalmar.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_p' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_547'>547</span> -<img src='images/table_p.jpg' alt='The Palæologi.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>P. The Palæologi.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_q' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_548'>548</span> -<img src='images/table_q.jpg' alt='Castile.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Q. Castile.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_r' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_549'>549</span> -<img src='images/table_r.jpg' alt='Aragon.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>R. Aragon.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div id='gene_s' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_550'>550</span> -<img src='images/table_s.jpg' alt='Navarre.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>S. Navarre.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c004'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—Spanish Navarre was annexed to Spain by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1512. -French Navarre was permanently united to France by an edict of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> in 1607.</p> - -<div id='gene_t' class='figcenter id002'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_551'>551</span> -<img src='images/table_t.jpg' alt='Some European Connections of the House of Portugal.' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>T. Some European Connections of the House of Portugal.</p> -</div> -</div> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_553'>553</span> - <h2 id='index' class='c009'>INDEX</h2> -</div> - -<ul class='index c008'> - <li class='c017'>Abul Hakam, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Acciaiuoli, Angelo, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Acre, siege of, <a href='#Page_452'>452</a>; - <ul> - <li>fall of (1291), <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Adolf of Nassau, King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with France, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>;</li> - <li>confirms the Swiss league, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Count of Holstein, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>; - <ul> - <li>Duke of Schleswig, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>;</li> - <li>offered Danish crown, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Adrianople, captured by the Turks, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-aeneas-sylvius'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>; - <ul> - <li>at the Council of Basel, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>;</li> - <li>reconciles Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span> with the Papacy, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>-241, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>;</li> - <li>elected Pope as Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Agincourt, battle of, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Aiguillon, siege of, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ailly, Pierre d’, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Aladdin <span class='fss'>III.</span>, last Sultan of Iconium, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albania, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Hapsburg, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>; - <ul> - <li>chosen King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>;</li> - <li>policy of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>;</li> - <li>action in Swabia, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>;</li> - <li>murdered, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Austria, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Austria, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>; - <ul> - <li>shares Hapsburg territories with his brother Leopold, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Austria, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Austria (<span class='fss'>II.</span> as King of the Romans), <a href='#Page_397'>397</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Hungary and Bohemia, <a href='#Page_399'>399</a>;</li> - <li>elected in Germany, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Achilles of Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Bear, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Hohenzollern, last Grand-master of the Teutonic Order, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Duke of Mecklenburg, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albert, son of above, King of Sweden, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>; - <ul> - <li>abdicates, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Saxony, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Saxony, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Alberti, Benedetto, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albizzi, the, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Maso degli, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Piero degli, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Rinaldo degli, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albornoz, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Albret, house of, in Navarre, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Alexander <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>; - <ul> - <li>bull of, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Alfonso <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Aragon and Alfonso <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Naples, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Naples, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>X.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XI.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>; - <ul> - <li>war with the Moors, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— son of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Portugal, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Poitiers, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Algeciras, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Aljubarrota, battle of, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Alsace, acquired by Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>; - <ul> - <li>recovered by Sigismund of Tyrol, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Altenburg, battle near, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Alvaro de Luna, Constable of Castile, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Ammonizio</i> in Florence, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-amurath'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Amurath <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>; - <ul> - <li>killed, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>; - <ul> - <li>his wars with Hungary, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Anagni, outrage at, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>; - <ul> - <li>papal election at, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Andrea del Sarto, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Andrew of Hungary, marries Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Naples, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>; - <ul> - <li>murdered, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Andronicus <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>; - <ul> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— son of John <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Angelico, Fra, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Angora, battle of, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Anjou, first house of, acquires Provence, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires Naples and Sicily, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;</li> - <li>loses Sicily, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Hungary, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li> - <li>becomes extinct, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— second house of, acquires Provence, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>; - <ul> - <li>claims Naples, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>;</li> - <li>its possessions and claims pass to French crown, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Anne of Beaujeu, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Brittany, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Burgundy, marries Duke of Bedford, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Antony, Duke of Brabant, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>; - <ul> - <li>killed at Agincourt, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Aquitaine, Duchy of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Aragon, constitution of, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires Sicily, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>;</li> - <li>loses Sicily, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Sardinia, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>;</li> - <li>annexes the Balearic islands, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>;</li> - <li>recovers Sicily, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>;</li> - <li>falls to house of Trastamara, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>;</li> - <li>acquires and loses Naples, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Navarre, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>-487;</li> - <li>united with Castile, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Architecture, influence of the Renaissance on, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Arezzo, annexed to Florence, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Arles, kingdom of, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Armagnac, Bernard of, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Armagnacs, the, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>-332.</li> - <li class='c017'>‘Armagnacs,’ the, in Switzerland, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Army, standing, in France, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>, <a href='#Page_353'>353</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Arras, treaty of (1414), <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>; - <ul> - <li>(1435), <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>;</li> - <li>(1482), <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Artevelde, Jacob van, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>; - <ul> - <li>murder of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Philip van, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Artois, succession in, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>; - <ul> - <li>passes to Margaret of Flanders, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by house of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>ceded to Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>;</li> - <li>surrendered by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Ascania, house of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>; - <ul> - <li>extinction in Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>;</li> - <li>extinction in Saxony, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Athens, duchy of, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Auberoche, battle of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Austria, under Ottokar, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>; - <ul> - <li>transferred to the Hapsburgs, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li> - <li>separated from the other Hapsburg territories, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>;</li> - <li>succession of Ladislas Postumus, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>;</li> - <li>falls to Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>reunion of territories, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Avesnes, house of, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Avignon, papal residence in, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>; - <ul> - <li>sold to Clement <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>;</li> - <li>quitted by the Popes, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>;</li> - <li>Clement <span class='fss'>VII.</span> returns to, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Avila, Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> deposed at, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Aybar, battle of, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Azof, Genoese in, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Azores, the, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Baden in Aargau, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bagnolo, treaty of, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bajazet <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>; - <ul> - <li>defeat at Angora and death, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Baldwin, Archbishop of Trier, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Balearic Islands, conquered by James <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>; - <ul> - <li>annexed to Aragon, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Balliol, Edward, claims crown of Scotland, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— John, King of Scotland, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Baltic, Danish preponderance in, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>; - <ul> - <li>decline of, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>;</li> - <li>attempted restoration by Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>;</li> - <li>overthrown by Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>;</li> - <li>trade in, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>;</li> - <li>diminished importance of, <a href='#Page_450'>450</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Barbiano, Alberigo da, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Barcelona, treaty of, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Barnet, battle of, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Baroncelli, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Basel, Council of, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>-242, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Baugé, battle of, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bayonne, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>; - <ul> - <li>surrendered to France, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Beatific Vision, heresy of the, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Beaufort, Edmund, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Henry, Bishop of Winchester and Cardinal, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>, <a href='#Page_356'>356</a>; - <ul> - <li>at council of Constance, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>;</li> - <li>heads crusade against the Hussites, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Beaujeu, Anne of, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bedford, John, Duke of, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>-346; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Burgundy, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Belgrade, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>; - <ul> - <li>relief of, in 1456, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bella, Giano della, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bellini, Gentile, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Giovanni, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Beltran de la Cueva, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Benedict <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bentivoglio, Giovanni, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bergamo, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>; - <ul> - <li>subject to Milan, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Venice, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bergen, German ‘factory’ in, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Berri, Charles, Duke of. