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diff --git a/old/62518-0.txt b/old/62518-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b545a9e..0000000 --- a/old/62518-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11702 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Great Christians of France, Saint Louis and -Calvin, by François Guizot - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Great Christians of France, Saint Louis and Calvin - -Author: François Guizot - -Release Date: June 29, 2020 [EBook #62518] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CHRISTIANS OF FRANCE *** - - - - -Produced by Don Kostuch - - - - -[Transcriber's note: This work is derived from -https://archive.org/details/greatchristianso00guizuoft -which is missing pages 226 and 227. These are obtained from -https://archive.org/details/greatchristianso00guiz] - -{i} - - Great Christians Of France - - - - Saint Louis - - And - - Calvin - - - - By - - M. Guizot - - Member Of The Institute Of France - - - - London - Macmillan And Co. - And New York - 1890 - - -{ii} - -{iii} - - Contents. - - St. Louis. - - Chapter I. -- 5 - -Origin Of The Title 'most Christian King,' As Given To -The Kings Of France. Canonization Of Charlemagne -And St. Louis. - - - Chapter II. -- 9 - -Education Of St. Louis. Influence Of His Century, And -Of His Mother, On The Formation Of His Character. - - - Chapter III. -- 19 - -Majority Of St. Louis -His Marriage, And The Commencement Of His Government. - - - Chapter IV. -- 26 - -Relations Of St. Louis With His Vassals. -His Feudal Conflicts. -War With Henry III. Of England. - - - Chapter V. -- 37 - -Attitude Of St. Louis In The Struggle Between The German Empire -And The Papacy. - - - Chapter VI. -- 43 - -Christian Europe And Mahometan Asia In The Thirteenth Century. - - - Chapter VII. -- 51 - -Origin Of The Passion Felt By St. Louis For The Crusades. -His Sickness In 1244. -His Vow. -His Departure On His First Crusade In 1248. - - - Chapter VIII. -- 58 - -St. Louis In Egypt. 1249-1250. - - -{iv} - - Chapter IX. -- 80 - -St. Louis In Palestine And Syria. - - - Chapter X. -- 95 - -Return Of St. Louis To France. -His Domestic Policy. - - - Chapter XI. -- 102 - -Foreign Policy Of St. Louis. - - - Chapter XII. -- 109 - -The King's Legislative And Administrative Power. - - - Chapter XIII. -- 117 - -Christianity Of St. Louis In His Private And Social Life, As Well -As In His Public Career And Political Relations. - - - Chapter XIV. -- 130 - -The Crusade The Ruling Passion Of St. Louis. -In Spite Of Strenuous Opposition, He Decides On A Second Crusade (1270). -His Arrival And Death Before Tunis (25th August, 1270) - - - Chapter XV. -- 140 - -Portrait Of St. Louis As The Ideal Man, Christian, And -King Of The Middle Ages. -His Participation In The Two Great Errors Of His Time. - -------------------------------------------------- - - John Calvin. - - - Chapter I. -- 145 - -Final Judgment On Great Men And Great Events Must Be Reserved For -Future Generations. -Characteristics Of The Religious Reform Of The Sixteenth Century. - - - Chapter II. -- 152 - -Birth And Parentage Of Calvin. -His Brother Charles. -Education Of Calvin. -His Choice Of A Career. - - -{v} - - Chapter III. -- 157 - -Calvin The Law Student, At Orleans And Bourges. -Calvin The Reformer, In Paris. - - - Chapter IV. -- 165 - -Calvin A Fugitive. -Persecution Of The Protestants In Paris. - - - Chapter V. -- 173 - -Calvin The Theologian. - - - Chapter VI. -- 181 - -Calvin's Belief In The Plenary Inspiration Of The Bible. - - - Chapter VII. -- 189 - -Calvin's Theory Of Free-will And Predestination. - - - Chapter VIII. -- 202 - -Calvin Preaches Religious Reform In Italy. -The Duchess Of Ferrara. -Calvin's Flight From Aosta. - - - Chapter IX. -- 212 - -William Farel. -Calvin In Geneva. - - - Chapter X. -- 232 - -Calvin's Polemics. - - - Chapter XI. -- 241 - -Calvin, Luther, And Melancthon. -Calvin In Search Of A Wife. - - - Chapter XII. -- 250 - -Calvin Returns To Geneva. - - - Chapter XIII. -- 258 - -Calvin's Ecclesiastical Polity. - - - Chapter XIV. -- 266 - -Calvin's Civil Legislation. - - -{vi} - - Chapter XV. -- 278 - -Division Of The Religious And Civil Authorities On The Question -Of The Lord's Supper. - - - Chapter XVI. -- 283 - -Defeat Of The Libertines. - - - Chapter XVII. -- 290 - -Calvin's Theological Controversies. -Servetus. - - - Chapter XVIII. -- 312 - -Servetus In Geneva. -His Trial And Execution. - - - Chapter XIX. -- 326 - -The Two Opponents. -Calvin's Letter To Socinus. - - - Chapter XX. -- 333 - -Calvin's Influence Over The Reformed Churches. -His Presbyterianism. - - - Chapter XXI. -- 345 - -Calvin The Author. -His Church Catechism. -His Respect For The Intellect. - - - Chapter XXII. -- 355 - - The End. - -{1} - - Preface. - - -'Go ye and preach to all nations, baptizing them in the name of -the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.' - -This was the last injunction of Jesus Christ to His Apostles. - -_Universality_ is therefore the first principle and ultimate -aim of Christianity. It has been designed for and is intended to -become, in fundamental belief, the religion of the universe. - -The _Universality_ of Christianity in fundamental belief is -accompanied by _Diversity_ in institutions and forms of -worship, which are secondary and external developments; for this -_Diversity_ is the inevitable result of difference of place, -of time, of degrees of civilization, and of all those events -which mould the destiny and constitute the history of nations. - -When the Apostles were commanded to instruct all nations 'in the -name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,' they -also received the gift of tongues. This gift, which was a -consequence of the _Diversity_ of their means and methods of -instruction, also bore witness to it, and at the same time -manifested the _Unity_ and _Universality_ of their -mission. - -{2} - -The whole history and progress of Christianity verifies these two -facts. There has been great _Diversity_ in the numerous -developments of the Christian religion which we find over the -face of the whole earth, and it has often entailed deplorable -strife. But Christian _Unity_ has never ceased to be the -fundamental principle of these different manifestations, and -_Universality_ has remained the ultimate aim of -Christianity, in spite of the different methods which it has -adopted and forms in which it has been clothed, as it has spread -from land to land. - -In Europe, and in the states which have grown out of European -colonies, Catholicism and Protestantism are the two great -branches which have sprung from the Christian stem. For a long -time a grievous and sanguinary war was waged between these two -Churches. They triumphed or succumbed on different battle-fields. -But where Catholicism has conquered, as in France, Protestantism -has not perished; where Protestantism has been the victor, as in -England, Catholicism still survives. After having subjected each -other to so many trials and so much suffering, these two Churches -have at last learnt that they can and ought to live together in -peace, and that liberty must be their watchword and their -safeguard. - -From the brightest epochs of Catholicism and Protestantism, I -have endeavoured to select some of their most earnest and noble -representatives,--men whom no intelligent and well-informed man -of the present day can refuse to recognise as Christians. - -{3} - -I was born a Protestant, and the experience of life, as well as -the study of history, have more and more confirmed me in the -faith of my forefathers; but, at the same time, they have taught -me to recognise and to revere those true Christians who are -members of Churches not my own. - -The thirteenth and the seventeenth centuries are the two noblest -and fairest epochs of French Catholicism. The sixteenth century -and the beginning of the seventeenth are the two noblest and -fairest periods of French Protestantism. - -Among French Catholics I have chosen St. Louis in the thirteenth -century and St. Vincent de Paul in the seventeenth, as two great -and noble Christians, two earnest and illustrious representatives -of the Christian faith and life, as well as of the loftiest -thought and purest morality of their country and their -generation. Among the Protestants of the sixteenth century, -Calvin and Du Plessis Mornay present the same characteristics, -and deserve an equal glory. - -These four men were emphatically and first of all Christians, in -thought and life. Christian faith and piety shone out in all of -them, notwithstanding their profound divergence and their fierce -controversies. That is why I have selected them; and I have tried -to depict them as glorious and profitable examples of -Christianity, and of its persistent _Unity_ in the midst of -its most striking _Variety_. - - Guizot. - Val Richer, 1868. - - -{4} - -{5} - - St. Louis, King Of France. - - Born At Poissy, Near Paris, _April_ 25, 1215. - Died Before Tunis, _August_ 25, 1270. - - - Chapter I. - - - Origin Of The Title 'most Christian King,' As Given To - The Kings Of France. Canonization Of Charlemagne And St. Louis. - - -It was one of the chief glories of the kings of France to be -called 'Most Christian King.' This was a title of traditionary -honour rather than a testimony to their personal and religious -merits, for, to tell the truth, the majority of these monarchs -were very indifferent Christians. It is not mere external -profession which makes the Christian, but the condition of a -man's soul and the manner of his life. - -By a startling coincidence, it was under the reign of one of the -most villanous, knavish, and yet able sovereigns France ever -had--Louis XI.--that the title 'Most Christian King' became the -permanent and official attribute of French royalty. Before the -middle of the fourteenth century we sometimes find it in letters -from the popes to the kings of France, but rarely and casually, -or else in documents of questionable authenticity. -{6} -In 1286, Pope Honorius IV. writing to Philip the Fair, styled him -'the Catholic King,' a name, he said, 'belonging specially to the -kings of France.' And even in 1456, Pope Calixtus III. addressed -a brief to Charles VII. under no other title than that of -'Illustrious King of the Franks.' Twelve years after, in 1468, -Pope Paul II., in replying to the complimentary address which had -been conveyed to him by Guillaume de Montreuil, envoy of Louis -XI., recalled all that the kings of France had done for the Holy -See since the days of Pepin le Bref and Charlemagne, and declared -that, if his predecessors had not always given the title of 'Most -Christian' to these sovereigns, he himself had begun, and -intended to continue so to designate them. Since that time, both -at home and abroad, the French monarchs have claimed and received -this august title. - -Another title, more august still--that of 'Saint'--has been -received by only two, Charlemagne and Louis IX., out of this long -line of sovereigns. We must not exact a very strict proof of the -right of Charlemagne to this title in the Catholic Church. He was -only canonized in 1165 or 1166 by the Antipope Pascal III. and -through the influence of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. Since -then, not one of the legitimate popes has ever officially -recognised or proclaimed his canonization, but still they have -tolerated and tacitly admitted it, no doubt on account of his -services to the Papacy. Nevertheless, besides emperors and popes, -Charlemagne had warm and powerful admirers; he was the great man, -the popular hero, of nearly the whole German race, who -acknowledged his sanctity with enthusiasm, and have always -religiously honoured it. -{7} -From the earliest days of the University of Paris, Charlemagne -has been the patron-saint of all the German students there. In -France, however, his position in the calendar remained obscure -and uncertain until the end of the fifteenth century, when, from -some motive which we cannot now discover, (perhaps to snatch from -his great enemy, Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, possessor of -the finest German provinces in Charlemagne's empire, the -exclusive privilege of showing reverence to the memory of so -great a man,) Louis XI. ordained saintly honours to be paid to -the illustrious emperor, and fixed as his fête-day the 28th of -January, threatening with death all who refused to acknowledge -this new object of worship. In vain: the sanctity of Charlemagne -has never been generally recognised by the Church of France; but -the University of Paris has remained faithful to her tradition, -and in 1661, two centuries after the death of Louis XI.--without -expressly bestowing the title of _Saint_--she publicly -proclaimed Charlemagne her patron, and ordered his fête-day to be -solemnly kept every year. In spite of the hesitations of the -'Parlement' [Footnote 1] of Paris, and the revolutions of our -century, it is still celebrated as the chief fête-day of the -great classical schools in France. - - [Footnote 1: The French 'Parlement' was not a representative - assembly like the English Parliament. It consisted originally - of the great vassals of the King, who were called together to - deliberate on the general affairs of the kingdom on the 1st - of March or the 1st of May every year, or if any urgent - necessity arose, were summoned whenever the King had need of - their advice. By degrees this assembly was transformed into a - great judicial court; at first it also preserved its - political character, and this was strongly manifested even as - late as the sixteenth century, in the so-called religious - wars. But starting from the reigns of Louis XIII. and Louis - XIV., the 'Parlement' became merely a court of justice, which - was joined on solemn occasions by the royal princes, and the - dukes and peers of the realm.] - -{8} - -Thus the University of France has repaid her emperor for his -benefits towards her: he protected her students and her learning, -she has protected his saintship. - -That of Louis IX. did not require such pertinacious and erudite -defence, nor suffer such uncertainties of fate. Proclaimed -immediately after his death, not only by his son, Philip the -Bold, and the barons and prelates of the kingdom, but by the -public voice of France and of Europe, it became immediately the -object of papal inquiry and deliberation. For twenty-four years, -nine popes--Gregory X., Innocent V., John XXI., Nicholas III., -Martin IV., Honorius IV., Nicholas IV., St. Celestine, and -Boniface VIII.--swift successors in the papal chair, pursued the -customary inquiry into the faith and life, virtues and miracles -of the defunct king; and it was at last Boniface VIII. -(afterwards destined to maintain a fierce conflict with the -grandson of St. Louis, Philip the Fair) who, on August 11, 1297, -decreed the canonization of the most Christian of all the -monarchs of France, nay, of one of the truest Christians, monarch -or peasant, that either France or Europe ever knew. - -{9} - - Chapter II. - - Education Of St. Louis. - Influence Of His Century, And Of His Mother, - On The Formation Of His Character. - - -Born to a throne, a powerful monarch, a valiant soldier, and a -noble knight, the object of devoted attachment to those about his -person and of admiring respect to those further removed from him, -whether friends or enemies,--these honours and pleasures failed -either to dazzle or intoxicate King Louis. They held the first -place neither in his thoughts nor his actions. Before all things -and above all things, he desired to be--and was--a Christian, a -true Christian, guided and governed by the determination to keep -the faith and fulfil the law of Christianity. If he had been born -in the lowest worldly estate, or if he had occupied a position in -which the claims of religion would have been most imperative; if -he had been poor, obscure, a priest, a monk, or a hermit, he -could not have been more constantly and passionately pre-occupied -with the desire to live as Christ's faithful servant, and to -insure by pious obedience upon earth his eternal salvation -hereafter. It is this peculiar and original feature in the -character of St. Louis,--the rare, perhaps the sole instance of -the kind in the annals of monarchs,--which I wish now to bring -forward into the light. - -{10} - -The causes which could influence and produce such a character -have been sometimes sought in the general or special influences -of the age in which St. Louis lived. The thirteenth century was -one of faith and religious observances. The creeds and ordinances -of Christianity exercised a very strong influence over all -classes. The mother of Louis IX., Queen Blanche of Castile, was a -remarkable woman in mind and character, and as pious as she was -clever. She gave her son a sound Christian education in his -youth, and wise counsel and valuable support during the whole -course of her life. Some writers have considered that these facts -are sufficient to account for the spiritual development and life -of the King. But this is a very superficial view, for neither the -religious spirit of the thirteenth century nor the influence of -Queen Blanche could have produced such a lofty moral nature as -that of St. Louis; nor will they suffice to account for its -existence. - -Though the thirteenth century was fruitful in faith and Christian -observances, still the Christians of that age were neither so -numerous nor so influential as, in order to shame our present -day, is often averred. The Crusades, that great outbreak of -Christian zeal, had introduced tastes, passions, and habits of -great licence into all classes. I find, in a learned and -judicious 'History of St. Louis,' to which the French Academy has -lately awarded a prize, the following faithful and authentic -summary of the moral disorders of the time: '"People start on -these sacred expeditions in order to become holy," says Rutebeuf, -the contemporary poet, "and they come back--those who do come -back--reprobate vagabonds." -{11} -Their faith was tainted by association with the Mussulmen, and -their lives by the manners and customs of the East. The clergy -even did not escape corruption. ... The priests were so despised -by the laity that they looked down upon them as if they had been -Jews, saying, "I'd rather be a priest than do so-and-so." The -young priests, when they appeared in public, hid the tonsure, -which they wore close to the forehead, by drawing the hair from -the back of the head over it. The nobles no longer allowed their -sons to take holy Orders; they found it more convenient to -appoint to the churches the children of their vassals, from whom -they could exact some share of the pecuniary dues. The bishops -had no chance of choosing their own priests, but were reduced to -accept any who would condescend to enter such a discreditable -profession.' - -At the same time, the luxury of the higher orders of the clergy -was a subject of great scandal. 'The councils of the Church had -often attempted to check it, and in 1179 the third Council of -Lateran suggested the following regulation as a reform: "The -archbishops on their journeys shall have at the utmost from forty -to fifty horses, the cardinals twenty-five, the bishops twenty or -thirty, the arch-deacons seven, and the deans and their inferiors -two." The progress of the legates of the Holy See was justly -dreaded as causing absolute ruin. "Wherever they went," says Abbe -Fleury, "they exacted magnificent entertainment from the bishops -and abbots; and in order to defray these expenses the monasteries -were sometimes even compelled to sell the sacred vessels from -their churches." [Footnote 2] - - [Footnote 2: Faure, 'Histoire de Saint Louis,' vol. i. p. 38.] - -{12} - -Such a clergy,' adds the historian, 'was unable to check the evil -tendencies of the age, either by setting the example of a life of -self-denial or by teaching a pure and enlightened religion.' Nor -could such a period produce religious kings. The history of the -thirteenth century gives a striking proof of this fact, for the -grandfather and grandson of Louis IX., though able and energetic -princes, who served both the throne and the nation well, showed -much more tendency towards worldly policy and keen self-interest -than towards Christian faith. Philip Augustus was no type of St. -Louis, and Philip le Bel no imitation of him. - -Nor will the education he received from his mother, and her -influence over him, both during a regency of ten years and even -after he had attained his majority and assumed the reins of -power, fully account for the profoundly Christian character of -St. Louis, both in word and deed. Queen Blanche was a sincere -believer and a pious woman, and she was very anxious to secure -the moral and religious welfare of her son. We cannot doubt this, -because it is proved by numerous facts, by many documents of the -period, and by the testimony of the King himself. On the day of -his birth, the 25th of April, 1215, when the feeble new-made -mother noticed that the bells of the church of Poissy did not -ring as usual, and was told they had been stopped that she might -take repose, Blanche immediately commanded that she herself -should be moved to a distance if necessary, but that nothing -should hinder the summoning of the faithful to prayer. -{13} -She herself took charge of the early education of her boy 'as -being the future ruler of so great a kingdom, and her own -favourite child.' As soon as he entered his fourteenth year, she -gave him a strict and careful preceptor, 'who followed him about -everywhere, even in his amusements, by wood or stream, so that he -might always be teaching him, and who even sometimes used to beat -him--which he bore with patience,' say the contemporary -chronicles. Later still, when the King related to his intimate -friends his recollections of his mother: 'Madame used to say,' he -often repeated, 'that if I were sick unto death, and could only -be cured by committing some mortal sin, she would let me die -rather than utterly offend my Creator.' [Footnote 3] - - [Footnote 3: 'Vie de Saint Louis,' by the Confessor of Queen - Marguerite, in Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historians des Gaules - et de la France;' Tillemont, 'Vie de Saint Louis,' &c. &c.] - -A guardianship so careful, firm, and righteous, joined to rare -skill in the difficult task of ruling France during a long -minority, could not fail to secure to Queen Blanche great -influence over her son's character and actions; an influence so -great and so lasting that we are sometimes tempted to be -surprised at it, and to fancy that Louis, when he was not only a -king but a great king, was too weak and too dependent as a son. -He had the deepest respect for his mother, great confidence in -her political ability, and very lively gratitude for her -invaluable energy and maternal devotion. But mother and son were -so unlike, both by nature and instinct, that there could be no -spontaneous and familiar intercourse between them; none of that -communion which is the truest bond of two human souls, because it -adds the charm of mutual sympathy to the strong power of -affection. - -{14} - -Blanche was ambitious, proud, imperious. These qualities appeared -in her youth both towards her husband, Louis VIII., and her -father-in-law, Philip Augustus. In 1216 she strongly urged the -former to accept the English crown, offered him by the barons of -England when at war with King John on the question of Magna -Charta; and when Philip Augustus prudently refused to assist his -son openly in this hazardous enterprise, the Princess Blanche -recruited a band of knights who were to uphold the cause of the -French prince on the other side of the Channel, and she herself -was present at their meeting and at their departure. Ten years -later, when the death of Louis VIII. made her Regent of France, -she had to battle for ten years more, until her son's majority, -with intrigues, plots, insurrections, open wars; and with what -was much worse for her, the secret insults and calumnies of the -principal vassals of the Crown, who were eager to snatch back -from the rule of a woman the power and independence of which -Philip Augustus had deprived them. But Queen Blanche resisted -them, either with direct, masculine, and most persevering energy, -or with the adroit finesse and ingenious fascination of a mere -woman. Although forty years of age when her regency began, she -was still beautiful, graceful, abounding in attractions, both of -manner and conversation; gifted with the power to please, and the -will to use that power with a coquetry that was sometimes a -little too obvious to be prudent. Her enemies spread the most -odious reports concerning her. -{15} -One of the highest vassals of the kingdom, Thibaut IV. Count of -Champagne, a clever and voluminous poet, a gay and brilliant -knight, was declared to be madly in love with her--her slanderers -said, not in vain; and added that she had with his aid -assassinated the king her husband. In 1230, some of the principal -barons of France--the Count of Bretagne, the Count of Boulogne, -and the Count of St. Pol--united to attack Count Thibaut and to -seize Champagne; whereupon the Queen Regent, with her young son, -came to his rescue, and arriving near Troyes, commanded the -barons in the King's name to retire. 'If you have any complaint -against the Count of Champagne,' said she, 'present it, and I -will grant you justice.' 'We will not plead before you,' was -their scornful reply. 'We know it is the way of women to fix -their choice above all men upon the man who has killed their -husband.' Nevertheless, in spite of this cruel insult, the barons -left the field. - -Five years after, in 1235, the Count of Champagne himself took up -arms against his sovereign. But he was compelled to make peace on -very hard terms in order to escape an ignominious defeat, and an -interview took place between him and the Queen Regent. '"_Par -Dieu!_" said Blanche; "Count Thibaut, you ought not to be our -adversary. You should remember all the goodness of my son, and -how he went to your aid when all the barons of France were -against you, and would have burnt your lands to charcoal." The -Count looked at the Queen, who was so wise and so fair, till he -was quite abashed by her great beauty, and he answered, "By my -faith, Madame, my heart and my body and all my domain are at your -command. There is nothing you may deign to desire that I will not -gladly do, and, if it please God, never will I fight against you -or yours." -{16} -He departed pensively from her presence, and the sweet looks of -the Queen, and her beautiful presence, came often to his mind, so -that tender and yearning thoughts entered his heart. But when he -remembered how noble a lady she was and how good, and of such a -great purity that she would never return his love, his tender and -yearning thoughts changed to a great sadness. And because these -sad thoughts engender melancholy, he was advised by several wise -men to study song and poesy. And he made after that time the most -beautiful songs and the most delectable and melodious that were -ever heard.' [Footnote 4] - - [Footnote 4: Jubainville, 'Histoire des Dues et des Comtes de - Champagne,' vol. iv, p. 249; 'Chroniques de St. Denis;' - Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la - France,' vol. xxi. p. 111.] - -I can find nothing in history to justify the accusations of Queen -Blanche's enemies. I do not know if the songs of Count Thibaut -ever touched her heart; certainly they never influenced her -conduct. She continued to oppose the claims and plots of the -great vassals of France, whether her foes or her lovers, and to -increase the possessions and the power of the Crown in spite of -them. Though a sincere believer and a wise, devoted mother, she -was essentially a politician, engrossed by the love of power, the -claims of her position, and her temporal success. I can find in -her no trace of the lofty moral impulses, the sensitive -conscience, the enthusiasm and sympathy, which are characteristic -of Christian piety, and which guided the whole life of St. Louis. -{17} -He derived these noble impulses neither from the teaching nor the -example of his mother; and if we would understand how they -existed in him, we must consent to acknowledge one of the -mysteries of creation: we must recognise the distinct -individuality of each human soul, the separate personality and -infinite diversity of disposition given by the Creator in -accordance with an unknown and impenetrable design. Enthusiasm, -sympathy, and conscientiousness,--these words describe the -condition of that man whose whole nature is entirely penetrated -and influenced by Christianity; for Christianity says to a man, -'There is none good but one, that is, God; and so leads him to -put his trust and hope in God; it lifts him above the interests -and chances of this life, and this is the true and essential -character of enthusiasm. Christianity teaches a man to love his -neighbours as himself, and thus calls out in him that tender, -ready, and universal charity which is justly called sympathy. It -gives him a profound conviction of his own moral infirmity, makes -him therefore keep watch and guard over his actions, and fills -him with doubt lest with all his efforts he should not keep -abreast of his duties. In a word, it makes him conscientious. The -true Christian, be he great or small, rich or poor, is such a man -as this; and Louis IX. was such a man and a king. But neither the -general influence of his contemporaries nor the personal -influence of his mother could have made him what they themselves -were so far from being. - -{18} - -What St. Louis really owed to Queen Blanche, and this was not -little, was the authority she gained and kept during her regency -over the great vassals, either by force of arms or negotiations, -and the predominance which she secured to the Crown, even amidst -the fierce contests of the feudal system. She had an instinctive -knowledge of what powers and what alliances would strengthen the -royal authority against its rivals. When, on the 29th November, -1226, three weeks only after the death of her husband, Louis -VIII., her young son was crowned at Rheims, Blanche invited to -the ceremony not only the hierarchy and nobility of the kingdom, -but the common people of the neighbourhood; she wished to show -the royal child to the great vassals, supported and surrounded by -the people. Two years afterwards, in 1228, there was an -insurrection of the barons assembled at Corbeil, and they -proposed to seize the person of the young King, whose progress -had been arrested at Montlhéry, on his march to Paris. The Queen -Regent summoned around her, besides those lords who remained -faithful, the burgesses of Paris and of the country round, who -hastened to respond to her call. 'All armed, they started for -Montlhéry, where, having found the King, they conducted him to -Paris, marching in battle array. From Montlhéry to Paris the road -was lined the whole way with armed men and others, who prayed -aloud that God would grant the young King a happy and prosperous -life, and preserve him from all his enemies. Then the great -vassals, hearing of this and not being able to oppose such a mass -of the people, withdrew to their own homes, and by the mercy of -God, who orders all things according to His will, they dared not -attack the King any more during the rest of that year.' -[Footnote 5] - - [Footnote 5: Tillemont, 'Vie de St. Louis,' vol. ii. p. 354.] - - -{19} - - Chapter III. - - Majority Of St. Louis - His Marriage, - The Commencement Of His Government. - - -In 1236, Louis attained his majority and received from his -mother's hands the full royal power; a power held in fear and -respect, even by the vassals of the Crown, turbulent and -aggressive as they still were. But they were also disunited, -enfeebled, intimidated, and somewhat fallen into discredit; while -for the last ten years they had been invariably baffled in all -their plots. - -When she had secured his political position, and he was -approaching his majority, Queen Blanche began to busy herself -with her son's domestic life. She was one of those who like to -play the part of Providence towards the objects of their -affection; to plan, rule and regulate everything in their -destinies. Louis was nineteen years old; handsome, though with -that kind of beauty which indicates more moral than physical -strength. He had delicate and refined features, a brilliant -complexion, and fair hair--shining and abundant--which, through -Isabella, his grandmother, he inherited from his ancestors, the -Counts of Hainault. He was a man of refined tastes and high -spirits; he loved amusement; delighted in games of all sorts and -in hunting; was fond of dogs and falcons; took pleasure in rich -clothes and magnificent furniture. -{20} -Nay, a monk is said to have once reproached his mother for having -tolerated in the young man some love-fancy which threatened to -become an irregular connexion; upon which Queen Blanche -determined to have her son married immediately. She found no -difficulty in inspiring young Louis with the same creditable -wish. Raymond Berenger, Count of Provence, had an eldest -daughter, who, according to the chronicles, 'was at that time -said to be the noblest, fairest, and best brought up princess in -all Europe.' By the advice of his mother and of the wisest -counsellors of the kingdom, the young King demanded her in -marriage. Her father received the offer with great joy, but was a -little troubled at the thought of the large dowry which he was -told would be expected with her. However, his most intimate -friend and adviser, a Provençal gentleman named Romée de -Villeneuve, said: 'Count, let me manage the matter, and do not -let the heavy expenses weigh upon your mind. If your eldest -daughter makes this royal marriage, the connexion will be so -desirable that all the others will marry the better for it, and -at less expense.' So Count Raymond followed this advice, and soon -recognised its wisdom. He had four daughters, Margaret, Eleanor, -Sancia, and Beatrix. After Margaret was Queen of France, Eleanor -became Queen of England; Sancia married the Earl of Cornwall, and -was afterwards Queen of the Romans; and Beatrix was first -Countess of Anjou and Provence, and ultimately Queen of Sicily. -Princess Margaret of Provence entered France, escorted by a -brilliant embassy, which Louis had sent to fetch her; and the -marriage was celebrated at Sens on the 27th of May, 1234, in the -midst of great public festivities, and public charities likewise. - -{21} - -When he was married and in the enjoyment of domestic happiness -Louis renounced of his own accord his former pleasures, both -royal and worldly. His entertainments, his hunting, his -magnificent ornaments and dress gave place to simpler pleasures -and the good works of a Christian life. From that time the active -duties of royalty, earnest and scrupulous attention to his -religious duties, the tender and vigilant cares of charity, the -pure and intense delights of conjugal love, combined with the -noble projects of a true knight--a soldier of the Cross--filled -up the whole life of this young king, who was humbly striving to -become a saint and a hero. - -But trouble came to him sometimes in the midst of his felicity. -As soon as her son was married, Queen Blanche became jealous of -the wife and the happiness which she herself had procured for -him--jealous as mother and as queen, who saw a rival both in -affection and in sovereignty. This odious sentiment led her on to -acts equally undignified, malignant, and unjust. - -'The cruelty of Queen Blanche to Queen Margaret was,' says -Joinville, 'so great that she would not allow her son to enjoy -his wife's companionship during the daytime at all, if she could -prevent it. The favourite abode of the King and Queen was at -Pontoise, because there the apartments of the King were above -those of the Queen, and they had arranged so well that they used -to sit and talk on a winding staircase which led from one story -to the other, and they had contrived all so cleverly that when -the King's guard saw the Queen-mother coming to the apartment of -her son the King, they used to knock with their rods against his -door, and the King would come running to his own room, that his -mother might find him there. -{22} -Likewise the guard of Queen Margaret learned to apprise their -mistress when her mother-in-law was approaching, in order that -she might be in her own apartment. Once, when the King was -sitting beside the Queen, his wife, who had been in great peril -of childbirth, the Queen-mother entered, and saying, "Come away, -you can do nothing here," took him by the hand, and carried him -off. Whereupon Queen Margaret cried out, "Alas! you will not let -me see my lord whether I am living or dying!" and fainted, so -that they thought she was dead; and the King, who believed that -she was dead, returned, and after great difficulty she was -restored.' - -Louis, in this strait, comforted his wife, but yet did not desert -his mother. In the noblest of souls and the happiest of lives, -there are oftentimes some incurable wounds and some griefs which -can only be accepted in silence. - -The young King's accession to royal power caused no change in the -royal policy, nor in the management of public affairs. There were -no innovations dictated by mere vanity; no change in the acts and -words of the sovereign or in the choice of his advisers and the -amount of consideration shown to them. The son's reign was but -the continuation of the mother's regency. Louis continued to -oppose the power of the great vassals in order that he might -establish the supremacy of the Crown: he succeeded in subduing -Pierre Mauclerc, the turbulent Count of Bretagne; won from -Thibaut IV. Count of Champagne, the right of suzerainty in the -lands of Chartres, Blois, Sancerre, and Châteaudun; and bought -from their owner the fertile lands of Mâcon. -{23} -It was almost invariably by pacific measures, negotiations ably -conducted, and treaties scrupulously fulfilled, that he thus -extended the domains of the Crown. - -Queen Blanche, during her regency, had practised a far-sighted -economy which placed large funds at the disposal of her son. -Following her example, Louis was economical at ordinary times, -but liberal when policy demanded it. The property, and the rights -belonging thereto, which he purchased from the Count of -Champagne, cost him a sum which would now in English money be as -nearly as possible equivalent to £144,000 paid down, and an -annual ground-rent of £7,200. [Footnote 6] - - [Footnote 6: 40,000 livres Tournois paid down, and a - ground-rent of 2,000 livres Tournois, or in modern French - money about 3,600,000 francs paid down, and a ground-rent of - 180,000 francs.] - -The learned language of the political economy of our time--the -terms 'sound system of taxation,' 'financial responsibility,' and -'balance of receipts and expenditure' cannot be applied to the -thirteenth century, and to feudal royalty. But we may truly say, -that St. Louis, free from all frivolous fancies, and desiring -only the well-being of his subjects, managed to maintain order in -his royal treasury, and knew both how to economize and how to -spend freely for the success of his designs. - -{24} - -I notice here one fact characteristic of both the King and his -century. Many of these amicable transactions with his great -vassals were almost immediately followed by the departure of the -latter on a new crusade. The Christian world had not renounced -the hope of freeing Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre from the -yoke of the Mussulman. The desire to astonish the world by -startling acts of penance, and the love of military adventure, -still agitated both the highest and lowest ranks of feudal -society. Pope Gregory IX. continued to preach a crusade--a -double crusade--to Jerusalem for the deliverance of the Holy -Sepulchre, to Constantinople for the succour of the recently -established Latin Empire, which was already tottering. The King -of France found, doubtless, that it was very convenient to extend -his dominion thus without war at the expense of his vassals, and -to get rid of these turbulent individuals. But to these reasons -of general or private interest was certainly added the personal -influence of Louis, already passionately absorbed in the thought -of the glory and religious salvation which he hoped to win for -himself in one of these expeditions. - -As early as 1239, some of the principal vassals with whom he had -just concluded advantageous treaties--the Counts of Champagne, -Bretagne, and Mâcon--started for Palestine at the head of an -army of Crusaders, numbering (so it is said) fifteen hundred -knights and forty thousand squires. Louis was not content simply -with encouraging and promoting this enterprise. 'He desired,' -says De Tillemont, 'that Amaury de Montfort, his constable, -should in this war serve Jesus Christ in his stead. Therefore he -gave him his arms and granted him a daily sum of money, for which -Amaury thanked him on his knees. That is, he did him homage after -the custom of the time. The Crusaders were much rejoiced to have -this noble lord with them.' - -{25} - -The heavy sickness from which the King suffered five years after, -and his pious thankfulness for his cure, are said to have given -rise to his resolve to take the Cross. But this is a grave -mistake, for from the year 1239, when he saw his chief vassals -departing for Palestine with the cross embroidered on their -shoulder, the heart of St. Louis had already taken flight towards -Jerusalem. - -{26} - - - Chapter IV. - - Relations Of St. Louis With His Vassals. - His Feudal Conflicts. - War With Henry III. Of England. - - -While awaiting the time when he should be able to gratify his -pious hope of becoming a Crusader, Louis diverted himself and -feudal France by royal and knightly festivities. He had assigned -the province of Poitiers to his second brother Alphonse, but the -young prince had not yet received his investiture as a knight, -nor had he been put in possession of his domain. In order to -perform this double ceremony, the King summoned to Saumur his -full court--that is, all his noble vassals, lay and ecclesiastic. -There were political motives for this assemblage and for the -place of its meeting. The monarch of France displayed all his -power and all his magnificence on the confines of Poitiers, and -in the centre of a district formerly possessed by the kings of -England. - -{27} - -'The King,' says Joinville, who was present, 'gave this feast in -the halls at Saumur, which the great King Henry of England -[Footnote 7] had erected, it was said, for his own banquets. - - [Footnote 7: Henry II. son of Geoffrey Plantagenet, - Count of Anjou.] - -This edifice is built after the fashion of cloisters belonging to -the White Monks' (monks of the Cistercian order), 'but I doubt if -any cloisters could ever have been nearly so large. And I will -tell you why I think so: in that aisle of the hall at Saumur -where the King banqueted, surrounded by all his knights and -officers, who occupied a great deal of space, there was a table -where twenty bishops and archbishops were feasted. And beyond the -bishops and archbishops there was another table at which was the -Queen-mother, Blanche: this was at the further end of the -cloisters, and not where the King was eating. In waiting upon -Queen Blanche were the Count of Boulogne, afterwards King of -Portugal; the good Count of St. Pol, and a German, aged about -eighteen, who was said to be the son of the holy Elizabeth of -Thuringia. On this account it was said that Queen Blanche used to -kiss him on the forehead, out of religious devotion, because she -thought his mother must many times have kissed him there. At the -furthermost part of the cloister, moreover, there were kitchens, -butteries, pantries, and other offices; from this part bread, -meat, and wine were served out to the King and Queen. In the -other aisles and in the open space in the centre of the cloisters -there feasted such a harvest of good knights that I could not -attempt to number them, and the people who looked on said they -had never seen such a number of surcoats and other vestments of -cloth of gold at any banquet as there were there, and they say -that above three thousand knights and cavaliers were present.' - -From the festivities at Saumur, Louis went to Poitiers, where the -new-made Count, his brother Alphonse, was to receive in his -presence the homage of the neighbouring lords who had become his -vassals. But ill news came to disturb their pleasures; a -confidential letter was received, addressed, not to the King but -to his mother, who was regarded by many faithful subjects as the -true sovereign of the kingdom, and who doubtless still had her -own confidential and secret agents. -{28} -An inhabitant of La Rochelle wrote to tell Queen Blanche of the -existence of a conspiracy among various powerful lords of La -Marche, La Saintonge, L'Angoumois, and still further districts, -who proposed to refuse homage to the Count of Poitiers, and thus -to rebel against the King himself. This unpleasant warning was as -true as it was circumstantial. Hughes de Lusignan, Count of La -Marche, the principal vassal of the new Count of Poitiers, if he -had not originated was certainly the leader of the plot. His -wife, Isabella of Angoulême, widow of the late King John of -England, and mother of the reigning sovereign, Henry III., was -indignant at the idea of becoming a vassal to a prince who was -himself the vassal of the King of France, and furious at finding -herself, once a queen and still the widow and mother of a king, -placed in rank below a mere Countess of Poitiers. When her -husband, the Count of La Marche, returned to Angoulême, he found -his lady melting from wrath into tears, and from tears rising -back again into wrath. - -'"Did you not perceive," said she, "that when in order to gratify -your king and queen I waited three days at Poitiers, and then -appeared before them in their chamber, the King was seated on one -side of the bed, and the Queen with the Countess of Chartres and -her sister the Abbess at the other, and they never summoned me to -sit beside them. They did it designedly, to disgrace me before -all these people. -{29} -And neither on my entrance nor my departure did they so much as -rise from their seats; putting me to shame, as you must have seen -yourself. I can scarcely speak of it, so overcome am I with grief -and shame. I shall die of it; it is even worse than the loss of -our lands, of which they have so disgracefully robbed us. But at -least, by God's grace, they shall repent of this, or I may see -them miserable in their turn, and deprived of their own lands, as -I am of mine. And for this end, I, for my part, will strive -whilst I have life, even though it should cost me all that is -mine." - -'"The Count," adds Queen Blanche's secret correspondent, "who is -a good man as you know, seeing the Countess in tears, said to -her, deeply moved, 'Madame, give your commands, and I will do all -that I can: be sure of that.' 