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-charles-berri'>Charles of Berri</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Béthune, Robert of, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Bianchi</i>, the, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Black Death, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Prince, the, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>; - <ul> - <li>gains battle of Poitiers, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>;</li> - <li>supports Peter the Cruel, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>;</li> - <li>illness and ill-success, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>;</li> - <li>quits France, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Blanche of Bourbon, wife of Peter the Cruel, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Navarre, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Blanchetaque, ford over the Somme, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_328'>328</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Blois, Charles of, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Boccaccio, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Boccanegra, Simone, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Boguslav of Pomerania, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bohemia, succession in, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by John of Luxemburg, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li> - <li>under Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;</li> - <li>disturbances under Wenzel, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>;</li> - <li>Hussite movement in, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>-210, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>;</li> - <li>crusades against, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>;</li> - <li>conclusion of compacts, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li> - <li>accession of Sigismund, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;</li> - <li>accession of Albert of Austria, <a href='#Page_399'>399</a>, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>;</li> - <li>election of Ladislas Postumus, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>;</li> - <li>election of George Podiebrad, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>war with Hungary, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>;</li> - <li>falls to house of Jagellon, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bologna, seized by Giovanni Visconti, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— recovered by Albornoz, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— under Giovanni Bentivoglio, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— subjected to Milan, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bona of Savoy, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bordeaux, trade of, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>; - <ul> - <li>rising in 1452, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Borgia, Alfonso, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-calixtus-iii'>Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span></a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Cæsar, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Rodrigo, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a> (Alexander <span class='fss'>VI.</span>).</li> - <li class='c017'>Bosnia, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>; - <ul> - <li>wars with the Turks, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>;</li> - <li>annexed by Mohammed <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Botticelli, Sandro, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Boucicault, Marshal, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_363'>363</a>, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brabant, duchy of, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Philip the Good, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Braccio da Montone, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bramante, designs St. Peter’s, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by house of Wittelsbach, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>;</li> - <li>transferred to house of Luxemburg, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>;</li> - <li>given to Frederick of Hohenzollern, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bremen, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>, <a href='#Page_451'>451</a>; - <ul> - <li>expelled from Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a>;</li> - <li>restored, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Brescia, calls in John of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>; - <ul> - <li>seized by Milan, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li> - <li>battle of (1401), <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Venice, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Brienne, Walter de, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brittany, duchy of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>; - <ul> - <li>Succession war in, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>;</li> - <li>united with French crown, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Bruce, Robert, King of Scotland, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bruges, centre of mediæval trade, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brun, Rudolf, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>; - <ul> - <li>practically despot in Zürich, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Brunellesco, Filippo, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brünn, treaty of, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Brusa, in Asia Minor, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Buchan, Constable of France, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Buonconvento, death of Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span> at, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bureau, Gaspar, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Jean, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Burgundian party in France, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Burgundy, county of, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-franche-comte'>Franche-Comté</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— duchy of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>; - <ul> - <li>given to Philip the Bold, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>annexed by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— old kingdom of, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Bussolari, Jacopo, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Cabochiens, the, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cade, Jack, rising of, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cagliari, naval battle off, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Calais, taken by Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>; - <ul> - <li>besieged by Philip the Good, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-calixtus-iii'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Calixtus <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cambray, League of, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Campobasso, Count of, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Canale, Niccolo, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Canaries, the, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cane, Facino, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cangrande della Scala, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cantacuzenos, John, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>-502.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Matthew, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cape of Good Hope, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Verde, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Capet, house of, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Capistrano, Fra, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Caramania, princes of, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Caravaggio, battle of, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Carinthia, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Tyrol, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Hapsburgs, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Carmagnola, Francesco, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>; - <ul> - <li>executed, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Carobert, King of Hungary, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Carpaccio, Vittore, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Carrara, Francesco, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— —— the younger, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Casimir the Great of Poland, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Poland, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cassel, battle of (1328), <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Castile, constitution of, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a>; - <ul> - <li>disorders in, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>;</li> - <li>under Peter the Cruel, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>-474;</li> - <li>united with Aragon, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>;</li> - <li>share in discovery, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Castillon, battle of, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Castracani, Castruccio, Lord of Lucca, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Castriot, George (Scanderbeg), <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Catalans, Grand Company of the, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Catalonia, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>; - <ul> - <li>rebels against John <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Catasto</i>, the, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Catharine, daughter of John of Gaunt, marries Henry <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Navarre, marries Jean d’Albret, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cauchon, Pierre, Bishop of Beauvais, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Celestine <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cellini, Benvenuto, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cerda, Ferdinand de, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Infantes de, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cerdagne, ceded to France, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>; - <ul> - <li>restored to Aragon, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Cesarini, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cesena, Michael of, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Chambre des Comptes</i>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Champagne, acquired by France, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>; - <ul> - <li>offered by Bedford to Philip the Good, <a href='#Page_343'>343</a>;</li> - <li>promised by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> to his brother Charles, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Chandos, John, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of Bohemia and Emperor, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>; - <ul> - <li>reign of, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>-123;</li> - <li>character, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>;</li> - <li>government of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;</li> - <li>policy in Italy, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>;</li> - <li>issues the Golden Bull, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>;</li> - <li>his motives, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>;</li> - <li>his territorial acquisitions, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>;</li> - <li>importance of his rule in Germany, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Rienzi, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>;</li> - <li>visit to Lübeck, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, King of France, regent for his father, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_86'>86</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>; - <ul> - <li>accession to the throne, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>;</li> - <li>government, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>;</li> - <li>renews the English war, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>;</li> - <li>successes, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>; - <ul> - <li>reign of, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>-333.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>; - <ul> - <li>accession, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>;</li> - <li>reign, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>-361;</li> - <li>reforms of, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>-355;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>; - <ul> - <li>minority, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>;</li> - <li>marries Anne of Brittany, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>;</li> - <li>sets out for Naples, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Charles the Bold of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_364'>364</a>-367; - <ul> - <li>wars with Liége, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>;</li> - <li>quarrels with Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>-376;</li> - <li>changed policy of, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;</li> - <li>acquisitions in Germany, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>;</li> - <li>seeks a crown, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>;</li> - <li>war with the Swiss, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Anjou, King of Naples and Sicily and Count of Provence, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of Naples, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of Naples, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>; - <ul> - <li>assassinated in Hungary, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Calabria, son of Robert of Naples, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Durazzo, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— (<span class='fss'>I.</span>) of Maine, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_356'>356</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— (<span class='fss'>II.</span>) of Maine, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> (the Bad) of Navarre, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Marcel, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Navarre, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-charles-berri'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Berri, brother of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>; - <ul> - <li>joins League of Public Weal, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Normandy, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>;</li> - <li>loses it, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>;</li> - <li>receives Guienne, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Valois, brother of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Viana, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Chatillon, Jacques de, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Chaucer, Geoffrey, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Chiana, val di, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Chioggia, war of, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Christian of Oliva, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Oldenburg, succeeds in Denmark and Norway, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires Sweden, Schleswig and Holstein, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>;</li> - <li>loses Sweden, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Denmark, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Christopher <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of Denmark, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Bavaria, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Cibo, Franchescetto, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cilly, Count of, <a href='#Page_411'>411</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Cimabue, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cinque ports, the sailors of the, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Ciompi</i>, the, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>; - <ul> - <li>rising of, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Clarence, Thomas, Duke of, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Clarence, George, Duke of, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Clement <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, schismatic pope at Avignon, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Clementia of Hapsburg, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Hungary, second wife of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Clericis laicos</i>, papal bull, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Clisson, Olivier de, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Coleone, Bartolommeo, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>; - <ul> - <li>statue of, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Cologne, importance in German trade, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>; - <ul> - <li>rivalry with Lübeck and Hamburg, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>;</li> - <li>position in Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>;</li> - <li>Hanse meeting at, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Colonna, the family of, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Oddo, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-martin-v'>Martin <span class='fss'>V.