'If you do not,' said she, 'you -shall never enter my presence more, and I will never see you -again.' Whereupon the Count, with many oaths, swore that he would -do everything his wife desired."' [Footnote 8 ] - - [Footnote 8: This letter, the original of which is in the - Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris, was discovered and published - by M. Léopold Delisle, with a learned commentary, in the' - 'Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartres.'] - -He was as good as his word. In late autumn of the same year 1241, -'the new Count of Poitiers, holding his court for the first time, -did not fail to summon all the nobles who were his vassals; and -as the chief among them, the Count and Countess of La Marche. -They went to Poitiers. But four days before Christmas, when all -the guests had assembled, the Count of La Marche was seen -advancing towards the prince mounted on his war steed, his wife -behind him on a pillion, escorted by a troop of men-at-arms also -on horseback, their cross-bows in their hands, as if ready for -battle. -{30} -Everybody waited eagerly for what was going to happen. Then the -Count of La Marche, addressing the Count of Poitiers in a loud -voice, said, "In a forgetful and weak moment I did once think of -paying thee homage, but I now swear with a resolute heart that -thy liege servant I will never be. Unjustly thou callest thyself -my lord: unworthily hast thou stolen these lands from my -son-in-law, Count Richard, while he was faithfully fighting for -God in the Holy Land, where by his prudence and tender mercy he -delivered many captives." After this insulting speech, the Count -of La Marche caused his men-at-arms to disperse roughly all those -who were in his way; rushed, as a last insult, and set fire to -the quarters which his host had assigned him, and, followed by -all his people, quitted Poitiers at full gallop.' - -This meant war without doubt: and in early spring of the -following year it broke out. But King Louis was found well -prepared and fully resolved to carry it on. However, with all his -determination, he lacked neither justice nor prudence; he -respected popular opinion and wished for the approval of those -whom he must needs call upon to compromise themselves with him -and for him. He called together the vassals of the Crown. 'What -think you?' asked he. 'What ought to be done to a vassal who -wishes to hold his lands independent of any liege lord, and who -refuses the faithful homage which has been paid time out of mind -by him and his forefathers?' - -They answered that the lord of the soil ought then to resume this -fief as his own property. - -{31} - -'By my royal name,' said the King, 'this Count of La Marche -pretends to hold lands after such a fashion--lands which have -been a fief of France ever since the time of the brave King -Clovis, who took all Aquitaine from unbelieving Alaric, King of -the Goths, and conquered the whole country up to the Pyrenees.' -The vassals promised their king active help against his foe. - -The Count of La Marche began the contest. He had powerful allies, -but the chief of them, his stepson, Henry III. of England, and -his neighbour, Raimond III. Count of Toulouse, were tardy in -their movements. Provoked by the devastations committed on his -lands, Louis suddenly took the field. He had made great -preparations, had provided large stores of provisions, means of -transport and encampment, and machinery for carrying on a siege. -Four thousand knights and twenty thousand men-at-arms followed -him. The provincial militia joined: in short, as it neared the -enemy's country, the King's army swelled apace, says the old -chronicler, 'like rivers when they approach the sea.' Many -fortresses in La Saintonge and L'Angoumois were carried by -assault. Furious and desperate with her ill success, the Countess -Isabelle of La Marche tried another form of warfare: she gave two -of her serfs a poison which they undertook to mix either with the -food or wine of the King and his brothers. But when they reached -the royal camp, the two poor wretches were discovered, taken, and -hanged. - -At length the King of England landed at Royan, at the mouth of -the Gironde. His Parliament, disliking this war, had refused him -any assistance in it; but he brought with him seven of his -principal vassals, three hundred knights, and, above all, the -treasure which he had succeeded in amassing: 'thirty hogsheads -full of esterlings,' says Matthew Paris, 'enough to pay a whole -army of Poitevins and Gascons.' - -{32} - -A truce had subsisted for some time between France and England. -Henry sent messengers to Louis, informing him that this truce was -now broken, since he considered it his duty to defend his -step-father, the Count of La Marche, by force of arms. Louis -replied, that on his part he had scrupulously respected the -truce, and had no thought of breaking it; but that he considered -himself quite at liberty to punish a rebellious vassal. So the -war began with ardour on both sides; and this young king, docile -son of so capable a mother, soon showed himself to be an -unsuspected hero. - -Near two towns in Saintonge, Taillebourg and Saintes, on a bridge -which commanded the approach to the one and before the walls of -the other, Louis fought two battles, where his brilliant personal -valour and the enthusiastic devotion of his troops decided the -victory and caused the surrender of both places. - -'At sight of the numerous banners above which the Oriflamme was -floating in front of Taillebourg, and of the multitude of tents -pitched close together so as to look like one great populous -city, Henry III. turned quickly round to the Count of La Marche. -"My father," said he, "is that what you promised me? Is this the -countless army which you engaged yourself to raise for me; while -my sole care should be to provide the money?" "I never said -that," replied the Count. "Yea, truly," observed the Earl Richard -of Cornwall, brother of Henry III. "I have in my possession a -letter in your own hand upon this point." -{33} -And when the Count of La Marche energetically denied having -either signed or sent such a letter, the English king reminded -him with some bitterness of his many messages and anxious -solicitations for help. "I swear these were never with my -knowledge," said the Count. "Blame your mother, who is my wife. -_Par la gorge de Dieu_, it has all been managed without my -knowledge."' - -Henry III. was not alone in his disgust at the war into which his -mother had thus drawn him. The greater part of his English -knights quitted him, and asked of Louis permission to travel home -to England through France. Some persons about the court objected -to this. 'Let them depart,' said Louis. 'I only wish I could get -rid of all my foes thus peacefully.' And when he heard his -courtiers making a mock of Henry III. who, deserted by the -English and pillaged by the Gascons, had taken refuge in -Bordeaux, 'Cease,' said he. 'I forbid you either to ridicule him, -or to cause him to hate me for your folly. His charity and piety -will save him from all danger and all disgrace.' - -When the Count of La Marche himself begged for peace, it was -granted by the King with all the prudence of a far-seeing -politician, and the pitying kindliness of a Christian. He only -exacted that the conquered lands should remain the property of -the Crown, and, under the suzerainty of the Crown, should belong -to the Count of Poitiers; and that with regard to the rest of his -estates, the Count of La Marche, his wife, and children should -come and ask them as a grant from the mere will of the King. To -this the Count added, as a pledge of his future fidelity, that he -would maintain in three of his castles a royal garrison at his -own expense. - -{34} - -His submission being thus fully made, the Count was brought into -the presence of the King with his wife and children, 'where' (it -is chronicled) 'they fell upon their knees and broke into sobs -and tears, and began to cry aloud, "Most courteous sire, take -away thy anger and displeasure from us, and have pity on us, for -we have sinned grievously and haughtily against thee. Sire, -according to the multitude of thy great mercies, pardon us our -misdeeds!" At which the King, who could not contain himself at -the sight, bade them rise, and forgave the Count frankly all the -evil he had done.' - -As long as the war lasted, Louis had conducted it vigorously and -heroically; but he was at the same time a true and generous -knight towards his adversaries, full of respect for the laws of -chivalry and for feudal honour. His brother Alphonse had been -grievously wounded at the siege of Fontenay, and when, after a -brave resistance, the place was taken, the son of the Count of La -Marche was among the prisoners. Some persons counselled the King -to inflict cruel punishments upon the vanquished, in order to -avenge the wound which Count Alphonse had received and the -obstinate defence of the town. 'No,' said he, 'how can a son -merit death for having simply obeyed his father, or vassals for -having faithfully served their lord?' Later on, 'Hertold, lord of -Mirebeau--a strong castle in Poitou--and vassal of Henry III., -seeing the rapid success of the French king, and finding himself -unable to resist him, went to seek the King of England at Blaye, -where he had taken refuge. -{35} -"My Lord King," said he, "your excellence may perceive that -fortune is against us. What shall I do? Can you help me in such -great danger, or deliver me if I am besieged? Or shall I, like my -neighbours, be overwhelmed by a general disaster and forced to -yield to the hated French yoke, which my ancestors resisted for -so long?" "Hertold," replied the English king, with a dejected -aspect, "thou seest that I can hardly deliver even myself from -danger. Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was betrayed by His -disciple Judas: who then can be secure? The Count of La Marche, -whom I looked upon and honoured as my father, has given you all a -pernicious example. I leant on a broken reed, and it has pierced -me. Thou alone, in consulting me thus, thou hast acted with -honour. The lands which thou holdest as my vassal, I will gladly -give thee as thy own possessions. Freely therefore do that which -seems to thee best." Hertold quitted, weeping, the presence of -the English sovereign; and went to the King of France, before -whom he presented himself with dishevelled hair and reddened -eyes. "My Lord King," said he, "God has in His anger poured out -upon me so many misfortunes, that I am constrained, much against -my own will, to take refuge under your merciful protection. -Abandoned and alone, I throw myself in great sorrow before your -royal excellence, begging you to accept and receive my castles, -and the homage of my service." To which the King of France -replied with a gracious air, "Friend, I know that thou hast been -with the King of England, and all that thou hast said to him. -Thou alone hast acted faithfully. I receive thee heartily, and -will protect thee and thy possessions. -{36} -Men like thee are those of whom I most approve, and the merciful -heart should never be closed against them." Therefore Hertold -gave up to the King of France the noble Castle of Mirebeau, with -all its lands, and it was immediately restored by Louis, after -the Count had taken an oath of fidelity to him. After this -example, the whole country, with the exception of Montauban and a -few other places, passed into the possession of the French.' -[Footnote 9] - - [Footnote 9: Matthew Paris.] - -A prince who knew so well how to conquer and how to treat his -vanquished enemies might have been tempted to abuse both victory -and clemency, and to seek exclusively his own aggrandizement, but -Louis was too entirely a Christian for this. Unless war was a -necessity or a duty, this valiant and distinguished knight, from -the very equity and goodness of his soul, preferred peace to war. -The success of his campaign in 1242 did not lead him to make this -the first step in a career of glory and conquests; his chief aim -was rather to consolidate his victories by securing the benefits -of peace to Western Europe, obtaining it for his enemies as well -as for himself. He negotiated successively with the Count of La -Marche, the King of England, the Count of Toulouse, the King of -Arragon, and the divers princes and great feudal lords who had -been more or less openly engaged in this war. The latest and most -appreciative of his biographers, M. Felix Faure, says that, in -January 1243, 'the Treaty of Lorris marked the end of all the -feudal troubles so long as the reign of St. Louis lasted. He -never again drew his sword save against the Mussulmans, those -enemies of the faith and of Christian civilization.' - -{37} - - Chapter V. - - Attitude Of St. Louis In The Struggle Between - The German Empire And The Papacy. - -If ambition had been the ruling passion of King Louis, he might -have fostered the dissensions of his neighbours to his own -advantage, for he had many opportunities of interfering in their -affairs when his influence would have had considerable weight. -The whole of Christendom was agitated at this time by the great -struggle between the secular and sacerdotal powers, represented -by Frederick II. and the two Popes Gregory IX. and Innocent IV. -The Emperor and the Pope claimed the right of entire control over -each other's actions, and asserted their power of determining -each other's destiny. - -Louis IX. had only just attained his majority when, in 1237, he -received an invitation from Frederick II. to meet him at -Vancouleurs, and come to an understanding as to the course which -the lay sovereigns ought to pursue with regard to the claims of -the Holy See. The King of France had good reason for distrusting -the Emperor of Germany. Frederick II. had not long previously -married the sister of Henry III. of England, and had on several -occasions shown an inclination to help his brother-in-law of -England to regain his French provinces. -{38} -Louis did not decline the meeting at Vancouleurs, but he took the -precaution of commanding that an escort of 2,000 knights should -accompany him thither. When Frederick heard of this he adjourned -the interview to the following year, and there was then no -further mention of it. Louis, after this, tried to induce the two -sovereigns to restore peace to Christendom, but he failed, and -thenceforward maintained an attitude of strict neutrality towards -them. - -The Pope had very recently pronounced a sentence of -excommunication against the Emperor, and had declared him to be -deposed from his throne. And now, in order to enlist Louis on his -own side, the Holy Father suggested the possibility of the -election of the Count of Artois (brother of Louis) as Emperor of -Germany, and promised to assist the Count not only with influence -but with money. - -Louis consulted the barons of the kingdom. 'If the crimes of the -Emperor,' they said, 'make it necessary that he should be -deposed, his sentence can be pronounced by a General Council -only.' - -Louis acquainted the Emperor with the proposal which he had -received from Rome and the answer which he intended to make to -it, and also informed him of the religious offences which the -Pope alleged against him as a justification of the sentence of -excommunication. 'We do not intend,' said the French envoys to -Frederick, 'to attack you without lawful grounds. As to any -advantages which the imperial crown may bring, we think that our -sovereign, the King of France, who is raised to the throne by the -hereditary nobility of his royal blood, is high above an Emperor -who owes his elevation to an election which may be refused. Count -Robert thinks it honour enough to be the brother of our King.' - -{39} - -The Emperor did not protest against these words; for though they -were haughty enough, they were at the same time reassuring. - -The Pope convoked a General Council. The Emperor, who foresaw the -result of a meeting of his enemies, declared that he would oppose -it by force of arms. On the 3d of May, 1241, his fleet attacked -and completely defeated the Genoese fleet, which had on board the -prelates who were summoned to the Council at Rome. Legates, -archbishops, bishops, abbots, delegates from the chapters, more -than a hundred eminent ecclesiastics, were seized, thrown into -the holds of the victorious vessels, and conveyed to Naples, -where the Emperor kept them imprisoned in the castle of San -Salvatore. Many French ecclesiastics were among those who -suffered from this act of violence. Louis peremptorily demanded -their liberty: Frederick refused it, not without a touch of -irony: 'Let not your royal Majesty be astonished,' he wrote to -Louis, 'if Cæsar keeps in tribulation the prelates of France who -came to cause Cæsar tribulation.' - -Again Louis remonstrated, this time haughtily and with threats: -'Hitherto,' he said, 'we have had a sure trust that, owing to the -reciprocal affection, established for so long a time, no cause -either of hatred or variance could arise between the empire and -our kingdom; for all the kings of blessed memory, our -predecessors, showed themselves eager to contribute to the honour -and glory of the empire, and we, who by the grace of God have -succeeded them, were animated by the same sentiments. Therefore -this is a thing that surprises us greatly. -{40} -We are deeply moved, and not without reason. You have no cause, -no pretext even, of offence against us, and yet you have seized -the prelates of our kingdom on the sea. They were on their way to -the Apostolic seat, to which they are bound both by faith and -obedience, so that they dare not disobey its commands, and yet -you detain them in prison. We are more deeply wounded than your -Majesty may probably suppose. Their letters have clearly shown us -that they entertained no designs against your imperial Majesty, -nor would they have taken any share in the less legitimate steps -which the sovereign Pontiff may have contemplated. Since, then, -their captivity is owing to no fault of their own, your Majesty -must restore their rightful liberty to the prelates of our realm. -By doing this you will put an end to all estrangement on our -part, for be assured that we look upon their detention as a wrong -done to our own self. Our royal power must be strangely -diminished and debased if we could patiently endure such -treatment. Turn your eyes upon the past, and remember how, as -every one knows, we repulsed the offers of the Bishop of -Palestrina and the other legates of the Church when they -endeavoured to obtain our co-operation against you. They could -obtain no help in our kingdom against your Majesty. We pray you, -therefore, in your imperial prudence, to pause and reflect, and -we counsel you to weigh what we have written in the balance of -your royal judgment; do not listen only to the promptings of -power and to your own will, and so reject our demand, for the -kingdom of France is not so exhausted or so weak that you may -venture to prick us with your spurs.' - -{41} - -The threat uttered by Louis was not without effect. The Emperor -hesitated a little longer, and then set the French prelates at -liberty. - -Gregory IX. died, and under the pontificate of Innocent IV. the -struggle between the Papal See and the Empire became more and -more fierce. The two parties and the two adversaries divided the -whole of Christendom; sovereigns and peoples were to be found -first in one camp and then in the other, now estranged by the -Pope's acts of violence and now by those of the Emperor. Doubt -and indecision at length affected even the clergy. In 1245, -Frederick II. was excommunicated for the third time, and at Paris -the Curé of St. Germain de l'Auxerrois announced the sentence in -the following words:-- - - 'Listen, all of you! I am commanded to pronounce a solemn - sentence of excommunication--tapers lighted and bells - tolling--against the Emperor Frederick. I do not know the - reason of this. I know there is a fierce quarrel, and that - inexorable hatred has grown up between him and another. I know - that one of them is doing injustice to the other. But which of - them? And to which?--I cannot tell. Therefore, so far as it is - in my power, I hereby excommunicate, and declare to be - excommunicated, that one who has done wrong to the other; and I - absolve him who suffers the wrong--a wrong which embitters the - whole Christian world.' [Footnote 10] - - [Footnote 10: Matthew Paris, ed. 1644, p. 442.] - -In the midst of this conflict of passions, and at a time of such -great perplexity in the minds of men, the conduct of Louis -remained unchanged. He took the part of neither one adversary nor -the other; he preserved the most scrupulous neutrality in his -relations with the Empire and the Papal See, and laboured hard to -establish peace. - -{42} - -In the thirteenth century the principles of national law, -especially that of the right of intervention on the part of one -government in the struggles either of the sovereigns or the -subjects of its neighbours, had not been as systematically laid -down and defined as they are now. But the good sense and moral -rectitude of St. Louis led him to follow the right path, and no -temptation, not even his own fervent piety, ever induced him to -swerve from it. It was his constant care not to allow either the -State or Church of France to take any part in the struggle -between the Papacy and the Empire, and he strove to uphold the -dignity of his crown and the well-being of his subjects by using -his influence to secure the establishment of a just and peaceful -policy throughout Christendom. - -{43} - - Chapter VI. - - Christian Europe And Mahometan - Asia In The Thirteenth Century. - - -A just and peaceful policy throughout Christendom was the great -need of Christianity in the thirteenth century, for it had to -struggle with two enemies, and was exposed to two very formidable -dangers. - -The Crusaders had inaugurated a fierce and bitter struggle with -the Mahometans in Asia; and towards the middle of the thirteenth -century, in the very heat of the conflict, and from the depths of -Asia itself, a barbarous and almost pagan people--the Mongol -Tartars--spread like a foul flood over Eastern Europe. They swept -over Russia, Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany, ravaging and -threatening with total destruction every province through which -they passed. M. Abel Rémusat has studied all the documents -relating to these terrible invasions, which he describes with the -accuracy of a scholar. He writes as follows:-- - -{44} - - 'According to the laws established by their first great chief - Tchinggis Khan, the Mongols were commanded to show mercy to - those princes and nations that gave proof of their submission - by surrendering their towns and consenting to pay tribute. All - others were given up to the fury of the soldiers, and massacred - without distinction of age or sex, the very animals being often - included in an indiscriminate slaughter. It was impossible to - negotiate with the Tartars in their early invasions; men had - either to submit or die, and countless pyramids of human bones, - which they erected on the sites of ruined cities, testified to - the danger of resistance. These ghastly monuments were to be - seen long afterwards, and were the terror of our travellers who - passed through the regions which the Tartars had swept over and - made desolate.' - -The chronicles of the thirteenth century describe -the Tartars as-- - - 'A terrible race rushing down from the mountains of the North; - an impious multitude who fear nothing, believe nothing, and - worship nothing but their king--him they call the great King of - kings and Lord of lords; men, or rather brutes, who are - relentless; monsters having nothing human about them; greedy - for blood, and drinking it with delight; tearing and devouring - the raw flesh of animals, of dogs--nay, even of human beings; - having an enormous head on a misshapen body, huge chests, large - arms and short strong legs; clothed in the skins of cattle, and - armed with iron lances; untiring warriors, unequalled archers, - and of astounding courage, riding on great and strong horses - which are so swift that they can go three days' journey in one - day, and require no other food than leaves and the bark of - trees. These horses they mount by means of three stirrups - suspended one from the other, for they need this ladder on - account of the shortness of their legs; crossing the broadest - and most rapid rivers without delay or difficulty by means of - boats made of ox-hide which they carry about with them: and for - the matter of that, it gives them no more trouble to swim than - to eat' [Footnote 11] - - [Footnote 11: M. Felix Faure has also very ably collected the - characteristic features of the Mongol portraits, and put them - together so as to form a striking picture. He has taken his - materials from the chronicles of the time, and especially - from the works of Matthew Paris and Albéric des Trois - Fontaines.] - -{45} - -The name and description of these barbarians, the report of their -devastations, and the terror which they inspired, were soon -spread throughout Christendom. The princes of Eastern Europe -wrote to their relatives and allies in the West, warning them of -the danger which threatened them, relating their own troubles, -and imploring help against the common enemy. - -'What must be done in so sad a case?' said Queen Blanche to her -son the King of France. Louis answered, the chronicles say, 'with -mournful voice, and yet not without a certain divine -inspiration.' 'My mother,' he said, 'there is one heavenly -consolation in which we may find support. If these Tartars, as we -call them, come here, either we shall send them back to Tartarus, -the place from whence they come, or they will send us up to -Paradise.' - -M. Abel Rémusat says: 'This play upon the words Tartarus (the -infernal regions) and Tartar, which is here attributed to St. -Louis, is found in almost all the documents of the period, and it -is just possible that it affords the true explanation of the -change made in the word Tatars by all the nations of the West. -These tribes are called Tatari in the Russian chronicles, Tattari -by Christophorus Manlius, and Tatari or Tattari in a letter -written by Ives of Narbonne to Giraud, Archbishop of Bordeaux. -{46} -But, as a rule, we find that they were called Tartars from the -very first, and "Tartari, imò Tartarei"--Tartars from the depths -of Tartarus--as the Emperor Frederick called them, became a -favourite expression. There was certainly a very general -impression that these Mongols were either demons sent to chastise -mankind, or men who had dealings with demons.' [Footnote 12] - - [Footnote 12: Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et - Belles Lettres, tome vi. p. 408.] - -Another incident of less importance for Europe had, however, a -more personal interest for Louis, and had already turned all the -ardent piety of his inquiring spirit more and more towards the -East. In the summer of 1237 he was at Compiègne, celebrating the -marriage of his brother Robert, whom he had invested as knight -and endowed with the province of Artois for an appanage. In the -midst of the festivities people remarked with surprise that four -strangers were present, men of foreign race and unfamiliar -appearance, whom the King seemed to treat with great -consideration. These, say the chronicles, were emissaries from -the Old Man of the Mountain, the chief of an Arab sect and tribe -which had sprung up in the midst of the religious, political, and -warlike agitations of Islamism. This tribe had established itself -in the mountains of Anti-Lebanon, between Antioch and Damascus, -and its members had been known in the East for more than a -century under the name of Assassins. It is said that they owed -this name to the blind fanaticism with which they executed the -orders of their sheikh (a word which means both chief and old -man), who insured their passionate devotion to himself by all -kinds of material indulgences, and made use of them to get rid of -his enemies, near and far, Christian and Saracen. -{47} -In 1190 they assassinated Conrad, Marquis of Montserrat, then -about to ascend the throne of Jerusalem, and the great Saladin -himself, in spite of all his victories over the Christians, had -twice nearly fallen a victim to their blows. - -The fame of the young King's piety and valour had reached Syria, -and it was said that Louis was about to start for the East at the -head of a new crusade, and to re-establish the kingdom of -Jerusalem. This report caused the Old Man of the Mountain to send -two of his fanatical followers to France, with orders to kill the -future enemy of their country. But, on the receipt of further -information, he renounced the design, and sent other two of his -followers to France to prevent the execution of the murder. In -this they succeeded: they not only warned Louis of his danger, -but had time to return and meet the first emissaries of their -master, with whom they went back to Compiègne. 'Louis, who had -taken every precaution against their attempt, received them -well,' say the chronicles, 'and sent them home to the Old Man of -the Mountain with rich gifts.' - -Voltaire ridicules the whole story with that levity and shallow -common sense which so often led him to place blind confidence in -his own scepticism, and made him ready to reject as absurd fables -any facts which he could not easily explain. 'The great Prince of -the Assassins,' says he, 'fearing lest the King of France, Louis -IX., of whom he had never heard, should journey to the East at -the head of a new crusade, and snatch away his dominions, sent -two noble adherents from his court in the caverns of Anti-Lebanon -to assassinate the King in Paris. -{48} -But next day he was told what an amiable and generous prince this -was; so he sent two other nobles by sea to countermand the -assassination.' [Footnote 13] - - [Footnote 13: Œuvres de Voltaire, tome xxvii. Edit, de - Beuchot.] - -But, in order to disprove the records of the thirteenth century, -something more is necessary than merely to burlesque them in the -language of the eighteenth. The chronicles of the time give -numerous and detailed accounts of these early transactions -between the Old Man of the Mountain and St. Louis. The accounts -agree with all the documents of the time which refer to the -relations existing between the East and West after the -commencement of the Crusades. They are confirmed by other and -almost contemporaneous testimony, which shows the Old Man of the -Mountain, four years later, asking the help of St. Louis against -the Mongol Tartars, from whose invasions Western Asia suffered as -much as Eastern Europe. Without thinking of any difference of -race or religion, the foes of yesterday eagerly sought each -other's help against the common enemy of to-day. Such a -complication of nations, princes, and events would give rise to -many improbable and contradictory facts, and the true history of -the period lies hidden under the many legends which exaggerate -and disfigure it. - -Another apprehension and another temptation were added about this -time to those which already attracted the thoughts and heart of -Louis to the East. The dangers of the Latin empire of -Constantinople increased daily. -{49} -It was assailed alike by Greek, Mussulman, and Tartar. In 1236 -the young Emperor Baldwin II. resolved to solicit in person the -help of the princes of the West, more especially of the young -King of France, who was already renowned for his piety and his -chivalrous zeal. - -Baldwin was the possessor of a treasure which fascinated the -imagination of the Christians of those days--the crown of thorns -worn by Christ during His passion. He had pledged it at Venice as -a security for a considerable loan from the Venetians, and he now -offered to make it over to Louis in return for efficient help -either in men or money. Louis accepted the offer with rapture. -Not long before he had been greatly alarmed at the reported loss -of another precious relic, one of the nails said to have fastened -the body of our Lord to the cross. It had been deposited in the -Abbey of St. Denis, and disappeared one day during a religious -ceremony. When it was found, Louis said: 'I would rather that the -earth had opened and swallowed up one of the chief cities of my -kingdom than have lost it.' - -He took every care to avoid the disgrace which would attend any -kind of traffic in so sacred a matter, and ultimately obtained -the crown of thorns for a sum which, including all expenses, -would equal about 54,000_l_. of our money. [Footnote 14] - - [Footnote 14: 12,000 livres Parisis, about 1,350,000 francs - in modern French money. The French _livre_ (like the - English _pound_) was formerly a pound's _weight_ of - silver. Charlemagne ordained that a silver sou should be - precisely the twentieth part of twelve ounces of silver, and - in this way twenty sous came to be looked upon as a livre. - Both weight and value have been very greatly reduced in the - course of time. Again, the weight of the livre, and - consequently its value, varied in different parts of France. - The _livre Parisis_ was the livre of Paris, the _livre - Tournois_ (p. 19) the livre of Tours, &c.] - -{50} - -We cannot, in the present day, sympathise with the eager -credulity which Christian faith does not require and sound -criticism entirely condemns; but we ought to and we can -understand it in an age when men contemplated every fact and -every tradition of the Gospel with a deep, poetic faith, and when -the belief that they were in the presence of any fragment or -relic of sacred times was sufficient to call forth emotion and -reverence as deep as their faith. - -It is to such feelings that we owe one of the most perfect and -graceful monuments of the Middle Ages, the Sainte Chapelle, built -by Louis between 1245 and 1248, to contain the precious relics -which he had accumulated. The architect, Pierre de Montreuil, -comprehended and glorified the piety of the King in a marvellous -manner, and no doubt his own genius was kindled by the same -strong religious feeling which animated St. Louis. - -{51} - - Chapter VII. - - Origin Of The Passion Felt By St. Louis For The Crusades. - His Sickness In 1244. - His Vow. - His Departure On His First Crusade In 1248. - - -At the close of the year 1244, in the midst of all these European -troubles, and when his sympathy with them was so great, Louis -fell ill at Pontoise and was soon in extreme danger. The alarm -and grief of his realm reached the highest point. Bishops, -abbots, priests, barons, knights, citizens, and peasants hurried, -some to Pontoise and some to their churches, to learn 'how it -would please the Lord to deal with the King.' Louis himself -thought that his last hour was come. He caused all the members of -his household to be summoned, thanked them for their services to -himself, bade them serve God faithfully, and 'did all that a good -Christian ought to do' in sight of death. His mother, wife, -brothers, and all those who were about him, prayed for him -incessantly; 'his mother more than all the others,' say the -chronicles, 'and she added to her prayers great austerities.' - -At one time the King lay motionless and without sign of breath, -so that those around him thought he was dead. 'One of the ladies -watching him,' says Joinville, 'wished to cover his face, saying -that he was dead; but another lady on the opposite side of the -bed would not allow it, for she said that the soul had not yet -left the body. -{52} -The King heard these ladies speaking, and, by the grace of our -Lord, he began to breathe again; he stretched out his arms and -legs, and said in a voice as hollow as that of one who has risen -from the grave, "The dayspring from on high hath visited me, and -by the grace of God recalled me from among the dead."' - -No sooner had he regained consciousness and the power of speech, -than he sent for William of Auvergne, Bishop of Paris, and Peter -of Cuisy, Bishop of Meaux, in whose diocese he then was, and -asked them to affix the holy cross to his shoulder, as a sign -that he should journey beyond the seas to the Holy Land. The two -bishops tried to dissuade him from this idea, and the two queens, -Blanche and Margaret, implored him on their knees to wait until -he was well, and after that to do whatsoever he would. But he -persisted, and said that he would touch no food until he had -received the cross, and at length the Bishop of Paris yielded and -bestowed it upon him. The King received his cross with the -deepest emotion; 'he kissed it, and laid it down very gently upon -his breast.' - -'When the Queen, his mother, knew that he had taken the cross,' -says Joinville, 'she showed as much sorrow, according to his own -account, as if she had seen him lying dead.' [Footnote 15] - - [Footnote 15: Joinville, chap. xxiv.; 'Vie de St. Louis, par - le Confesseur de la Reine Marguerite,' in Bouquet's 'Recueil - des Historiens des Gaules et de la France,' vol. xx. pp. 66, - 67; Tillemont, 'Vie de St. Louis,' vol. iii.; Faure, - 'Histoire de St. Louis,' vol. i.] - -{53} - -More than three years passed away before Louis was able to fulfil -the engagement to which he had thus pledged himself. We might -almost say that he was pledged to himself and by himself alone, -and against the will of nearly every one about him. - -The Crusades still possessed great fascination for the public -mind, and were still the object of religious and chivalric -enthusiasm; but, at the same time, they were dreaded and -discouraged from a political point of view, and there were many -men of very considerable standing, both among the clergy and -laity, who would not have dared to say so, but who had no desire -whatever to take part in a new crusade. Under the influence of -this state of public feeling, not the less seriously entertained -because it shrank from showing itself openly, Louis continued for -the next three years to busy himself with the affairs of France -and Europe. He tried to mediate in his neighbours' quarrels, and -attempted to bring about a reconciliation between the Pope and -the Emperor, as if it had been the one object of his life. His -mother and the wisest of his advisers had once for a short time -entertained some hope of being able to induce him to abandon his -enterprise. The Bishop of Paris, the same who in the crisis of -his illness and at his urgent request had given him the -Crusader's cross, one day said to him: 'My lord the King, bethink -you that when you received the cross, when suddenly and without -due consideration you made this portentous vow, you were very -feeble, and, to confess the truth, of clouded mind; your words, -therefore, had not the weight of royal authority and verity. Our -lord the Pope knows the requirements of your kingdom and the -weakness of your bodily health, and he will very willingly grant -you a dispensation. -{54} -Consider how many dangers threaten us: the power of the -schismatic Frederick, the snares of the rich King Henry of -England, the treason of the Poitevins, only just crushed out, and -the subtle disputes of the Albigenses. Germany is agitated; Italy -has no peace. The Holy Land is difficult of access; you may never -reach it, and, if you do, you leave behind you the implacable -hatred for each other of the Pope and the Emperor.' - -Queen Blanche made an appeal of a different kind. She reminded -her son of the good counsel she had always given him, and told -him that a son who obeyed and trusted his mother was well -pleasing in the sight of God. She promised that if he would be -content to give up his project, the Holy Land should not suffer, -for more troops should be sent thither than he would have marched -at the head of. The King listened attentively to all that was -said, and was deeply moved by it. Then he answered: - -'You tell me that I was not in the possession of all my faculties -when I took the cross. Therefore, since it is your wish I -renounce the cross, I restore it to you.' And with his own hands -he unfastened the cross from his shoulder: 'There, my lord -bishop, I place the cross with which I was invested in your hands -again.' - -All present were full of joy, and began to congratulate each -other, when, with a sudden change of countenance and of manner, -the King said: 'My friends, at this present time I am assuredly -in possession of my reason and of all my senses. I am neither -weak in health nor of clouded mind. -{55} -I now ask to have my cross given back to me. He who knows all -things knows that not one morsel of food shall enter my lips -until it is once again affixed to my shoulder.' 'These words -plainly showed that the finger of God was in this matter, and -therefore no one ventured to raise a single objection to the will -of the King.' [Footnote 16] - - [Footnote 16: Matthew Paris, p. 407.] - -Louis proclaimed his resolve openly, and urged forward the -preparations for a new crusade. He announced that he would start -after Pentecost in the following year, 1248. - -His brothers first, and then the majority of his vassals, knights -as well as great barons, also took the cross. The enthusiasm of -Louis was contagious, and many were kindled by it, whilst others -for very shame could not forsake their king and lord, who was so -noble a prince and so faithful a Christian. On Friday, the 12th -of June, 1248, the King went to St. Denis, and there received the -oriflamme, and then the pilgrim's wallet and staff. After this, -he returned to Paris, and went barefooted to Notre Dame to hear -mass, followed by a great crowd of people. Queen Margaret was to -accompany him to the East, and she went through the same farewell -ceremonies, sometimes with and sometimes after her husband. Queen -Blanche waited for her son at Corbeil, and Louis there took leave -of her, having first appointed her Regent of France, and granted -her the fullest powers during his absence. Some say, however, -that she accompanied him as far as Cluny. - -{56} - -'O my fair son, my fair and gentle son!' she said when he bade -her adieu. 