</span></a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Stefano, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Columbus, Christopher, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Commines, Philippe de, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>, <a href='#Page_362'>362</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Comminges, Count of, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Compactata</i>, the, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Condottieri</i>, foreign, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>; - <ul> - <li>native, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Conflans, treaty of, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Conradin, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>; - <ul> - <li>execution of, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Conseil du roi</i>, the, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Constance, Council of, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>-220, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Manfred, marries Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Castile, marries John of Gaunt, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Constantine Palæologus, last of the Byzantine emperors, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>; - <ul> - <li>his heroic death, <a href='#Page_510'>510</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Constantinople, recovered from the Latins by Michael Palæologus, <a href='#Page_494'>494</a>; - <ul> - <li>first siege by the Turks, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>;</li> - <li>second siege, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>;</li> - <li>final siege and capture, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>, <a href='#Page_510'>510</a>;</li> - <li>treaty of, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Copenhagen, captured by Hanse forces, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cordova, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cornaro, Catarina, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Corsica, seized by the Genoese, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cortes of Castile, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a>, <a href='#Page_488'>488</a>; - <ul> - <li>of Aragon, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Cortona, annexed to Florence, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cossa, Baldassare, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-john-xxiii'>John <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span></a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Cour du roi</i>, the, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Courland, duchy of, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Courtrai, battle of, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cracow, University of, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Crecy, battle of, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Crema, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cremona, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Crevant, battle of, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Crimea, the, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Crusades, the, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Cyprus, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Venice, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c008'>Dalmatia, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dante, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_522'>522</a>, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Danzig, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_462'>462</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dauphiné, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by France, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>;</li> - <li>Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span> in, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>David <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of Scotland, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Denmark, relations with Germany, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>; - <ul> - <li>war with the Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>-438;</li> - <li>united with Sweden and Norway, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>;</li> - <li>with Schleswig and Holstein, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>;</li> - <li>separated from Sweden, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Diaz, Bartholomew, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Diesbach, Nicolas von, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dinant, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>; - <ul> - <li>taken by Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Discoveries at end of fifteenth century, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>-3.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ditmarsh, peasants of, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Döffingen, battle of, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Donatello, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Doria, Luciano, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Paganino, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Pietro, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Douglas, Earl of, and Count of Touraine, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Duccio, Sienese painter, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dunois, bastard son of Louis of Orleans, <a href='#Page_342'>342</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dupplin Moor, battle of, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Durazzo, house of, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Dushan, Stephen, King of Servia, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Easterlings or Osterlings, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Écorcheurs</i>, the, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Education, stimulated by the Renaissance, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Edward <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>; - <ul> - <li>wars with France, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Isabella of France, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>; - <ul> - <li>war in Scotland, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>;</li> - <li>allied with the Flemings, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Lewis the Bavarian, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>;</li> - <li>claims the French crown, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>;</li> - <li>war in France, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>-78, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>, <a href='#Page_375'>375</a>, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>; - <ul> - <li>invades France, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a>, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Eger, peace of, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Eleanor, daughter of Peter <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Navarre, marries Gaston de Foix, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Electors, the seven, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>; - <ul> - <li>as regulated by the Golden Bull, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Elizabeth, widow of Lewis the Great, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Elna, fortress of, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Elsa, val d’, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Epila, battle of, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ercole d’Este, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Eric Glipping, King of Denmark, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Menved, King of Denmark, <a href='#Page_430'>430</a>, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Pomerania, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>; - <ul> - <li>succeeds to the Scandinavian kingdoms, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Ernest of Styria, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ertogrul, Turkish leader, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Esthonia, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Étaples, treaty of, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Eudes <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, Duke of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>-272, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Council of Basel, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>;</li> - <li>triumphs over the Council, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>-241.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Evreux, Louis, Count of, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Philip, Count of, marries Jeanne of Navarre, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Execrabilis</i>, papal bull, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Falier, Marin, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Falköping, battle of, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Fastolf, Sir John, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Felix <span class='fss'>V.</span>, anti-Pope, <a href='#Page_238'>238</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ferdinand <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> (the Catholic) of Aragon, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>, <a href='#Page_488'>488</a>, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— de Cerda, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ferrante <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Naples, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>-287, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ferrara, war with Venice, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>; - <ul> - <li>Council of, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Ficino, Marsilio, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Filelfo, Francesco, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Filioque</i> controversy, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Flanders, county of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>; - <ul> - <li>at war with Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>;</li> - <li>commerce of, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>allied with Edward <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>;</li> - <li>Philip van Artevelde and war with France, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Dukes of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Flor, Roger de, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Florence, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>; - <ul> - <li>constitution of, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>-35, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_303'>303</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>;</li> - <li>offers lordship to Charles of Calabria, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li> - <li>fails to get Lucca, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li> - <li>Walter de Brienne in, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>;</li> - <li>parties in, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>;</li> - <li>oligarchical government from 1382 to 1435, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>-293;</li> - <li>wars with Milan, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>;</li> - <li>under Medicean rule, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>-314;</li> - <li>Council of, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>;</li> - <li>cathedral of, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>;</li> - <li>importance in history of art, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Foix, house of, in Navarre, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Forli, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Foscari, Francesco, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>; - <ul> - <li>deposition and death, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Jacopo, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Fougères, attack upon, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-franche-comte'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Franche-Comté, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Valois Dukes of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>attacked by the Swiss, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>;</li> - <li>annexed by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>;</li> - <li>surrendered by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Francis <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Brittany, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Brittany, <a href='#Page_363'>363</a>, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a>, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Franciscans, their quarrel with John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Frankfort, Diet of, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Fraticelli, the, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Burggraf of Nuremberg, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-frederick-hohenzollern'>Hohenzollern, Frederick of</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— (the Handsome) of Hapsburg, elected King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>; - <ul> - <li>captured by his rival, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Tyrol, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>; - <ul> - <li>opposes Sigismund at Constance, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Emperor, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>, <a href='#Page_404'>404</a>-411, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with the Papacy and Council of Basel, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>;</li> - <li>joint ruler in Styria, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>;</li> - <li>character, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Austria, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>;</li> - <li>last years, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_418'>418</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Sicily, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Sicily, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Friuli, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Froissart, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Gabelle, the, <a href='#Page_61'>61</a>; - <ul> - <li>upon salt, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Galata, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gallipoli, seized by the Turks, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gama, Vasco da, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gaston de Foix, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gavre, battle of, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Genappe, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Genoa, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>; - <ul> - <li>rivalry with Venice, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>-173, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>;</li> - <li>factions in, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>;</li> - <li>relations with France, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Milan, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Greek empire, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>;</li> - <li>loss of Kaffa and Azof, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Gerhard, Count of Holstein, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gerona, siege of, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gerson, Jean, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ghent, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ghiara d’Adda, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ghiberti, Lorenzo, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ghirlandaio, Domenico, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Giac, Pierre de, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Giano della Bella, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gibraltar, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Giorgione, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Giotto, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Girona, fortress of, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Glarus, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>; - <ul> - <li>leagued with the Swiss, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Golden Bull, the, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>-118, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Göllheim, battle of, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gonfalonier of justice, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Görlitz, John of, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gothland, island of, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Granada, kingdom of, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>; - <ul> - <li>conquest of, <a href='#Page_490'>490</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Grand Company of the Catalans, <a href='#Page_497'>497</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Grandella, battle of, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Granson, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>; - <ul> - <li>battle of, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Gregory <span class='fss'>IX.