'O my most tender son, my heart tells me that I shall -never see thee more!' And one account adds that, in spite of her -high spirit and great courage, she fainted twice when she saw her -son finally depart. - -The King went on his way, and at Lyons received the benediction -of the Pope Innocent IV.; he there put a stop to the brigandage -of the wicked lord of one of the castles on the banks of the -Rhone, and at length reached Aiguesmortes, in Provence, as some -say in July, according to others in the beginning of August. He -was to set sail from thence, and had requested all the Crusaders -who intended to cross the sea with him to meet him there. He took -up his abode in a very humble house, which, as it was the King's -residence, was dignified by the name of 'palace;' it would not -accommodate his own suite and the retinue of his brothers, tents -were therefore erected for them outside the town, and in the -neighbouring hamlets. A great number of Crusaders, vassals or -allies of the King of France, arrived in rapid succession, and -these had separate camps distinguished by their standards. There -were thirty-eight large ships in the port hard by, and a whole -host of vessels of transport. The preparations of the fleet were -completed on the 20th of August, and on Tuesday, the 25th, Louis -went to the humble church, Notre Dame des Sablons, to invoke the -protection of God for his enterprise, and on the same day he -embarked. A young writer of the present age, who has collected -local details full of interest with regard to this solemn event, -says:-- - -{57} - - 'It was left entirely to the master-mariners to decide when the - wind would be favourable for setting sail, and on Friday the - 28th, after careful deliberation, they were all agreed. They - then summoned the pilot. "Are you ready?" said they. "Yes, - masters," he answered. One of them stepped up to the King of - France: "Sire, call up your parsons and priests, for the - weather is fair and fine." Chaplains, monks, and bishops came - on deck, and the same master-mariners called out, "Sing, good - fathers; sing, in the name of God!" Whereupon they chant the - "Veni Creator," which is taken up in vessel after vessel, until - it is heard from one end of the fleet to the other. This pious - canticle ended, the pilots call out to the sailors, "Hoist your - sails in God's name!" And first from one ship and then from - another you hear the captain calling, "Weigh your anchor, for - you are too near, and may do us harm." - - 'Before long the wind filled our sails, and bore us out of - sight of the land; we saw nothing but sky and sea, and every - day the wind carried us farther away from the places of our - birth. And I think this will show you that a man must be very - foolhardy if he will run into such danger with other people's - goods, or when he is in a state of mortal sin, for he goes to - bed at night in a place which may be at the bottom of the sea - the next morning.' [Footnote 17] - - [Footnote 17: Topin, 'Aiguesmortes' (1865); - Joinville, chap, xxviii.] - -Thus thought and wrote the companion and historian of St. Louis, -the Sire de Joinville, when, a few days after the King had left -Aiguesmortes, he sailed from Marseilles to join him at Cyprus, -the general rendezvous of the Crusaders. - -{58} - - Chapter VIII. - - St. Louis In Egypt. - 1249-1250. - - -I am not now writing the history of St. Louis, and of his heroic -and unfortunate crusade. What I desire at this time specially to -do is to show the man and the Christian in this king. The world -is a stage on which we may see much that impresses us, but not -much that we can imitate; great events abound, but noble and -virtuous lives are rare, and therefore in every age they possess -the charm of novelty, and afford the most salutary spectacle that -can be presented to mankind. - -Louis arrived at the island of Cyprus on the 12th of September, -1248. He did not expect to stay long there; he hoped to set sail -without delay for Egypt, where he proposed to commence the -struggle against the Mussulmans. At that time the Christian world -believed that in order to deliver the Holy Land from the hands of -the infidel, the first blow at Islamism must be struck in Egypt, -its stronghold. Louis had appointed Cyprus merely as a -meeting-place for the Crusaders who had set out from so many -different parts; he had concentrated vast stores of all kinds in -the island, provisions, arms, and implements of war, provided at -his expense and by his care; but his intention was to convey them -immediately to the shores of the Nile. -{59} -At Cyprus, however, the difficulties and dangers of the -expedition began to show themselves. These may have originated -either in the social condition and manners of the period, or in -the faults of individual men. Many of the crusading -princes--nobles who were impatient of control and soldiers from -choice--arrived tardily and at long intervals. The King of -Cyprus, Henry of Lusignan, and his Cypriot vassals received the -Crusaders kindly; and even promised to join the expedition, but -they had not received due notice of it, and were not prepared to -set out at once. They were glad to prolong the stay of the -crusading army, which furnished the court with an opportunity for -indulging in the festivities in which chivalry delighted, and -proved a source of unexpected profit to the inhabitants of the -island. The leader of the crusade, Louis, showed more -perseverance in his religious zeal than tenacity of purpose in -his practical aims, and he inspired admiration more readily than -he exercised power over those with whom he was brought into -contact. His opinion as to the wisdom of proceeding at once to -Egypt did not guide the council of war, consisting of the -principal leaders of the army; they decided on passing the winter -in the island of Cyprus; and during those seven months of -enforced idleness, the improvidence of the Crusaders, their -ignorance of the places, people, and facts of every kind which -they were rushing to meet, their blind self-confidence, their -obstinate rivalry, their moral disorders and military -insubordination, daily aggravated the already enormous -difficulties of the enterprise. -{60} -Louis spent his whole time amongst them in making peace, -adjusting quarrels, repressing licence, reconciling the Templars -and the Hospitallers. He received envoys from the King of -Armenia, the Khan of Tartary, and many other princes of the East, -Christian and Pagan, who came, not to offer support in the -crusade, but by their intrigues to draw the Crusaders into their -own quarrels, and to obtain help in promoting their own private -interests. - -'The Empress of Constantinople [Footnote 18] sent me word,' says -Joinville, 'that she had arrived at Baffe, [Footnote 19] a city -of Cyprus, and that I must needs go and seek her, I and -Monseigneur Erard de Brienne. When we arrived we found that her -vessel had dragged its anchors in a storm, and drifted over to -Acre, and that she had nothing out of the whole of her luggage -except the mantle she was wearing and a surcoat. [Footnote 20] - - [Footnote 18: Marie de Brienne, wife of the Latin Emperor - Baldwin II.] - - [Footnote 19: The ancient Paphos.] - - [Footnote 20: A garment worn by ladies over their petticoat - and tight-fitting jacket.] - -We escorted her to Limisso, where the King, the Queen, and all -the nobles received her with great honour. On the morrow I sent -her a piece of cloth for a garment, and some taffetas to line it -with. She had come to ask the King's help for her lord, and she -managed so well that she carried back two hundred letters and -more from me and other friends she had there. In these letters we -were bound by oath, if the King or the legate would send three -hundred knights to Constantinople after the return of the King -from the crusade, we were then bound, I say, by our oath, to go -thither also. -{61} -And when we were about to return, in order to fulfil this oath, I -appealed to the King before the Count of Eu, whose letter I still -have, saying that if he would send three hundred knights I would -go and fulfil my oath. And the King answered that he had not the -wherewithal, and that great as his treasure was he had poured it -out to the very dregs.' [Footnote 21] - - [Footnote 21: Joinville, c. xxx.] - -In fact Louis had exhausted his means not only in paying the -expenses of the expedition, but in providing money for the -Christians scattered in the East, and for the Crusaders who -accompanied him. This is a point on which Joinville could speak -from experience: 'When I arrived in Cyprus,' says he, 'I found -that, after my shipping expenses were paid, I had only 240 livres -Tournois [Footnote 22] left. On this account some of my knights -sent me word that, if I did not provide myself with money, they -would leave me. But God, who has never failed me, provided for me -in a wonderful manner, for the King, who was at Nicosia, sent to -seek me, and put 800 livres into my coffers, and then I had more -than I knew what to do with.' [Footnote 23] - - [Footnote 22: See page 49.] - - [Footnote 23: Joinville, c. xxix.] - -At last they left Cyprus, but not without trouble, for a violent -storm stranded a hundred and fifty vessels on the coast of Syria. -They arrived in sight of Egypt and of Damietta. The principal -Crusaders met on board the King's ship, the _Montjoie_. One -of those present, Guy, a knight in the suite of the Comte de -Melun, wrote to one of his friends, a student in Paris, and said -that the King spoke as follows: - -{62} - -'My friends good and true! If we are inseparable in our love we -shall be invincible. We could not have reached this place so -quickly without the approval of God. Let us therefore land and -take possession of it in all confidence. I am not the King of -France; I am not the Holy Church. It is all of you who are both -King of France and Holy Church. I am but a man, whose life will -fade away like that of all other men when it pleases God. -Whatever may be the result of our enterprise, it must be for our -good. If we are defeated, we shall ascend to heaven as martyrs; -if we conquer, the glory of the Lord will be exalted, and the -renown of all France, still more of the whole of Christendom, -will be increased. It would be madness to suppose that God, who -is all-wise, has raised me up in vain. In our cause He will see -His own cause, His great cause. Let us fight for Christ, and -Christ will triumph in us, not for us, but for the honour and -glory of His blessed name.' - -The disembarkation was then decided upon, and commenced on the -following day. Large numbers of Saracens were seen upon the -shore. The boat which carried the oriflamme was one of the first -to reach the land. 'When the King heard that the standard of St. -Denis had touched the shore, he walked along his ship with mighty -strides, and, in spite of the dissuasions of the legate who was -with him, he leaped into the sea to follow it, although the water -was up to his shoulders, and he made his way through it to his -people who were on the shore, with his shield before his breast, -his helmet on his head, and lance in hand. When he had landed he -saw the Saracens, and asked who they were. He was told that they -were Saracens; whereupon he couched his lance, held his shield -before him, and would have made a course against them at once had -not some of his more prudent followers prevented it.' [Footnote -24] - - [Footnote 24: Joinville, chap, xxxv.; Matthew Paris.] - -{63} - -The knights were no less impetuous than their king. As soon as -the Crusaders were encamped on the shore, one of the knights, -Gautier d'Autrèche, issued all armed from his tent, 'put spurs to -his horse,' says Joinville, 'and galloped off against the Turks; -but before reaching them he was thrown, and the horse trod upon -him. Four Turks attacked him as he lay upon the ground, and as -they rode past struck him heavy blows with their maces. The -Constable of France and some of the King's troops rescued him, -and carried him back to his tent. Late at night we went to see -him, for he was a man of high repute and of great valour. His -chamberlain came to meet us, and begged us to walk softly so as -not to awaken his master. We found him lying upon a coverlid of -miniver, and we went up to him very softly and saw that he was -dead. When the King heard of it, he said that he would not have a -thousand such knights even if he could, for they would all take -their own way as this one had done, and pay no heed to his -commands.' - -Louis remembered at that moment that he was a king and must be -obeyed, but he himself was the first to give way to transports of -blind unreflecting valour, and the very devotion to his cause -made him continually forget, not only the difficulty of success, -but the first conditions of it. The whole campaign in Egypt was a -series of heroic and irrational actions. At first the boldness of -the Crusaders' attack and their brilliant courage struck terror -to the hearts of the Mussulmans. -{64} -They abandoned Damietta notwithstanding its great strength and -importance, and the Crusaders took possession of it without -difficulty. When the Turkish commander, Fakr Eddin, appeared -before the Sultan of Egypt, who was very ill and at the point of -death: 'Could you not have held out even for an hour?' said the -monarch. 'Was there not one man amongst you who would give his -life for the place?' When he saw the Crusaders established in -Damietta he tried to dislodge them, by proposing to the King that -on the day after St. John the Baptist's day, which was near at -hand, there should be a general engagement in a place to be -agreed on by both sides, so that the East and West might fairly -try the fortune of war, and those to whom fate gave the victory -might have great glory, while the vanquished should retreat with -due humility. 'Our lord the King answered, "I do not defy the -enemy of Christ more on one day than on another; I do not fix any -time when I shall rest; but I defy him now and always, to-morrow -and all the days of my life, unless he takes pity upon his own -soul and believes on our Lord Jesus Christ, who wishes that all -men should be saved, and opens His compassionate heart to all -those who turn to Him."' - -The Sultan still prolonged his attempts at negotiation, and sent -to ask the King, 'Why have you brought ploughs, spades, and other -implements wherewith to cultivate a land which is ours? I could -have given you quite enough wheat for the time that you will be -here.' As if to say ironically, 'You are young and delicate, and -will not remain here long.' -{65} -To which the King answered, 'I made a vow and took an oath to -come hither, and as far as it was in my power I fixed a time for -my arrival, but I have neither made a vow nor taken an oath to -return, nor have I fixed any time for my departure. That is why I -brought agricultural implements with me.' - -There were the same delays and loss of time in Damietta as there -had been in Cyprus. The army waited for the arrival of new -Crusaders, and whilst waiting they quarrelled over the booty -taken in the city, consuming and wasting it without forethought; -they fell into all kinds of excesses, which Louis saw and mourned -over, but had not the power to repress. 'The barons began to give -sumptuous banquets,' says Joinville, 'with great profusion of -dishes, and the common soldiers gave themselves up to low -debauchery; and it was for this reason that, when we returned -from captivity, the King dismissed nearly all his attendants. -When I asked him why he had taken such a step, he told me that he -knew for certain that the men whom he had dismissed had kept -places of ill fame within a stone's throw of his own tent, and -that at a time when the army was enduring greater hardships and -misery than it had ever known.' - -At length, on the 20th of November, after five months of -inactivity in Damietta, the army resumed its march: it had -received important reinforcements from Europe; among others it -had been joined by Alphonse, Count of Poitiers, one of the -brothers of the King, and his suite; there was also a strong -force of English crusaders just returned from Palestine, whither -they had gone at first. Queen Margaret and many pilgrims were -left at Damietta under the charge of five hundred chosen knights. -{66} -There was no port at Damietta, and therefore many prudent leaders -urged the seizure of Alexandria, so as to obtain a seaport before -proceeding further; but, in opposition to their advice, it was -decided that the army should march direct upon _Babylon_, -that suburb of Cairo now known as 'Old Cairo,' which in their -ignorance the majority of the Crusaders believed to be the true -Babylon, and in which they hoped to find vast treasures and to -avenge the ancient wrongs of the Hebrew captives. 'It is the head -of the whole kingdom of Egypt,' said the Count of Artois, the -impetuous brother of the King, 'and he who would destroy the -serpent entirely must crush its head.' But the Mussulmans had now -had time to recover from their first panic. They had reassembled -their forces and prepared a vigorous resistance at all points; -every day, at every step, the Crusaders were exposed to sudden -attacks, and were assailed by instruments of war hitherto unknown -to them. Louis was grievously disquieted. 'Every time,' says -Joinville, 'that our holy king heard that the Saracens were -throwing Greek fire, he would cast himself upon his couch and -stretch out his hands towards the crucifix, saying, "Dear Lord -God, take care of my people, keep them for me!" But his people -would not take care of themselves, and the wisest counsels could -not influence them so much as the impulsive ardour of the Count -of Artois. On the 8th of February, 1250, twenty leagues from -Damietta, at a place called Mansourah (or the City of Victory), -which stands on the right bank of the Nile, the battle began. -{67} -There was at first a promise of brilliant success for the -Christians, but dissension arose between the Count of Artois and -William of Sonnac, the Grand Master of the Templars: the latter -wished to wait until the King and the bulk of the army came up, -so that they might push their victory to the uttermost. 'At all -events,' he said, 'it is to the Templars that the King has -assigned the front rank on the march, and Count Robert's place is -behind them.' Whilst this dispute was going on, an old tutor of -the prince, called Foucault de Merle, who was deaf, and -understood nothing that was being said, seized the bridle of -Robert's horse and urged him onward, shouting, 'Forward, -forward!' Robert turned to the Grand Master, and said that if he -was afraid he could stay behind. 'Neither I nor my brethren are -afraid,' answered William of Sonnac, 'we will not stay behind, we -will go with you, but I greatly doubt whether any of us will ever -return.' William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury, the chief of the -English crusaders, also put forward a few objections, but the -Count of Artois replied to them with insults. 'Count Robert,' -said William, 'I shall face danger and death without any fear, -and we shall soon be in a place where you will not venture to -come near my horse's tail.' - -A messenger now arrived, saying that the King commanded his -brother to wait for him. But Robert did not heed this, and -galloped forward so as to be the first to enter Mansourah, -followed by all those who had attempted to dissuade him. The -Saracens, thinking that the whole Christian army was upon them, -fled from the place; soon, however, they began to rally, -especially the Mamelukes, a force consisting of Turkish slaves, -and the chief strength of the Egyptian army; they rushed back -into Mansourah and attacked the Christians, who were now broken -up into small groups and scattered in all directions. -{68} -The Count of Artois fell, covered with many wounds, and with him -more than three hundred knights, his followers; the same number -of English knights, with their leader, William Longsword, as also -two hundred and eighty Templars, paid with their lives for the -intemperate zeal of the French prince. - -The King hastened to the support of his brother, but before he -reached him or knew his fate he was himself surrounded by a host -of Saracens, and he and his suite were engaged in a fresh and -exciting scene of action. 'Never,' says Joinville, 'have I beheld -so noble a knight; he was seen above all the rest, for he was -taller by the whole head and shoulders; he had a gilded helmet on -his head and a long German sword in his hand.' The combat grew so -fierce that Louis was for a moment separated from his companions, -and on the point of being taken prisoner by six Saracens, who had -already seized his horse's bridle; he freed himself by some -tremendous sword strokes, and was immediately surrounded by his -knights, who had rushed to his rescue in alarm and fury. 'It is -said,' writes Joinville, 'we should all have been lost on that -day if the King had not been there in person.' - -The Saracens began to give way: one of the knights of Malta, -Henry of Ronnay, approached the King. Louis asked him if he had -news of the Count of Artois, his brother; the knight answered -that he had great news, for he was certain that the Count of -Artois was in Paradise. 'Ah, sire!' he added, 'be of good -comfort, for never King of France attained to such honours as you -have done; you have crossed a dangerous river to meet your -enemies, and have defeated them and put them to flight. -{69} -You have captured their engines of war and their tents, and this -night you will sleep in their quarters.' 'And the King answered, -"that we ought to praise God for all His good gifts," and great -tears fell from his eyes.' - -All those who were engaged in this great struggle were as deeply -affected as the King, but they did not all show such pious -sorrow. In the heat of the tumult, 'Seneschal,' said the Comte of -Soissons to Joinville, 'let these curs howl on, but, _par la -Coiffe-Dieu_--his usual oath--we shall yet tell of this day in -the ladies' bowers.' - -Although the Crusaders held possession of the field of battle, -they did not occupy it as victors: their losses had been heavy -and memorable; the enemy hovered on all sides of them, and -increased in number and audacity from hour to hour. On Friday, -the 11th of February, three days after the battle of Mansourah, -the King's camp was attacked by a swarm of Saracens, mounted and -on foot. 'When they approached our army they began to throw bolts -and darts, and to hurl stones according to their custom, and they -fell so thick and fast that many of those present said they had -never seen a heavier hail-storm. It was easy to see that these -men had no fear of death, and held their lives cheap. When some -were tired, others, fresh and eager, took their places. To me -they did not seem like men, but more like savage wild beasts.' -The Crusaders defended themselves heroically, sometimes -entrenched behind their palisades, at others rushing forth to -scatter their assailants. Louis was always to be found at the -point of greatest danger. 'He was never of sad countenance, nor -timorous, nor dismayed, and his face showed very clearly that -there was neither fear nor perturbation in his heart.' - -{70} - -The Saracens were driven back at all points; and at the close of -the day, when his nobles were gathered around him, the King said: -'We owe hearty thanks to our Lord for what He has done for us -twice during this week; such great honour, that on Tuesday, the -day before Lent, we drove the infidels from their camp, which we -now occupy, and on the Friday following, the day just ended, we -have defended ourselves against them, although we were on foot, -whilst they were mounted.' [Footnote 25] - - [Footnote 25: Faure, vol. i. p. 561; Joinville, chap. liv.] - -But the most exalted virtues cannot compensate for the want of -prudence and forethought, and neither great valour nor devout -trust in God can remedy the defects of an ill-timed and -badly-planned enterprise. When Louis rushed into his crusade he -had not duly considered his own position and his strength, nor -had he taken into account the difficulties and chances of the -enterprise. He was not a victorious barbarian like Tchinggis -Khan, overrunning and laying waste the whole world at the head of -a wandering nation. Nor was he an adventurer-king like Richard -Cœur-de-Lion, engrossed by his own pleasure and glory. In the -middle of the thirteenth century the Crusades were no longer the -objects of popular and universal interest throughout Christendom -as they had been at the end of the eleventh. They had lost the -seduction of novelty and the illusion of success. -{71} -The crusades of Louis le Jeune and Philippe-Auguste had both -failed; the Christian kingdom had disappeared from Jerusalem, and -at Constantinople the Latin Empire was falling into ruin. When -Louis left Damietta to conquer Egypt he was at the head of from -30,000 to 40,000 men, knights and soldiers, but a campaign of two -months and two battles had sufficed to reduce this army to such -an extent that from the 11th of February, 1250, king and nobles -hoped for no more than to defend themselves against their -enemies. Sickness and want of provisions soon augmented the -difficulties of their situation; each day the Christian camp was -more and more encumbered by the starving, the dying, and the -dead: the necessity of retreat was evident to all. There was now -a new Sultan, Malek-Moaddam, with whom Louis opened negotiations, -offering to evacuate Egypt and give up Damietta provided that the -kingdom of Jerusalem was restored to the Christians, and his army -allowed to retreat unmolested. The Sultan seemed inclined to -entertain this proposal, and asked what security the King would -give him for the surrender of Damietta. Louis offered one of his -brothers as a hostage. The Mussulman demanded the King himself. -With one voice the whole army protested: 'We would rather,' said -Geoffrey of Sargines, 'have been all slain or taken prisoners -than have endured the reproach of having left our King in pawn.' -The Sultan broke off all negotiations; and on the 5th of April, -1250, the Crusaders decided on a retreat. - -{72} - -It was at this time that all the virtues of the Christian were -shown in their noblest and most attractive form in the King. -Before the departure of he army, and whilst disease and famine -were ravaging the camp, he went about to visit, to console, and -to tend the sufferers; his presence and his words exercised a -subtle influence over the sick and desponding. One day he had -sent his chaplain Guillaume de Chartres to visit one of his -personal attendants, a very worthy and humble man, named -Gaugelme, who was at the point of death. As the chaplain was -leaving--'I am waiting until my lord our holy King comes,' said -the dying man: 'I cannot leave this world until I have seen him -and spoken to him; then I shall die.' So the King went to see his -servant, and spoke to him with much affection, and consoled him. -He had only just left him, and had not reached his own tent, when -he was told that Gaugelme was dead. - -When the 5th of April arrived, the day fixed for the retreat, -Louis himself was ill and very weak. He was urged to embark in -one of the boats which was to sail slowly down the Nile carrying -the wounded and those who were dangerously ill; but he refused -peremptorily, saying, 'I will not be separated from my people in -the hour of danger.' He remained on shore, and when the time came -for starting he fainted several times from exhaustion. 'They -called to us as we were sailing down the river,' says Joinville, -'to say that we must wait for the King.' But Louis persisted in -his resolve; he was one of the last to leave the camp, mounted on -a small Arab horse covered with silk housings; he accompanied the -rear-guard, watched over by Geoffrey of Sargines, who was by his -side, and 'defended me against the Saracens,' said Louis himself -to Joinville, 'like a good servant who drives off the flies from -his master's winecup.' - -{73} - -But the courage of the King and the devotion of his faithful -followers could not even enable them to make good their retreat. -About four leagues from the camp which they had just left, in a -village situated on a slight eminence where it was still possible -to attempt a defence, the rear-guard of the Crusaders, pressed, -harassed, surrounded by Saracen troops, was compelled to halt. -Louis could no longer sit upon his horse. 'They carried him into -a house,' says Joinville, 'and laid him down almost dead, and a -citizen's wife from Paris took his head upon her knees; they did -not believe that he would last until evening.' With his consent -one of his faithful followers went out to parley with one of the -Mussulman chiefs: a truce was about to be concluded, and the -Mussulman was in the act of taking the ring off his finger as a -pledge that he would keep it; 'but meantime,' says Joinville, 'a -very great misfortune befell us, for a vile traitor of a -sergeant, whose name was Marcel, began shouting out to our -people, "Sir knights, give up your arms, the King commands it; do -not cause your King to be slain." And so, believing that the King -had commanded it, they gave up their swords to the Saracens.' -Being made prisoners, the King and all the rear-guard were now -taken back to Mansourah. The King was put on board a boat; his -two brothers, the Counts of Poitiers and Anjou, with all the -other Crusaders, were bound with cords, and followed in a great -troop marching on foot along the banks of the river. - -{74} - -The vanguard and all the rest of the army--those who, like -Joinville, were sailing down the Nile, and those who travelled by -land--soon met with the same fate. 'We thought it better,' says -Joinville, 'to surrender to the Sultan's galleys, because then we -had a chance of keeping together, than to surrender to the -Saracens on the shore, who would have separated us, and sold us -to the Bedouins. An old quartermaster said, "Sire, I can't -swallow this advice." I asked him what he would like better, and -he said, "To my mind it would be much better if we were all -slain, for then we should go to Paradise." But we did not agree -with him.' - -All the prisoners were collected at Mansourah--more than ten -thousand in number, says Joinville. And here the King met with -fresh trials, and we have again to record his heroic Christian -deeds. He was a prisoner, and was at first loaded with chains; he -was so ill and weak that he could not stand: his teeth chattered, -his face was pallid and covered with sores, and he was so thin -that his bones seemed as if they would start through his skin. -All his clothes were lost, and he had nothing but just one green -surtout which a poor fellow in his service stripped off and gave -to him; he had but one attendant left, a man named Ysambert, who -cooked for him, dressed and undressed him, even carried him -about, and this man says that never did he see the King angry or -cast down, or complaining: on the contrary, he bore his own -sufferings and the adversity of his followers with great -patience, and prayed without ceasing. His fervent and unwearied -piety excited the respect of the Mussulmans, and one of them -brought him his Breviary, which had been lost at his capture. -Louis received it with great joy, and at once resumed his -observance of the services of the Catholic Church. -{75} -The Sultan, Malek-Moaddam, freed him from his fetters and put an -end to all his privations; he even treated him with a certain -magnanimity; but at the same time he asked as the price of a -truce and his liberty the immediate surrender of Damietta, a -heavy ransom, and the restitution of several places in Palestine -still held by the Christians. The Sultan would have liked to -treat separately with all the principal Crusaders, in the hope of -setting them at variance, and he therefore addressed the same -demands to all of them. Louis forbade his followers to enter into -any private negotiations, saying that it was for him alone to -make terms for all of them, and that he would pay for all. The -Sultan sent word to the Christian chiefs that he would have them -beheaded if they refused his demands; but they all obeyed the -King's injunction. Louis on his side answered that the places -which he was called upon to surrender were not his; some of them -belonged to foreign princes, who alone had any right to dispose -of them, and others to the religious orders, Templars and -Hospitallers, who had taken an oath never to surrender them for -the ransom of any one, let him be whom he might. - -The Sultan was surprised and annoyed. He threatened to put the -King to the torture, or send him to the Grand Khalif of Bagdad, -who would keep him in prison for the rest of his life. 'I am your -prisoner,' said Louis; 'you can do with me as you will.' - -{76} - -'We are greatly astonished,' said the Mussulman. 'You say that -you are our prisoner, and we had indeed thought so; but you treat -us as if we were held captives by you.' The Sultan understood -that he had to deal with a man of indomitable will, and the -negotiations were therefore restricted to arrangements for the -ransom and the surrender of Damietta. Louis was asked 500,000 -livres [Footnote 26] (about £405,280 of our money) as the price -of his liberty. 'I will gladly pay 500,000 livres as the ransom -of my followers,' said he, 'and I will restore Damietta in return -for my own liberty, for I am not a man who can be redeemed with -gold.' - - [Footnote 26: It is probable that the livre spoken of is the - livre Tournois, and, according to M. de Wailly, this would be - a sum of about 10,132,000 francs in modern French money.] - -'By my faith,' said the Sultan, when he heard this, 'the Frank is -a fine fellow not to higgle over such a sum of money. Go back, -and tell him that I will give him 100,000 livres to help him pay -the ransom.' - -The negotiations were concluded on this basis: victors and -vanquished left Mansourah, and travelling some by land and others -down the river Nile, they arrived within a few leagues of -Damietta. There, for the first time, the King and the Sultan had -an interview; they decided on the manner in which the convention -should be carried out, and appointed the 7th of May for the -surrender of Damietta. - -But on the 2d of May there was a great tumult in the Mussulman -camp. Hurried movements and confused cries indicated some serious -outbreak; Louis and his nobles waited anxiously, not knowing what -was going on, or what the result would be to themselves. Suddenly -several Mussulmans, Emirs of the Mamelukes, entered the King's -tent, sword in hand, with an excited but not threatening aspect: -they had just killed the Sultan Malek-Moaddam; he had incensed -them, and they had been plotting against him for a long time. - -{77} - -'Fear nothing,' they said to Louis, with great deference, 'and, -gentlemen, do not be alarmed. You need not be astonished at what -has just taken place; there was no help for it. Fulfil your part -of the treaty that has been made, and you shall soon be free.' - -Then one of the Mameluke conspirators, Faress-Eddin-Octaï, who -had just helped to kill the Sultan with his own hands, and to -tear out his heart, entered the tent, sword in hand: 'What will -you give me?' he said to the King, 'I have killed your enemy, who -would have put you to death if he had lived;' and he then -abruptly demanded that Louis should make him a knight. It was a -very honourable title in the eyes of Orientals, and Saladin -himself had been willing to receive it at the hands of one of his -Christian prisoners. Louis answered nothing; several Crusaders -around him urged him to gratify the wish of the Emir, with whom -the decision of their fate now rested. - -'I will never make a knight of an infidel,' said Louis. 'Let the -Emir become a Christian, then I will take him back to France with -me, and enrich him, and make him a knight.' At this the Mameluke -withdrew in silence. - -It has been said that the Mussulman conspirators, being puzzled -in the choice of a new sovereign, and filled with admiration for -the piety and resolution of Louis, which were equally -indomitable, entertained the notion of making him their sultan. -'Do you think that I ought to have accepted the kingdom of -Babylon [Footnote 27] if it had been offered me?' he once asked -of Joinville. '"I answered," says Joinville, "that if he had he -would have done a very foolish thing, seeing that they had just -murdered their lord." Nevertheless, he said that he would not -have refused it. And you must know that the project only failed -because they said that the King was the haughtiest Christian ever -known.' - - [Footnote 27: See page 66, line 6: "_Babylon_, that - suburb of Cairo now known as 'Old Cairo,'..."] - -{78} - -After three days of excitement and uncertainty in both camps, -during which the Christians were at one moment threatened with a -general massacre and the next treated with the greatest -consideration, the negotiations were resumed and concluded, the -terms being almost the same as those agreed upon by the King and -the late Sultan. On the 5th of May, Louis with his nobles and the -Mameluke chiefs had arrived before the walls of Damietta. There -fresh dangers awaited them: some of the Saracens wanted to take -possession of the town by force, and made an unsuccessful attempt -to scale the walls; the Crusaders whom Louis had left to defend -it, and at their head Queen Margaret, who had only just given -birth to a son, hesitated to give the town back into the hands of -the infidels. At every new difficulty and delay the Emir -Faress-Eddin-Octaï, he whom Louis had refused to make a knight, -said to the messengers who passed between, them, 'Tell the King -from me that, so long as he is in our hands, he must not show in -any way that this annoys him, or he is a dead man.' At length all -the difficulties were removed, and the conditions agreed upon for -the payment of the ransom and setting the Christian prisoners at -liberty were fulfilled. - - [Footnote 28 (unknown location on this page): Guillaume de - Chartres; Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de - la France,' vol. xx. p. 31; Joinville, chap. lxxii.] - -{79} - -On the morning of the 7th of May, 1250, Geoffrey of Sargines -restored the keys to the Emirs; the Saracens rushed into the town -in great disorder, and committed all kinds of acts of violence. - -While the King was waiting on board his ship for the completion -of the payment of the ransom for his brother the Count of -Poitiers, a Saracen came up to him very well clad and a goodly -man as to his person, and presented him with some jars of curdled -milk and flowers of divers kinds, telling him that they were from -the children of the Nazar [Footnote 29] of the former Sultan of -Babylon. He spoke in French, and the King asked him where he had -learnt it; upon which he answered that he had formerly been a -Christian. Then the King said, 'Depart from me, for I will not -speak another word to you.' - -At length Louis saw a galley approaching in which he recognised -his brother: 'Light up! light up!' he shouted to his sailors. It -was the signal agreed upon for their departure, and leaving the -shores of Egypt the whole Christian fleet set sail for the Holy -Land. - - [Footnote 29: Farmer-general Inspector. ] - -{80} - - Chapter IX. - - St. Louis In Palestine And Syria. - - -Independently of the heavy losses which he had incurred during -his stay in Egypt, the forces of the King were still further -diminished when he set sail for the Holy Land by the desertion of -some of the principal leaders who had accompanied him. The Count -of Soissons, of Bretagne, and many others, who were either sick, -disheartened or penniless, renounced the crusade and set out for -Europe. When on the 14th of May he arrived at St. Jean d'Acre--a -remnant of the kingdom of Jerusalem still belonging to the -Christians--Louis had no difficulty in discovering that many of -those who had accompanied him so far now wished to leave him. He -had at all times shown great consideration for the opinion and -wishes of his subjects--a very rare virtue in monarchs--and he -preferred the acquiescence of free men to the obedience of -slaves. He called them together in council, and said:-- - -'My Lords! The Queen my mother has entreated and commanded me, so -far as it is in her power, to return to France, as my kingdom is -in great danger, for I have neither peace nor truce with the King -of England. On the other hand, the people of this country to whom -I have spoken tell me that this land is lost if I leave it, for -all those who are in Acre will follow me, since none dare remain -in it with so small a force. -{81} -I beg you, therefore, to take this matter into consideration; and -because this question is of such grave importance, I give you -until this day week to deliberate, and then you will answer as it -seemeth good to you.' - -'On the following Sunday,' says Joinville, 'we presented -ourselves before the King, who then asked his brothers and other -lords what advice they gave him, whether to go or stay. They all -answered that they had deputed Guy of Mauvoisin to convey their -opinion to the King. The King commanded him to proceed with that -which he had undertaken to do, and he spoke as follows: "Sire, my -lords, your brothers and the other nobles here present, have -carefully considered your position, and they see that you cannot -remain in this country with honour either to yourself or your -kingdom. For of the knights who accompanied you, and who joined -you in Cyprus, numbering in all two thousand eight hundred, there -are not now a hundred in this town. Therefore, sire, they advise -you to go back at once to France and provide yourself with men -and money, so that you may quickly return to this country and -avenge yourself on the enemies of God who held you in prison." -The King would not rest content with the opinion expressed by Guy -of Mauvoisin, but questioned the Count of Anjou, the Count of -Poitiers, and many other nobles who were seated behind them, and -they all agreed with him who had spoken for them. . . . I was the -fourteenth in rank, and sat opposite the legate,' continues -Joinville; 'he asked me what I thought, and I said that, if the -King could manage to carry on the campaign for a year, he would -gain great honour by remaining. -{82} -And the legate said angrily, "How is it possible for the King to -carry on the campaign with such a handful of troops?" I answered -with equal warmth, for I thought he had said it to annoy me, -"Sir, since you wish it, I will tell you. It is said--I do not -know if it is true--that the King has not yet spent any of his -own money, but only the money of the clergy. Let the King -therefore now expend the royal treasure, and send to seek for -knights in the Morea and over the sea. When they hear of the high -pay which the King offers, knights will come to him from all -quarters, and then he will be able to carry on the campaign for a -year if it pleases God, and by staying he will deliver the poor -prisoners who were taken captive when they were serving God and -the King, and who will never be set free at all if the King goes -away." There was not one present who had not dear friends in -prison; therefore no one answered, but all began to weep. The -legate next questioned William of Beaumont, who was at that time -Marshal of France, and he answered that I had spoken well. "And I -will tell you why," said he. But his uncle, the good knight Jean -of Beaumont, who was very anxious to return to France, stopped -him most rudely, crying out, "Now, long tongue! what do you want? -Sit down and be quiet." The King said, "My lord Jean, that was -not well done: let him speak." "Certes, sire, I will not let -him;" and the Marshal was forced to be silent. No one else agreed -with me except the lord of Chatenay. Then the King said, "My -lords, I have listened with attention to all that you have to -say, and I will answer you on this day week, and inform you what -it is my pleasure to do." - -{83} - -'When we had left the presence of the King I was attacked on all -sides. "The King is mad, Sieur de Joinville, if he takes your -advice rather than that of the whole kingdom of France." The -tables were laid soon after this, and the King bade me sit near -him during the repast, in the place where I always sat when his -brothers were not present. He did not speak one word to me while -the meal lasted, which was not his wont, for he always showed me -great attention at that time. I verily believed that he was angry -with me for saying that he had not employed his own money, when -he had really expended such very large sums. Whilst the King was -at prayers after the repast, I went away to a grated window which -was in a recess near the head of the King's bed, and put my arms -through the bars, and then folded them outside the window; and I -stood there leaning against the window, and thinking that if the -King returned to France I would go to the Prince of Antioch (who -was a kind of relation, and had sent to seek me) until there was -another crusade, by the help of which the prisoners might be set -free. ... - -'At that moment the King came up, and leant on my shoulder, and -placed his two hands on my head. I thought it was Philip of -Nemours, who had annoyed me the whole day on account of my advice -to the King, so I said, "Leave me in peace, Monseigneur -Philippe!" Now it chanced that, as he was trying to turn my head -towards him, the King's hand slipped down over my face, and then -I knew that it was the King, because of an emerald which he wore -on his finger. -{84} -And he said, "Be still; I want to ask how you, who are so young, -could be so bold as to venture to advise me to stay, in -opposition to all the greatest and wisest men of France, who -counselled me to go?" "Sire," I answered, "if I had an evil -thought in my heart, I would never, at whatever cost, advise you -to carry it out." "Do you say," he continued, "that I shall do an -ill deed if I leave this land?" "Yes, sire, I do believe it, so -help me God in time of need!" And he said, "If I stay, will you -stay?" I replied, "Yes, if I can; either at my own expense or at -that of some one else." "Now be of good cheer," he said; "for I -am right well pleased with what you have said; but tell no one of -it all this week." - -'On the following Sunday we met again in the presence of the -King, and when he saw that we were all assembled, he said, "My -lords, I thank all those who advised me to return to France, and -I also return many thanks to those who advised me to stay here. -Now I have considered this matter, and if I stay here I do not -see that there is any danger of the loss of my kingdom, for the -Queen Regent has plenty of men who will defend it. And I have -thought much, also, of what the knights in this country say, that -if I depart Jerusalem is lost, for no one will dare to stay after -I am gone. I have determined, therefore, that I will not at any -cost leave the kingdom of Jerusalem which I came to conquer and -to keep. And now I am firmly resolved to stay here for the -present, and therefore I ask the great lords who are here, as -well as all good knights who are willing to stay with me, to come -and speak to me freely, and I will give you such ample supplies -that the fault shall not be with me if you do not remain." Many -who heard these words were put to shame by them, and many wept.' -[Footnote 30] - - [Footnote 30: Joinville, chap. lxxxii. &c.] - -{85} - -Having resolved to stay in the East, Louis hastened the departure -of his two brothers, the Count of Anjou and the Count of -Poitiers, together with those Crusaders who wished to renounce -the expedition; and he sent them to France, bearing a long letter -addressed 'to his dear and faithful prelates, nobles, knights, -citizens, burgesses, and the whole people of the kingdom of -France.' It contained an admirably candid account of all that he -had done and what had befallen him in Egypt, from the capture of -Damietta to the time that he had set sail for Acre, and a -pressing exhortation to send the reinforcements which he wanted -in order to obtain the freedom of all the Christians still kept -in captivity by the Mussulmans, and to insure the safety of all -the towns and possessions still held by Christians in Palestine -and Syria. I do not hesitate to affirm that never, in any age or -in any country, has a sovereign laid before his people his -actions and motives, his aims, his failure, his success and his -needs, with more unflinching frankness, with so much modest -dignity, and such deep religious feeling. [Footnote 31] - - [Footnote 31: My account of this remarkable document is taken - from the text given in the supplements to the edition of - Joinville published by Ducange (1668), pp. 384-388.] - -{86} - -To such an extent did Louis carry his conscientious scruples and -virtuous inflexibility, that, after the departure of his -brothers, 'he called together all the officers of his household, -exhorted them to lead sober and chaste lives, and said that, if -any were afraid of failing in this duty, he was prepared to grant -leave for their return to the West. Not one asked for this -permission. But some time after St. Louis found that there were -sixteen or seventeen who had not lived as they ought to have -done; he dismissed them from his household, and would not pardon -them for three or four months, until Easter of the following -year.' [Footnote 32] - - [Footnote 32: Tillemont, vol. iii. p. 392.] - -We have no very definite or reliable information as to the -numerical strength of the army after the desertion of the King's -brothers, but there can be little doubt that it was unequal to -the double task which Louis had set before him--the liberation of -the Christian captives held by the Saracens, and the security of -the Christians in Palestine and Syria. In his own heart Louis -always brooded over another project which he did not openly -proclaim; this was to snatch the Holy Sepulchre from the -Mussulmans and once more establish the kingdom of Jerusalem:--his -was one of those ardent natures which hope against hope. Twice he -seemed on the point of realizing this dream: in 1250, Malek -Hasser, the Sultan of Aleppo and Damascus, who was then at war -with the Mameluke Emirs of Egypt, offered to restore the kingdom -of Jerusalem if he would enter into active alliance with him -against his enemies. The temptation was strong; but, on leaving -Damietta, Louis had concluded a ten years' truce with the Emirs, -who on their side had undertaken to set free all their Christian -captives. -{87} -The agreement was at that time being carried out. Louis would not -break his word to the Mussulmans, nor would he leave the -Christians, whom he had promised to deliver, in captivity, and -very probably exposed to a frightful massacre. He made answer to -the Sultan of Damascus that he would call upon the Egyptian Emirs -to fulfil their engagement without any further delay, and that, -if they refused, he would willingly make war upon them. The Emirs -did not refuse; they even set free a considerable number of the -captives, but they still retained some thousands. Louis waited, -negotiating slowly both with the Sultan of Damascus and the -Egyptian Emirs. In 1252 the latter, being hard pressed by the -enemy, applied in their turn to the King, offering to restore the -ancient kingdom of Jerusalem with the exception of four places, -to set free all their Christian captives, and to excuse the -payment of the 200,000 livres still owing for the ransom. Louis -accepted the offer, and a treaty was concluded at Cæsarea; but at -the very time when it should have been carried out the Egyptian -Emirs and the Sultan of Damascus changed their minds, forgot -their differences, and united to attack the remnant of crusading -Christians. - -Louis had not been dismayed by danger or discouraged by reverses, -nor could he be daunted by disappointment: he at once threw his -whole energy into a consideration of the position of the -Christians in Syria and Palestine; he made every effort both to -insure their present safety and also to train and prepare them as -a basis of support in future crusades. -{88} -He resolved to spend in the fortification of their towns the -200,000 livres which he was now prevented from devoting to the -ransom of Christian prisoners in Egypt, and preparations were at -once begun for putting St. Jean d'Acre, Jaffa, Cæsarea, and Sidon -in a state of defence; he visited them constantly, and in case -of need protected them against the attacks of the Saracens with -such forces as he had,--the Crusaders who had not deserted him, -the Templars and Hospitallers, and the Christian population of -the East. He had sent a great number of workmen to fortify Sidon; -the Saracens surprised them, and massacred nearly all of -them,--two or three thousand, say the chronicles. The King -resolved to avenge them, and to pay them a solemn act of homage; -after making a raid upon the towns and lands of the Mussulmans in -the vicinity, he arrived before Sidon. - -'The corpses of the Christian workmen had been left unburied on -the ground, and emitted a pestilential stench. The King did not -content himself with giving orders that they should receive -Christian burial, nor even with superintending their interment; -he put his own hands to the work, touching the ghastly remains -with the greatest reverence, and helping to place them in sacks -which had been prepared for the purpose. "Let us go," he would -say in the morning to his attendants, "let us help to bury those -martyrs who have suffered death for the sake of our Lord. And do -not be weary in well-doing, for they have endured far greater -things than this will cost us." And when he saw his knights -shrink with disgust from the task, "Do not loathe these poor -bodies," he said, "for these men are martyrs and in Paradise."' -[Footnote 33] - - [Footnote 33: M. Faure, who gives this account, has collected - his material from scattered notices in Joinville, the - Confesseur de la Reine Marguerite, Guillaume de Nangis, - Guillaume de Chartres, &c.] - -{89} - -Asiatic and European, Mussulman and Christian, the inhabitants of -Syria and of the neighbouring countries, all beheld this -manifestation of faith, piety, loyalty, persevering courage, and -sympathetic goodness with surprise and respectful admiration. The -King's name and his person became the object of curiosity and -reverence. 