</span>, grants Prussia to Teutonic knights, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>——<span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>——<span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>——<span class='fss'>XII.</span>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>; - <ul> - <li>negotiations with Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>;</li> - <li>deposed at Pisa, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Ladislas of Naples, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Guelfs and Ghibellines in Italy, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Guesclin, Bertrand du, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Guienne, lost by the English, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>; - <ul> - <li>ceded to Charles of Berri, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>;</li> - <li>recovered by French crown, <a href='#Page_376'>376</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Guinea Coast, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Guinigi, Paolo, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Gunther of Schwartzburg, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Guy, Count of Flanders, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Guzman, Eleanor de, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Hagenbach, Peter of, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hainault, united with Holland and Zealand, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by house of Wittelsbach, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by house of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hakon, King of Norway, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Margaret of Denmark, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Halidon Hill, battle of, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hallam, Robert, Bishop of Salisbury, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hamburg, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>, <a href='#Page_451'>451</a>; - <ul> - <li>allied with Lübeck, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>;</li> - <li>supports Holstein against Denmark, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hans, or John, King of Denmark and Norway, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Hansa</i>, meaning of word, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a>, <a href='#Page_424'>424</a>; - <ul> - <li><i>Hansa Alamanniæ</i>, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>; - <ul> - <li>origin of, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a>;</li> - <li>war with Denmark, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>-438;</li> - <li>zenith of its power, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>;</li> - <li>decline of, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>-451.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hapsburg, house of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>; - <ul> - <li>in Swabia, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Austria, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Carinthia, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Tyrol, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>;</li> - <li>partition of territories, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Hungary and Bohemia, <a href='#Page_399'>399</a>, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>;</li> - <li>hold on imperial crown, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>;</li> - <li>loses Hungary and Bohemia, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>,414;</li> - <li>acquires the Netherlands, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>;</li> - <li>reunion of territories, <a href='#Page_404'>404</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hawkwood, John, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hedwig, Queen of Poland, marries Jagello of Lithuania, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Helsingborg, siege of, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Henry <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, Emperor, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>; - <ul> - <li>in Italy, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>-42;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Trastamara (Henry <span class='fss'>II.</span>), <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>; - <ul> - <li>claims crown of Castile, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>;</li> - <li>gains it, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span> (the Impotent) of Castile, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_327'>327</a>-333.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Duke of Lower Bavaria, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Duke of Carinthia and Count of Tyrol, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Count of Holstein, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Mecklenburg, marries Ingeborg of Denmark, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Navigator, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Wettin, Margrave of Meissen, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Hermandad</i>, in Castile, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hermann von Salza, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hermanstadt, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Herrings, battle of the, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hesse, Lewis of, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hohenstaufen, house of, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-frederick-hohenzollern'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Hohenzollern, Frederick of, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>, <a href='#Page_395'>395</a>, <a href='#Page_399'>399</a>, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>, <a href='#Page_402'>402</a>; - <ul> - <li>receives Brandenburg (1415), <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>;</li> - <li>attempted reforms in Germany, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— house of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_400'>400</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Holland, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by house of Wittelsbach, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by dukes of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Holstein, relations with Denmark, <a href='#Page_430'>430</a>, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a>, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Schleswig, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Christian of Oldenburg and made a duchy, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Honorius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Humanism, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Humbert, the last Dauphin of Vienne, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hungary, succession in, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>; - <ul> - <li>passes to house of Anjou, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Sigismund, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>;</li> - <li>accession of Albert of Austria, <a href='#Page_399'>399</a>;</li> - <li>accession of Ladislas of Poland, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>;</li> - <li>accession of Ladislas Postumus, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>;</li> - <li>election of Mathias Corvinus, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>falls to house of Jagellon, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Hunyadi, John, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_411'>411</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>; - <ul> - <li>relieves Belgrade, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Ladislas, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Hus, John, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>; - <ul> - <li>goes to Constance, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li> - <li>imprisoned, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;</li> - <li>trial, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li> - <li>executed, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Husinec, Nicolas of, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Iconium, Turkish sultans of, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>India, trade with, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Indies, the West, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ingeborg, daughter of Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Innocent <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VII.</span>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Interregnum, the Great, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Isabel of Bavaria, wife of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Isabella of Castile, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>, <a href='#Page_488'>488</a>, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of France, wife of Edward <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Portugal, wife of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Italy, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>; - <ul> - <li>causes of disunion in, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>-23.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c008'>Jacqueline of Hainault, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Jacques Cœur, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>; - <ul> - <li>fall of, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Jacquetta of Luxemburg, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-jagello'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Jagello, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-ladislas-v'>Ladislas <span class='fss'>V.</span></a> of Poland.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Jagellon house in Poland, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires Bohemia, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Hungary, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>James <span class='fss'>I.</span> (the Conqueror) of Aragon, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Janissaries, formation of the, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Janow, Mathias of, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Jeanne, heiress of Champagne and Navarre, wife of Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>; - <ul> - <li>excluded from the succession in France, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;</li> - <li>Queen of Navarre, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Countess of Blois, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Darc, <a href='#Page_334'>334</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>-345.</li> - <li class='c017'>Jerome of Prag, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Jews, expelled from Spain, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span>, Queen of Naples, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, Queen of Naples, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Portugal, wife of Henry <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— ‘la Beltraneja,’ <a href='#Page_477'>477</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Henriquez, second wife of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Jobst of Moravia, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>; - <ul> - <li>receives Brandenburg from Sigismund, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>;</li> - <li>candidate for empire, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>John <span class='fss'>XXII.</span>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>; - <ul> - <li>his heresy, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-john-xxiii'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XXIII.</span>, elected Pope, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Naples, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>;</li> - <li>summons Council of Constance, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>;</li> - <li>conduct at Constance, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>-215;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>; - <ul> - <li>his expedition to Italy, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li> - <li>crusade in Prussia, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Duke of Brittany, death of, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>-332; - <ul> - <li>murder of, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Calabria, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>; - <ul> - <li>joins League of the Public Weal, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>John <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— or Hans, King of Denmark and Norway, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span>, posthumous son of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>-90; - <ul> - <li>captured at Poitiers, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Gaunt, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Castile, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, Greek Emperor, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, Greek Emperor, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Cantacuzenos, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>; - <ul> - <li>crowned Emperor, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>;</li> - <li>abdicates, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Palæologus, nephew and colleague of Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Hapsburg assassinates his uncle, Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Portugal, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Portugal, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Procida, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>John Henry, Margrave of Moravia, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Joinville, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Julius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Justiciar of Aragon, the, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Kaffa, in the Crimea, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kalisch, treaty of, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kalmar, union of, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Karl Knudson, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>; - <ul> - <li>King in Sweden, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>;</li> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Katharine of France marries Henry <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ketteler, Gotthard, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kniprode, Winzig von, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Königsberg, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>, <a href='#Page_462'>462</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Korybut, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kossova, battle of, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>; - <ul> - <li>second battle of, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Kremsier, Milecz of, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kroja, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kulm, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Kulmerland, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Ladislas, King of Naples, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Postumus, <a href='#Page_360'>360</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>; - <ul> - <li>succeeds in Austria, Bohemia, and Hungary, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>;</li> - <li>released from guardianship, <a href='#Page_411'>411</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-ladislas-v'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Ladislas <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Poland (<i>see</i> <a href='#index-jagello'>Jagello</a>), <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of Poland, King of Hungary, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>; - <ul> - <li>killed at Varna, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— King of Bohemia and Hungary, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Hungary, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Lahnstein, imperial election at, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lampugnani, Andrea, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lancaster, Henry of, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lausanne, interview at, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lecoq, Robert, Bishop of Laon, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Leghorn. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-livorno'>Livorno</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Leipzig, University of, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Leo <span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>; - <ul> - <li>furthers the Renaissance, <a href='#Page_522'>522</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Leopold of Hapsburg, son of Albert <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— —— son of Albert <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>; - <ul> - <li>shares the Hapsburg territories with Albert <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>;</li> - <li>killed at Sempach, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Lesbos, taken by the Turks, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Levant, trade in, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lewis the Bavarian, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with the Papacy, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>-103;</li> - <li>causes of failure, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>;</li> - <li>his visit to Italy, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>;</li> - <li>his policy of territorial aggrandisement, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>;</li> - <li>confirms the Swiss League, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Brandenburg, son of Lewis the Bavarian, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Roman, brother and successor of above, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Great, King of Hungary and Poland, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>; - <ul> - <li>expedition to Naples, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>;</li> - <li>war with Venice, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, Count of Flanders, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-lewis-de-male'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>—— de Mâle, Count of Flanders, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, Count Palatine and Duke of Upper Bavaria, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Elector Palatine, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Taranto, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Liége, attacked by Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_368'>368</a>, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Limoges, massacre at, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lipan, battle of, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lippi, Filippo, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Filippino, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lithuania, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Poland, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Livonia, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>; - <ul> - <li>Order of the Sword in, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-livorno'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Livorno, annexed to Florence, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lodi, treaty of, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>London, German <i>hansa</i> in, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Loredano, Antonio, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Loria, Roger di, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lorraine, succession in, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>; - <ul> - <li>seized by Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Louis <span class='fss'>IX.</span> of France, death of, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>X.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>; - <ul> - <li>as Dauphin, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>, <a href='#Page_360'>360</a>;</li> - <li>accession, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>;</li> - <li>character and policy, <a href='#Page_362'>362</a>;</li> - <li>reign, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>-390.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Anjou, Count of Provence and titular King of Naples, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_330'>330</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Anjou, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>; - <ul> - <li>claim to Aragon, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— de Mâle, Count of Flanders, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-lewis-de-male'>Lewis de Mâle</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Duke of Orleans, brother of Charles <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>; - <ul> - <li>assassination of, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Lübeck, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_422'>422</a>, <a href='#Page_423'>423</a>; - <ul> - <li>alliance with Hamburg, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>;</li> - <li>leadership in Hanseatic League, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>;</li> - <li>visit of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span> to, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a>;</li> - <li>retains independence, <a href='#Page_451'>451</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Lucca, under Castruccio Castracani, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>; - <ul> - <li>under John of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li> - <li>disputed between Florence and Verona, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li> - <li>seized by the Pisans, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Luna, Peter de (Benedict <span class='fss'>XIII.</span>), <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Luther, Martin, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Luxemburg, duchy of, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Philip the Good, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>, <a href='#Page_538'>538</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— house of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>; - <ul> - <li>gains Bohemia, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li> - <li>gains Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>;</li> - <li>gains Hungary, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>-192;</li> - <li>extinction of male line, <a href='#Page_397'>397</a>;</li> - <li>extinction of, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Luxemburg, John of, captor of Jeanne Darc, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Luzern joins the Swiss Confederation, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Lyons, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>; - <ul> - <li>seized by Philip <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c008'>Macalo, battle of, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Madeira, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Magnus, King of Sweden, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a>, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>; - <ul> - <li>deposed, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Maillotins</i>, the, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mainz, Pragmatic Sanction of, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Majorca, kingdom of, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Malatesta, Carlo, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Pandolfo, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mantegna, Andrea, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mantua, Congress of, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Manuel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, Greek Emperor, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marcel, Etienne, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>-88.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marchfeld, battle of the, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Margaret of Anjou, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Henry <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of England, <a href='#Page_356'>356</a>;</li> - <li>reconciled with Warwick, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>;</li> - <li>defeated at Tewkesbury, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Artois, daughter of Philip <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Burgundy, first wife of Louis <span class='fss'>X.</span>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— heiress of Flanders, Artois, and Franche-Comté, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_541'>541</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy, betrothed to Dauphin, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>; - <ul> - <li>repudiated by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Maultasch, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>; - <ul> - <li>Countess of Tyrol, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>;</li> - <li>death of her son, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, marries Hakon of Norway, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>; - <ul> - <li>arranges Union of Kalmar, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>;</li> - <li>war with Holstein and death, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span>, marries James <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Scotland, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of York, marries Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Maria of Hungary, marries Sigismund, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marienburg, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marienwerder, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marigny, Enguerrand de, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marin Falier, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Marmousets</i>, the, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Marsiglio of Padua, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Marsilio Carrara, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Martin <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-martin-v'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, election of, <a href='#Page_220'>220</a>; - <ul> - <li>returns to Rome, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>-269;</li> - <li>publishes crusade against the Hussites, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>;</li> - <li>summons Council of Siena, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Younger of Aragon, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mary of Aragon, wife of John <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_476'>476</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>, <a href='#Page_387'>387</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Maximilian, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Sicily, marries Martin the Younger of Aragon, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Masaccio, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Masovia, Konrad of, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mastino della Scala, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mathias Corvinus, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>; - <ul> - <li>elected King of Hungary, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Bohemia, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>;</li> - <li>war with Austria, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Matthew Cantacuzenos, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Maximilian <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Mary of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>;</li> - <li>elected King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_417'>417</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Medici, Cosimo de’, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>; - <ul> - <li>exiled, <a href='#Page_293'>293</a>;</li> - <li>recalled, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>;</li> - <li>rule in Florence, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>-299;</li> - <li>patronage of literature, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Giovanni de’, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Lorenzo de’, the Magnificent, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>; - <ul> - <li>rule in Florence, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>-312;</li> - <li>relations with Innocent <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>;</li> - <li>his poems, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Maddalena de’, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Piero (<span class='fss'>I.</span>) de’, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>-302.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— —— (<span class='fss'>II.</span>) de’, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>; - <ul> - <li>flight from Florence, <a href='#Page_314'>314</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Salvestro de’, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Vieri de’, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Meinhard, Count of Tyrol and Duke of Carinthia, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— son of Margaret Maultasch, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Meloria, battle of, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mercenary troops in Italy, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>-151; - <ul> - <li>in France, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_351'>351</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Michael <span class='fss'>VIII.</span> (Palæologus), <a href='#Page_494'>494</a>, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Angelo, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Cesena, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mocenigo, Tommaso, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mohammed <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>, <a href='#Page_506'>506</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>, <a href='#Page_411'>411</a>, <a href='#Page_412'>412</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>; - <ul> - <li>takes Constantinople, <a href='#Page_510'>510</a>;</li> - <li>conquers the Balkan provinces, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>;</li> - <li>conquers Greece, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>-513;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Molai, Jacques de, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Moldau, the, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mons-en-Puelle, battle of, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Montefeltro, Federigo da, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Montereau, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Montesecco, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Montfort, John de, claims Brittany, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— —— son of above, John <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Brittany, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Montiel, battle of, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mont-lhéri, battle of, <a href='#Page_366'>366</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Morat, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>; - <ul> - <li>battle of, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Moravia, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>; - <ul> - <li>annexed to Bohemia, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Morea, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>; - <ul> - <li>conquered by the Turks, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>;</li> - <li>Venetian possessions in, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Moreale, Fra, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Morgarten, battle of, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Mühldorf, battle of, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Murad. <i>See</i> <a href='#index-amurath'>Amurath</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Murcia, annexed to Castile, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>, <a href='#Page_469'>469</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Näfels, battle of, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Najara, battle of, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Namur, acquired by Philip the Good, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Naples, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by first house of Anjou, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;</li> - <li>under Joanna <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>-154;</li> - <li>claimed by second house of Anjou, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_542'>542</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Alfonso <span class='fss'>V.