'A great troop of pilgrims from Upper Armenia,' says -Joinville, 'on their way to Jerusalem, came to me, and begged -that I would show them the saintly King. I went to the King, and -found him sitting in a tent on the bare sand, without carpet or -cushion under him. I said, "Sire, there is a great crowd of -pilgrims here, and they have begged me to show them the royal -saint; for my own part I have no desire to kiss your bones just -yet." The King laughed heartily, and bade me bring them to his -presence, which I did. And when they had seen the King, they -commended him to God; and the King did the same by them.' - -The Mussulmans were sometimes rough and threatening, but Louis -speedily made them respectful. The Old Man of the Mountain, who -was accustomed to inspire fear in all around him, one day sent a -messenger to express his astonishment that the King had not yet, -'in order to keep him as a friend, offered him rich presents, as -is done yearly by the Emperor of Germany, the King of Hungary, -the Sultan of Babylon, and others.' Louis received the messenger -coldly, and told him to return in the afternoon. He did so, and -found the King sitting in state, having on his right hand the -Grand Master of the Templars, and on his left the Grand Master of -the Hospitallers, the two Orders for which the Old Man of the -Mountain showed most consideration; 'knowing well,' says -Joinville, 'that if he had caused one of the chiefs of either -Order to be killed by his assassins he would be replaced by -another equally good.' -{90} -The King had deputed the two Grand Masters to answer for him; -they told the messenger 'that his master must be very fool-hardy -to venture to send such an insolent message to the King, and that -if it had not been for the great respect they felt for the King -to whom the messenger had been sent, they would have had him -thrown into the filthy sea of Acre in spite of his master. And we -command you,' added they, 'to return to your lord, and to come -back within a fortnight, bringing such letters and jewels from -your prince that King Louis shall be contented with him and with -you.' - -The Old Man of the Mountain did not venture to resist this -summons: his messenger returned a fortnight later bringing -presents, to which Louis responded by sending back 'a great -abundance of jewels, scarlet cloth, cups of gold, and silver -bridles.' - -The position of St. Louis was precarious and full of peril, and -yet he contrived to inaugurate and maintain friendly relations -with the non-Christian races that did not make war on him. It was -during his sojourn in Syria that he sent the monk Rubruquis, -whose quaint account is still extant, on a mission to Mangou, -Khan of the Mongol Tartars. - -Louis was influenced not only by political motives, but by the -hope of attracting these barbarians to Christianity, and he -displayed the credulity of blind zeal in giving credit to the -slightest rumour of any readiness on their part to receive the -Christian faith. -{91} -More than once Mussulmans from Egypt or Syria were so deeply -touched by his piety and many virtues that they had gone to him, -begging to be made Christians. 'He received them with great joy,' -says his confessor, Geoffrey of Beaulieu, 'and had them baptized -and carefully instructed in the faith of Christ. He supported -them entirely at his own expense, took them with him to France, -and provided means of subsistence for them, their wives and -children.' But this was not all; in 1270, by his will, he -enjoined his successor to continue 'to all the converts, great -and small, whom we brought from over the sea with us, the -supplies which we set apart for them.' [Footnote 34] - - [Footnote 34: Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et - de la France,' vol. xx. p. 16; Duchesne, vol. v. p. 430.] - -The ardent piety and royal generosity of the King impressed even -his greatest enemies, and extorted from them expressions of -esteem, and almost of sympathy. Whilst he was at Jaffa the Sultan -of Damascus sent him word that, if he wished, he might make a -pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and that he should do so in perfect -safety. 'The King held a great council,' says Joinville, 'and no -one advised him to go. They pointed out to him that if he, who -was the greatest of Christian kings, visited Jerusalem as a -simple pilgrim, without delivering the city from the hands of the -enemies of God, all other kings and pilgrims who followed in his -steps would be contented to perform their pilgrimage in the same -manner as the King of France had done, and would trouble -themselves no further about the deliverance of Jerusalem.' They -also cited in support of the advice a great example: in 1192, -sixty years earlier, an illustrious Crusader, less holy but quite -as brave as himself, Richard Cœur-de-Lion, King of England, -discovered that he was quite close to the Holy City. -{92} -One of his knights cried out, 'Come, sire, come hither, and I -will show you Jerusalem.' When Richard heard that, he covered his -eyes and wept, and cried to our Lord, 'Ah! Lord God, I pray Thee -not to let me even see Thy Holy City, since I am not able to -deliver it out of the hands of Thine enemies.' - -In the beginning of the year 1253 Louis was still in Syria, -undertaking many expeditions, devoting himself to the Christian -cause, and working for it with more perseverance than success, -when at Sidon he received news which caused him the greatest -sorrow and anxiety. Queen Blanche, his mother, had resumed her -regency during his absence, and he now heard of her death at -Paris, the 27th November, 1252. The Pope's legate, the Archbishop -of Tyre, and Geoffrey of Beaulieu, the King's confessor, -endeavoured to break the sad tidings to him as gently as -possible; they went with him into a small private chapel -adjoining his chamber, and all sat down near the altar. At their -first words Louis uttered a great cry, and, bursting into tears, -fell on his knees before the altar. 'So great was his grief,' -says Joinville, 'that for two days he could see no one. After -that he sent one of his attendants to seek me. When I entered the -room in which he was sitting all alone, he stretched out his -arms, and said, "Ah, Seneschal, I have lost my mother!"' - -{93} - -His loss was indeed a heavy one, both as son and as king. Even -those contemporary writers who are least favourable to her -acknowledge that Queen Blanche was 'the most discreet woman of -her time, singularly acute and sagacious, with a man's courage, -but the attractions and keen perceptions of her sex; magnanimous -in her nature, a woman of indomitable energy; sovereign mistress -of all the affairs of the century; guardian and protector of -France; best to be compared to Semiramis, the greatest among -women.' - -During her son's minority, and from the time of his departure for -the East, she had given him constant proofs of enthusiastic but -not blind devotion, and had been very useful to him in spite of -being slightly tyrannical. Several of the chroniclers assert that -the absence of her son from 1248 to 1252, her anxiety on his -account, and the duties which she undertook to perform for him, -shortened her life. She died at the age of sixty-five; a few days -before her death she bade farewell to the world, took the veil -and made her vows as a nun of the Abbey of Maubuisson, which she -had founded ten years previously and in which she was buried. - -Queen Margaret shared her husband's grief. 'Madame Marie de -Vertus,' says Joinville, 'a very excellent and pious woman, came -to tell me that the Queen was in great affliction, and begged me -to go to her and comfort her. When I entered I found her weeping, -and I said that he had spoken truly who said that no faith was to -be placed in women, "for she was the woman whom you hated above -all others, and yet you show all this sorrow for her." She -replied that she did not weep for the death of Queen Blanche, but -for the King's grief, and for her daughter Isabella, [Footnote -35] who had been left in France under the care of her -grandmother, and would now fall to the charge of men.' - - [Footnote 35: Afterwards Queen of Navarre.] - -{94} - -Louis had a sincere love for his wife, and it was well merited, -for during the whole crusade both in Egypt and Syria Queen -Margaret had displayed both the constancy and courage of her -affection. And yet when she rejoined the King at Sidon, in 1253, -on hearing of her arrival, Louis asked his seneschal if the Queen -and the children were well, and Joinville remarks: 'During the -five years I had been with him he had never spoken of the Queen -or of his children either to me or any one else. It seemed to me -not a right thing thus to be a stranger to his own wife and -children.' - -But let the degree of affection in the royal household have been -what it might, there can be no doubt that his mother Queen -Blanche was the woman whom the King most admired, whom he most -trusted, and who was treated by him with the greatest respect and -consideration. - -{95} - - Chapter X. - - Return Of St. Louis To France. - His Domestic Policy. - -On the death of the Regent, all the letters which Louis received -from France urged his immediate return. The Christians of Syria -gave the King the same advice. 'The King,' they said, 'has done -everything for us that he can do here; he will now serve us much -better if he sends us help from France.' Louis decided on his -departure, and embarked at Acre on the 24th of April, 1254. 'He -told me that it was the same day of the month as that on which he -was born,' says Joinville, 'and I told him he might well say that -he had been born again now that he had escaped from that land of -peril.' - -Thirteen vessels, large and small, composed the King's fleet. As -they drew near the isle of Cyprus, the King's ship struck on a -sandbank in the night, and seemed in danger of becoming a wreck. -The terror of those on board was very great. Queen Margaret was -there with the three young children to whom she had given birth -in the East. The nurses went to her and said: "Madame, what shall -we do with your children? Shall we wake them and take them up?" -The Queen, despairing of life in this world either for herself or -her children, said: "You will not wake them nor take them up; you -will let them go to God in their sleep." -{96} -The King was entreated to leave the ship and go on board another; -he summoned the master-mariners, and said, "Suppose the vessel -was yours, and was laden with merchandise; I ask you, upon your -honour, if you would abandon it?" And they all answered No, -because they would rather run the risk of being drowned than pay -4,000 livres or more for a new ship. "Then why do you advise me -to leave the ship?" "Because," they answered, "the stakes are not -equal; for no amount of gold or silver can equal the worth of -your life, nor of the lives of your wife and children who are on -board, and for that reason we urge you not to put yourself and -them in danger." Then the King said: "Sirs, I have heard your -opinion, and that of my own people, and now in my turn I will -give you mine, which is this. If I abandon this ship, there are -five hundred persons who will remain in the isle of Cyprus for -fear of bodily peril (for there is not one of them who does not -love his life as well as I love mine), and who, peradventure, -will never return to their own land. Therefore I prefer to place -myself, my wife, and my children in the hands of God rather than -cause so great an injury to so many persons as are on board."' - -I do not think that history affords any other example of a king -so mindful of the fate and interests of strangers in the midst of -such great danger to him and his. However, the royal vessel got -off the shoal, and went on its way; on the 8th of July, after -sailing for ten weeks more, the King and all his fleet reached -the port of Hyères in Provence, which then belonged to the Empire -and not to France. -{97} -For two days Louis refused to disembark, as he was most anxious -on his return to set foot for the first time on the soil of his -own land at Aiguesmortes, from whence he had set out six years -previously. But at length he yielded to the entreaties of the -Queen and of all those with him, landed at Hyères, journeyed -slowly through France, and arrived at Vincennes on the 5th of -September, 1254. On Sunday, the 6th, he went to St. Denis to -thank God for having protected him during his long pilgrimage, -and on the following day he made his royal entry into Paris. 'The -burgesses and all others in the city went to meet him, decked and -dressed in their best, each one according to his means. Other -cities had received their king with delight, but Paris showed -greater joy than any. For many days there were bonfires, with -dances and other public entertainments, which however were put an -end to sooner than the people desired; for St. Louis was much -troubled at the great expense, the dances, and the frivolities in -which they were indulging, and so he went away to Vincennes, in -order to put a stop to the whole thing.' [Footnote 36] - - [Footnote 36: Joinville, chap. cxxi.--cxxiii.; Bouquet's - 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France,' vol. xx. - p. 70; Tillemont, vol. iv. pp. 31-45.] - -I find in Joinville an anecdote relating to just this period of -the King's life which is too characteristic to be passed over in -silence. - -'Whilst the King was staying at Hyères,' he says, 'in order to -procure horses to take him into France, the Abbot of Cluny made -him a present of two palfreys which were worth quite 500 livres, -one for himself and the other for the Queen. When the abbot had -made this present, he said: "Sire, I will come to-morrow to speak -of things which concern me." -{98} -On the morrow the abbot returned; the King listened very -attentively, and for a very long time. When the abbot had taken -leave, I went to the King and said: "Sire, if you will allow me, -I wish to ask you whether you have not listened more graciously -to the Abbot of Cluny because he gave you those two palfreys -yesterday?" The King reflected for some time, and then said, -"Yes, truly." "Sire," I said, "do you know why I put this -question to you?" "Why?" he asked me. "Because," I answered, "I -warn you and advise you to forbid your sworn councillors, when -you come to France, to take anything from those who have to plead -before them, for rest assured that, if they receive anything, -they will listen more patiently and attentively to those who -give, as you have done to the Abbot of Cluny." Then the King -summoned his council, and repeated what I had said, and they told -him I had given him good advice.' - -It was in this frame of mind--humble, conscientious, free from -egotism, with ready sympathies, and animated not only by -reverence for truth and justice, but by love for them--that Louis -returned to France, and resumed the government of his kingdom -after an absence of six years, during which his efforts on behalf -of Christianity had been as heroic as they were unavailing. Those -who were nearest to him, and knew him best, were astonished not -only at what he had remained, but also at what he had become -during his long and severe trial. - -{99} - -'When happily the King had returned to France, with what piety he -conducted himself towards God, with what justice towards his -subjects, how compassionately towards the afflicted, with what -humility in all that concerned himself, and how zealously he -endeavoured, according to his strength, to grow in grace,--these -things can be attested by those who watched his life closely, and -knew how sensitive was his conscience. Persons of most -intelligence and discernment think that as gold is more precious -than silver, so the life and conduct of the King, after his -return from the Holy Land, were devout and regenerate, and of -higher excellence than his old manner of life, although even in -his youth he was always good and pure, and worthy of great -esteem.' - -Thus speaks Geoffrey of Beaulieu, the King's confessor, in a -brief and simple chronicle--the brevity, in fact, almost -amounting to dryness, but the work of a man who was well -acquainted with his subject. [Footnote 37] - - [Footnote 37: Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et - de la France,' vol. xx. p. 18.] - -These words of his confessor are fully confirmed by the King's -subsequent career, by the laws which he enacted, by his domestic -policy and relations with foreign Powers, in short by every act -in the reign of St. Louis during the fifteen years which elapsed -between the return from his first and his departure on his second -crusade. His idea of government differed from that of many -sovereigns. He did not desire to establish a deliberate and -inflexible policy, recognising only one special aim, and pursuing -it by means which may be more or less justifiable and more or -less successful, but which must always be accompanied by a large -share of crime in the rulers, of iniquity in their actions, and -of suffering to the country at large. -{100} -Before the time of St. Louis this had been the policy of his -grandfather Philip Augustus, and after him it was more especially -that of his grandson Philip le Bel. Both one and the other of -these able monarchs laboured ceaselessly to extend the dominion -and power of the Crown, to subjugate not only their neighbours -but their vassals. Their aim was to destroy the feudal system by -force and fraud, and to substitute for it an absolute monarchy; -by liberality, as well as usurpation, to place the royal -authority high above the power and rights of the nobles and the -people. - -St. Louis neither desired nor attempted anything of the kind; he -did not make war upon the feudal system either openly or -covertly, but loyally accepted its general principles which he -found embodied in the facts and spirit of the age. Whilst he -repressed with great firmness all the attempts of his vassals to -throw off their allegiance to him and make themselves independent -of the Crown, he respected their rights, was scrupulously mindful -of his promises, and exacted no more than was really due to him. -He had granted a charter to the heirs of the Countess Mahaut of -Boulogne, promising them the county of Dammartin, of which he -meanwhile retained possession. At her death, one of her heirs, -Renaud, Seigneur de Trie, brought the charter to the King, and -claimed fulfilment of the promise. But the seal was broken; and -at that time the seal was held to be the only proof that a -document was genuine. All that remained of the King's effigy -consisted of part of the legs and the stool for the royal feet. - -{101} - -'The King showed it to all of us who were of his council,' says -Joinville, 'and asked us to help him in coming to a decision. We -all said, without a single exception, that he was in no way bound -to execute the charter. Then he asked John Sarrazin, his -chamberlain, to hand him a document for which he had asked, and -when he received it he said, "Sirs, this is the seal which I used -before I crossed the sea, and you can plainly perceive from it -that the impression on the broken seal is similar to that on the -seal which is entire; therefore I cannot, with a clear -conscience, keep back the county." He then called Renaud de Trie, -and said, "I make over the county to you."' - -Many of his vassals were also vassals of the King of England, and -this gave rise to many subtle and difficult questions as to the -extent of the service they owed to both kings. These conflicts -between custom and duty were very displeasing to Louis. - -'At the beginning of the year 1244, he commanded all those nobles -who held fiefs in English territory to appear before him in -Paris, and addressed them as follows: "As it is impossible for -any man living in my kingdom and having possessions in England to -serve two masters rightly, you must therefore either attach -yourselves altogether to me, or inseparably to the King of -England." After saying this, he left them entire freedom of -choice.' [Footnote 38] - - [Footnote 38: Faure, 'Histoire de St. Louis,' - vol. i. p. 401.] - -He thus endeavoured to promote justice and peace in the heart of -feudal society, instead of cultivating those germs of difficulty -and constantly recurring occasions for dissension which he might -have used to increase his own power. - -{102} - - Chapter XI. - - Foreign Policy Of St. Louis. - -In his relations with neighbouring sovereigns Louis showed the -same loyalty and endeavour to promote peace which we have noticed -in his domestic policy. - -'Some members of his council,' says Joinville, 'told him that he -did not act wisely in not allowing these foreigners to make war -upon one another; for if he left them to impoverish themselves, -they would not be so likely to run a-muck at him as if they were -very rich. To this the King answered that these words were not -well spoken, "for," said he, "if the neighbouring princes see -that I leave them to fight, they may well take counsel together, -and say, 'The King has some evil design in allowing us to attack -each other.' And then, out of the hatred they would bear me, they -would all run a-muck against me, and I might lose everything, -without taking into account that I should earn the enmity of God, -who has said, 'Blessed are the peace-makers.'" - -So great was his fame as a true friend of peace and an equitable -arbitrator in the contests between princes and people, that his -intervention and his decisions were often asked for and accepted, -in disputes beset with great difficulty and danger. -{103} -In spite of his brilliant victories in 1242, over Henry III. of -England at Taillebourg and Saintes, Louis saw, after his return -from the East, that there was no solid peace between England and -France, and that at any moment the possessions which he had -acquired by these victories might again give rise to new wars, -which would be injurious to both, and possibly disastrous to one -people or the other. He conceived the idea of establishing this -very desirable peace upon a sound basis, by founding it on a -transaction which both sides should acknowledge to be equitable. -He succeeded in this by restoring to the King of England some of -those possessions which he had lost in the war of 1242, and by -obtaining from him in return, 'both in his own name and in the -names of his sons and of their heirs, a formal renunciation of -all the rights to which they could lay claim in the Duchy of -Normandy, the counties of Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and Poitou; a -resignation of the homage paid for Berry, Bretagne, Auvergne, -Marche, Angoumois, and in general a cession of all the -possessions which he and his ancestors; had ever held on the -continent of Europe, with the exception of those which the King -of France restored to him by this treaty, and of those which he -still held in Gascoigne.' For all these the King of England -undertook to pay homage to the King of France in the character of -Peer of France and Duke of Aquitaine, and to fulfil strictly all -the duties of his fiefs. - -When Louis informed the members of his council of this -transaction, 'they were strongly opposed to it,' says Joinville. -'It seems to us, sire,' they said, 'that if you believe you have -no right to the possessions which you and your ancestors have -conquered from the King of England, you do not make fitting -restitution to the said king unless you restore them all to him; -and if you believe that you have a right to them, you throw away -all those that you give up to him.' - -{104} - -'Sirs,' answered Louis, 'I am certain that the ancestors of the -King of England very justly lost the possessions which I keep; -and the land which I give him I do not give it to him and his -heirs because they have a right to it, but in order to create -love between his children and mine, who are cousins-german. And -it seems to me that what I give to him I use right well, for he -was not formerly my vassal, and now he comes to do me homage.' - -And, in truth, Henry did go to Paris in order to take with him -the treaty which he had signed, and to perform the ceremony of -homage. - -'Louis received him like a brother, but spared him nothing of a -ceremony which, according to feudal notions, was no more -humiliating than the name of "vassal," which the greatest lords -bore proudly. It took place on Thursday, the 4th of December, -1259, in the royal meadow before the palace, and in that part -which we now call the Place Dauphiné. There were great crowds of -prelates, barons, and other distinguished persons of the two -courts and of both nations. The King of England, kneeling and -bare-headed, without mantle, belt, sword or spurs, put his joined -hands into those of his suzerain the King of France, and said: -"Sire, henceforth I am your man, to serve you in word and deed, -and I swear and promise to be faithful and loyal and to maintain -your right to the utmost of my power, and to do justice at your -behest or the behest of your deputy, to the best of my judgment." - -{105} - -'The King then kissed him on the mouth, and raised him up.' -[Footnote 39] - - [Footnote 39: Joinville, chap. xiv.; Faure, vel. ii. p. 151.] - -Three years later Louis gave, not only to the King of England, -but to the whole English nation, a striking proof of his -prudence, justice, and good faith. A fierce civil war had broken -out between Henry and his barons, in which both sides were -defending their own rights, whilst neither respected the rights -of their adversaries, and England endured alternately the tyranny -of the King and the tyranny of the nobles. - -Both sides had agreed to submit their differences to the -arbitration of the King of France, and on the 23d of January, -1246, Louis pronounced a solemn judgment in favour of the English -king, at the same time upholding the Magna Charta and the -traditional liberties of the people; his decision closed with -these conciliatory words: - -'It is also our desire that the King of England and his barons -shall mutually forgive each other, and that they shall forget any -resentment which may still exist between them, and which has -arisen in consequence of the circumstances now submitted to our -arbitration; and that from henceforth they shall respectively -abstain from any annoyance or injury on account of these -circumstances.' - -But when opinions and interests are violently opposed and -passions fully roused, the wisest decrees and most prudent -counsel that man can utter do not suffice to re-establish peace; -the lessons taught by experience are often absolutely necessary, -and the opponents will not submit until one or the other, and -perhaps both, are exhausted in the struggle, and feel the -absolute necessity either of making some concession or accepting -their defeat. -{106} -The conciliatory arbitration of the King of France did not put a -stop to the civil war in England; but Louis did not seek in any -way to take advantage of it in order to increase his own -possessions and power at the expense of his neighbours: he stood -aloof from their quarrels, and his unsuccessful mediation was -followed by an honest neutrality. - -Five centuries later the great historian Hume wrote the following -encomium:--'Whenever this prince interposed in English affairs, -it was always with an intention of composing the differences -between the King and his nobility; he recommended to both parties -every peaceable and reconciling measure; and he used all his -authority with the Earl of Leicester, his native subject, to bend -him to compliance with Henry.' [Footnote 40] - - [Footnote 40: Hume, vol. ii. p. 38.] - -Louis pursued the same course towards all neighbouring states, -great and small, strong and weak. In Flanders, Piedmont, -Provence, Arragon, everywhere and on every occasion, his chief -aim was to promote peace and to uphold both the laws of the land -and the rights of the people. He was at the same time energetic -and circumspect, always ready to use the influence which -naturally belongs to a king of France, but he never allowed -France to be compromised by the difficulties and quarrels of -other nations; nor would he tolerate the use of his country's -name and weight to serve the ends of any mere personal ambition, -not even if these ends would have promoted his own interest or -that of his family. -{107} -He gave a very decided refusal to the offer of the crown of -Sicily for one of his sons. The Pope (Urban IV.) claimed the -disposal of it, and urgently desired Louis to take it. When the -crown was accepted by his brother Charles Count of Anjou, Louis, -who had no power to prevent his receiving it, showed his -displeasure openly and would give no sanction to the act. - -The sovereign Pontiff wrote oftentimes to the King, entreating -him to help his brother, who was already in Italy. He described -the arrival of the Count of Anjou in Rome, without money, without -horses: he conjured the King 'in the name of their brotherly -love, in the name of Holy Church, his mother, or rather in the -name of Him who repays a hundredfold all that is lent to Him.' -But in vain; Louis contributed neither his son, his money, nor -his men. He disapproved of the enterprise; for although Pope -Innocent IV. had excommunicated and deposed the Emperor Frederick -II. [Footnote 41] in the presence of the Council of Lyons but -without its approbation, Louis considered that the House of -Suabia--of which Conradin was the last and only -representative--had an indisputable right to the crown of Sicily, -and he refused to be a party to any action which might weaken its -claims. - - [Footnote 41: On the 17th of July, 1245.] - -But prudence does not always suffice to prevent a government, -whether monarchy or republic, from rushing into a fruitless and -disastrous enterprise and dragging a whole nation after it; -political honesty and respect for right and justice give a far -more essential and much safer guarantee against the commission of -similar crimes than mere prudence. -{108} -Louis IX. was not a prudent monarch by disposition or nature; his -conduct with regard to the Crusades shows how far it was possible -for him to be led astray by irresistible impulse and rash -enthusiasm; but when there was a right to be respected, a duty to -be fulfilled, in his relations with his people and with other -sovereigns, he was cautious and circumspect. The nobility of his -nature made him more prudent than his descendant Louis XI. two -centuries later, in spite of the much-vaunted and undoubted -ability of that monarch. - -{109} - - Chapter XII. - - The King's Legislative And Administrative Power. - - -Something higher than prudence, higher even than virtue is -required, if a monarch--a man to whom the government of men has -been committed--is to accomplish his entire task and actually to -deserve the title of 'Very Christian.' He must know the -'enthusiasm of humanity'; his heart and brain must be in sympathy -with the vast number of human beings over whose fate he exercises -so great an influence. - -More than any king who has ever lived, St. Louis seems to have -been actuated by this generous sympathy and fellow-feeling with -his subjects. He loved his people and he loved mankind -spontaneously, and because he could not help it; he took the -tenderest and deepest interest in their destiny, their happiness, -their sorrows. He was dangerously ill in 1259, and desired to -give his last and most earnest advice to his son, Prince Louis, -who died the year following. He said: 'Fair son, I pray you to -teach the people of your kingdom to love you; for verily I would -rather that a Scotchman should come from Scotland and govern the -people of this realm loyally and well, than that you should -govern them badly.' - -{110} - -To govern wisely, to watch over the interests of all classes in -his kingdom, to secure strict and ready justice to all his -subjects, these things were sources of continued and anxious -solicitude to St. Louis. M. Félix Faure, in the history to which -I have alluded, enumerates all the journeys which the King -undertook in his own country between 1254 and 1270, in order to -make himself acquainted with the facts and details of his -government; and he also gives an account of all the 'Parlements' -which Louis held during the same period for the better -administration of justice: these two tables show how unceasing -was his activity. Joinville's account of the simple and kindly -manner in which St. Louis would himself listen to the grievances -of his subjects, and administer justice, has been often quoted, -but I cannot resist the temptation of repeating it. - -'Now many a time it befell,' he says, 'that in summer, after -mass, the King would go and sit down in the wood at Vincennes -with his back to an oak, and would make us all sit round him. And -all those who had any grievance came to speak to him without -hindrance from any ushers or such folk. And then with his own -lips he would question them. "Is there any one here who has a -suit to bring before me?" And all those who wished to appeal to -him would stand forward; then he would say, "Be silent, all of -you, and your cases shall be dispatched one after the other." -Upon that he would call Monseigneur Pierre de Fontanes and -Monseigneur Geoffroy de Villette, [Footnote 42] and would say to -one of them, "Dispose of this case for me." When he saw anything -to correct in the words of those who spoke for him, or in the -words of those who spoke for others, with his own lips he would -correct it. -{111} -Sometimes, in summer, I have seen him come into the garden at -Paris to administer justice to his people, and he would be -dressed in a camlet coat [Footnote 43] and a surcoat of tiretaine -[Footnote 44] without sleeves, a coat of black taffetas on his -shoulders, his hair very carefully combed and without coif, and a -hat with white peacock's feathers on his head. Carpets were -spread that we might sit around him, and all the people who -brought suits before him stood round about, and he would have -their cases dispatched in the manner I have described before, as -he used to do in the wood at Vincennes.' - - [Footnote 42: Two eminent jurists and councillors of St. - Louis.] - - [Footnote 43: The 'cotte,' or coat, was the principal - vestment at that time; the 'surcoat' was worn over it.] - - [Footnote 44: 'Tiretaine,' a coarse woollen material, grey, - still manufactured in France.] - -The active benevolence of St. Louis extended beyond this paternal -interest in the private affairs of his people; he gave quite as -much attention and interest to those measures which were required -by the social conditions of the age and the general welfare of -his kingdom. Among the twenty-six ordinances, edicts, and -official letters of his reign contained in the first volume of -the 'Recueil des Ordonnances des Rois de France,' seven at least -were acts of great legislative and administrative importance. -These decrees all bear the same character, and whatever may have -been their result, their aim was never to extend the power of the -Crown or to serve some special interest of royalty when it was -struggling with other social forces; they were intended to effect -great social and moral reforms, were directed against the -violence, the disorder and the abuses of feudal society, and -aimed at the extension of justice and peace in the nation, but -they did not seek to destroy the existing conditions of society, -or to control them exclusively in the interest either of the King -or of any one class of citizens. - -{112} - -Many other of the King's ordinances and decrees have been -published, either in the later volumes of the work already -alluded to or in similar collections. M. Daunou, in an article on -St. Louis which he has prepared for the continuation of -'L'Histoire Littéraire de France, par des Membres de l'Institut,' -vol. xix. has alluded to a great many inedited documents to be -found in different archives. The great collection of legislative -enactments known as the 'Etablissements' of St. Louis, which -seems to be a kind of general but confused code of laws of the -period, is probably a work of jurisprudence of later date than -this reign; but in it we see the same endeavour to secure -practical and moral reform, and note the same absence of attempt -to promote any private interests whatsoever. There is a spirit of -such true piety in the paragraph which serves as a preface to -this work, that it might have been dictated by St. Louis himself. -I reproduce it here, with only such modifications in the language -as may be necessary to render it intelligible. - -'Louis, by the grace of God King of France, to all good -Christians dwelling in the kingdom and under the suzerainty of -France, and to all others present and to come, greeting in the -name of our Lord Jesus Christ.' - -{113} - -'Seeing that malice and fraud are so prevalent in the human race -that some men often do wrong and injury and all kinds of evil to -their fellows against the will and the law of God, and that there -are many who have neither fear nor dread of the terrible day of -judgment of the Lord Jesus Christ; and seeing that we wish all -our subjects to live in peace and loyalty, and each one to beware -of doing any ill to his neighbour for fear of bodily chastisement -and loss of worldly goods; seeing that we desire also to punish -and repress malefactors by means of the law and by a rigorous -execution of justice, and by turning for help to God, who is a -true and just Judge above all others: We have therefore ordained -these enactments, and we require that justice shall be -administered in accordance with them in all lay courts throughout -the kingdom and suzerainty of France.' - -At the head of one of his essays Montaigne wrote, 'This is an -honest book.' We may say of the measures and decrees of St. Louis -that they were acts of honest legislation, altogether devoid of -egotistical ambition, of party spirit, or the desire of inventing -a system; they were inspired solely by an instinctive respect for -the common rights of all men, and by love of the public good. - -Another act, known as the Pragmatic Sanction, is also given -[Footnote 45] as the work of St. Louis, under date of March 1268. -Its object is first to assert the rights, liberties, and -canonical rules of the Church of France; then to forbid 'the -exactions and very heavy pecuniary dues imposed, or which may at -any future time be imposed, upon the said Church by the Court of -Rome, by which our kingdom has been miserably impoverished, -unless they arise from a reasonable, pious and very urgent -necessity, from some unavoidable cause, and are imposed with our -spontaneous and express consent, together with that of the Church -of our kingdom.' - - [Footnote 45: Recueil des Ordonnances des Rois de France, - vol. i. p. 97.] - -{114} - -The authenticity of this document was eagerly maintained in the -seventeenth century by Bossuet, [Footnote 46] and has been -asserted in our own days by M. Daunou, [Footnote 47] but many and -weighty reasons have been urged in opposition to it, which M. -Faure sums up in the following words:-- - - [Footnote 46: In his defence of the declaration of the clergy - of France in 1682, chap. ix.] - - [Footnote 47: L'Histoire Littéraire de France, vol. xvi. p. 75.] - -'It is not mentioned by any writer of the period, or in any -contemporaneous document; in the correspondence between Louis and -the sovereign Pontiffs of his reign it is never once alluded to, -although analogous subjects were discussed, and the importance of -this would have given it precedence over all the others. It was -not until two hundred years after the date assigned to it (in the -remonstrances presented to Louis XI. by the 'Parlement' of Paris -when, on his accession to the throne, he violated the Pragmatic -Sanction of his father, Charles VII.) that the Pragmatic Sanction -of St. Louis was for the first time alluded to and quoted. The -authority of his name was then invoked in aid of legislative -measures to which the promoters wished to give the appearance of -ancient and venerable institutions. It is impossible to -understand why Philip le Bel--the grandson of Louis--did not -quote this document in his disputes with Boniface VIII. Why did -not Charles VI. succeed, if it existed when he tried to put a -stop to the exactions of the Court of Rome? Nay, how was it that -Charles VII., when he promulgated his Pragmatic Sanction, did not -rest it upon an authority and example so highly revered as that -of his sainted ancestor?' - -{115} - -I do not intend to discuss this unimportant problem of historical -criticism, but I wish to call attention to the fact that, even if -the authenticity of the document is open to doubt, there is -nothing in the 'Pragmatic Sanction of St. Louis' which is not in -entire harmony with all that we know of the character and actions -of that prince. In his relation to the Papacy he was the -respectful, affectionate and faithful son of the Church, but he -took good care to maintain the independence of his crown in -temporal affairs, and his own right of supervision, and sometimes -even of intervention, in spiritual matters. I have already called -attention to his cautious and reserved attitude in the great -quarrel between the Papacy and the Empire, and to the firmness -with which he resisted the violent measures of Gregory IX. and -Innocent IV. against the Emperor Frederick II. He carried his -notions as to the entire independence of his authority and -judgment beyond political matters, and into questions that were -purely religious. The Bishop of Auxerre one day said to him, in -the name of several prelates: 'Sire, the archbishops and bishops -here present desire me to tell you that Christianity is perishing -in your hands.' The King made the sign of the cross, and said, -'Now tell me how that may be.' 