</span> of Aragon, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>;</li> - <li>passes to Ferrante, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>;</li> - <li>rising against Ferrante, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>;</li> - <li>claimed by Charles <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Narbonne, conference at, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nassau, John of, Archbishop of Mainz, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Navarre, united with France, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>; - <ul> - <li>severed from France on accession of Valois line, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>;</li> - <li>united with Aragon, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>;</li> - <li>independent after death of John <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>;</li> - <li>split into Spanish and French Navarre, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>, <a href='#Page_550'>550</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Navarrette, battle of, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Negropont, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>; - <ul> - <li>taken by the Turks, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Neri</i>, the, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Neroni, Diotisalvi, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Netherlands, the, acquired by Valois, Dukes of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Neumark, the, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Neuss, besieged by Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a>, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nevill’s Cross, battle of, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Neville, Anne, marries Prince of Wales, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Isabel, marries Duke of Clarence, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nicæa, <a href='#Page_494'>494</a>, <a href='#Page_498'>498</a>; - <ul> - <li>taken by the Turks, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Niccolo da Pisano, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nicolas, son of John of Calabria, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_522'>522</a>, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nicopolis, battle of, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>, <a href='#Page_403'>403</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Nissa, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Northampton, treaty of, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Novgorod, German ‘factory’ at, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a>, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Novigrad, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Ockham, William of, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Olaf, King of Denmark and Norway, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Oleggio, Giovanni d’, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Olgiati, Girolamo, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Oliva, Christian of, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orcagna, Andrea, <a href='#Page_527'>527</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orchan, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>; - <ul> - <li>his government, <a href='#Page_500'>500</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Ordinances of Justice in Florence, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orkneys transferred from Denmark to Scotland, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orleans, siege of, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>; - <ul> - <li>states-general of, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Charles, Duke of, <a href='#Page_326'>326</a>, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>; - <ul> - <li>release of, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Louis, Duke of, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>; - <ul> - <li>assassination of, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— —— Duke of, afterwards Louis <span class='fss'>XII.</span>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orsini, the house of, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Clarice, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_313'>313</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Orvieto, cathedral of, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Osterlings or Easterlings, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Othman, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Otranto, occupied by the Turks, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_310'>310</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Otto of Brandenburg, cedes the electorate to Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, Count of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ottokar, King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>; - <ul> - <li>crusade in Prussia, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li> - <li>war with Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Ottoman Turks, origin of, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>; - <ul> - <li>their conquests in Europe, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>;</li> - <li>they capture Constantinople, <a href='#Page_510'>510</a>;</li> - <li>further conquests, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c008'>Padilla, Maria de, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Padua, subjected to Milan, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>; - <ul> - <li>revolt of, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li> - <li>seized by Venice, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Palermo, rising at, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Palladio, architect, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Papal States, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Paris, University of, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Parliament, the model (1295), <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Paris, the, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— the Florentine, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Patay, battle of, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Paul <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pavia, Council at, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pazzi, conspiracy of the, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>-307.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Francesco, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Jacopo, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pecquigni, treaty of, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pelekanon, battle of, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Peniscola, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pera, suburb of Constantinople, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Péronne, interview at, <a href='#Page_370'>370</a>; - <ul> - <li>treaty of, <a href='#Page_371'>371</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Perpignan, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of Philip <span class='fss'>III.</span> at, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Perugino, Pietro, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Peter <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of Aragon and Sicily, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of Aragon, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> (the Cruel) of Castile, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>-474.</li> - <li class='c017'>Petit, Jean, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Petrarch, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Pfahlbürger</i>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Philadelphia, <a href='#Page_499'>499</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Philip de Rouvre, Duke and Count of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span> (the Bold) of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_315'>315</a>, <a href='#Page_317'>317</a>, <a href='#Page_319'>319</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_324'>324</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_322'>322</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span> (the Good) of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_349'>349</a>, <a href='#Page_359'>359</a>, <a href='#Page_361'>361</a>, <a href='#Page_364'>364</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Gloucester, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>;</li> - <li>acquisitions in the Netherlands, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_360'>360</a>;</li> - <li>hands over Jeanne Darc, <a href='#Page_344'>344</a>;</li> - <li>rupture with Bedford, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li> - <li>makes treaty of Arras, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>-348;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>-49; - <ul> - <li>acquires marquisate of Provence, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li> - <li>Champagne and Navarre, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>;</li> - <li>wars in Spain, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, King of France, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>; - <ul> - <li>reign, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>-62;</li> - <li>quarrel with Boniface <span class='fss'>VIII.</span>, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>;</li> - <li>wars with England, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>-55;</li> - <li>war in Flanders, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>;</li> - <li>suppresses the Templars, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>;</li> - <li>administrative reforms, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>-61;</li> - <li>annexes Lyons, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>V.</span>, King of France, marries heiress of Franche-Comté, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>; - <ul> - <li>accession of, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>; - <ul> - <li>accession to the throne, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>;</li> - <li>reign, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>-79;</li> - <li>war with Flanders, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>;</li> - <li>war with England, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>-77;</li> - <li>annexes Dauphiné, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Philippa, daughter of John of Gaunt, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>, <a href='#Page_475'>475</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Platina, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Plauen, Henry of, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Piccinino, Jacopo, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_285'>285</a>, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Niccolo, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-piccolomini'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Piccolomini, Æneas Sylvius, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>-241, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-pius-ii'>Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span></a></li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Pisa, decline of, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>; - <ul> - <li>supports Ghibellines, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>;</li> - <li>loses her maritime importance, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>;</li> - <li>Council of, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li> - <li>subjected to Milan, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li> - <li>subjected to Florence, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Pisani, Niccolo, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Vettor, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pistoia, annexed to Florence, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pitti, Luca, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><a id='index-pius-ii'></a></li> - <li class='c017'>Pius <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>-280, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>. - <ul> - <li><i>See</i> <a href='#index-piccolomini'>Piccolomini</a>, <a href='#index-aeneas-sylvius'>Æneas Sylvius</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Podiebrad, George, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>; - <ul> - <li>King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_414'>414</a>;</li> - <li>war with Hungary, <a href='#Page_415'>415</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_416'>416</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Poggio Bracciolini, <a href='#Page_523'>523</a>, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Imperiale, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Poitiers, battle of, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Poland, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>, <a href='#Page_467'>467</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Lithuania, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_459'>459</a>;</li> - <li>wars with the Teutonic Knights, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Politiano, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pomerania, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Pomerellen, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Porcaro, Stefano, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Portolungo, battle of, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Porto Santo, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Portugal, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>, <a href='#Page_490'>490</a>; - <ul> - <li>its share in geographical discovery, <a href='#Page_491'>491</a>, <a href='#Page_492'>492</a>, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_355'>355</a>, <a href='#Page_363'>363</a>, <a href='#Page_406'>406</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Prague, University of, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>; - <ul> - <li>disputes between the Bohemians and the other nations, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>;</li> - <li>exodus of Germans from, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;</li> - <li>four articles of, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li> - <li>death of Ladislas Postumus at, <a href='#Page_413'>413</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'><i>Praguerie</i>, the, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_353'>353</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Premyslides, dynasty of, in Bohemia, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a></li> - <li class='c017'>Privilege of union in Aragon, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>; - <ul> - <li>revoked, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Procida, John of, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Prokop, son of John Henry of Moravia, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Hussite leader, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>; - <ul> - <li>attends Council of Basel, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li> - <li>killed, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Provence, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>; - <ul> - <li>marquisate of, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>;</li> - <li>county of, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by first house of Anjou, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by second house of Anjou, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>;</li> - <li>united with France, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Prussia, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>; - <ul> - <li>conquered by Teutonic Knights, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>;</li> - <li>divided into east and west, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Prussian League, <a href='#Page_463'>463</a>, <a href='#Page_464'>464</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Public Weal, war of the, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>-367.</li> - <li class='c017'>Puritanism, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Raphael, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Reichstädte</i>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Renaissance, the, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_518'>518</a>, <a href='#Page_519'>519</a>; - <ul> - <li>prominence of Italy in, <a href='#Page_520'>520</a>;</li> - <li>Papal patronage of, <a href='#Page_521'>521</a>;</li> - <li>in literature, <a href='#Page_522'>522</a>-525;</li> - <li>in art, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>-532;</li> - <li>its relation with the Reformation, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>;</li> - <li>stimulates education, <a href='#Page_533'>533</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Réné le Bon, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>; - <ul> - <li>claims Lorraine, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Lorraine, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_381'>381</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>; - <ul> - <li>claims Provence, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Rense, meeting of electors at, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Reuchlin, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Reutlingen, battle of, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Rheims, coronation of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> at, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Rhodes, held by Knights of St. John, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Riario, Girolamo, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Piero, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Raffaelle, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ricci, the, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Richard of Cornwall, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of England, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_323'>323</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Richemont, Arthur of, <a href='#Page_329'>329</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>; - <ul> - <li>Constable of France, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>, <a href='#Page_350'>350</a>, <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Rienzi, Cola di, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>-161.</li> - <li class='c017'>Riga, Bishop of, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Ritterschaft</i>, in Germany, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Robbia, Luca della, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Robert, Count of Artois, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Artois, grandson of above, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— King of Naples, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_153'>153</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>I.</span>, King of Scotland, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Rocca Secca, battle of, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Roosebek, battle of, <a href='#Page_318'>318</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Rosenberg, Ulrich von, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Roussillon, ceded to France, <a href='#Page_389'>389</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>; - <ul> - <li>restored to Aragon, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Rovere, Giovanni della, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Giuliano della, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a> (Pope Julius <span class='fss'>II.</span>).</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Lionardo della, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Rovigo, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>; - <ul> - <li>polesina of, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Rudolf <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Hapsburg, chosen King of the Romans (Rudolf <span class='fss'>I.</span>), <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Papacy, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>;</li> - <li>war with Ottokar, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>;</li> - <li>action in Swabia, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Hapsburg, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>; - <ul> - <li>activity in Swabia and death, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Rupert <span class='fss'>III.</span>, Elector Palatine and King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Russia, <a href='#Page_467'>467</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Sachsenhausen, imperial election at, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>St. Jacob, battle of, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>St. John, Knights of, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>; - <ul> - <li>occupy Rhodes, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>St. Pol, Count of, Constable of France, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>, <a href='#Page_374'>374</a>, <a href='#Page_375'>375</a>; - <ul> - <li>capture and death, <a href='#Page_382'>382</a>, <a href='#Page_383'>383</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>St. Maur des Fossés, treaty of, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>St. Tron, battle of, <a href='#Page_369'>369</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Salado, battle of the, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Salic Law, the so-called, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Salviati, Francesco, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Salza, Hermann von, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sancho <span class='fss'>IV.</span> of Castile, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_470'>470</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Santa Hermandad</i>, <a href='#Page_488'>488</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sapienza, battle of, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sardinia, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by King of Aragon, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Sarto, Andrea del, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sarzana, <a href='#Page_309'>309</a>, <a href='#Page_312'>312</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Savelli, the family of, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Savonarola, attitude towards art, <a href='#Page_532'>532</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Savoy, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Scali, Giorgio, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Scaligers, their rule in Verona, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Scanderbeg, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Scarampo, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Schaffhausen, <a href='#Page_215'>215</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Schauenburg, house of, in Holstein, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>, <a href='#Page_446'>446</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Schleswig, united with Holstein, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>, <a href='#Page_444'>444</a>, <a href='#Page_445'>445</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Christian <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Denmark, <a href='#Page_447'>447</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Schwartzburg, Gunther of, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Schwiz, canton of Swiss League, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Scutari in Albania, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Selim <span class='fss'>I.</span> conquers Egypt, <a href='#Page_514'>514</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Semendria, siege of, <a href='#Page_401'>401</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sempach, battle of, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Senlis, treaty of, <a href='#Page_393'>393</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Servia, under Stephen Dushan, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>; - <ul> - <li>attacked by the Turks, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>;</li> - <li>made a Turkish province, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Seville, <a href='#Page_468'>468</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sforza, Ascanio, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Attendolo, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>; - <ul> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Caterina, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Francesco, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>; - <ul> - <li>Duke of Milan, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>;</li> - <li>relations with France, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Galeazzo Maria, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_305'>305</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Burgundy, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Gian Galeazzo, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Ippolita, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Ludovico, il Moro, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>, <a href='#Page_392'>392</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Shetland Islands, transferred to Scotland, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sicilian Vespers, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>, <a href='#Page_496'>496</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sicily, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Anjou, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>;</li> - <li>transferred to house of Aragon, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_479'>479</a>, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>;</li> - <li>united with Aragonese crown, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_484'>484</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Siena, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>; - <ul> - <li>Council at, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>;</li> - <li>cathedral of, <a href='#Page_531'>531</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Sigismund, second son of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>; - <ul> - <li>inherits Brandenburg, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li> - <li>acquires Hungary, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>-192, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>;</li> - <li>pawns Brandenburg to Jobst, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>;</li> - <li>fights at Nicopolis, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_504'>504</a>;</li> - <li>elected King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a>;</li> - <li>forces Pope to summon Council of Constance, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>;</li> - <li>gives safe-conduct to Hus, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>;</li> - <li>action at the Council, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>-220;</li> - <li>succeeds in Bohemia, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— of Tyrol, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>; - <ul> - <li>relations with Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Signorelli, Luca, <a href='#Page_528'>528</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Silesia, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Simonetta, Francesco, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sirk, Jacob von, Archbishop of Trier, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_405'>405</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sixtus <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>-284; - <ul> - <li>quarrel with Florence, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>-310;</li> - <li>establishes Inquisition in Spain, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Skaania, province of, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>; - <ul> - <li>fishing stations in, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>, <a href='#Page_450'>450</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Slavs in Northern Germany, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>; - <ul> - <li>subjected to German rule, <a href='#Page_421'>421</a>, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li> - <li>revolt against German influences, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Sluys, naval battle off, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Soderini, Niccolo, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>, <a href='#Page_300'>300</a>, <a href='#Page_301'>301</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Tommaso, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Somme Towns, the, ceded to Burgundy, <a href='#Page_348'>348</a>; - <ul> - <li>recovered by Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_364'>364</a>;</li> - <li>restored, <a href='#Page_367'>367</a>;</li> - <li>again recovered, <a href='#Page_386'>386</a>, <a href='#Page_388'>388</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Soncino, battle of, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sorel, Agnes, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>, <a href='#Page_354'>354</a>, <a href='#Page_358'>358</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sound, channel of the, <a href='#Page_428'>428</a>, <a href='#Page_437'>437</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>States-General, origin of the, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>; - <ul> - <li>meeting at Orleans (1439), <a href='#Page_352'>352</a>;</li> - <li>meeting at Tours (1484), <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>, <a href='#Page_391'>391</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Stephen, duke of Bavaria, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Stephen Dushan, King of Servia, <a href='#Page_501'>501</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Stralsund, treaty of, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_438'>438</a>, <a href='#Page_439'>439</a>, <a href='#Page_441'>441</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Strozzi, Tommaso, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Sture, Sten, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Sten the Younger, <a href='#Page_449'>449</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Svante, <a href='#Page_448'>448</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Suffolk, William, Duke of, <a href='#Page_356'>356</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Suleiman, son of Orchan, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Swabia, duchy of, <a href='#Page_2'>2</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>; - <ul> - <li>Hapsburg possessions in, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_377'>377</a>, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_398'>398</a>, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Swabian League, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Swiss Confederation, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>; - <ul> - <li>rise of, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>-138;</li> - <li>at war with Frederick <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>;</li> - <li>at war with Charles the Bold, <a href='#Page_379'>379</a>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>, <a href='#Page_385'>385</a>, <a href='#Page_409'>409</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Sword, Order of the, <a href='#Page_454'>454</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Teutonic Order, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>;</li> - <li>recovers independence, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>;</li> - <li>dissolved, <a href='#Page_466'>466</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Szegedin, treaty of, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Taborites, extreme Hussites, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>; - <ul> - <li>their defeat at Lipan, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Tagliacozzo, battle of, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Taille</i>, the, made a royal tax, <a href='#Page_353'>353</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tannegui du Châtel, <a href='#Page_331'>331</a>, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tannenberg, battle of, <a href='#Page_396'>396</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tarifa, <a href='#Page_471'>471</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tauss, battle of, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Templars, the, <a href='#Page_452'>452</a>; - <ul> - <li>suppression of, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Teutonic Order, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>; - <ul> - <li>foundation of, <a href='#Page_452'>452</a>;</li> - <li>conquers Prussia, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>, <a href='#Page_456'>456</a>;</li> - <li>transferred to Prussia, <a href='#Page_457'>457</a>;</li> - <li>at the zenith of its power, <a href='#Page_458'>458</a>;</li> - <li>war with Poland, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>;</li> - <li>decline of, <a href='#Page_461'>461</a>-466.