'Sire,' said the bishop, 'it is -because people now-a-days think so little of excommunication that -those who are excommunicated are not afraid of dying before they -have obtained absolution, and rendered satisfaction to Holy -Church. -{116} -Therefore these prelates require of you, sire, for the love of -God, and because you ought so to do, that you command your -serjeants and bailiffs, by the seizure of their goods, to compel -all those who have been excommunicated for a year and a day to -obtain absolution.' And the King replied that he was quite -willing to command that this should be done when he had received -proof that they were in the wrong. The bishop said that the -prelates would not on any account consent to this, and that they -did not acknowledge the King's jurisdiction in ecclesiastical -matters; and the King said that he would not consent on any other -condition, for that it would be against God and against reason if -he were to compel those who were excommunicated to seek -absolution when not they, but the clergy, were in the wrong. - -'For example,' said the King, 'take the case of the Count of -Bretagne, who for seven years was at law with the prelates of -Bretagne, and all that time was excommunicated, and at the end of -it he proved his case, and the Pope condemned them all. Now, if I -had constrained the Count to obtain absolution at the end of the -first year, I should have sinned against God and against him.' -Thereupon the prelates were forced to submit, and I have not -heard that any similar demand has ever since been made. [Footnote -48] - - [Footnote 48: Joinville, chap. xiii. p. 43.] - -{117} - - Chapter XIII. - - Christianity Of St. Louis In His Private And Social - Life, As Well As In His Public Career And Political Relations. - - -I now come to that which is perhaps the most striking and -original feature in the character of St. Louis. He was engrossed -by religion,--I may say that piety was his ruling passion; and -yet his naturally clear and upright judgment in secular and -social affairs was scarcely ever disturbed by his religious -views. He was not content with the mere forms and appearances of -a thing or a person, but must go straight to the very heart of -every fact, seeking truth and justice underneath all human -conditions, social relations, and royal customs. - -Tillemont, the most thorough and minutely accurate of his -historians, analyses the life of Louis as the best method of -describing it. - -'We will study him,' he says, 'first as a simple individual, with -no other care than that of his own soul; 'then as a father, the -head of a family, having the charge of a wife, children, and -servants; and last of all as a king, to whom has been confided -the guidance of a whole people, and who has to conduct himself as -a Christian prince both toward his own subjects and the nations -around.' - -{118} - -I am certain that this was precisely the order in which St. Louis -himself viewed his duties, and I shall preserve a certain harmony -and conformity with that which was passing in his own thoughts, -if I close this sketch by relating some of those incidents in -which the innermost recesses of so noble a nature are -spontaneously and truthfully revealed. - -'He called me one day,' says Joinville, 'and said, "You are a man -of such a light nature that I do not dare to speak to you of -things relating to God, and I have called these monks who are -here because I wish to ask you a question." Now the demand was -this: - -'"Seneschal, what is God?" - -'"Sire," I answered, "so good a thing that better cannot be." - -'"Truly," said he, "that is well spoken, for the answer you have -given is written down in the book which I hold in my hand. Now I -wish to ask," he continued, "which you would prefer to be, a -leper or to have committed a mortal sin?" And I, who never told -him a lie, I answered I would rather commit thirty mortal sins -than be a leper. When the monks had gone, he called me to him -alone, made me sit down at his feet, and said, "How could you -tell me what you did yesterday?" And I answered that I should say -the same thing over again. Then he said, "You spoke rashly and -foolishly, for there is no leper so hideous as he who is in a -state of mortal sin. When a man dies he is set free from the -leprosy of the body, but when a man dies who has committed a -mortal sin, he does not know, nor can he be quite sure, that his -repentance has been such as to secure the forgiveness of God. And -for this reason he ought to be greatly afraid lest this leprosy -of sin should last as long as God is in heaven. -{119} -Therefore I entreat you, as urgently as I can, for the love of -God and the love of me, to teach your heart to choose rather that -any ill should happen to your body, by leprosy or any other -disease, than that mortal sin should attack your soul." - -'Another day he asked me,' says Joinville, 'if I wished to be -honoured in this world and to go to Paradise when I died; and I -said, "Yes." Then he said, "Beware, then, of doing or saying -anything wittingly which, if all the world knew, you would be -ashamed to own, and would hesitate to acknowledge, I did this, I -said that."' - -Tillemont says, 'Even in his early youth he had a great dislike -to profane oaths in conversation; he contented himself with -affirming a thing in the simplest and plainest terms, without -introducing the name of God, or of the saints or evangelists, or -using a single word which could diminish the respect due to -things sacred, whatever cause he might have for anger. When he -wished to affirm a thing very strongly, he would say, "Truly it -is so," or "Truly it is not so." In order to avoid using other -oaths he used at one time to say, "_By my name!_" but -hearing that a religious person found fault with this expression, -he never after made use of it' [Footnote 49] - - [Footnote 49: Tillemont, vol. v. p. 371.] - -M. Faure says: 'It was with the utmost sincerity that he placed -the name of Christian high above his title as king. One day, at -the Castle of Poissy, the place of his birth, he said to those -around him: "In this castle God granted me the greatest blessing -and the greatest honour I ever received in this world." - -{120} - -'Every one tried to find out, but no one could guess this honour: -his words seemed to point rather to the town of Rheims, where he -had been crowned, than to Poissy. At last he said, with a smile, -"I was baptized here." He always retained a feeling of affection -and gratitude for Poissy, as if it had been his native land. In -the letters which he wrote as friend to friend when he wished to -discard even the shadow of royal dignity, he was in the habit of -styling himself "Louis of Poissy," or "Louis, lord of Poissy."' -[Footnote 50] - - [Footnote 50: Faure, vol. ii. p. 559.] - -I have already spoken of his relation to the two queens, his -mother and his wife. His position was often one of great -difficulty, but his conduct was never short of exemplary. Louis -was a model both of conjugal fidelity and filial piety. He had -eleven children by Queen Margaret, six boys and five girls. He -loved his wife very tenderly and was scarcely ever apart from -her, and the noble courage which she displayed during the first -crusade certainly made her dearer to him than ever. But he was -not blind to her ambition and her want of political capacity. -When he was preparing for his second crusade, he did not confide -the regency of France to Queen Margaret in his absence; nay more, -before he left the kingdom he took care to regulate her expenses -and to restrain her power; he forbade her to receive any presents -for herself or her children, to interfere with the administration -of justice, or to choose any attendant for herself or her family -without the consent of the Council of Regency. He had good -reasons for acting in this manner, for about this time Queen -Margaret, eager to hold the same position in the state that Queen -Blanche had done, was making provision for herself in case of her -husband's death. -{121} -She had induced her son Philip, heir to the throne and at that -time only sixteen years old, to take oath that he would remain -under her tutelage until he was thirty, that he would have no -advisers of whom she did not approve, reveal to her all the -designs which were formed against her, enter into no alliance -with his uncle, Charles of Anjou, and keep this oath which she -administered to him a secret. Louis was probably informed of this -strange transaction by his young son himself, and Philip took -care to ask Pope Urban IV. to absolve him from his oath. But the -King foresaw the tendencies of Queen Margaret, and therefore -adopted measures to protect the crown and the kingdom. - -The education of his children, their future position and -well-being, engrossed the attention of the King as entirely, and -were subjects of as keen an interest, as if he had been a father -with no other task than the care of his children. 'After supper -they followed him to his apartment, where he made them sit around -him for a time whilst he instructed them in their duty; he then -sent them to bed. He would direct their attention particularly to -the good and bad actions of princes. He used to visit them in -their own apartment when he had any leisure, inquire as to their -progress, and, like a second Tobias, give them excellent -instruction. ... On Maunday Thursday, he and his children used to -wash the feet of thirteen poor persons, give them large alms, and -afterwards wait upon them whilst they dined. The King, together -with his son-in-law King Thibault, whom he loved and looked upon -as his own son, carried the first poor man to the hospital of -Compiègne, and his two eldest sons, Louis and Philippe, carried -the second. -{122} -They were accustomed to act with him in all things, showing him -great reverence, and he desired that they and Thibault also -should obey him implicitly in everything that he commanded.' - -He was very anxious that his three children born in the East -during the Crusade--Jean Tristan, Pierre, and Blanche--and even -his eldest daughter Isabella, should enter the monastic life, -which he looked upon as the most likely to insure their -salvation; he frequently exhorted them to take this step, writing -letters of the greatest tenderness and piety, especially to his -daughter Isabella; but, as they did not show any taste for it, he -did not attempt to force their inclinations. Thenceforward, he -busied himself in making suitable marriages for them, and -establishing them according to their rank; at the same time he -gave them the most judicious advice as to their conduct and -actions in the world upon which they were entering. When he was -before Tunis and found that he was sick unto death, he gave the -instructions which he had written out in French with his own hand -to his eldest son, Philip. They are models of virtue, wisdom, and -paternal tenderness, worthy of a king and a Christian. [Footnote -51] - - [Footnote 51: There are several versions of these - instructions, differing in form but identical in spirit. They - are contained in Bouquet's 'Recueil des Historiens des Gaules - et de la France,' vol. xx. pp. 84, 300, and 459; Tillemont, - vol. v. pp. 166 and 180-383; Faure, vol. ii. pp. 582-593.] - -{123} - -I proceed now from the family of St. Louis to the royal -household, and pass on from his children to his servants. In the -relation between master and servant we miss the strongest -tie--that of blood, and lose that intensely personal and yet -disinterested feeling which parents feel when they live again in -their children: kindly feeling and custom, much weaker motives, -form the bond between master and servant, and give a moral tone -to the relation. Now, in St. Louis, the kindliness of his nature -was so great that it resembled affection, and called out -affection in the hearts of those to whom it was shown. - -He could not pardon any breach of morality in his servants, but -he passed over in silence all the small faults of which they were -guilty, and in such cases treated them not only with gentleness -but with that consideration which calls out self-respect, and -raises a man in his own eyes, let his position in life be what it -may. 'Louis visited his servants when they were sick, and he -never failed to pray for them himself and to entreat the prayers -of others also, when they were dead. A mass for the dead was -chanted for them daily, at which he was always present.' - -He took into his household an old servant of his grandfather's, -Philip Augustus, dismissed by that king because one day his fire -crackled and Jean, who had charge of it, had not been able to -make it burn quietly. Now from time to time Louis used to suffer -from an inflammation of the right leg. That part between the calf -and the ankle would swell, grow very red and cause him great -pain. One day when he had an attack of this kind and was lying -down, he wished to examine the part affected. Jean held a lighted -candle close to the King, and so awkwardly that a drop of boiling -grease fell on the bad leg. -{124} -The King started up from his bed and cried out, 'Oh, Jean, Jean, -my grandfather sent you away for a much less thing!' and this -exclamation was the only reproof which Jean received for his -clumsiness. - -Far from the King's household, not engaged in his service, and -without any personal claim upon him, there was a large class of -persons who nevertheless held an important place in his thoughts -and whom he was always ready to help. They were the poor, the -infirm, the sick, and all who were destitute and in misery. All -the chronicles of the time and the historians of his reign praise -his charity as much as his piety, and the philosophers of the -eighteenth century almost overlooked his love of relics in -consideration of his benevolence. The benevolence of St. Louis -was not of that vicarious kind which contents itself with making -laws and instituting charities; he was not satisfied merely to -build and endow hospitals, infirmaries, and asylums, such as the -Hôtel Dieu (or hospital) at Pontoise, those of Vernon and -Compiègne, and the Maison des Quinze-Vingt for the blind; it was -benevolence shown in his own person, by his own actions, and it -taught him that no deed of mercy was beneath the dignity of a -king. - -Wherever the King might be, a hundred and twenty poor persons -received daily two loaves each, a quart of wine, meat or fish -enough for a good meal, and a silver penny. Mothers had an extra -loaf for each child. Besides these hundred and twenty who -received outdoor relief, thirteen others were daily admitted to -the palace, and had their meals with the officers of the royal -household. Three of them dined at the same time as the King, in -the same apartment, and quite near to him. - -{125} - -'Many a time,' says Joinville, 'I have seen him cut their bread -for them, and pour out their drink. One day he asked me if I -washed the feet of the poor on Maunday Thursday. "Sire," I -answered, "what, the feet of those dirty wretches! No, indeed, I -shall never wash them." "Truly," replied the King, "you have -spoken ill; for you ought not to despise that which God intended -for our instruction. I pray you, therefore, first of all for the -love of God, and then by your love towards me, that you make a -habit of washing their feet." - -Sometimes, when the King had a little spare time, he would say, -'Let us go and visit the poor of such a place, and give them a -feast to their liking.' - -Once when he went to Château Neuf on the Loire, a poor old woman, -who was standing at the palace door with a loaf in her hand, -said, 'Good King, it is this bread, thy charity, upon which my -poor husband lives, who is lying at home very ill.' The King took -the loaf, saying, 'The bread is hard enough,' and went with her -to the house to see the sick man. - -One Maunday Thursday, at Compiègne, he was going to all the -churches, walking barefooted from one to the other, as he was -wont to do, and distributing alms to all the poor whom he met -when he saw a leper on the other side of a muddy pool in the -street. The leper did not dare to approach the King, but he was -trying to attract his attention; Louis immediately crossed over -to him, gave him some money, and then took his hand and kissed -it. -{126} -'All present,' says the chronicle, 'were astonished, and made the -sign of the cross when they witnessed the pious temerity of the -King, who was not afraid to press his lips to a hand which no -other person would have dared to touch.' - -In acts like these there is infinitely more than the kindness and -generosity of a noble nature; they show that fervour of Christian -sympathy which at the sight of human suffering, either of body or -mind, knows no fear, shuns no anxiety, feels no repugnance, and -has no thought beyond alleviating pain and administering comfort. - -And the man who felt and acted thus was no monk, no monarch -absorbed by his religious duties, and exclusively addicted to -charitable works and devout observances; he was a knight, a -warrior, a politician, a true king, as earnest in the performance -of the duties of his position as in doing deeds of charity. He -obtained the reverence and admiration of his intimate friends as -well as of strangers, sometimes by the fervour of his mystic -piety and his monkish austerities, sometimes by his -administrative ability, his freedom from intolerance and -prejudice, and the noble independence of his attitude even -towards those representatives of Christian faith and the -Christian Church with whom he was in full sympathy. - -'The King himself was considered the wisest member of his whole -council: when grave difficulties arose or great questions had to -be discussed, no one showed more insight or was able to estimate -them more justly; and in addition to a clear and vigorous -intellect he possessed the power of expressing his thoughts with -such a measured grace that he was a most perfect an agreeable -speaker. - -{127} - -'He was very cheerful,' says Joinville; 'and when we were in -private with him, after dinner, he used to sit at the foot of his -bed, and if the Franciscans and Dominicans told him of a book -which they thought he would like to hear, he would answer, "No, -you shan't read to me now, for there is no book so good after -eating as a talk _ad libitum;_ that is, let each one say -what he likes." But, for all this, he was very fond of books and -learning. - -'He sometimes listened to the sermons and discussions in the -University, but he took care also to seek the truth himself in -the Word of God and the traditions of the Church. When he was in -the East he heard that a Saracen sultan had collected a great -number of books for the use of the philosophers of his sect; he -was ashamed to think that the Christians were less zealous to -learn the truth than the infidels were to teach themselves lies. -Therefore, on his return to France, he commanded that search -should be made in the abbeys for all the genuine works of St. -Augustine, St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, and other -orthodox teachers, and, having caused them all to be copied, he -had them laid up in the treasure-house of the Sainte-Chapelle. He -read them whenever he had any spare time, and gladly lent them to -those who could make any use of them either for themselves or -others. Sometimes towards the close of the afternoon he would -send for persons of well-known piety, and converse with them of -God, and also of the Bible stories and the lives of the saints or -fathers of the Church.' - -{128} - -He had a special friendship for Robert of Sorbon the founder of -the Sorbonne, and not only afforded him every facility and gave -him all the necessary help for establishing his learned college, -but also made him one of his chaplains, and often invited him to -sit near him at dinner in order that he might have the pleasure -of hearing him converse. - -'One day it happened,' says Joinville, 'that Master Robert of -Sorbon was sitting by my side at dinner-time, and we were talking -together in a low voice. The King reproved us, saying, "Speak -aloud, or your companions will think that you are speaking ill of -them. If you are talking of anything at dinner-time that can give -us pleasure, speak so that we can hear you; if not, be silent."' - -Another day, when they had met in the King's presence, Robert of -Sorbon reproached Joinville for being 'more magnificently attired -than the King, for,' said he, 'you dress yourself in furs and -green cloth, which the King does not do.' Joinville defended -himself very warmly, and turned the tables on Master Robert, -attacking him for the smartness of his clothes. The King took the -part of the learned doctor, but when he had left them, 'My lord -the King,' continues Joinville, 'called Monseigneur Philip, his -son, and King Thibault, and sat down at the door of his oratory; -placing his hand on the ground, he said, "Come and sit close to -me, that no one may hear us." Then he said he had called us that -he might confess to me that he had been wrong in defending Master -Robert. "But," he said, "I saw he was so taken aback that he had -need of my help. For all that, do not think too much of what I -said in defence of Master Robert; for, as the Seneschal has said, -you ought to dress well and suitably: your wives will love you -the better for it, and your people will also think more of you. -{129} -For," said this wise king, "we ought so to choose both our -apparel and our dress, that the old men of this age may not say -we do too much, nor the young ones that we do too little."' - -In his own costume and manner of life nothing could be more -simple than St. Louis. 'After he returned from beyond the sea,' -says Joinville, 'he never wore furs, either miniver or squirrel, -nor scarlet cloth, neither did he use gilded spurs or stirrups; -his vestments were of camlet or of pers'--a dark blue cloth--'and -the linings of his coverlets and garments were of doeskin or -hareskin.' - -He dressed and undressed himself almost without attendants, rose -in the morning and went to bed at night, dispensing altogether -with royal etiquette. 'But,' adds Joinville, 'the daily expenses -of his household were very great; he behaved with great -generosity and liberality in the "Parlements" and at the -assemblies of the barons and knights; the service of his court -also was conducted with great courtesy, liberally and without -stint; far more so than had been the case for a long time at the -court of his ancestors.' - -{130} - - Chapter XIV. - - The Crusade The Ruling Passion Of St. Louis. - In Spite Of Strenuous Opposition, - He Decides On A Second Crusade (1270). - His Arrival And Death Before Tunis (25th August, 1270). - - -Unquestionably the life of St. Louis was no mere empty royal -life. Its varied interests and great labours might have employed -the most active mind, and satisfied the most exacting conscience; -but although the soul of the King was serene and calm, his -imagination was incessantly excited, and he suffered from a kind -of pious fever,--a fever very different in its aim, but also -similar in kind, to that which consumes those great potentates -whose restless nature is always discontented, who cherish some -vast project quite apart from the ordinary course of events until -its accomplishment becomes their fixed idea and ruling passion. -As Alexander and Napoleon continually formed new plans, or, to -speak more accurately, new dreams, of conquest and dominion, so -Louis, in his Christian ambition, always pictured to himself the -return to Jerusalem, the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre and -the victory of Christianity over Islamism in the East. It was all -in vain that during his first crusade he discovered the immense -difficulty, not to say the impossibility of the enterprise, and -found that his utmost efforts could not ensure success: the -crusade always remained his passion, as the one and only method -of realizing his fondest hope and fulfilling his most sacred -duty. -{131} -During the first years after his return from Syria to -France--that is, from 1254 to 1260--it does not appear that he -spoke of his scheme even to his most intimate and confidential -friends. But I am convinced that it was never out of his -thoughts, and that he always hoped favourable circumstance would -recall him to his interrupted work. - -There was no lack of difficulties in the East: the Christians of -Palestine and Syria were exposed to perils and losses which -increased daily; they were losing their bravest warriors, the -Templars and Hospitallers, by incessant warfare; their strong -places were falling to ruin; the soldiers of the Cross were -defeated now by the Tartars of Tchinggis Khan, now by the -Mamelukes of Egypt; the Latin Empire of Constantinople was -disappearing; and the Greek Church had again obtained possession -of St. Sophia. The most lamentable accounts, the most urgent -entreaties daily reached the Christians of the West; and Pope -Urban IV. made a special appeal to the King of France. Geoffrey -of Sargines, the heroic and faithful representative whom Louis -had left in St. Jean d'Acre at the head of a small, garrison, -wrote to tell him that all was lost unless they received -immediate succour. - -In 1261 Louis held a 'Parlement' at Paris, and although he did -not then speak of a new crusade, he took measures which revealed -his intentions and thoughts. Fasts and prayers were appointed on -behalf of the Christians of the East; all extravagant expenses, -shows, and tournaments were forbidden; and frequent and important -military exercises were appointed. - -{132} - -In 1263 the crusade was preached throughout France. Taxes were -levied in aid of it which even the clergy had to pay. Princes and -barons undertook to join in the expedition; some even went so far -as to set out. Louis congratulated himself, and showed his -pleasure and approval without openly declaring his own intention. -In 1267 a 'Parlement' was convoked at Paris. The King very -discreetly broached the subject of a crusade first of all to some -of his barons, in order to make sure of their approval. Then -suddenly, after the precious relics from the Sainte-Chapelle had -been exposed to the gaze of the assembly, he opened the -proceedings by an earnest exhortation to all present 'to avenge -the ancient wrongs of our Lord and Saviour in the Holy Land, and -to regain the heritage of Christendom so long--for our sins--in -the possession of the infidel.' The following year another -'Parlement' met at Paris, and there, on the 9th of February, -1268, the King made a vow to set out in May of 1270. - -Great was the surprise of many of his subjects, and their anxiety -was even greater than their surprise. The country was tranquil -and prosperous to an extent that had been unparalleled for a long -period; there was peace without, and law and order within; feudal -quarrels were becoming rare, and were promptly settled; the royal -authority was felt everywhere, and was accompanied by a more -orderly administration and greater certainty of justice; the King -possessed the confidence as well as the respect of his whole -people, and he was respected and obeyed by all his agents. 'Why -should we risk,' they said, 'these advantages in a costly and -distant, enterprise where success is more than doubtful?' -{133} -Either from good sense or from displeasure at the taxes imposed -upon them, many ecclesiastics as well as laymen were unfavourable -to the crusade. Pope Clement IV., who had succeeded Urban IV., -'hesitated for some time about urging St. Louis to this -enterprise; indeed, it seems that in a letter which he wrote -towards the close of September 1266, he rather dissuaded him from -it. He was, however, annoyed at having written this letter almost -as soon as he had dispatched it, and said just the reverse in a -letter which he wrote with his own hand, and at first thought of -sending immediately; but, hesitating still, he withheld it. ... -He ended by making up his mind to encourage the King in his pious -design; but when he learnt that Louis was taking three sons with -him to the crusade, the eldest twenty-two, and the two others -seventeen and eighteen years old, he could not resist writing to -the Cardinal of Sainte-Cécile as follows: "It does not seem to us -that it would be wise or judicious to allow so many of the King's -sons to take the cross, especially the eldest; and, although we -have heard many reasons given in favour of the opposite view, yet -either we deceive ourselves entirely, or they are devoid of any -reason whatsoever."' [Footnote 52] - - [Footnote 52: Tillemont, vol. v. pp. 10 17.] - -Grave anxiety was felt as to the King himself: his health was -very much shattered, and it was feared that he himself was no -better able to bear the fatigue of the expedition than his -country was likely to endure without loss the disadvantage of his -absence. Many of his wisest and most faithful advisers openly -opposed his scheme. Joinville says: 'It came to pass that the -King summoned all his barons to Paris during Lent (1267). -{134} -I sent my excuses to him on account of a quartan fever which I -then had, and begged him graciously to dispense with my -attendance. He sent word that he insisted on my going, for he had -good physicians at Paris who would soon cure a quartan fever. So -I went thither. When I had heard mass at the Madeleine I went to -the King's chapel, and found him mounted upon the platform where -the relics were, and causing the true cross to be carried down. -When the King was descending, two knights who were of his council -began to speak together, and one said, "Never believe me, if the -King does not now take the cross." And the other answered: "If -the King takes the cross, it will be one of the saddest days that -ever was in France; for if we do not also take it we shall lose -the King's love, and if we take it we shall lose the love of God, -because it will not be for His sake that we undertake this -crusade."' The King earnestly entreated Joinville to take the -cross, but he positively refused to do so. 'I thought,' he says, -'that all those who advised him to undertake that voyage -committed a great sin, because France was in such a condition -that the whole kingdom was at peace within itself, and at peace -with all its neighbours; and, from the time that he departed, its -condition has never ceased to grow worse and worse. Those who -advised this voyage in his weak state of health committed a great -sin, for he was able neither to ride in a carriage nor on -horseback; nay, his debility was so great that he allowed me to -carry him in my arms from the house of the Count of Auxerre, -where I took leave of him, to the Franciscans. And yet, feeble as -he was, if he had remained in France, he might have lived for -many years, and done much good.' - -{135} - -But the impulse had been given, not only to the King, but to his -family and the whole feudal world; his sons, his brothers, his -son-in-law Thibault, King of Navarre, many foreign princes, 'a -multitude of counts, barons, and knights,' took the cross; some -with eager fervour, others with resignation and after much -hesitation. The second crusade of St. Louis was a flame which -leaps up at intervals from a dying fire, and throws out bright -and fitful gleams. - -But, together with tidings which aroused angry alarm, news came -from the East which inspired fresh hopes and expectations. The -Emperor Michael Palæologus had returned to Constantinople, and he -held out to the Pope and all Christendom the hope of reunion -between the Greek Church and the Church of Rome; Mohammed -Mostanser, the King of Tunis (as he called himself), spoke of -becoming a Christian, he and all his subjects, and offered to -decide on taking this step if he could be secured against their -seditions. Clement IV. was enchanted with the Greek promises. -Louis heard of the prospect of the Moslem conversions with -rapture; he was in the state of mind of a man who has taken a -final resolve which is very dear to him, and who listens with the -most astounding credulity to any reasons and hopes which seem to -justify his course. 'Ah,' he wrote, 'if I might only hope to be -the godfather and the compeer of so great a godson!' At the fête -of St. Denis, the 9th of October, 1269, Louis was present in the -abbey church, at the baptism of a recently-converted Jew. The -Tunis envoys were also there: he called them to him, and said -with great emotion, 'Tell the King your master, from me, that I -desire the salvation of his soul so ardently that I would consent -to be in prison among the Saracens all the days of my life and -never see the light of day again, if only your king and his -nation might become true Christians.' From henceforward Louis was -absorbed by Christian zeal and faith, and was more saint than -king. - -{136} - -He set out from Paris on the 16th of March, 1270, having left -Queen Margaret, whom he would not allow to accompany him further, -in the tower of the Castle at Vincennes. He was weak in health -and almost ill, but quite content; and probably out of all those -who accompanied him he alone had no anxious forebodings. Again he -was to embark from Aiguesmortes. No definite plan for the -expedition had yet been decided upon. Should they go first to -Egypt, to Palestine, to Constantinople, or to Tunis? Were there -any means of transport on which they could rely? There had been -negotiations on the subject with the Venetians and the Genoese, -but nothing was definitely settled. It was a haphazard -expedition, in which men put their trust in Providence, and -forgot that Divine Providence does not dispense with human -foresight. Louis arrived at Aiguesmortes in the middle of May, -and found neither Crusaders nor vessels; all the preparations -were made slowly, imperfectly, and without order; every one -relied too much upon the King, who relied too much upon everyone. -At length, on the 2d of July, 1270, the expedition set sail, and -actually left Aiguesmortes before any person knew, or the King -had told any one, where it was going. Not until he reached -Sardinia, after four days' delay at Cagliari, did Louis declare -to the leaders of the crusade, who had assembled on board his -vessel the _Montjoie_, that he was on his way to Tunis, -where their Christian work was to begin. - -{137} - -On the 17th of July, the fleet arrived before Tunis; and the -admiral, Florent de Varennes, without orders from the King, -probably even in opposition to instructions which showed less -impatience, took immediate possession of the port and of some -Tunisian vessels, which offered no resistance. He sent word to -the King 'that it was only necessary to support him, and that the -disembarkation of the army could take place in perfect safety.' -War was thus commenced against the Mussulman prince who had so -recently been expected very shortly to become a Christian. -Fifteen days later, after several combats devoid of result -between the Crusaders and the army of Tunis, all this -improvidence, delay, and, to call things by their right name, -political and military incapacity, had rapidly brought its -inevitable consequences. The reinforcements which his brother -Charles, King of Sicily, had promised to Louis, had not arrived; -there was a lack of provisions; the intense heat of an African -summer caused a pestilence which spread so rapidly that before -long there was no time to bury the dead, they were thrown one on -the other into the trench which surrounded the camp, and before -long the whole camp was infected. - -On the 3d of August Louis was attacked by the prevailing fever, -and was obliged to keep his bed within his tent. He asked news of -his son, Jean Tristan, Count of Nevers, who had fallen ill before -him, for he had not been told of the death of the young prince, -who had expired on board the vessel to which he had been carried -in the hope that the sea-air might be beneficial to him. Jean -Tristan and the Princess Isabella were the dearest of all his -children; Louis joined his hands when he heard of his death, and -sought some relief for his sorrow in silence and prayer. -{138} -He became rapidly worse, and sent for his son and successor, -Prince Philip, took from his Breviary the 'Instructions' which he -had written for him in French with his own hand, gave them to -him, and exhorted him to observe them scrupulously. He also asked -for his daughter Isabella. 'She had been adorned by the most -saintly demeanour from her very infancy, and in this the King had -taken great delight,' although she had refused to become a nun, -which he had wished. She fell weeping at the foot of his bed, and -he gave to her husband, Thibault, King of Navarre, some written -counsel which he had prepared for her; then he called her to his -side and gave into her own hands a paper, which he charged her to -deliver to her youngest sister, the Princess Agnes, wife of the -Duke of Burgundy. 'Most dear daughter,' he said, 'lay this to -heart; many persons go to bed full of vain and sinful thought, -and in the morning are found dead. The true way of loving God is -to love Him with our whole heart, and He well deserves our love, -for He first loved us.' He was too weak to say more. - -On the 24th of August, after he had thus taken leave of his -children, he was informed that envoys from the Emperor Michael -Palseologus had landed at the Cape of Carthage; they were -commissioned by their master to beg for the intervention of the -King with his brother Charles, King of Sicily, to induce him to -refrain from making war on the recently reestablished empire of -Greece. Louis made a last effort to receive them in his tent in -the presence of some of the members of his council, who were most -uneasy at the fatigue he was undergoing. -{139} -'I promise you, if I live,' he said to the envoys, 'to do that -which the Emperor requires of me; meanwhile I exhort you to have -patience, and to be of good courage.' - -This was his last political act and his final anxiety in the -affairs of this world; after this he was absorbed in pious -thought and prayer, in reveries concerning his own duties and -spiritual experiences, or those interests of Christianity which -had been so dear to him all his life. He repeated his usual -prayers in a low tone; he was heard to murmur, 'Grant us, we pray -Thee, O Lord, to despise for love of Thee the prosperity of this -world, and not to fear its reverses.' And also, 'O Lord God, have -mercy upon this people who remain here, and lead them back to -their own land. Let them not fall into the hands of their -enemies, and let them never be forced to deny Thy name.' - -On the night of the 24th of August he started up several times in -his bed and called out, 'Jerusalem! Jerusalem! we will go to -Jerusalem!' At last he ceased to speak, although he showed that -he was in full possession of his faculties, and in sympathy with -and conscious of the friends who surrounded him, and the priests -who brought him religious consolation; by his desire he received -extreme unction at the foot of his bed, extended upon a coarse -sack covered with ashes, and with the cross before him. On -Monday, the 25th of August, 1270, about three o'clock in the -afternoon, he expired peacefully. His last words were, 'Father, -after the example of the Divine Master, into Thy hands I commit -my spirit.' - -{140} - - Chapter XV. - - Portrait Of St. Louis As The Ideal Man, - Christian, And King Of The Middle Ages. - His Participation In The Two Great Errors Of His Time. - - -The world has seen more profound politicians on the throne, -greater generals, men of more mighty and brilliant intellect, -princes who have exercised a more powerful influence over later -generations and events subsequent to their own time; but it has -never seen such a king as this St. Louis, never seen a man -possessing sovereign power and yet not contracting the vices and -passions which attend it, displaying upon the throne in such a -high degree every human virtue purified and ennobled by Christian -faith. St. Louis did not give any new or permanent impulse to his -age; he did not strongly influence the nature or the development -of civilization in France; whilst he endeavoured to reform the -gravest abuses of the feudal system by the introduction of -justice and public order, he did not endeavour to abolish it -either by the substitution of a pure monarchy, or by setting -class against class in order to raise the royal authority high -above all. He was neither an egotist nor a scheming diplomatist; -he was, in all sincerity, in harmony with his age and sympathetic -alike with the faith, the institutions, the customs, and the -tastes of France in the thirteenth century. -{141} -And yet, both in the thirteenth century and in later times, St. -Louis stands apart as a man of profoundly original character, an -isolated figure without any peer among his contemporaries or his -successors; so far as it was possible in the Middle Ages, he was -an ideal man, king, and Christian. - -It is reported that in the seventeenth century, during the -brilliant reign of Louis XIV. Montecuculli, on learning the death -of his illustrious rival, Turenne, said to his officers, 'A man -has died to-day who did honour to mankind.' St. Louis did honour -to France, to royalty, to humanity, and to Christianity. This was -the feeling of his contemporaries, and after six centuries it is -still confirmed by the judgment of the historian. - -I have shown his sympathy with his age, and his superiority to -it; nevertheless he was not free from its great defects. St. -Louis was a Christian, and yet he did not recognise the rights of -conscience; he was a king, and by his blind infatuation for the -Crusades he imposed useless dangers, miseries, and sacrifices -upon his people for a fruitless enterprise. It is not my -intention to discuss here the leading idea and general influence -of the Crusades; originally they were without doubt the -spontaneous and universal impulse of Christian Europe towards a -noble, disinterested, and moral aim, worthy alike of men's -enthusiasm and their devotion. The attacks of Islamism had for a -long time compelled Christianity to occupy a defensive position, -which was both humiliating and full of peril, and the crusade was -an aggressive reaction. -{142} -As to results, I think that the Crusades have had many that are -valuable; and if we take a comprehensive view of events and -centuries, we shall see that they rather aided than impeded or -changed European civilization. But in the last half of the -thirteenth century all the good that they could do had been -accomplished, and they had lost that character of spontaneous and -general impulse which had been at once their strength and their -excuse; people of all classes were beginning to be doubtful and -tired of them; not only the Sire de Joinville, but many burgesses -and country people had ceased to be attracted by the enterprise -or to believe in its success. By his blind infatuation, St. Louis -did more than any other man of that period to incur the -responsibility of prolonging a movement which was more and more -inexpedient and ill-timed, because day by day it became less -spontaneous and more impossible of success. - -On another subject, of even greater importance than the Crusades, -St. Louis was quite as much in error, although his personal -responsibility was less because he obeyed the prevailing and -emphatic belief of his time with a sincere conviction of its -truth. This was the employment of compulsion in matters of -religion, and the prohibition by the State of all opinions -condemned by the Church. - -The war waged against religious liberty has been for many -centuries the great crime of Christian society, and the cause not -only of most grievous wrongs, but of all the most formidable -reactions to which Christianity has been exposed. We see the -culminating point of this most dangerous theory in the thirteenth -century, when it was enforced by legislation as well as upheld by -the Church. -{143} -The confused code which bears the name of 'Etablissements' or -Statutes of St. Louis, and which contains many ordinances -belonging to periods both preceding and subsequent to his reign, -explicitly condemns to death all heretics, and commands the civil -governors to carry out the sentence of the bishops on this point. -St. Louis himself asked Pope Alexander IV., in 1255, to extend -the Inquisition (which was already established in the ancient -domains of the Counts of Toulouse on account of the Albigenses) -to the whole kingdom and to place the power which it gave in the -hands of the Franciscans and Dominicans. It is true that the -bishops were to be consulted before the inquisitors could condemn -a heretic to death, but this was more an act of courtesy to the -episcopacy than an effectual guarantee for the liberty of the -subject; indeed, with the feelings entertained by St. Louis on -this subject, liberty, or to speak more correctly, the merest -shadow of justice, had reason to hope for more from the church -than from the throne. - -The extreme rigour of St. Louis against what he called 'that vile -oath,' blasphemy (a crime which is indefinite enough except in -name), gives perhaps the most striking indication of the state of -people's minds, and especially of the King's mind on this -subject. Every blasphemer was branded on the lips with a red hot -iron. 