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Tewkesbury, battle of, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Thessalonica, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>; - <ul> - <li>conquered by the Turks, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Thorn, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>, <a href='#Page_462'>462</a>; - <ul> - <li>first peace of (1411), <a href='#Page_461'>461</a>;</li> - <li>second peace of (1466), <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Tiepolo, Bajamonte, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Timour, the Tartar leader, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>, <a href='#Page_505'>505</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tintoretto, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Titian, <a href='#Page_526'>526</a>, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tordesillas, treaty of, <a href='#Page_493'>493</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Torquemada, <a href='#Page_489'>489</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Torre, Guido della, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Martino della, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tours, States-General at, <a href='#Page_390'>390</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Trastamara, Henry of, <a href='#Page_93'>93</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_472'>472</a>, <a href='#Page_473'>473</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— House of, acquires crown of Castile, <a href='#Page_474'>474</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquires crown of Aragon, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Trebizond, Empire of, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tremouille, George de la, <a href='#Page_339'>339</a>, <a href='#Page_340'>340</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>, <a href='#Page_347'>347</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Treviso, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>; - <ul> - <li>subjected to Venice, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;</li> - <li>lost by Venice, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>;</li> - <li>recovered, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Trivulzio, Gian Jacopo, <a href='#Page_308'>308</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Troyes, treaty of, <a href='#Page_332'>332</a>, <a href='#Page_333'>333</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Turin, peace of, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tyler, Wat, <a href='#Page_316'>316</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Tyrol, county of, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>; - <ul> - <li>passes to Margaret Maultasch, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Hapsburgs, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c008'>Unterwalden, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Urban <span class='fss'>V.</span>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_503'>503</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>VI.</span>, election of, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Urgel, house of, <a href='#Page_481'>481</a>, <a href='#Page_482'>482</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Uri, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>; - <ul> - <li>united with Schwiz and Unterwalden, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Uzzano, Niccolo da, <a href='#Page_289'>289</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Valencia, <a href='#Page_478'>478</a>; - <ul> - <li>annexed to Aragon, <a href='#Page_480'>480</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Valla, Lorenzo, <a href='#Page_524'>524</a>, <a href='#Page_525'>525</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Valois, house of, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>; - <ul> - <li>accession in France, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>;</li> - <li>dukes of Burgundy, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>, <a href='#Page_320'>320</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Varna, battle of, <a href='#Page_410'>410</a>, <a href='#Page_508'>508</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Vaudemont, Antony of, <a href='#Page_345'>345</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Frederick of, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Réné of, <a href='#Page_378'>378</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Venaissin, the, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Venice, constitution of, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>-39; - <ul> - <li>policy of, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>;</li> - <li>rivalry with Genoa, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>-173, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>;</li> - <li>relations with Greek Empire, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_495'>495</a>, <a href='#Page_502'>502</a>, <a href='#Page_509'>509</a>;</li> - <li>acquisitions on the mainland, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;</li> - <li>war with the Turks, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a>, <a href='#Page_512'>512</a>, <a href='#Page_513'>513</a>;</li> - <li>war with Ferrara, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>, <a href='#Page_311'>311</a>;</li> - <li>decline of, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Verdun, treaty of, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Verme, Jacopo del, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Verneuil, battle of, <a href='#Page_337'>337</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Verona, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>; - <ul> - <li>annexed to Milan, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>;</li> - <li>acquired by Venice, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Verrocchio, Andrea, <a href='#Page_530'>530</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Viana, Charles of, <a href='#Page_485'>485</a>, <a href='#Page_486'>486</a>, <a href='#Page_487'>487</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Vicenza, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>; - <ul> - <li>acquired by Venice, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Vienne, Dauphins of, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Jean de, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Vinci, Leonardo da, <a href='#Page_529'>529</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Visconti, Azzo, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Bernabo, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Carlo, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Caterina, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Filippo Maria, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>; - <ul> - <li>character, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>;</li> - <li>restores duchy of Milan, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>;</li> - <li>quarrel with Eugenius <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>;</li> - <li>war with Florence, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>;</li> - <li>war with Venice, <a href='#Page_249'>249</a>, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Galeazzo, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Gian Galeazzo, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>; - <ul> - <li>obtains sole rule in Milan, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li> - <li>his aggressions, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li> - <li>made Duke of Milan, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Gian Maria, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Giovanni, Archbishop and Lord of Milan, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Lucchino, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Matteo, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>; - <ul> - <li>imperial vicar in Milan, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Matteo <span class='fss'>II.</span>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Otto, Archbishop of Milan, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Stefano, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Valentina, marries Louis of Orleans, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>, <a href='#Page_321'>321</a>, <a href='#Page_325'>325</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Virida, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Vistula, valley of the, <a href='#Page_453'>453</a>, <a href='#Page_455'>455</a>, <a href='#Page_465'>465</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'><i>Vitalien-Bruder</i>, <a href='#Page_443'>443</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Vitelleschi, Cardinal, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Waldemar of Brandenburg, death of, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>; - <ul> - <li>the false, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, King of Denmark, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_420'>420</a>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>; - <ul> - <li>wars with the Hanse towns, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>, <a href='#Page_434'>434</a>-438;</li> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_442'>442</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Waldhäuser, Konrad, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wallachia, <a href='#Page_507'>507</a>; - <ul> - <li>annexed by the Turks, <a href='#Page_511'>511</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Warwick, Earl of, the King-maker, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>, <a href='#Page_372'>372</a>, <a href='#Page_373'>373</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Welf, house of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wendish towns, <a href='#Page_426'>426</a>, <a href='#Page_431'>431</a>, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>, <a href='#Page_435'>435</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wenzel <span class='fss'>II.</span>, King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>; - <ul> - <li>death, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— <span class='fss'>III.</span> of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— brother of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>; - <ul> - <li>marries Duchess of Brabant and Limburg, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— eldest son of Charles <span class='fss'>IV.</span>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>; - <ul> - <li>elected King of the Romans, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;</li> - <li>King of Bohemia, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>;</li> - <li>opposition in Germany, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>;</li> - <li>troubles in Bohemia, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>-193;</li> - <li>visit to France, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>;</li> - <li>declared deposed, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Wettin, house of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>; - <ul> - <li>obtains Saxony, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>—— Frederick of, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wisby, <a href='#Page_425'>425</a>, <a href='#Page_427'>427</a>, <a href='#Page_429'>429</a>, <a href='#Page_432'>432</a>; - <ul> - <li>captured by Waldemar <span class='fss'>III.</span>, <a href='#Page_433'>433</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Wittelsbach, house of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>; - <ul> - <li>divided into two branches, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>;</li> - <li>acquisitions of, under Lewis the Bavarian, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>;</li> - <li>opposition to Wenzel, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c017'>Woodville, Elizabeth, <a href='#Page_365'>365</a>, <a href='#Page_374'>374</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wordingborg, treaty of, <a href='#Page_436'>436</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Würtemberg, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— Eberhard of, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Wyclif, John, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Yolande of Aragon, wife of Louis <span class='fss'>II.</span> of Anjou and mother-in-law of Charles <span class='fss'>VII.</span> of France, <a href='#Page_335'>335</a>, <a href='#Page_336'>336</a>, <a href='#Page_338'>338</a>, <a href='#Page_341'>341</a>, <a href='#Page_483'>483</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— daughter of Réné le Bon, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>, <a href='#Page_346'>346</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>—— sister of Louis <span class='fss'>XI.</span>, <a href='#Page_380'>380</a>, <a href='#Page_384'>384</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>York, Richard, Duke of, <a href='#Page_357'>357</a>.</li> - <li class='c008'>Zagonara, battle of, <a href='#Page_291'>291</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Zeno, Carlo, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Ziska, John, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_460'>460</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Zug, a Swiss canton, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_189'>189</a>.</li> - <li class='c017'>Zürich, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>; - <ul> - <li>joins the Swiss League, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>;</li> - <li>war with the other cantons, <a href='#Page_407'>407</a>, <a href='#Page_408'>408</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> -</ul> -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<a href='images/map_france-large.jpg'><img src='images/map_france.jpg' alt='France.' class='ig001' /></a> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>France.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<a href='images/map_burgundy-large.jpg'><img src='images/map_burgundy.jpg' alt='Burgundy.' class='ig001' /></a> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Burgundy.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<a href='images/map_italy-large.jpg'><img src='images/map_italy.jpg' alt='Italy.' class='ig001' /></a> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Italy.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<a href='images/map_swiss-large.jpg'><img src='images/map_swiss.jpg' alt='Swiss Confederation.' class='ig001' /></a> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Swiss Confederation.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div><span class='large'>Footnotes</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. </span>For Rudolf’s position in Swabia see below, chap. <a href='#chap07'>vii</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_a'>Table A</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. </span>See below, chap. <a href='#chap04'>iv</a>., pp. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>-88.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. </span>Since 1125 Provence had been divided into two parts: (1) the county, -south of the Durance, which was given to the family of Bérenger, and -passed, with the hand of their heiress Beatrice, to Charles <span class='fss'>I.</span> of Anjou and -Naples; (2) the marquisate, between the Durance, the Isère, the Alps, -and the Rhône, which was held by the counts of Toulouse, and was -brought by Jeanne to her husband, Alfonso of Poitiers.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. </span>See above, p. <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. </span>Charles had been created by his father Duke of Normandy as well as -Dauphin of Vienne. It is shorter and simpler to call him the Dauphin, -though to contemporaries he was known by his higher title.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. </span>See on this subject Riezler, <i>Die Literarischen Widersacher der -Päpste zur Zeit Ludwigs des Baiers</i>, and Creighton, <i>History of the Papacy -during the Reformation</i>, i. pp. 35-41.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_c'>Table C</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_i'>Table I</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_i'>Table I</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. </span>See Appendix, Genealogical <a href='#gene_h'>Table H</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_q'>Table Q</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_r'>Table R</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c004'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. </span>See Genealogical <a href='#gene_s'>Table S</a>, in Appendix.</p> -</div> -<div> - - <ul class='ul_1 c002'> - <li>Transcriber’s Notes: - <ul class='ul_2'> - <li>Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - </li> - <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant - form was found in this book. - </li> - <li>Footnotes have been collected at the end of the text, and are linked for ease of - reference. - </li> - </ul> - </li> - </ul> - -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Close of the Middle Ages, -1272-1494, 3rd Ed., by R. 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