'One day the King caused a burgess of Paris to be branded -in this manner. Violent murmurs arose in the city, and reached -the King's ears. He answered by declaring that he would consent -to be branded on his own lips and to keep the disgrace of the -mark all his life, if only the vice of blasphemy could be -banished from his kingdom.' -{144} -Some time afterwards, when he was executing a work of great -public utility, he received numerous expressions of gratitude -from the owners of property in Paris. 'I expect a greater -recompense from the Lord,' he said, 'for the maledictions which I -received after branding that blasphemer, than for the -benedictions which I now receive on account of this act of public -utility.' - -Of all human errors, the most popular are the most dangerous, for -they are the most contagious, and those from which the noblest -natures find it most difficult to keep themselves free. It is -impossible to observe without alarm the aberrations of reason and -moral rectitude into which men who were in other respects -enlightened and virtuous have been dragged by the leading ideas -of their generation. And this alarm is very greatly increased -when we discover what iniquity, what suffering, what public and -private calamity have been the result of deviations from right -which were tolerated by the noblest spirits of the age. On the -question of religious liberty, St. Louis is a striking example of -the degree to which an upright judgment and scrupulous conscience -may be led astray if it falls under the dominion of a popular -feeling or idea. In all times of great intellectual fermentation -he stands as a solemn warning to those men who prize independence -of thought as well as of action, and to whom nothing is so dear -as justice and truth. - - [Footnote 53: Not marked in text; probably related to the - quotation 'I expect a greater recompense ...': Faure, vol. ii. - p. 300; Joinville, chap, cxxxviii.] - ------------------------------------------------------------ -{145} - - - John Calvin. - - Born At Noyon, _July_ 10, 1509. - Died At Geneva, _May_ 27, 1564. - - - - Chapter I. - - Final Judgment On Great Men And Great Events Must Be - Reserved For Future Generations. - Characteristics Of The Religious Reform - Of The Sixteenth Century. - - -Great events and great men impose a difficult and painful task -upon those who wish to understand them thoroughly, and to -appreciate their worth. They form the stage upon which all the -difficult and striking complications of good and evil, truth and -error, virtue and vice, noble and base passions, valuable results -and fatal consequences are displayed. They represent the noble -impulses and also the disastrous failures, the grandeur, but at -the same time the imperfection of human nature and human destiny; -and we cannot, therefore, contemplate them without sadness and -perplexity. - -{146} - -In modern times, the French Revolution as an event, and the -Emperor Napoleon I. as a man, have furnished and continue to -furnish us with the absorbing interest of watching such a drama. -I say, 'continue to furnish,' for, clearly, so far as either the -French revolution or Napoleon is concerned, the drama is not -ended, the final catastrophe of the plot is not yet known. In the -great stream of events it is the final issue which decides as to -the value of the source. There is a reckoning to be held with all -great events and all great men,--a balance to be struck between -what they have cost humanity, and that for which humanity is -indebted to them; but this final account is not closed until -late. Is there any one in the present day, who, even with a full -knowledge of events, would venture to pass a final judgment on -the French revolution and the Emperor Napoleon? Is there any one -who could apportion their due share of esteem and reprobation to -the great fact and the great man of this century, and whose -judgment would be received with general and lasting assent? Could -any one decide without hesitation to what extent their influence -has been for good or for evil? - -The answer to this question is in the hands of the generations to -come. It is our successors who determine by a final analysis the -good and evil in the works of their precursors; in this they will -be guided by the impressions which they themselves receive from -these actions, as well as by the principles and examples which -have been bequeathed to them. One after the other the generations -are called upon to take up their inheritance; one after the other -they enter into their work, guided by their own light, their own -liberty, and their own responsibility. It is for them to -distinguish truth from falsehood, justice from injustice, that -which is useful from that which is injurious, the practicable -from the chimerical, and, according to right and reason, to -accept or reject or modify the decisions and actions of their -predecessors. -{147} -It is only after these prolonged investigations by the -intelligence and experience of mankind that the true worth of -great events and great men can be determined, and history can -pass sentence upon their claims to the gratitude or censure of -the human race. - -I do not intend, from any considerations of prudence, to take -refuge in this obscurity of the future, or to keep back my -thoughts and observe silence as to my hopes and fears. In one of -the brightest moments of our epoch, forty years ago, when I -recommenced my course of lectures on Modern History at the -Sorbonne, I expressed my conviction that the youthful generation -to which I addressed myself might, without too much -self-confidence, use the words which Homer attributes to -Sthenelus:--'We thank Heaven that we are better than our -forefathers.' - -In recent meditations on the union of Christianity and Liberty, -and the difficulties which our recollections of the French -revolution seem to oppose to the realization of this union, I -said, 'Severity is necessary, but justice is due to different -periods and to a different state of society. We have learnt as -much morality and reason within the last century as we have -forgotten, as much and more. Society in France has attained its -actual condition by efforts more or less apparent and more or -less rapid, but efforts which have never been altogether -suspended, in spite of many interruptions and great vicissitudes. -France has freed herself in turns from the feudal system, from -the selfish ambitions and claims of the great nobles, from the -predominance of court influence, and from the despotism, -improvidence, and extravagance of absolute power. -{148} -She has desired national unity, civil equality, and political -liberty from the earliest period of her existence. All her great -politicians, and the whole nation, in its unconscious but -irresistible tendency, have aimed at and desired the same ends. -The revolution of 1789 was the most violent and serious explosion -of this unceasing national effort. Was it a fatal termination or -a fruitful crisis? France then thought that she obtained a great -victory, not only for herself, but for all humanity. Did she -deceive herself? Have we walked for so many centuries in a good -or an evil path, towards success or deception? Are we still -making progress, or has our decline already commenced? Many -eminent and honest thinkers hold very different opinions on this -subject, and some of them utter dark and alarming prophecies, -whilst others continue to chant songs of triumph. - -'I have some right to say that no one has felt the crimes, -faults, errors, and follies of word and deed which blazed out in -the French revolution, more keenly than I have done. I have never -hesitated to express what I thought of them; and my frankness on -this subject may perhaps explain the heat of some of the -controversies which I have had to sustain in my political career; -my views irritated the prejudices and wounded the self-love of -very many. I retract nothing,--neither sentiments nor language,-- -on that sad phase of our contemporary history.' [Footnote 54] - - [Footnote 54: _Meditations sur la Religion chrétienne dans - ses Rapports avee l'État actuel des Sociétés et des - Esprits_, 1868, pp. 15-18.] - -{149} - -But, in spite of the many bitter recollections and painful -mistakes of that time, I still retain my confidence that this age -and my country have more to hope than to fear from the criticism -of the future, and that the beneficial results of the French -revolution, both for France and the whole world, will far exceed -the errors into which it was the means of plunging them and the -evils it has inflicted. I am not however at all astonished at the -uncertainty and doubt to which this prolonged crisis has given -rise; error and evil are still so prominent that the final issue -cannot but appear uncertain; and the perils of the good cause ---the cause of liberty, morality, and good sense--are still so -great that it is impossible to look upon the question as decided, -and to rest with confidence in the prospect of future success. - -The religious reform which was the revolution of the sixteenth -century has already been submitted to the test of time, and of -great social and intellectual perils. It brought with it much -suffering to the human race, it gave rise to great errors and -great crimes, and was developed amidst cruel wars and the most -deplorable troubles and disturbances. These facts, which we learn -both from its partisans and opponents, cannot be contested, and -they form the account which history lays to the charge of the -event. But as the Roman Cornelia could point to her sons, so, -after three centuries of trial, the Reformation of the sixteenth -century can show the nations among which it has prevailed, and -which have been formed under its influence--England, Holland, -North Germany, the Scandinavian States, the United States of -America--calling attention to their moral and social condition, -their attitude with regard to reverence for right and reason, and -their position so far as success and worldly prosperity are -concerned. -{150} -These, also, are well-known and definite facts. I do not hesitate -to affirm that the revolution of the sixteenth century has -nothing to fear from the investigations of the nineteenth: the -children are an honour to their mother. - -There are many different causes for the general and final success -of this movement, but I wish now to point to only one of them. -The Reformation of the sixteenth century was essentially and from -the very first a religious reform; politics occupied a secondary -position; they were necessary means, but not its chief aim. It -was begun in the name of Christianity and from an impulse given -by religion; liberty was only called in as a weapon to help -faith. The strength of the movement was derived from its -influence on the inner life of the soul, for both leaders and -followers were much more engrossed by the future and eternal -state of man than by his temporal condition. The reform of the -sixteenth century embraced the whole man and his destiny: first -his moral state in himself and before God, then his social -condition among his fellows. This is the peculiar and great -characteristic of the movement, the principal source of the good -which it has done, and we must therefore place it by the side of -the price which it has cost. - -According to the decree of history and the verdict of Bossuet, -two men, Luther and Calvin, were the most mighty in their -influence and the truest representatives of that great movement -and of that period. -{151} -Luther marched at the head of German religious reform; Calvin -took the lead in France. Both these men were at the same time -successful innovators, profound theologians, clever politicians, -eloquent orators, and great writers. Both were exposed to many -attacks and much persecution; both gained great admiration and -devotion; and they both struggled greatly, suffered greatly, and -greatly triumphed. Not one of the conditions which give a man -power in his lifetime, and make his name great in history, was -wanting to either of them. They bore, during their lifetime, the -whole weight of responsibility which is attached to power and -greatness, and for three centuries history has connected it with -their names. - -The time has come, I think, when we ought to understand them -aright, and appreciate them justly, and I wish to make this -possible as regards Calvin. It is no part of my design to recount -his whole history, and to follow him step by step throughout his -stormy career. It is the man himself, the moral and intellectual -being, his own thoughts and his own desires, that I wish to study -and to depict. - -{152} - - Chapter II. - - Birth And Parentage Of Calvin. - His Brother Charles. - Education Of Calvin. - His Choice Of A Career. - - -John Calvin was born at Noyon in Picardy, on the 10th of July, -1509. He belonged to a family which had originally consisted of -simple mechanics, and had only just entered the rank of -burgesses. His grandfather was a cooper at Pont-l'Evêque in -Normandy; his father, Gerard Chauvin or Cauvin, settled, at some -time and from some motives now unknown, at Noyon, where he was a -notary in the ecclesiastical court and secretary to the bishop, -Charles de Hangest, who treated him with kindness. No ambition is -more disinterested than that of a father, but it is none the less -keen, and the desire of Gerard Cauvin's heart was that his -children should continue to climb the social ladder, of which he -was already standing on the first step. At that time the Church -offered an opening to all, and a means by which the very lowest -might possibly rise very high. The pious wishes of Jeanne -Lefranc, wife of Gerard Cauvin, were in harmony with the more -worldly desires of her husband: they devoted their two eldest -sons, Charles and John Calvin, to the Church. - -{153} - -The great difference in the life and character of these two young -men, who followed the same path from the very first, is a sign of -the times and of the opposing currents which influenced society. - -The elder of the two brothers, Charles Calvin, became a priest, -and died in 1536, one of the chaplains of St. Mary's church at -Noyon; 'but,' an almost contemporary chronicler says, 'he was -easily led astray by the errors which abounded in those-days, for -he loved the path of liberty, and despised the Church. He uttered -blasphemous opinions concerning the sacraments. In spite of many -remonstrances he remained shameless, like a man plunged into the -depths of iniquity, and persisted in his faults. In 1534 the -chapter found it necessary to lament for him as a hopeless and -lost soul. He showed himself reprobate in everything, and took -care to manifest his indifference to the remedies offered to him -for the salvation of his soul. He lifted himself up against God -himself, and blasphemed the holy sacrament of the altar. At -length, in 1536, he was very ill, and as he had forsaken God, so -also at his deathbed did God abandon him as a lost soul. He -refused to receive the holy sacraments; on which occasion his -body was placed between the four pillars of a gibbet in the place -of execution at Noyon.' - -One of the modern biographers of John Calvin has concluded from -these facts that Charles died a Protestant; but this is a great -mistake. Evidently Charles Calvin lived and died a dissolute man -and an unbeliever, and at the same time remained chaplain of the -Catholic Church in his native town. The sixteenth century abounds -in similar instances. - -{154} - -At this very time, from 1534 to 1536, whilst Charles was leading -a licentious life and dying miserably at Noyon, John left his -native land in order that he might openly profess and promulgate -his austere faith. At Basle he published the first edition of his -'Institutes of the Christian Religion,' the most solid body of -doctrine which the reformed Church possesses. After having -wandered for some months in Italy to make proselytes, he -established himself at Geneva, in order to organize both the -reformed Church and reformed society, and to carry on that fierce -struggle with libertines and sceptics in which his life was so -rapidly consumed. - -The family of the Calvins presents a true picture of the period; -in the sixteenth century the same thing was going on everywhere, -unbelievers and fervent Christians, libertines and men of the -most austere lives, were springing up and living side by side. -Two contrary winds were blowing over Europe at that period, one -carrying with it scepticism and licentiousness, while the other -breathed only Christian faith and the severest morality. One of -these arose chiefly from the revival of the ancient literature -and philosophy of Greece and Rome; the other sprang from the -struggles made in the Church itself and in its Councils to arrive -at a reform which was at the same time greatly desired and -fiercely opposed. - -These two impulses and these two paths give a special character -to the whole of the sixteenth century. It was at the same time -the fascinated worshipper of pagan antiquity and the fervent -apostle of Christian reform; it was full of impulse and of doubt, -of unbridled licence and of rigorous puritanism, fruitful alike -in learned sceptics and pious reformers, bold in making use of -the fact of liberty without admitting it in principle; it was, in -short, the age which produced Erasmus and Luther in Germany, and -Montaigne and Calvin in France. - -{155} - -The education of Calvin bore the impress of this fluctuation -between opposing tendencies and temptations. He was brought up at -first by the liberality of the Church, and for its service; at -the age of twelve he was nominated to a chapel at Noyon, called -the chapel of La Gésine, and went to Paris from 1523 to 1527, to -study classics and philosophy in the colleges of La Marche and -Montaigu, where he obtained well-deserved distinction by his zeal -and assiduity. 'He spoke little,' says a chronicle, 'and only on -serious and weighty matters; he was not given to much company, -but spent his time alone.' His seriousness, and possibly his -severity, had already impressed his fellow-students, who -nicknamed him 'The Accusative Case.' The report of his success -reached Noyon, and procured for him the post of curé at -Marteville, and two years after at Pont-l'Evêque, although he had -only received the tonsure, and never took any further steps -towards becoming a priest. He himself says that he was 'at that -time more attached than any one to the Papal superstitions,' and -he scrupulously fulfilled the duties of his position. He -sometimes preached at Pont-l'Evéque, to which place he was very -glad to have been appointed; 'joyous and proud,' according to one -of his biographers, 'that a single essay should have made him a -curé.' - -{156} - -The native place of his family seems to have cherished all -recollections connected with Calvin. Thirty years after his -death, Cardinal Alexander de Medicis, legate of Pope Clement -VIII., and at a later period himself pope under the title of Leo -XI., was on his way to Vervins, to assist in framing the treaty -between France and Spain; he passed near Pont-l'Evêque, and there -stopped his whole retinue, 'got down from his litter, and went on -foot to see the cottage in which he had been told that John -Calvin was born.' - -Calvin did not long follow the course prescribed by the Church. -'My father,' he says, 'saw that the study of the law generally -enriched those who pursued it, and this hope made him suddenly -change his mind with regard to me. And thus it happened that -being withdrawn from the study of philosophy in order to learn -the law, I compelled myself to work faithfully, so as to obey my -father's will. But, all the while, God in his secret providence -made me finally turn my head in another direction.' - -{157} - - Chapter III. - - Calvin The Law Student, At Orleans And Bourges. - Calvin The Reformer, In Paris. - - -I am inclined to think that his father's will was not the only, -and possibly not even the principal, guiding motive in Calvin's -resolution. From the age of fourteen, when he began his studies -in the college of La Marche, at Paris, he had been a pupil of the -learned professor Mathurin Cordier, or Corderius, who was -afterwards placed by him at the head of the College of Geneva. -Robert Olivétan, afterwards one of the translators of the Bible, -was a fellow-countryman and relative of whom he saw much when he -was at Noyon. These two men were well acquainted with the labours -of Luther, and were themselves following the current of the new -ideas; and, doubtless, if they had not attracted Calvin towards -these ideas, they had at least prepared him to receive them. Be -that, however, as it may, in accordance with his father's wish -and his own inclination, he abandoned the Church in 1529, and -went first to Orleans and then to Bourges to study law. At these -two universities there were celebrated professors who taught, not -only jurisprudence, but the various branches of history, -philosophy and philology, which are cognate to that science. -{158} -Calvin met there Pierre de l'Estoile, Petrus Stella, a learned -and subtle jurist, who was afterwards President of the Court of -Inquiries in the 'Parlement' of Paris; Alciati of Milan, who had -been appointed by Francis I. as the most learned doctor of the -time in Roman law, and also as one of the most elegant scholars -in ancient literature; and Melchior Wolmar, the German, a learned -Greek scholar, who read Homer and Demosthenes with his pupils, -and who also read with them--but not quite so openly--the Bible. -From the earliest times the French jurists had been adversaries, -rather than partisans, of the Romish Church, and after the -revival of pagan literature the more learned among them -frequently prided themselves upon displaying great independence -and freedom of thought. The three professors of Orleans and -Bourges became the revered masters of Calvin, and Calvin was the -favourite pupil of his masters. But he was not long a pupil. 'He -profited so greatly in so short a time,' says Beza, 'that he was -not considered as a student, but as one of the learned doctors,' -and he was often called upon to take the place of his masters in -the professorial chair. But neither law nor learning, nor any of -the sciences taught by these professors, could satisfy Calvin's -soul or his intellect. In speaking of himself at this time, he -says:--'My conscience was very far from being in a condition of -certain peace. Every time that I looked down into myself or -lifted my heart up to God, such a supreme horror took possession -of me that there was no purification or expiation which could -have cured me; and the more closely I considered my own nature, -so much the more was my conscience goaded with fierce stings, so -that there remained no other comfort except to deceive myself by -forgetting myself. -{159} -But God, who took pity upon me, conquered my heart and subdued it -to docility by a sudden conversion. ... Having then received some -taste and knowledge of true piety, so great a desire was -incontinently kindled in me to profit by it, that although I did -not entirely renounce all other studies, yet I paid but little -attention to them. ... Before the year was at an end, all those -who were yearning for the true doctrine began to look towards me -as a teacher, although I myself had only just begun to learn. ... -Being of a shy and solitary nature, I have always loved -retirement and tranquillity; I began therefore to seek out some -hiding-place, and some means of withdrawing myself from my -fellows; but, so far from attaining my desire, it seemed, on the -contrary, as if every retreat I chose in a remote spot was at -once converted into a public school. In short, although it has -always been my chief desire to live in private without being -known, yet God has led me hither and thither, and turned me in so -many directions by different changes, that he never left me at -peace in any place, until, in spite of my own desires, he made me -come forward, and brought me into public life.' - -All uncertainty had disappeared and anxiety for himself had been -removed; Calvin recognised his mission and entered on his -vocation with great ardour. -{160} -In 1531 or 1532, after three years of study he gave up the law, -as he had given up the Established Church; he left Bourges, -returned to Noyon, resigned his curé at Pont-l'Evêque and his -chapel of LaGésine in 1534, sold the small property he inherited -on the death of his father, and thenceforward devoted himself -entirely to the work of religious reform; a reform which was then -in its infancy, and was fiercely opposed. No resolve was ever -taken more spontaneously, more conscientiously, or involved a -more full and free self-sacrifice and such singleness of aim in -the desire to serve, at all costs, the cause which he looked upon -as the cause of the highest truth and the law of God. - -He took up his abode at Paris with Etienne de la Forge, a wealthy -merchant, and an ardent partisan of the Reformation, 'whose -memory,' says Calvin, 'ought to be venerated by the faithful as -that of a martyred saint of Christ.' He was, in fact, burnt at -the stake a few years later. At his house the faithful reformers, -who were already fiercely persecuted, were in the habit of -meeting in secret. Calvin frequently addressed these meetings; he -spoke with a confidence which carried conviction to his hearers, -and almost always ended his discourses with the words: 'If God be -for us, who can be against us?' His indefatigable activity and -already wide-spread influence soon attracted the attention of -enemies as well as friends. 'In the midst of his books and -studies, he was,' says Etienne Pasquier, 'of such a restless -nature, that he must still be doing the very utmost to promote -the advancement of his sect. Our prisons were sometimes crowded -with poor misguided men, whom he exhorted, consoled, and -strengthened unceasingly by his letters; he never failed to find -messengers to whom the prison doors were open in spite of all the -efforts of the jailers to keep them out. This was his method of -proceeding at first, and it was by such means that little by -little he won over part of our France.' - -{161} - -Nevertheless, Calvin still remembered that not long previously he -had himself been a Catholic, and at this time he showed a -consideration for the institutions and members of his ancient -Church, and a moderation both of judgment and language, which -gave way, only too soon, to violence and invective. On the 29th -of June, 1531, he wrote from Paris to Francis Daniel, one of his -fellow-students at Orleans, as follows:-- - - 'I went to the monastery on Sunday to see the nuns, and, - according to your wish, to fix the day on which your sister - should take the vows. They informed me that, at a meeting held - by the sisters, in accordance with a solemn custom, she and - some of her companions had been already authorized to take the - vows. I sounded your sister's heart, that I might learn if she - accepted this yoke meekly, and if her neck had not been broken - rather than bent to it. I exhorted her to confide freely in me - all that was passing in her soul. I have never seen any one - more ready and resolute, and it would be impossible to - accomplish her desire too soon. Every time that she heard her - vow spoken of one would have said that she was playing with - dolls. It was no part of my mission to try and turn her aside - from this feeling, but I urged her in a few words not to go - beyond her strength, not to expect anything rashly from - herself, but to place her whole trust in God, in whom we live - and move and have our being.' - -{162} - -A few years later Calvin would not have undertaken such a -mission; or, if he had, he would not have acquitted himself with -so much delicacy and reserve. His first published work was an -appeal for mercy--or, to use the language of the eighteenth -century, for toleration--on behalf of the reformers, who were -persecuted, banished, imprisoned, and led to the stake. He put -forth his protest humbly, in the shape of a commentary on -Seneca's treatise, 'De Clementia' (On Mercy); so humbly that many -of his biographers, and among others the new editors of his -complete works, have considered that he did not intend to defend -the persecuted reformers, and that his commentary on Seneca's -treatise was simply the work of a moral philosopher and a -philologist. It is true that Calvin does not once speak of the -reformers and the hardships which they endured, throughout the -work; he does not make a single allusion to them which can be -laid hold of. Still, I am not the less convinced that, by this -publication, he hoped to serve the cause of his brethren, and -that, if reform had been triumphant and powerful, his commentary -on Seneca's treatise would never have appeared. The very title of -the book, and the circumstances under which it was published, are -much stronger proofs in favour of this assertion than the doubts -concerning it, which would arise from Calvin's reserve of -language. The dedication of the work to Charles de Hangest, the -Bishop of Noyon, his former patron, confirms me in this opinion. -So long as prudence was possible, Calvin was prudent, and anxious -to conciliate the established authorities. Very respectfully he -placed a eulogy of clemency under the eyes of a Catholic prelate -whom he knew to be well-disposed towards himself, and who would, -as he hoped, use his valuable influence on behalf of the -proscribed reformers. - -{163} - -The Bishop of Noyon was not the only person of whom Calvin -thought and to whom he spoke at this time with an almost -affectionate deference. On the 4th of April, 1532, he wrote to -Erasmus, to whom he sent his book, and reminded him in the most -flattering terms of his own recent labours on the works of -Seneca, addressing him as 'the honour and the chief delight of -the world of letters.' He did not then foresee that three years -later, when his friend Bucer introduced him to Erasmus at Basle, -after talking to him for some little time, Erasmus would say to -Bucer, in a low tone, 'I see rising up within the Church a great -scourge against the Church.' - -At the same time that Calvin was anxious to conciliate persons of -importance he took great pains to secure publicity and success -for his book. On the 22d April, 1532, he wrote to his friend -Francis Daniel, at Orleans, 'The die is cast: my commentaries on -Seneca's treatise "De CLementia" have appeared; but they are -printed at my own expense and have cost me more money than you -will believe. I am now trying to gather a little of it in again. -If you wish to help me in that way I will send you a hundred -copies, or as many as you think it well to take. Meanwhile accept -the copy which I send you, and do not think that I impose any law -upon you in this matter, for I wish you to feel perfectly free in -all your dealings with me.' - -{164} - -Calvin was not slow in recognising that in the presence of -questions and passions which agitated men's minds more violently -from day to day, prudence and conciliation were of very little -use, and that, whether for defence or attack, it was necessary to -have recourse to more powerful weapons. He was one of those who -do not rush to the fore-front of every struggle, but who, at the -same time, will not make any sacrifice of their own belief or -opinion to avoid a contest, and who enter into it heart and soul -when once it becomes inevitable. Before long an incident occurred -which gave rise to this necessity. Calvin was very intimate with -Nicholas Cop, rector of the University of Paris, who in virtue of -his position was to deliver a discourse on All Saints' day, in -1533, at the church of the Mathurins. Calvin offered to compose -the sermon, and 'constructed a very different kind of oration,' -says Beza, 'from the ordinary one, for he spoke of religious -matters with great freedom, and in a liberal tone of which the -Sorbonne and the "Parlement" did not at all approve; so much so -that the "Parlement" sent to seek Nicholas Cop, and he set out to -go to them with his attendants; being warned, however, that they -intended to imprison him, he did not go to the palace, but turned -back and fled from the kingdom, going to Basle, the native place -of his father, William Cop, physician to the king, and a man of -great renown.' [Footnote 55] Calvin also was accused, and Jean -Morin, the judge in criminal causes, went to his rooms and -examined all his papers, with the intention of arresting him. -Calvin had been warned, however; he 'escaped by the window, took -refuge in the Faubourg St. Victor, at the dwelling of a -vine-dresser, changed his clothes,' and left Paris, scarcely -knowing whither he was going. - - [Footnote 55: Beza, _Histoire des Églises réformées de - France_, vol. i. p. 14, and _Histoire de la Vie et de la - Mort de Calvin_, 1657, p. 14.] - -{165} - - Chapter IV. - - Calvin A Fugitive. - Persecution Of The Protestants In Paris. - - -For more than a year Calvin led a wandering and unsettled life; -he took refuge first of all at the Château d'Hazeville, near -Mantes; next at Angoulême, with the canon Louis du Tillet, who -cautiously befriended religious reform; and then at Nérac, where -Margaret of Valois, Queen of Navarre and sister of Francis I., -held her court, and offered a welcome asylum to all more or less -openly avowed reformers. Calvin met there the learned Le Fèvre -d'Etaples, or Faber Stapulensis, at that time an old man, and one -of the first who had sown the seeds of the Reformation in France. -Thanks to the friendship which the bishop, William Briçonnet, -entertained for him, he had begun the good work in the diocese of -Meaux, but had not dared to carry it on, or to call it by its -true name. Twelve years previously, one of the boldest and most -ardent reformers, William Farel, had been staying with him at -Meaux, and one day Le Fèvre said to him, with a burst of -prophetic conviction: 'My dear William, God will renew the face -of the earth, and you will see it, even you.' When he saw Calvin -at Nérac in 1533, he often conversed with him, and had a -presentiment of his destiny; he 'looked at this young man with a -favourable eye,' says Beza, 'as if he foresaw that he would be -the author of the restoration of the Church of France.' - -{166} - -Another guest, who was also Queen Margaret's chaplain at Nérac, -Gérard Roussel, had much conversation with Calvin, and -endeavoured to persuade him that it was necessary 'to purify the -house of God, but not to destroy it.' But Calvin had already -abandoned that notion; and subsequent events, as well as -reflection, confirmed him more and more in the belief that any -such attempt would be fruitless. - -Whilst he was thus wandering from one place of refuge to another, -sheltered by sincere but timorous friends, the contest on both -sides and the passions of both parties were becoming daily more -and more violent. Charles V. had just granted some concessions to -the German Protestants; Francis I. became, in consequence, more -hostile to the Protestants of France, in the hope of thereby -winning over the recently elected Pope, Paul III. The excesses of -the Anabaptists, and their outburst at Munster in 1534, had given -rise to great irritation and alarm at the new doctrines and their -abettors; and these feelings, although they were strongest in the -Catholic governments, were yet general in all. A very rash and -indiscreet manifestation on the part of certain French -Protestants furnished their enemies with new weapons, by means of -which they influenced both the king and the public. Violent -placards against the mass and the doctrine of transubstantiation -were printed at Neufchâtel, in Switzerland, and in October, 1534, -were posted up by night at all the crossways in Paris, and were -even affixed to the chamber-door of Francis I. in the castle of -Blois. -{167} -The king's anger knew no bounds: he determined to make the most -ample reparation to the Catholic faith, and at the same time to -give a terrible lesson to Protestant audacity. On the 21st of -January, 1535, a solemn procession left the church of St. Germain -l'Auxerrois; John du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, bore the sacred -elements in his hands, whilst the three royal princes of France -and the Duke de Vendôme walked on either side, and held the -canopy over him; the king followed with a lighted torch in his -hand, walking between the Cardinals de Bourbon and de Lorraine. -At every oratory which they passed, the king gave his torch to -the Cardinal de Lorraine, and then joining his hands, he humbly -prostrated himself and implored the forgiveness of God for his -people. When the procession was ended, the king stayed to dinner -with John du Bellay, and there was afterwards a meeting of the -leading members of all the religious orders. The king took his -seat upon a kind of throne which had been erected for him. From -thence he uttered a discourse which breathed sorrow for his -realm, and curses on the authors of an outrage against the faith -and the Church. He ended by saying, 'Whatever progress this -contagion may have made already, the remedy is still easy, if all -of you are animated by the same zeal which is felt by me--if you -forget the ties of flesh and blood, remember only that you are -Christians, and denounce without pity all those who are partisans -or abettors of this heresy. As for me, if my right arm was -gangrened, I would cut off my right arm; and if my sons who now -hear me were to suffer so great a calamity as to fall into these -cursed and detestable opinions, I would give them up, and offer -them as a sacrifice to God.' [Footnote 56] At these words the -Constable de Montmorency [Footnote 57] said to the king, 'Sire, -you must begin with your sister.' 'Oh, as for her,' answered the -king, 'she loves me so well that she will never believe anything -except what I wish.' - - [Footnote 56: Garnier, continuateur de Vellay et Villaret, - _Histoire de France_, vol. xxiv. pp. 536-540.] - - [Footnote 57: He was not made Constable of France until - 1538.] - -{168} - -On the 29th of January an edict was promulgated which condemned -those who harboured heretics, 'Lutherans and others,' to the same -penalties as 'the heretics aforesaid,' unless they gave up their -guests to justice. An accuser received one-fourth of the victim's -goods which were confiscated. A few days before this, on the 13th -of January, 1535, Francis I. signed an edict which was still more -extraordinary as the work of a king who was a patron of -literature: he decreed the abolition of printing because it was -the means of propagating heresy, and forbade the printing of any -book on pain of death. Six weeks later, however, on the 26th of -February, the king was ashamed of such a decree, and delayed its -execution indefinitely. [Footnote 58 ] - - [Footnote 58: Garnier, _Histoire de France_, vol. xxiv. - p. 140. Henri Martin, _Histoire de France_, vol. viii. - p. 223.] - -These edicts were preceded and accompanied by numerous -punishments. 'The Journal of a Citizen of Paris,' the writer of -which was a Catholic of the period, enumerates with a certain -satisfaction twenty-four heretics burnt alive in Paris between -the 10th of November, 1534, and the 3rd of May, 1535, without -taking into account many who were condemned to less cruel -sufferings. -{169} -The trials were now conducted with great rapidity. The judge of -criminal causes in the Court of the Châtelet, passed summary -judgment, and the 'Parlement' confirmed his sentence. At first -the victims had been strangled before they were burnt, but before -long they were burnt alive, in accordance with the custom of the -Spanish Inquisition. Even this was not enough, and those who were -condemned to die were suspended by iron chains to a kind of -seesaw, which 'swung them high into the air and then lowered -them' into the fire until at length the executioner cut the rope -and the victim fell into the flames. The records of these trials -were burnt together with the victims, in order that the reformers -might not be able to obtain any reliable account of their -martyrs. - -Some Protestant historians, both ancient and modern, have -asserted that Francis I. was present on several occasions at -these horrible spectacles, and they have specially named as one -of them the 21st of January, 1535. Not one of the principal -contemporary chronicles, either Catholic or Protestant, confirms -this imputation; [Footnote 59] we find no mention of it in the -'Journal du Bourgeois de Paris,' nor in Beza, nor in Jean -Crespin, the compiler of 'The Book of Martyrs from John Huss to -those of the year 1534.' Florimond de Ræmond, a chronicler of the -sixteenth century, who was for a short time a Protestant, but -very speedily returned to the Catholic faith, and in 1572 was -counsellor to the 'Parlement' of Bordeaux, asserts that the sight -of these tortures was far from producing that satisfaction and -approbation in the public mind which was expected from them. - - [Footnote 59: I think M. Michelet and M. Henri Martin were - right in rejecting it.] - -{170} - -'Everywhere,' he says, 'the fires were lighted; and although on -the one hand the justice and severity of the laws restrained not -a few and kept them to their duty, yet on the other hand the -stubborn resolution of those who were dragged to execution -greatly astonished many. For they saw simple, silly women seeking -fierce torments in order to make trial of their faith, and going -to their death singing psalms, and with no other cry than -_Christ, the Saviour;_ young maidens walking more gaily to -the place of torture than they would have done to the nuptial -couch; men rejoicing when they saw the terrible implements and -preparations for death, and although half-burnt and roasted, yet -immoveable as rocks when the waves of torture dashed over them. -These sad and incessant sights excited some disquietude not only -in the minds of simple folk, but among those of the higher -classes, for they could not persuade themselves that these people -had not reason on their side, since they maintained their -opinions with so much resolution and at the cost of life. Others -had compassion upon them, were grieved to see them so persecuted, -and when they beheld the remains of those sufferers, their -blackened corpses hanging in vile chains in the public streets, -they could not restrain their tears; nay, their very hearts wept -as well as their eyes.' - -It was in the presence of such facts as these, and under the -influence of the horror and terror with which they inspired the -reformers, that Calvin resolved to leave his own country and to -seek elsewhere safety, liberty, and the possibility of defending -a cause which had become all the dearer to him because it was so -cruelly persecuted. -{171} -He was too shrewd not to perceive that he must quickly exhaust -the different asylums open to him: Queen Margaret did not wish to -go too far in opposition to the king her brother; the canon Louis -du Tillet was half afraid that his fine library might be -compromised through the use made of it by his guest, who was -expounding and preaching in the neighbourhood of Angoulême; -Gérard Roussel, the Queen's chaplain, thought Calvin was going -too far, and was afraid that if the Reformation succeeded -completely, the bishopric of Oléron, which he wanted and at a -later period obtained, would be suppressed; Le Fèvre d'Etaples, -who had more sympathy with Calvin than any of the others, was -seventy-nine years old, and desired that his days might end in -peace. - -Calvin left Angoulême and Nérac, and stayed for a time at -Poitiers, where the friends of religious reform who gathered -round him, eager for his words, celebrated for the first time the -Lord's Supper according to the evangelical rites, in a cave near -the town, which is called to this day Calvin's Cave. He was soon -compelled to leave Poitiers, and went to Orleans and thence -secretly to Paris, where he saw a man whose name was one day to -spread a dark stain over his own, the Spaniard, Michael Servetus, -a guilty heretic in his eyes. Calvin offered to meet him at a -conference, and discuss with him the doctrine of the Trinity, -which the Spaniard had just then openly attacked. Servetus -accepted the challenge, but did not appear when the appointed -time arrived. Possibly some angry scorn lingered in Calvin's -heart, who left Paris and went to Noyon, to take final leave of -his family. At length he set out for Strasburg, already one of -the strongholds of the Reformation, where he had many -friends--among others, the learned Bucer, with whom he had been -in constant correspondence. -{172} -He arrived there probably about the beginning of the year 1535; -but he did not settle at Strasburg; he preferred Basle, the place -where men of letters, scholars, theologians, and celebrated -printers were to be found--Erasmus, Simon Grynæus, and Froben-- -and where he hoped to find the leisure which he needed in order -to produce the great work which he had projected, his "Institutes -of the Christian Religion." - -{173} - - Chapter V. - - Calvin The Theologian. - - -The production of the 'Institutes' was by no means the most -difficult or meritorious act of Calvin's life, for a man's -superiority and force of character are not manifested in the -labour of solitary thought, but in the contests of public and -practical life. Geneva was the stage on which we can best see how -Calvin comported himself as a man; but the 'Institutes of the -Christian Religion' were, and are still, the noblest monument of -the greatness of mind and originality of idea which distinguished -him in his own century. More than that, I believe this book to be -the most valuable and enduring of all his labours; for those -churches which are specially known as the reformed Churches of -France, Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, and the United States of -America, received from Calvin's Institutes the doctrine, -organization and discipline which, in spite of sharp trials, -grave mistakes, and claims that are incompatible with the -progress of liberty, have still, for more than three centuries, -been the source of all their strength and vitality. - -{174} - -The preface of the book is, in itself and apart from what -follows, very remarkable and very characteristic of the man. -Calvin dedicated his work to Francis I., to the persecutor of -French reformers during one of the fiercest outbreaks of -persecution, and at a time when he himself had been compelled to -leave his country in order to live in security, and speak with -freedom. 'And do not think,' he says to the king, 'that I -endeavour here to plead my own individual defence, in order to -obtain permission to return to the land of my birth; for, -although I have such an affection for it as it is in human nature -to feel, yet, under existing circumstances, I do not suffer any -great grief at being absent from it. But I plead the cause of all -the faithful, nay the cause of Christ, which is at the present -time so completely rent and trampled under foot throughout your -kingdom that it seems to be in a very desperate case. And all -this has come to pass more through the tyranny of certain -Pharisees than by your desire.' - -Calvin was the boldest, and at the same time the least -revolutionary among the reformers of the sixteenth century; he -was devoid of fear, but he had great deference and consideration -for authority, even whilst he was openly opposing it. It appears -that the original idea of his great work occurred to him in 1534, -whilst he was at Angoulême, on a visit to the canon Louis du -Tillet. 'But nothing was farther from my thoughts, Sire,' he says -in the preface, 'than to write things which should be laid before -your Majesty; my intention was only to teach certain rudiments, -so that those who were moved by some good impulse from God might -be instructed in true piety. And chiefly, by this my labour, I -wished to serve our people of France, of whom I saw many -hungering and thirsting for Jesus Christ, but very few who had -any true knowledge of him.' -{175} -The idea of the book was therefore, at first, exclusively -religious, and it was destined for the use of the followers of -the French reformers. But when Calvin was about to publish it, he -again becomes prudent and politic; he addresses his book to the -King of France, invokes the authority of the persecutor, and -endeavours to convince his reason. He shows himself to be a -respectful and faithful subject at the same time that he is an -independent Christian and a reformer. - -The language and conduct of Calvin were certainly not owing to -any uncertainty in his convictions, or any feeling of timidity in -the presence of royalty; in this preface he often forgets or puts -aside the very prudence and policy which induced him to address -the king. He places Francis I. in a very difficult position, and -hopelessly offends him by the brutal violence and insulting -familiarity with which, whilst addressing the king, he speaks of -the Catholic Church and of its dignitaries; sometimes he -encourages, sometimes threatens the king himself; he undertakes -to prove that the reformers are not insurgents, that they do not -meditate any plot against the crown or threaten any danger to the -state; he goes so far as to promise that, even if the king -refuses to do them justice, and if he continues to allow them -'still to be cruelly persecuted by imprisonment, scourging, -torture, confiscation, and the stake, yet in our patience we -shall possess our souls, and shall wait for the mighty hand of -the Lord.' But at the same time Calvin predicts that the Divine -wrath will overtake the king if he persists in persecuting the -reformers: 'For he is a true king who, in the government of his -kingdom, recognises that he is indeed the minister of God; and, -on the contrary, he who does not reign to the end that he may set -forth and show the glory of God is not a king but a brigand. -{176} -They are deceived who expect long prosperity in a kingdom which -is not ruled by the sceptre of God; that is to say, by his Holy -Word.' From page to page we see this alternation between -religious zeal and policy; the author is aiming at a revolution, -but all the time we see in the reformer the man who respects law -and order. - -The question whether the 'Institutes of the Christian Religion' -was written first in French or in Latin has been often discussed -and is not yet decided. The preface from which I have quoted the -preceding passages is in French, and bears date Basle, 'the first -day of August, 1535.' I have it now before me in a copy of the -French edition which was published at Geneva in 1562; my copy -formerly belonged to Sully, and the margin is full of notes in -his own handwriting. It is said that no French edition of the -work itself bearing date 1535 can now be discovered; the earliest -edition known is that which was published at Basle in 1536, in -Calvin's own name, and of which both the body of the work and the -preface are in Latin. There was no French edition with date and -the author's name until 1540. I do not intend at this time to -plunge into the controversy that has been excited by the -chronological difficulty which envelopes the history of this -book; I have studied it carefully, and am inclined to think, with -many of Calvin's latest and most learned historians, that the -'Institutes of the Christian Religion' was written originally in -French, and published at Basle in 1535, without the author's -name, and that it was written first of all and specially for the -French nation, and was intended to remove from the mind of -Francis I. and the general public, the impressions produced by -the recent excesses of the Anabaptists, which their enemies laid -to the charge of the reformers also. -{177} -It is certain that the dedication to Francis I. was written and -published first of all in French, and on the first of August, -1535: these facts are beyond dispute. How was it that a preface -written in French, and dated 1535, was put at the head of a book -written in Latin, and not published until 1536? The book itself, -in this first edition, was probably nothing more than the rather -hasty and incomplete anonymous work of a young man as yet little -known, who had just left France, and was still much more French -than, as he became later, European. It was a first work, a sketch -rather than such a treatise as the title would lead the reader to -expect. Calvin himself points this out in the preface to his -'Commentaries on the Psalms,' in which he gives many important -details connected with his own life and works. That which seems -to me the most probable solution of the question is still beset -with many difficulties, and I will not linger to discuss them. Be -this as it may, from 1536 to 1559 Calvin published eight editions -of his 'Christian Institutes,' and they were successively revised -and enlarged to such a degree as ultimately to form a work which -differs from the first known edition both in extent and form, -although it is identical in spirit and in all essential points. -The edition of 1559 is the last which Calvin prepared for the -press, and it has therefore served as the basis for all other -editions and for the numerous translations which were made at a -later period. -{178} -It is undoubtedly the true work of Calvin, and contains his -latest injunctions respecting the doctrines of the reformed -Church, the rules for its internal government and its relation to -the state, its position in the commonwealth as well as its faith -and Christian discipline. - -In order thoroughly to understand the fundamental idea and true -aim of Calvin's book we must transport ourselves to the precise -period when he first originated and wrote it. Luther, born in -1483, twenty-six years before Calvin, had accomplished, between -the years 1517 and 1532, his work of struggle and rupture with -the Church of Rome; the Confession of Augsburg had been -published; [Footnote 60] the Protestant princes had entered into -the Smalcaldic league; [Footnote 61] the religious peace of -Nuremberg had been concluded and ratified by the Diet of -Ratisbon; [Footnote 62 ] in fact, when Calvin left France and -took refuge at Basle in 1534, the German Reformation was -established in central and northern Europe. But the new work was -not so far advanced in western Europe, especially in France and -the neighbouring countries speaking the French language. In them -the war against the Church of Rome had also been eagerly -commenced, the demolition of the ancient edifice had been pursued -with ardour, but the work was hindered and opposed by the people, -and the construction of a new Church had not even been commenced. -The reformed Church appeared here and there, but without any bond -of unity or organization, and even in its cradle a prey to -uncertainty, confusion, and anarchy. - - [Footnote 60: In 1530.] - - [Footnote 61: In 1530.] - - [Footnote 62: In 1532.] - -{179} - -Calvin was so strongly impressed by this fact that it became an -object of constant anxiety to him; his intellect was so clear and -strong that he could not fail to understand the full extent of -the evil which was implied in the wavering, divided, and -scattered state of the reformation in France, and he set to work -to remedy it. His first act was to produce his 'Institutes of the -Christian Religion,' and by so doing he took the most effectual -means of creating a religious and social organization for the -reformation which was at that time springing up, in and around -France. - -It is by its doctrines and its institutions, by its faith and its -discipline, that a religious society is founded and maintained. -The first great work of Calvin was devoted to proclaiming the -grounds of the reformed faith, its rules of church government, -organization, and discipline, and its rights and duties in -connexion with the state. He was occupied during his whole life -either in putting into practice the principles which he had -imposed upon the Church, or in inducing his followers to carry -them out. - -As to that which concerns faith, his idea may be traced -throughout the whole of the 'Institutes.' He does not put forth -new doctrines and purely philosophical notions when he calls upon -his contemporaries to join the cause of religious reform. He does -not desire to innovate, but to restore, and he opposes the -authority of Jesus Christ and the Gospel to that of the Church of -Rome and tradition. His own position in this great enterprise was -full of difficulty; this was the time of Rabelais, Erasmus, and -Montaigne on the one hand, and of the popes Julius II., Leo X., -Cardinal Cajetan, and the Dominican Tetzel on the other. -{180} -In the presence of two opposing parties, both hostile to him, of -unbelieving or sceptical freethinkers and of blind adherents of -the Papacy, Calvin lived and moved. He had, at the same time, to -protest against intellectual licence and ecclesiastical -infallibility. He faces both, however, with his opinion clearly -defined, his side taken once for all, and his position maintained -with all his unbending strength. He has the most entire and -ardent belief in the Divine revelation contained in the Bible. -For him the Christian religion, as contained in the Old and New -Testaments, is a fact at the same time supernatural and -historical, an authentic and potent reality, the starting-point -of all his thoughts and the law of his whole life. Three of the -first chapters of his book bear the following titles:-- - -'In order to draw near to God the Creator we have need of the -Holy Scriptures for our guide and teacher.' - -'Human reason furnishes proofs which are quite strong enough to -remove all doubts concerning the truth of the Scriptures.' - -'The authority of the Scriptures must be sanctioned by the -testimony of the Holy Spirit, in order that we may fully believe -it; and it is an impious fiction to say that this authority is -derived from the judgment of the Church.' [Footnote 63] - - [Footnote 63: Calvin, _Institution de la Religion - chrétienne_, vol. i. chaps, vi. viii. and ix. edition of - 1559.] - -In this circle the mind of Calvin moves. His book is only the -development and commentary of the great Christian truths, facts, -dogmas, and precepts with which the Holy Scriptures furnish him. - - -{181} - - Chapter VI. - - Calvin's Belief In The Plenary Inspiration Of The Bible. - -I cannot attempt to follow him in his vast work, to discuss his -interpretations of gospel facts and words, and his deductions -from them. Calvin's books, his life, and the Church established -by him, show that the system which he founded was both strong and -compact, wanting neither in logical accuracy nor in practical and -available power. For more than three centuries it has embodied -the faith and regulated the lives of many millions of Christians -in France, Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, England, and America. -In spite of its imperfections it is, on the whole, one of the -noblest edifices ever erected by the mind of man, and one of the -mightiest codes of moral law which has ever guided him. I will -only pause here to notice two of Calvin's doctrines, which I look -upon as grave errors, opposed, in my opinion, to the true spirit -of Christianity, and at the present time out of harmony with the -intellectual and social progress of the human race. - -{182} - -The earliest complaints and attacks made by the reformers were -called forth by assertions of the authority and infallibility of -the pope. Luther was the first and mightiest, as he was also the -most impetuous leader of the assault. Calvin followed in the same -path; but he looked upon the work of demolition as almost -completed, and his own special work was to replace the authority -and infallibility of the Church by the authority and -infallibility of the sacred monument of divine revelation--that -is, to put the Bible in the place of the Pope: everything in the -name and in virtue of the Bible, nothing in opposition to or -without the Bible. This was Calvin's fixed idea, and the supreme -law of the Church which he established. - -The extent and success of his work sufficiently prove that he -discerned the needs and religious instincts of his age. Calvin's -reformed Church at once took up an important position which it -has now occupied for three centuries. Catholicism and -Protestantism may continue their long struggle, but they cannot -underrate each other's strength; they have both survived many -reverses; they live on in spite of many faults, and at the -present time they are both face to face with the same enemies. -Both are now impelled by reason and commanded by necessity to -acknowledge their faults and to recognise the cause of their -reverses. In so far as the future is in the hands of man, their -future depends on the extent to which they have attained the -clearness of vision which belongs to long life and experience. - -I am a Protestant, and for that very reason I intend to speak -exclusively of Calvin's errors and faults as a Protestant -reformer. - -When he proclaimed the absolute infallibility and universal -authority of the Holy Scriptures, he failed to recognise the true -object and meaning of the divine revelation which they contain. -It is a revelation, which refers to the relation between man and -God, the duties of man towards God and towards his fellow-men. -{183} -This is indicated from the very beginning by the nature of the -subjects treated of, and it is confirmed by the Decalogue and the -Gospel. I may quote here some of the reflections which I have -already published on this subject, for day by day I find that -they represent my thoughts more accurately. Like Calvin, 'many -pious and learned men uphold the plenary inspiration of the Holy -Scriptures; they assert that not only the thoughts but the words -in which they are clothed are divinely inspired--every word on -every subject, the language as well as the doctrine. This -assertion seems to me to indicate a deplorable confusion, giving -rise to profound misconceptions as to the meaning and aim of the -sacred volume, and causing its authority to be very seriously -compromised. God never intended to teach men grammar by a -supernatural process, and he no more intended to teach them -geology, astronomy, geography, and chronology than grammar. Not -on these do the rays of divine light fall, but on the relation of -man to his Creator, and on the laws of his faith and life. God -dictated to Moses the laws which regulate the duties of man -towards God and towards his fellow-man; he left it to Newton to -discover the laws which govern the universe. The inspiration of -the Sacred Volume relates not only to religion and morality, but -to religion and morality alone, and apart from any mere human -science. - -{184} - -'I have read the Bible over and over again, with the greatest -care, with no intention either of criticizing it or apologizing -for it, but with the single aim of learning to understand its -character and meaning aright. The more I have advanced in this -study, and have been able to live as it were in the Bible, the -more clearly have I apprehended two contemporaneous facts, a -divine fact and a human fact, which are at the same time entirely -distinct and closely connected. In every part of the Bible I find -God and man: God, a real and personal being, not affected by any -external incident, and in whom there is no change, always the -same and immoveable though the centre of universal movement, and -Himself giving this unprecedented definition of Himself, "I am -that I am;" and man, an incomplete, imperfect being, subject to -change, full of flaws and contradictions, of lofty instincts and -degrading tendencies, inquiring and yet ignorant, capable of good -and evil, and able to attain perfection in spite of his -imperfection. Throughout the whole Bible we see God and man, -their union and their antagonism: God watching over man and -guiding him; man sometimes accepting and sometimes rejecting the -influence of God. If I might be allowed to use such an -expression, I would say that the Divine person and the human -person are brought face to face with each other; we see them -acting on each other, and influencing events. We see the -education of man after his creation, the education of a religious -and moral being, neither more nor less. At the same time, whilst -God elevates he does not transform mankind; he created man -intelligent and free; he illuminates the laws of his spiritual -and moral life with a Divine light; but he leaves him to struggle -with great dangers and much peril, until he learns the right use -of his intellect and will. And at every period, in all -circumstances, even whilst he still continues to influence him, -God takes man just as he finds him, with all his passions, vices, -weakness, error, and ignorance, just what he has made himself, -and is making himself every day, by the good or evil use of his -intellect and his will. This, I say, is the Bible, and its -history of the relations between God and man. - -{185} - -'What a striking contrast is brought out in this history, and yet -what a close and strong bond between those whom I scarcely dare -to call the two performers! In no tradition or poetical -invention, in no religious mythology does God appear so exalted, -so pure, so free from all the imperfection and disquietude of -human nature, so immutable and serene, so truly God as in the -Bible. On the other hand, among no people, in no historical -narrative or document is man portrayed as more violent, more -barbarous, more brutal, more cruel, more prone to ingratitude and -rebellion against God, than among the Hebrews. Nowhere else, and -in no other history does the distance seem so great between the -divine sphere and the human region--between the sovereign and his -subjects. And yet the Israelites never separate themselves from -God. In spite of their vices and evil passions they always turn -again to the Lord, and always acknowledge his law and his -government, even at the very time that they violate the one and -rebel against the other. God is, however, nowhere manifested as -so solicitous with regard to man--at the same time so exacting -and so sympathetic; he does not change a man at one stroke, and -by a single act of his sovereign will; he watches all his -short-comings, his weakness and his errors, but never forsakes -him; he holds the torch of Divine light always before his eyes, -and never loses his interest in the destiny of mankind. -{186} -Religion and morality are the subjects which not only -predominate, but which are exclusively presented in the sacred -volume: nowhere else have the aspirations and labours of human -science held so insignificant a position in human thought and -society; God, and the relation between man and God,--this, and -this only, occupies every page of the Bible. - -'I do not hesitate to affirm that science, with its special and -manifold subjects, astronomy, geology, geography, chronology, -physical science, historical criticism, all are foreign to the -plan and design of the Holy Scriptures. The study of science is -the work of the human intellect, and of the human intellect -alone: science is a fruit that ripens slowly, and is only brought -to perfection by the intellectual labour of many generations. If -then, in addition to those facts which are expressly declared to -be miraculous, you find statements and assertions in the Bible -which are in opposition to the established truths of science, do -not be astonished or dismayed; it is not the word of God on these -subjects; it is the language of the men of that age, and it -accords with the measure of their knowledge, or rather of their -ignorance; it is the language which they spoke, and in which it -was necessary to speak to them if they were to understand what -was said. - -'The fact is so simple that I am astonished that it should be -necessary to assert it: in all times and places, among all -nations and in every age, there are spontaneous instincts, and -common aspirations and ideas in matters of religion and morality, -which not only clothe themselves, as it were, in the same -language, but have the power of making their language -intelligible to all those to whom it is addressed, in spite of -the difference which there may be in their several degrees of -education and civilization. -{187} -But we meet with nothing similar in purely scientific matters; -the majority of men see and speak, not in accordance with the -facts of science, but according to appearances; and they -understand, or do not understand, they listen, or do not listen, -just in so far as they have any knowledge of science, or are -ignorant of it. What would the Hebrews in the desert have said, -or the Jews who gathered round the Apostles, or the savages of -Polynesia addressed by the first Christian missionaries, if they -had been told that it is the earth which revolves round the sun, -and that the earth is a spheroid, inhabitable and inhabited at -the opposite points of its circumference? What more natural and -inevitable than the agreement of the language of Scripture with -the imperfect knowledge which men possessed of scientific -subjects, even although the light of Divine inspiration was, at -the same time, shed upon the laws which govern the spiritual and -moral nature of human beings? - -'No one admires and honours science more than I do: the study of -science is one of man's highest vocations, but it has nothing to -do with the relation between man and God, and the influence of -God upon man. God is not a lofty philosopher who reveals -scientific truths to men in order that they may have the noble -pleasure of contemplating and disseminating them; the search for -these truths is a purely human labour. The divine work is grander -and more complicated, and it is essentially practical. -{188} -That which all men and every man needs and craves, the most -ignorant as well as the most learned, that which humanity demands -from God is the knowledge of those religious and moral truths -which ought to influence the soul and life, and in accordance -with which the life of the future will be regulated. God meets -this requirement of the whole human race; and the Bible is -addressed to all that they may be saved by leading a new life, -not that they may be well taught in matters of science.' -[Footnote 64] - - [Footnote 64: _Meditations sur la Religion chrétienne,_ - vol. i. p. 151; vol. iii. p. 27.] - -If Calvin had lived in the nineteenth century I am inclined to -believe that his clear and vigorous intellect would have -preserved him from falling into this error of attributing -universal infallibility to every word contained in the Bible, and -that he would have recognised the aim and the true tendency of -those Divine revelations of which the Bible is so noble a -monument. Even a hundred years after his death the labours of the -great critics of the seventeenth century, of Richard Simon, -Bayle, and John Leclerc, would have helped him, by the clear -light which they threw on this question, and would have shown him -how to shield the Christian faith effectually both from improper -attacks and from the legitimate discoveries of human science. The -domain of science is not the same as that of Christian faith, nor -are they equal; the very aim of revelation has been to enunciate -truths, and to shed a light into the soul which no amount of -scientific labour would have sufficed to procure. This is the -real and true character of the Bible; it is from this that all -its authority proceeds, and by this, at the same time, that the -limits of its sphere are defined. - -{189} - - Chapter VII. - - Calvin's Theory Of Free-will And Predestination. - -Calvin's second grave error consists, as I think, in his theory -of free-will and predestination. He denies free-will, and -believes that the destiny of every man, his future salvation or -damnation, is determined from all eternity by the irrevocable -decrees of God; and at the same time that he affirms this -two-fold doctrine, he exhausts himself in ineffectual attempts to -assert and uphold the moral obligation and responsibility of man -in this dual condition. - -I have no wish at the present time to enter into a discussion -which, in all times and in every country, has divided, and will -continue to divide, all serious and earnest men, whether they are -theologians or philosophers. I repeat that this discussion will -continue to cause division, because it turns upon a problem which -men cannot help discussing, and which they are not able to -solve--that is, the reconciliation of human freedom with Divine -prescience and omnipotence. Forty years ago, in my course of -'Lectures on the History of Civilization in France,' I gave a -historical account of this difficult question, and of the -discussion concerning it between Pelagius and St. Augustine in -the fifth century. And now, in order to describe Calvin's -thoughts on this subject with accuracy, and to show their -influence on his life, I must recall some of the ideas which I -developed forty years ago, as well as those which I have more -recently expressed in my 'Meditations on the Christian Religion,' -with regard to the intimate union of Christianity and morality. - -{190} - -In order to understand and appreciate that fact connected with -man which we call his freedom, his free-will, we must disengage -it from all foreign elements, and consider it apart from them. -Owing to the want of this precaution, it has been very often -misunderstood; men have not studied the fact of free-will, and -that fact only: they have looked at it and described it in a -confused manner, together with a number of other facts which are, -so to speak, bound up with it in the moral life of mankind, and -yet which differ from it very essentially. For example, free-will -has been said to consist in the power of choosing between -different motives of action; and the act of deliberation, -together with the act of judgment which follows it, have been -said to constitute the essential part of free-will. It is nothing -of the kind; these are the acts of the intellect, and not of the -will; different motives of action--interests, opinions, -inclinations, and others--pass before the intellect, which -deliberates, compares, assigns a value, weighs, and ultimately -passes judgment. This is a preparatory labour which precedes the -action of the will, but does not constitute that action. When the -act of deliberation has taken place, when a man has investigated -the motives presented to him and their worth, then comes in an -entirely new fact,--the action of the will. -{191} -The man forms a resolution, that is to say, we come to a new -series of facts which have their origin in the man himself, of -which he looks upon himself as the author; which exist because it -is his will, and would not exist if it were not his will; which -would be other than they are if he chose to make them other than -they are. Keep apart from this act all recollection of the -deliberation of the intellect, of motives recognised and -appreciated, concentrate your thoughts on that single moment when -the man 'forms his resolution,' when he says 'I will,' and ask -yourself--ask the man himself to tell you in all sincerity -whether he could not have willed differently. Undoubtedly you -would answer, as he would answer, 'Yes.' And it is at this moment -and in this manner that the freedom of the human will is -revealed. It resides altogether in the resolution which a man -forms as the result of deliberation; it is this power of forming -a resolution which is the special action of the man, existing by -his will and his will only; it is a distinct act, separate from -all the facts which precede and surround it; it is the same under -the most dissimilar circumstances, always alike whatever may be -its motives or results. - -This action of the will is recognised at the very moment of its -exercise; we have the same knowledge of our freedom as of our -existence; we feel and know that we are free. But at the same -time that we know ourselves to be free, and recognise in -ourselves the faculty of originating by our own will a certain -series of actions, at that very time we discover that our will is -placed under the control of a certain law which constrains but -does not coerce us; and which takes different names,--is called -the moral law, reason, justice, good sense,--according to the -occasions on which it is applied. -{192} -Man is free, but even according to his own notion this is not an -arbitrary freedom; he may use it in an absurd, mad, unjust, or -guilty manner; but every time that he does use it, there is a -certain law which ought to govern him. The study of this law is -his duty: it is the task imposed upon him by his freedom. - -We soon perceive that we can never altogether perform this task, -that we can never act in perfect accordance with reason or the -moral law; that whilst we are always free, that is, morally -capable of conforming to the law, we do not in fact accomplish -all that we ought to do, or all that we can do. Whenever we -question ourselves closely, and answer sincerely, we are -compelled to acknowledge, 'I could have done it if I would;' our -will has been weak and cowardly, and has not gone to the full -extent of our duty or our power. Hence arises a feeling which is -found in all men under different forms, the feeling of the need -of external help, of some support for the human will, of a -strength to be added to its strength which may sustain it in time -of need. Man seeks this support, this help in time of need on all -sides; he asks it from the encouragement of friends, from the -counsel of the wise, from the example and approbation of his -fellows, and from fear of punishment. There is no one who cannot -find in his own daily conduct innumerable proofs of this impulse -of the soul, this eagerness to find out of itself an aid to the -liberty which it feels to be at the same time real but -insufficient; and as the visible world and human society do not -always respond to this desire, as they also are tainted with the -same insufficiency, which is at length perceived, the soul seeks -the support which it needs in something apart from the visible -world, above these human relations; it addresses itself to God, -and calls to him for help. -{193} -Prayer is the most elevated, but not the only form under which -this universal feeling of the weakness of the human will, and its -resort to an external and yet kindred strength, is manifested. - -In addition to these facts which occur in the human soul and are -clearly manifested whenever we make use of our free-will, there -is another fact more obscure, but which I consider equally -capable of proof. Certain changes, certain moral phenomena take -place and are manifest in us, the origin of which we cannot refer -to any act of our own will, and of which we do not recognise -ourselves as the author. I will take an example of this class of -facts in the first place from the domain of intellect, where they -occur more frequently and can be more easily investigated. I -suppose there is no one who has not at some time or other made -painful efforts at night to recall some idea, some event, and -fallen asleep without succeeding in the attempt; waking on the -morrow, he has immediately and without effort accomplished his -aim. I draw one single deduction from this; that, independently -of the voluntary and premeditated activity of the mind, there is -a certain unconscious and involuntary action of the intellect -which we do not control, which we cannot follow in its -development, and which, nevertheless, is real and fruitful in -result,--a kind of unconscious growth which is not the act of our -will, but bears fruit spontaneously. -{194} -Now that which takes place in the realm of intellect takes place -also in the moral world; certain changes take place in the man -which he cannot attribute to himself and which he cannot account -for by the action of his own will. On a certain day or at a -certain moment he finds himself in an altogether new moral -condition, quite unlike that to which he is accustomed and which -he knows. He cannot discover the sources of these changes; he has -no recollection of having acquiesced in or originated them. In -other words, the moral man, even in the exercise of his own -free-will, is not altogether complete in himself; he learns from -experience and feels that causes and powers, or to speak more -correctly, a cause, a power external to himself, acts on him and -changes him without reference to his own will: in his moral life -as well as in the whole of his destiny he finds the -incomprehensible and the unknown. - -Thus in the unconscious and free development of the human soul, -moral and religious facts are evolved, called forth and united -naturally. Man recognises of himself the distinction between -moral good and evil, recognises moral law, moral liberty, moral -responsibility, moral excellence or unworthiness; and at the same -time he recognises that the moral law is not a human invention -imposed by human consent, neither is it one of those immutable -laws by which the material world is governed. That is, he -recognises a higher power from whom the moral law emanates, whom -it reveals, and in whose presence he either keeps or violates -this law. God a moral ruler, and man a free subject, are revealed -to us side by side in the facts which constitute the moral nature -of man. -{195} -And just as a moral law without a sovereign legislator who -ordains it is an incomplete and inexplicable fact,--a river -without a source, so also man's moral responsibility without a -supreme judge who applies the law, is incomplete and -inexplicable, a river without an outlet, which flows on until it -loses itself we know not where. God is implied in the moral law -as its first author, and God is included in the moral -responsibility of man as his ultimate judge. - -But if a man discovers and acknowledges the existence of God in -himself and in the world around him, he cannot study and -investigate, or explain, nor does he know God as he knows himself -and the external world which we call nature. Man and the external -world are mirrors in which God is reflected; but this reflection -or revelation is limited by the measure and limitations of our -own mind, and does not manifest the plenitude and immensity of -the divine nature. Those special and direct revelations which are -treasured up for us in the sacred volume only disclose an -infinite perspective of divine action, they do not give a full -and clear knowledge of that action. Even when we acknowledge and -worship God, we find that there is that in him which is not only -unknown, but unknowable by man; and that although he has -manifested himself, he is still impenetrable and inexplicable. -Why has God created man? Why has he created him free, that is, -capable of deciding his actions by his own will alone, in spite -of the many external motives which seek to influence him, and in -a world governed by fixed and inflexible laws? What is the nature -and what the extent of the moral responsibility which, according -to his own account, man as a free being incurs? -{196} -What part was assigned to him, and what influence did God give -him over his own life and his own destiny when he created him -free? Is it possible that he assigned him no part at all, no -influence at all, that beforehand and irrevocably he decided the -life and fate of man whom he created free, as he did that of the -material world which is governed by inflexible laws? Do we not -borrow the terms of merely human language when we use the word -prescience as applied to God,--God an eternal being, everywhere -eternally present, to whom we cannot apply our notions of space -and time, and of that succession of events in the midst of which -our fleeting life passes? These are questions of supreme -importance which we naturally ask ourselves, and which bear -witness to the nobility of human nature, but which we are not -permitted to answer; for in order to answer them we should need -to know and comprehend God, his nature and his designs, as God -knows and comprehends himself and his own actions. There is no -answer to these questions; even in the midst of Christian light -man must resign himself to Christian ignorance; all his knowledge -of his own being and of the world around him will never give him -a knowledge of God, or of the design of God in the creation of -the world and of mankind. - -And this brings me to Calvin's great mistake. He was much more -engrossed in speculations concerning God than in the observation -of mankind. God is, so to say, the fixed centre and -starting-point of all his thoughts. He meditates and imagines, -and if I dared I would say that he presents God to us, and -describes him as if he knew him thoroughly, and had exclusive -possession of him. -{197} -He then summons man into the presence of God, and denies or -calmly rejects everything in him which does not accord with or -cannot be adjusted to the God whom he has conceived and depicted. -He denies the free-will of man and affirms his predestination, -because he imagines that man's free-will is opposed to the idea -which he has formed of the omnipotence and omniscience of God, -and that his predestination is necessary to it. Calvin had a very -imperfect knowledge and understanding of man because he professed -to know and understand too much about God. - -I find proof in the works of Dr. Chalmers, the most eminent -Protestant theologian of our time, a faithful follower of Calvin, -and a man profoundly versed in science, that the state of -Calvin's mind must, in fact, have been that which I have -described; and that at first he was led to deny the free-will of -man and affirm his predestination, in order to prove his assumed -knowledge of the nature of God and of his design in creating the -universe. I find the following passage in Chalmers' 'Institutes -of Theology:'-- - - 'It is clear, that were there no such necessity in the world of - matter--did it not in every instance take a precise direction - from the laws and the forces which the Deity hath established - over it--were there any of its phenomena, whereof no other - account could be given, than that they sprung from a random - contingency, in virtue of which another set of phenomena might - have as readily occurred as the actual ones;--then, at this - rate, the world of inanimate things would drift uncontrollably - away from the authority of its God; nor would it be any longer - his will that overruled the condition and the history of the - universe which he formed. -{198} - Now, it is the very same with the world of mind. ... If this - class of events, if the movements of intelligent and animated - nature, can be referred to no moving forces directed by and - dependent upon him, of whom we have been taught to believe, - that he hath ordained the mechanism of the spiritual world, and - presides over all the evolutions of it--if amid the diversity - of the operations by which we are surrounded, those of the will - and of the mind form an exception to the doctrine that it is - God who worketh all in all--then, by far the most dignified and - interesting of all his creations is wrested from the dominion - of him who gave it birth; ... and in the most emphatic sense of - the term might it be said, that there is a universe without a - Lord--an empire without an Imperial Sovereign to overrule its - destinies. - - 'Both the power and the prescience of God are involved in this - question. It seems strange that the Creator of all should not - be the governor of all; or that the universe which proceeded - from his hands should have been so constituted in any of its - departments as to have an independent history of its own, - placed beyond the sovereignty and the control of him who gave - it birth. But so it would be on the hypothesis of a - self-determining power in any of the creatures. ... To avert - this conclusion, all must be determinate, and all, both in the - mental and material world, be under the absolute control of him - who made all, and who upholds all.' [Footnote 65] - - [Footnote 65: Chalmers, _Institutes of Theology_, vol. ii. - pp. 351-355.] - -{199} - -According, therefore, to Calvin and Chalmers, the moral world and -the material universe are on the same footing, and are governed -by laws of the same nature; they have deduced this opinion from -their own conception of God, and the knowledge which they believe -themselves to possess of his nature, his designs, and his -relation to his creatures. God, they say, is an absolute monarch; -and in no part of his realm, from no one of his subjects, will he -allow of any intervention, any action, or any will opposed to his -own law, and because of this inexorable and universal law they -deny the free-will of man. - -Strange denial, which has been condemned beforehand by God -himself! God is infinitely more powerful and more -incomprehensible than Calvin and Chalmers have imagined him to -be. Among the infinitude of his creatures there is one being whom -he has created and placed high above all others on this earth, -and whom he has distinguished by his own mark placed upon him. -God has thought fit to create man, and to make him _in his own -image_, that is to say, a free being, capable of deliberate -acts of intelligence and will. - -It is the Bible which tells us this--the book which contains the -record of Divine revelation; man's first act according to the -Bible, the first historical fact recorded of him in his relation -towards God, is an act of disobedience, that is, an act of -free-will. I repeat my questions: Why has God desired this, and -created man thus? What position and what share of action has God -assigned to man in the circle of his designs and works? We do not -know, and we shall never know. But, with all our ignorance, we do -wrong to disown the sublime gift which we have received from God, -and to deny our own free-will at the very time that we are using -it. - -{200} - -Calvin was not a theologian and a moralist only, he did other -things besides the writing of books; he took part in human -affairs, and directed and controlled the social struggles and -convulsions of his age. At all times, his actions were prompted -and regulated by his opinions: he did not believe in man's -free-will, and he treated it with severity and a kind of -contempt; he had entire faith in the authority of God and the law -of God, and he worked with the utmost zeal to secure the triumph -of divine authority and law. In everything which had reference to -human opinions and actions, to the thought and conduct of private -individuals, to public or private life, Calvin laboured to -introduce and to insure the ascendency of the doctrines and -precepts, the discipline and morality, of which he found either -the germs or the formal expression in the sacred volume; that is, -in the Divine revelation to man. He had the strength arising from -the sincerity of his convictions and the disinterestedness of his -motives; he was exacting and rigorous towards himself, and -therefore he was exacting and rigorous to others also; he -believed and asserted that he had more right over other men's -opinions and actions than he ought to have claimed, and he did -not show sufficient respect to their rights. He was affectionate -and faithful to his friends, but he often lacked sympathy for men -in general, and justice to his enemies. -{201} -Some of his faults were, no doubt, owing to his natural character -and disposition; but the convictions which he held so firmly and -had systematized with such care, had a still greater share in the -occasional severity and injustice of his conduct towards others. -Perhaps no man was ever more devoted to that which he believed to -be the truth than Calvin; no man has shown more fearless courage -in running every risk, making every sacrifice, in order to serve -the cause to which he had given his faith. This is his noblest -and most beautiful characteristic, one that is manifested at -every step during the whole course of his life, even in his very -errors and those results of them which are most to be regretted. - -And here, with great regret, I must close this inquiry into -Calvin's fundamental principles as they are disclosed in his -'Institutes of the Christian Religion:' an exhaustive discussion -of their merits and defects would necessitate a much more -complete development than I am able at this time to give them. I -therefore return to my picture of the character and genius of -Calvin as they are shown in the labours and struggles in which he -so rapidly wore out his life. - -{202} - - - Chapter VIII. - - Calvin Preaches Religious Reform In Italy. - The Duchess Of Ferrara. - Calvin's Flight From Aosta. - - -Towards the close of 1535, when the first edition, or, to speak -more accurately, the first sketch of his 'Christian Institutes' -had been prepared, or possibly published at Basle, Calvin had not -as yet come to any definite conclusion with regard to his -ultimate abode and life-work; he was engrossed in the propagation -of his faith, and wandered about, as one may say, in search of -places which might seem to promise the best means and chances of -success for his labours. He resolved to visit Italy and, like -others, to preach reform in the very stronghold of the ancient -Church. I say 'like others,' for the Reformation already -possessed more or less open adherents in Italy--reformers who -were sincere and active even when they were timid. Their chief -protector was Renée of France, duchess of Ferrara and daughter of -Louis XII.: they gathered round her, secure of her favour, and at -times tolerated by her husband Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara; -but their religious labours were always to some extent disguised -by their love of learning and literature. -{203} -Either from prudence or in the interest of his cause, Calvin did -not travel in Italy under his own name, nor did he pass by it at -Ferrara; he was known as Charles d'Espeville, a name which he -often assumed to the end of his life whenever he wished to write -without compromising his friends. At the court of Ferrara he soon -found, or rather gained, admirers and disciples, some of them -ardent and enthusiastic like M. and Madame de Soubise, others -brilliant and vacillating like the poet Clement Marot. But -Calvin's most important and valuable conquest at Ferrara was the -Duchess Renée herself. She was a princess of insignificant -appearance, little and deformed, but she possessed rare -intelligence and a very noble nature; she was deeply interested -in the study of religion as well as that of literature, and was -capable of making great efforts and sacrifices for the Christian -faith, although she never forgot the requirements of her position -and royal birth. She had married her eldest daughter to Francis, -Duke de Guise, and in 1557, at the close of the disasters of the -army commanded by the duke in Italy, 'she saved,' says Brantôme, -'more than ten thousand souls, poor Frenchmen, soldiers and -others, who would have died of hunger and want if it had not been -for her; they passed through Ferrara and she succoured them all, -as many as ever there were, supplying their wants and giving them -money: so much so, that I have heard from one of her _maîtres -d'hôtel_ that their passage through the place cost her more -than ten thousand crowns; and when the _intendants_ of her -palace remonstrated at the excessive expense, she said nothing -more to them than--"What would you have me do? They are poor -Frenchmen of my nation, and if God had given me a beard on my -chin, and I had been a man, they would have been my subjects; and -indeed they would be my subjects now if that cursed Salic law did -not press so hardly upon me."' - -{204} - -Some years later, after 1559, the duchess became a widow, and she -then returned to France, and lived in her own castle of -Montargis; in 1562, in the midst of the civil war, she sheltered -in it a considerable number of Calvinists, some of them men of -rank; her grandson Henry, Duke de Guise, besieged the castle, and -summoned her to deliver up her guests. 'Take good care of what -you are doing,' was Renée's answer to the duke's envoy; 'know -that, except the king himself, no one has any right to dictate to -me, and if you execute your threats, I will be the first to enter -the breach, and I will try if you are bold enough to kill a -king's daughter, whose death both heaven and earth will be -compelled to avenge on you and your descendants, down to the -children in their cradles.' - -Such a victory for the Reformation, and such a protector for the -reformers, were well worthy of the affectionate esteem and great -consideration which Calvin constantly showed the Duchess of -Ferrara from 1536 to 1564. During his short sojourn in Italy he -had evidently acquired that ascendency over her which a powerful -nature always obtains over a generous one, and a religious leader -exercises over his sincere adherents. There is no indication of -his having ever seen her again; but he was in constant -correspondence with her, and he became truly, in the language of -the seventeenth century, the director of her conscience. In this -difficult task he displayed an admirable admixture of religious -severity and wise moderation; he was prompt in his warnings when -he found the duchess weak, but very careful not to wound her by -unnecessary severity, or to require anything at her hands which -was inconsistent with her position; he took pains to put her on -her guard against the irregularities of her servants, but did -this without any meddlesome interference in her affairs or the -affection she felt for her family. -{205} -In 1554 she asked him to send her a chaplain for herself, and two -widow ladies 'to take charge of and have rule over the daughters -of her house.' Calvin sent her a reformed minister, Francis -Morel, who was known as Monsieur de Colonges. 'I think,' wrote -Calvin, 'you will find him so satisfactory that you will have -good reason to thank God. As he is a gentleman of good birth, he -will be so much the better received by those who will never -listen to good men if they are contemptible in the world's eyes. -The truth is that we must strive after that which is highest, and -even noble birth is not always to be desired if a man prizes it -too highly and is hindered, because of it, from serving God.' -[Footnote 66] - - [Footnote 66: August 6th, 1554. _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_, - vol. i. p. 428.] - -In 1555 the duchess was compelled to witness the cruelty of her -husband Hercules, Duke of Ferrara, towards the reformers, and -even to submit to his wishes with regard to Catholic ceremonies: -'I am sure,' wrote Calvin, 'that you have been compelled to -swerve from the right path, or you could not have satisfied those -who are of this world; for it is an evil sign that they who -offered such fierce opposition, in order to turn you from the -service of God, now leave you in peace. But, Madam, since our -good God is always ready to have mercy upon us, and stretches out -his hand when we stumble so that we may not fall utterly, I pray -you to take courage; and if the enemy for once, by reason of your -weakness, has had the advantage over you, yet do not let him -think that he has gained any real victory; let him rather feel -that those whom God has raised have twofold strength to sustain -them against all assaults.' [Footnote 67] - - [Footnote 67: February 2d, 1553. Lettres Françaises, vol. ii. - p. 5.] - -{206} - -When the duchess sheltered the reformers in her chateau of -Montargis, in 1562, and gave such a haughty refusal to the -summons of the Duke de Guise that she should deliver them up, -Calvin congratulated her in a sternly eloquent epistle: 'I have -often thought, Madam, that God had reserved some trials for your -old age in order to indemnify himself for all the arrears that -you owe him on account of your timidity in the past. I speak -according to the manner of men, for if you had done a hundred, a -thousand times more, it would not have been enough to pay what -you owe him from day to day for the infinite benefits which he -continues to grant you. But I understand that he has shown you -singular honour, and has employed you in no less a service than -that of bearing his banner, so that you may be a refuge for the -members of Christ.' [Footnote 68] - - [Footnote 68: May 10th, 1563. _Ibid_. vol. ii. p. 514.] - -{207} - -In 1564 Calvin was informed that the duchess was deeply grieved -at the violent hatred which the reformers continued to feel for -the memory of her son-in-law, Francis, Duke de Guise, who had -been assassinated the previous year by Poltrot, and by their -assertion that he would be condemned to everlasting punishment; -he was touched by her sorrow, and wrote to her four months before -his own death: 'Although we may all have said, "Woe to him by -whom the offence cometh, yet there has been reason why we should -lament and weep, in that a good cause has been very badly -conducted. And how could the Duke de Guise, who had kindled the -fire, be spared, if the evil which he committed vexed the souls -of all good men. I myself, even though I always prayed God to -have mercy upon him, yet verily I often implored the Lord to lay -his hand upon him and deliver the Church from him, if it was not -his will to turn his heart. And, I can assure you, that very -often during the war, if it had not been for me, impetuous and -resolute men would have attempted to rid the world of him; and -they were kept back by my exhortations only. Nevertheless, to say -that he will be damned is to go too far, unless we have sure and -certain signs of his condemnation. In which matter, we must guard -against rash presumption, for there is one judge only, before -whose throne we must all render up an account." [Footnote 69] - - [Footnote 69: January 24, 1564. _Lettres Françaises de - Calvin_, vol. ii. p. 533.] - -Surely, very few men in the sixteenth century--I do not speak of -any other--were liberal and large-hearted enough to use such -language concerning the death and the future state of their most -formidable enemy. - -I do not hesitate to affirm, that the great Catholic bishops, who -in the seventeenth century directed the consciences of the -mightiest men in France, did not fulfil this difficult task with -more Christian firmness, intelligent justice, and knowledge of -the world, than Calvin displayed in his intercourse with the -Duchess of Ferrara. And the duchess was not the only person -towards whom he fulfilled this duty of a Christian pastor. His -correspondence shows that he exercised a similar influence, in a -spirit equally lofty and judicious, over the consciences of many -Protestants. - -{208} - -The severity of Hercules d'Este towards the Protestants obliged -Calvin to leave Ferrara. He knew no more than when he had arrived -there some months previously, where he should ultimately take up -his abode, nor how he should carry on the work to which he had -devoted his life. He wandered from place to place in northern -Italy, tarrying where he found friends, and teaching and -preaching religious reform wherever he went. Sometimes he was -received well, at others he was pursued by enemies who were -embittered against his doctrines and himself, for he had already -become famous. In 1536 he arrived in Piedmont and stayed there -some weeks, not in the city of Aosta itself, but in the -neighbourhood, at the house of a family of high rank, where -several of his adherents were assembled to meet him. But the -alarm was given to the civil and ecclesiastical authorities of -Piedmont: a council was held at Aosta, which was reinforced by a -strong manifestation of popular feeling. 'All the corporations in -the country renewed to the bishop the oath of fidelity which they -had taken to his royal highness, binding themselves to live and -die in obedience to him, and in the Apostolic and Roman faith.' -Orders were given to arrest Calvin 'and all others of his party.' -He escaped, but not without difficulty; he had to traverse -perilous Alpine passes, and, according to an ancient tradition, -was followed by 'the Marshal d'Aosta, Count of Chalans, who -pursued him to the very foot of the mountains with a drawn sword -in his hand.' -{209} -In 1541, five years later, a fountain surmounted by a cross was -erected, in the principal street of Aosta, in the market-place, -and the following inscription may now be seen on the pedestal:-- - - Hanc - CALVINI FUGA, - Erexit Anno MDXLI. - Religionis constantia reparavit - Anno MDCCXLI. - Civium pietas - Renovavit et adornavit - Anno MDCCCXLI. - -'This cross, erected in 1541, in memory of Calvin's flight, -restored in 1741 by faithful believers, was renewed and -ornamented in 1841 by the piety of the citizens.' - -The cross of Aosta and its inscription are not the only monuments -of Calvin's visit to Piedmont; local tradition has preserved many -other memorials: Calvin's _farm_ and Calvin's _bridge_ -are still shown in the valley of Aosta; and the pass of Duranda, -one of the lofty passes on the borders of Valais which he -ascended when he fled from Piedmont, is still known as Calvin's -_window_. - -Driven out of Italy, he returned to France; not, however, that he -desired to remain there, or would have been able to do so, for -there was no more safety for him in France than in Italy; his -intention was to establish himself at Basle or Strasburg; but -either attracted by recollections of home, or influenced by other -motives of which we are ignorant, he desired once again to see -the place of his birth, and those members of his family who were -still living. -{210} -He reached Noyon, and spent some time there, apparently meeting -with no opposition; at Noyon also he preached the Reformation and -made proselytes. Among others he induced one of his sisters, -Mary, and his only remaining brother, Anthony, to share his -belief and follow him to a new country; accompanied by them, he -set out for Basle; but as hostilities had again broken out -between Francis I. and Charles V. he did not go by way of -Lorraine, where the war was being carried on, but by Geneva. He -arrived there towards the end of August 1536, not intending, so -he says, to stay more than a single night. It was at Geneva, -however, after many severe trials, that he was to be established -and to find the great work of his life. - -Great ideas, great men, and great events cannot be measured by -the magnitude of their cradles. Geneva at that time seems not to -have had more than from 12,000 to 15,000 inhabitants, and it was -not then a place of renown; but within its narrow limits it was -the scene of every crisis and every problem, great or small, -which can agitate human society. It had only just obtained the -national independence which it was still struggling to defend, -and which it had wrested from its former masters, the dukes of -Savoy, and from the hands of its own bishops. Its form of -government as an independent state was still imperfect and -unsettled, and was undergoing many experiments. Religious reform -had been inaugurated at the same time as political freedom, but -as yet it had not been condensed and embodied either in doctrine -or in ecclesiastical organization and discipline. -{211} -There was an urgent need of moral reform, for the ancient creeds -and authorities had strangely tolerated the decay of public -morality; and their downfall had been followed by an increase of -licence and profligacy. Religious reform made moral reform all -the more necessary, but did not succeed in accomplishing it. In -fact, Geneva presented the spectacle of a tottering republic, a -wavering faith, a nascent church; State and Church were sometimes -confused together, at others entirely separated, and there were -no definite rules recognised by both Church and State in their -mutual relation; whilst to all these public difficulties must be -added the frightful immorality of private individuals. What was -the meaning of these numerous indications? What would be the -result of a complication in which everything as yet seemed dark -and uncertain? Was it life-giving power that was at work, or -unfruitful anarchy? Such were the questions suggested in the -sixteenth century, in Geneva as well as in several of the great -European States; but in Geneva they were put forward more -distinctly, emphatically, and urgently than elsewhere. - -Geneva became a celebrated city, because she was able to answer -these questions in a manner that for three centuries has been -satisfactory, whilst it is to Calvin that the answers are due. - -{212} - - Chapter IX. - - William Farel. - Calvin In Geneva. - - -When Calvin reached Geneva towards the end of August 1536, with -the intention of resuming his journey on the following day, -another reformer, a man who was earnest, eloquent, and fearless, -was living there. This was William Farel, also a Frenchman, and -one who, like Calvin, after having tried to propagate reform in -France, had left it, as he had done, and travelled in -Switzerland, to Basle, Berne, and Neufchatel, teaching and -preaching with great fervour. Farel had now lived for some time -at Geneva, where he was working with his whole soul to ensure the -triumph of reform over all its adversaries, whether Genevese or -strangers, whilst they opposed him with equal zeal. After more -than two years of alternate success and reverses, of public -discussion and civil war, Farel succeeded in getting the whole -question stated in the following terms to the inhabitants of -Geneva, who were assembled in the church of St. Peter:--'By a -decree of the Council of Two Hundred you are assembled here, that -it may be known if there are any among you who have anything to -say against the Word of God, and the doctrine which is preached -to us in this city. ... -{213} -If so, let them speak, so that we may know if there are any who -are not willing to live according to the Gospel which has been -proclaimed to us since the abolition of the mass and of the papal -sacrifice.' 'Upon which,' says the Register, 'without one single -opposing voice, it was unanimously agreed to, and carried by the -holding up of hands; and a promise, and an oath taken to God that -all the people would live according to this holy evangelical law -and the Word of God which has been made known to them, forsaking -all masses and other papal ceremonies and frauds, images and -idols, and living together in unity and in obedience to the law.' - -The latest and most accurate historian of the Church of Geneva, -says: 'That day, the 21st of May, 1536, is the true date of the -Reformation at Geneva. From that time the citizens, pressing to -their hearts a faith which was sanctified by misfortune, prepared -themselves for the sacrifices and glory of the future, and, like -the Hebrews on the frontiers of Canaan, they repeated Joshua's -oath, "As for me and my house we will serve the Lord."' [Footnote -70] - - [Footnote 70: Gaberel, ancien Pasteur. _Histoire de - l'Église de Genève_, vol. i. p. 261.] - -Farel had conquered, but his victory gave him great uneasiness -and apprehension. He was as conscientious as he was courageous, -and did not deceive himself as to the defects of his work; the -reformed faith was triumphant at Geneva, but the foundations of -the reformed Church were not laid, nor did Farel feel that he was -capable of establishing a church: he lacked the knowledge and -authority, the intellect and judicious tact which are necessary -for such a task; his vocation was religious warfare, not the -organization of a new religious society. -{214} -In the midst of his perplexity, a French refugee at Geneva, the -canon Louis du Tillet,--who was, as we have seen, a lukewarm -reformer, and had formerly received Calvin at Angoulême, leaving -France with him afterwards,--hurried to Farel's house and told -him that Calvin, the author of the 'Institutes of the Christian -Religion,' had just arrived; that he had been driven out of -Italy, where he had gained great renown teaching and preaching -the reformed religion; but that he was only passing through -Geneva, and was on his way to Basle or Strasburg. Farel -immediately hurried to Calvin, implored him to stay at Geneva, to -establish himself there, and work with him to secure the complete -triumph of the reformed religion. Calvin refused, pleading the -studies he had commenced, his desire of pursuing them, and his -dislike to a public and stormy life. Farel pressed him eagerly; -Calvin persisted in his refusal. 'When he saw,' says Calvin, -'that he could gain nothing by prayer, he tried imprecation, -demanding that it might please God to curse my retirement and the -tranquillity which I was seeking for my studies, if I held back -and refused to give succour and aid at a time of such urgent -need. And these words terrified and shook me as if God from on -high had stretched out his hand upon me to stop me, so that I -renounced the journey which I had undertaken; but conscious of my -diffidence and timidity, I refused to bind myself to undertake -any definite office.' [Footnote 71] - - [Footnote 71: Calvin's Preface to the _Commentaries on the - Psalms_.] - -{215} - -At first he only engaged to give instruction, in St. Peter's -church, in the Holy Scriptures; he began to do so on the 1st of -September, and with such success that, on the 5th of the month, -Farel said at a meeting of the Council of State, that 'the -lectures which had been commenced in the cathedral by _the -Frenchman_ were absolutely necessary, and he entreated the -Council to retain that minister and provide for his maintenance.' -The Council consented, but they did not assign Calvin any -official function, and merely spoke of him as _the -Frenchman_. [Footnote 72] - - [Footnote 72: 'Iste Gallus.'] - -Calvin's powers were almost immediately manifested on a very -solemn occasion. A conference had been arranged at which -Catholics and Reformers should meet and freely discuss their -differences of faith and ecclesiastical discipline, and it was -held at Lausanne, towards the close of September 1536. Both Farel -and Calvin were present, Farel as the chief representative of -Geneva, Calvin as his ally and auxiliary. The conference lasted -seven days, and until the 5th Farel took the lead in the debate; -Calvin was silent. At length he took up the question of the real -presence of Christ at the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and -after expressing his ideas as to the nature of the debate itself, -he protested strongly against the reproach of the Catholics -against the Reformers that they despised the Fathers of the -Church, their belief and traditions: 'We read them, and learn -more from them than you do,' said Calvin; 'but we cannot submit -unreservedly to their judgment, because the Word of God forbids -us to do so. How can you dare to assert that whoever does not -acknowledge the absolute authority of the Fathers thereby rejects -all authority whatsoever, even that of the law and the rulers of -his country?' -{216} -And here he referred to all the principal Fathers of the Church, -especially Tertullian, St. Augustine, and Chrysostom; he traced -back all their thoughts to the New Testament itself, to the -Epistles of St. Paul, and that with so much learning and -eloquence that Joseph Jandy, a monk who was present at the -conference, suddenly started up and called out 'that at length he -had found the truth and could understand the teaching of the -Gospel; that if he did not receive it he should commit the sin -against the Holy Ghost; that he now confessed his errors, and -prayed God to grant the same grace to his brethren that they -might also confess theirs.' - -Calvin's arguments and eloquence produced so deep an impression, -both in the conference and elsewhere, that the reformed religion -was formally adopted and proclaimed at Lausanne and throughout -the Pays de Vaud, as it had formerly been at Geneva, and Calvin -returned to the latter city towards the middle of October with -greatly augmented fame and influence. - -He had need of it; for the task which awaited him and which he -imposed upon himself was indescribably complicated and arduous. -He desired to establish and promote Christian faith in accordance -with his own views;--to secure to the religious society which had -been founded in virtue of that faith, on the one hand religious -independence from state control, and on the other due authority -and power in matters of religion over its members and faithful -adherents; to reform public and private morality both in civil -and religious society, in the name of the allied powers of Church -and State, and by their mutual help. -{217} -Such was the threefold design which Calvin hoped to accomplish. -No doubt he had not set it very distinctly before him, nor had he -fully realized all that it involved and all its difficulties, but -he commenced the struggle with a stout heart and resolute mind. - -He returned to Geneva with Farel in October 1536, was elected -pastor and, under this title, solemnly installed in the church of -St. Peter. The first time that he preached there the crowd -thronged around him with loud expressions of satisfaction, and he -was obliged to promise those who had been unable to hear him that -he would preach again on the following day. He and Farel together -drew up a confession of faith: 'a brief formula of belief and -doctrine,' says Beza, 'to give some shape to the newly -established Church. Calvin also wrote a catechism, not that which -we have at the present time, arranged in questions and answers, -but one which consisted of brief summaries of all the principal -tenets of our religion.' On the 10th of November in the same -year, Farel submitted the confession to the Council of Two -Hundred, who ordained 'that the articles should be regularly -observed by the citizens,' but did not definitely adopt them, and -adjourned the discussion of them to another day. - -This first confession of faith by the reformed Church in France -was simple in form, moderate in tone, and free from many of the -theological controversies which afterwards arose among the -reformers; its principal object was to separate the reformed -faith clearly and entirely from the Church of Rome, its -traditions, its priestcraft, and its worship; at the same time it -was entirely in harmony with the facts, dogmas, and precepts -contained in the Scriptures, the authority of which it asserted -as the fixed basis and law of Christian faith. -{218} -The confession is divided into twenty-one articles. The -starting-point of the three first is the word and law of God 'as -they are contained in the Holy Scriptures,' and at their close -all the Ten Commandments are inserted according to the version -given in the Book of Exodus. The ten subsequent articles -enumerate and announce the fundamental doctrines of evangelical -orthodoxy; namely, the natural depravity of man, the redemption -by our Lord Jesus Christ, the necessity of faith in Christ for -regeneration and salvation, and they end with the insertion of -the whole of the Apostles' Creed and the Lord's Prayer, together -with this previous declaration: 'All that Jesus Christ did and -suffered for our redemption, we believe truly and without doubt -as it is stated in the creed which is recited in the Church.' The -eight remaining articles treat of the sacraments of the Church, -which they reduce to two, baptism and the Lord's Supper; they -very briefly indicate the essential principles of ecclesiastical -organization, the duties of the pastor to his flock, and of -believers to the civil powers: 'By which we mean that every -Christian is bound to pray to God for the prosperity of the -rulers and governors of the country in which he lives, to obey -the statutes and decrees which are not in opposition to the -commandments of God, to strive to promote the public welfare, -peace, and profit, and to take no part in schemes which may -provoke danger and dissension.' -{219} -At the same time in the hands of the Church, and to be exercised -by its authority, these articles formally establish 'the -punishment of excommunication which we hold to be a sacred and -salutary weapon in the hands of believers, so that the wicked by -their evil conversation may not corrupt the good and dishonour -Christ. We hold that it is expedient and according to the -ordinance of God, that all open idolaters, blasphemers, -murderers, thieves, adulterers and false witnesses, all seditious -and quarrelsome persons, slanderers, pugilists, drunkards, and -spendthrifts, if they do not amend their lives after they have -been duly admonished, shall be cut off from communion with -believers until they have given satisfactory proof of -repentance.' [Footnote 73] - - [Footnote 73: Gaberel, vol. i. _Pièces Justificatives_, - p. 120.] - -Objections and complaints broke out, before long, against a rule -of such religious and moral austerity: the bold innovators, who -in their struggles with dukes and bishops had recently -established the political independence of their country, were as -much accustomed to licence in their manner of life as to freedom -of thought. They accused Calvin of exceeding the duties of his -office: 'It was his place,' they said, 'to explain the -Scriptures; what right had he to meddle with other things, to -talk about morals and find fault? He was to show that they were -right in not having anything more to do with mass, and the Pope, -and confession, and all the rest of it; was he going to revive an -office which they had abolished, and make himself confessor to, -and inflict penance on the whole city?' Calvin did not deceive -himself as to the danger of these attacks: 'We are exposed to the -most serious difficulties,' he wrote to his friend Bullinger, -'for the people in breaking off the yoke of the priests think -that they have shaken off all authority in this world. -{220} -Many of the citizens say, "The knowledge of the Gospel is enough -for us; we know how to read it, and our actions are nothing to -you." The greater number are inclined to look upon us as -preachers rather than pastors. Oh, what a difficult thing the -rebuilding of the Church will be! We shall have to struggle -against all the worst passions of flesh and blood!' - -But Calvin and Farel were of the number of those who gain -strength and courage in the face of danger; they addressed a long -memorial to the Council, in which they demanded that the -provisional vote of the previous 10th of November on the -organization of the Church, should be replaced by a decisive -vote; and they pointed out the measures which they looked upon as -essential in a Christian government,--monthly celebration of the -Lord's Supper, excommunication to be put in force, the -introduction of psalm-singing in public worship, instruction of -children in Christian doctrine, and the regulation of marriages. -The Council adjourned the consideration of, or discarded some of -these measures, and accepted others; although they were partisans -of Calvin and Farel, the magistrates were disposed to try -conciliation and patience. The two reformers, on their side, -showed their moderation by consenting to the modifications which -the magistrates desired, and on the 16th of January, 1537, the -Council definitely accepted the confession of faith, and all the -most important resolutions in the scheme of moral and religious -discipline which Calvin and Farel had drawn up. - -{221} - -Their scheme was put into execution at once; and although it was -not carried out in what the two reformers considered a complete -and satisfactory manner, still the attempt was bold and dangerous -enough in the state of men's minds at that time. One of the -magistrates entrusted with executive power, the syndic Ami -Portal, was a fearless and devoted friend of Calvin's; he -unhesitatingly applied the measures for the promotion of moral -and religious discipline; gaming-houses were closed; gamblers -were seized with loaded dice,--one of them was condemned to sit -for an hour at St. Gervais, with his cards suspended round his -neck; a convicted adulterer was led through the streets with his -accomplice and then expelled from the town; and all masquerades -and immodest dances were prohibited, 'I do not condemn amusements -as such,' said Calvin; 'dances and cards are not in themselves -evil, but how easily these pleasures succeed in making slaves of -those who are addicted to them! Wherever wrong-doing has become -an old-established custom we must avoid every risk of falling -back into it.' - -This moral police force was at first well received; rich and -poor, great and small, were alike subject to it, and neither -family influence nor political merit could ensure exemption. A -man of some distinction, who was found guilty of offence, urged -in extenuation of it the services which he had rendered to Geneva -in the hour of peril when her national independence was at stake. -Calvin, to whom he had appealed, answered: 'It is the act of a -disloyal citizen to claim the right of doing evil and setting a -bad example, as a recompense for the blood which he has shed for -his country.' Moral instinct as well as secret jealousy causes -men to take pleasure in the contemplation of virtuous and -impartial severity, but they are none the less influenced by the -clamour of discontented men, and assertions of the right of -liberty. - -{222} - -There was a violent outbreak at Geneva. Two Anabaptists arrived -there, and were favourably received by the adversaries of the two -reformers; they were members of a sect which was at that time in -great disrepute, both on account of the profligacy which it was -supposed to sanction, and of the mystical doctrines, immoral or -anarchical, held by its members, or attributed to them. Calvin -and Farel were uneasy at this introduction of a new element of -disorder, and were always ready to take part in the intellectual -contest which was kept up on both sides. They demanded a public -conference, at which the two Anabaptists could be openly heard -and refuted. At first the magistrates refused their request: 'It -would be dangerous,' they said, 'on account of the -_tenderness_ of the public mind; it would be better to hear -these men in the council.' Farel persisted; the magistrates gave -way: 'The usual conditions of these theological tournaments were -proposed to the strangers,' says the historian of Geneva, -[Footnote 74] and they consented to submit to banishment or death -in case of defeat. - - [Footnote 74: Gaberel, vol. i. p. 281.] - -{223} - -The discussion lasted for three days. The subjects of the most -important debates were, the sacrament of baptism and the nature -of the soul. Philosophy can show no more luminous demonstration -of the immortality of the soul than that uttered by Calvin. The -reasoning of his opponents does not seem to have been very -conclusive. There were many, however, who took their part; for -those who were secretly vicious were delighted to find that the -words of the Anabaptists made excuses for them; therefore they -held their reasons to be good and valid, and refused to examine -those of the ministers. At the end of three days the Council -seeing that the breach was widening daily, and that the faith of -many began to totter, commanded that the discussion should cease, -and summoned the Anabaptists before them: 'You see,' said the -first syndic, 'that we listen to each one, and that when we have -heard your arguments you cannot prove them to be valid by the -Scriptures. Since therefore you will not retract your errors and -turn to God, we banish you for ever from our land.' The two -Anabaptists left Geneva. - -Calvin and Farel were victorious, but they were keenly alive to -the incompleteness of their victory, and the necessity of making -some powerful impression upon the minds of the people. They had -recourse to the two most legitimate and efficacious plans which -they could have adopted: they increased their intimacy with the -citizens, multiplied their visits and the religious instruction -given in private houses, and, acting with the magistrates, they -caused the confession to be printed and distributed among the -people. They thus placed their doctrines and precepts within the -reach of all, and they took great pains to find out the opinions -of the citizens, to strengthen and encourage believers, and to -enlighten and confirm those who hesitated. There was another -French refugee at Geneva, Courault, formerly a monk, then a -preacher of reform, received with favour by the Queen of Navarre, -now old and blind, but eloquent, impetuous, and indefatigable; he -became their colleague in the ministry, and their most popular -agent. -{224} -The assiduous labours of the reformers had the effect which is -invariably produced in the early and violent stages of moral and -social disturbances. Men's passions on both sides became equally -excited; the two parties were sharply divided and hopelessly -separated: the Libertines, as they were already called, became -more turbulent and aggressive; the orthodox believers more harsh -and exclusive. Calvin and Farel demanded that one of the syndics, -accompanied by certain officers, should enter every house, in -order to obtain the adhesion of the inmates to the confession. -The Council consented to take this step, but to the demand for -religious observance of the confession they added the following -restriction, 'as far as may be.' The result of these domiciliary -visits was to show the complete separation and mutual opposition -of the two parties; many of the citizens, some of them men of -good position, others humble and obscure, refused their adhesion -to the confession; one of the first of these sent word to the -Council that 'as to him and his servant there were certain -articles of the confession of faith which they were quite ready -to agree to, but that they could not take any oath about the ten -commandments of God, because they were exceedingly difficult to -keep.' Similar declarations, and the immorality of those who made -them, filled the pastors and their allies with alarm and anger; -in September 1537, when they were about to celebrate the Lord's -Supper, Calvin and Farel demanded that the abettors of the -Anabaptists should be censured before they were allowed to -partake of it; once again the magistrates consented, but they -implored the pastors to be careful and 'to exhort the people -without casting them out of the right path.' -{225} -Both pastors and magistrates felt that they were on the verge of -a crisis; the magistrates, although they did not in theory -acknowledge liberty of conscience, yet in point of fact respected -it, fearing that, unless they did so, public order would be -seriously disturbed, and the city depopulated; the pastors were -afraid that the civil powers would attack the independence and -rights of the Church, and were more and more anxious to assert -and use them so that they might be secured. The commencement of -the year 1538 was at hand, the time when the magistrates were to -be re-elected by the citizens; the pastors insisted on the -acknowledgment of their right of excommunication before they -would consent to celebrate the Lord's Supper; the Council -considered this threat too dangerous, and declared that communion -must be refused to no one. The pastors gave way for the moment, -for they were themselves anxious as to the sentiments of the -people and the result of the approaching elections, and as we -have seen already, Calvin was not incapable either of prudence or -patience. The elections were unfavourable to him; three at least -of the four new syndics were taken from the ranks of his enemies. -The pastors restrained themselves for some weeks longer, and were -content to do no more than call the attention of the Council to -'certain immoralities in the city both by night and day, as well -as indecent songs and language.' -{226} -The new magistrates, on their side, received these complaints -with due consideration, and 'sent criers round the town to -announce, to the sound of trumpets, that no one should dare to -sing indecent songs, or to go out after nine o'clock at night, or -to cause any disturbance or altercation in the city, on pain of -condemnation to bread and water for three days.' Both sides now -hesitated at the prospect of the contest towards which their own -passions, and those of their party, had been hurrying them for -the last eighteen months. - -It was an external incident that brought about the explosion. The -canton of Berne and its magistrates had more than once taken up -arms in defence of Geneva, and had always been its faithful -allies; they now tried to induce the Genevese to lay aside their -internal dissensions, and regulate the celebration of the Lord's -Supper according to the same rules, customs, and conditions that -had been adopted in Berne. There were differences of more or less -importance between the Genevese ceremonial and that of Berne, but -they related to matters which clearly affected the authority of -the Church, and Calvin and his colleagues refused to accept the -rules and customs of Berne. Their adversaries were all the more -anxious to conform to them, and desired the magistrates to -enforce them upon the pastors. In March 1538, the difficulty was -submitted to a synod held at Lausanne, a city which was at that -time under the dominion of Berne, and the decision was -unfavourable to Calvin and Farel. They demanded that the question -should be referred to another synod which was about to meet at -Zurich, a city perfectly independent both of Berne and Geneva. -This was peremptorily refused, and the magistrates commanded them -to celebrate the Lord's Supper according to the Bernese custom, -and without refusing it to anyone. -{227} -They declared that they would not submit to commands which were -opposed to the rights of religious authority and to their own -consciences. 'There is,' said Calvin, 'a manifest distinction -between spiritual government and political or civil government. -Christ drew a distinction between the spiritual kingdom of God -and the kingdom of this world. If, therefore, princes usurp -something of the authority of God, we must not obey them, except -in so far as may be done without offending God. Is it any better -to submit to Berne than to Rome?' - -But the 'Libertines' opposed Calvin with other weapons than -arguments; popular violence was joined to the injunctions of the -magistrates; 'tumultuous crowds assembled at night, uttering -threats of death against the ministers, discharging arquebuses at -their houses and crying, "To the Rhone with the pastors who will -not accept the Bernese rite!"' The most fiery of the pastors, old -Courault, responded to these threats by insults: 'You gentlemen -who are at the head of the government,' said he from the pulpit, -'you are like Daniel's idol; you have feet of wax. ... Perhaps -you think that the kingdom of heaven is like that of the frogs, -where those who are inside make more noise than the rest. You are -like rats among straw. ... Your flock consists of a troop of -drunkards, without any conscience.' After this attack the -magistrates forbade Courault to enter the pulpit, threatening him -with imprisonment if he did not obey. He made no answer, but a -few days later he preached again, 'using many abusive words -against the magistrates.' He was arrested and imprisoned. - -{228} - -The irritation which this step produced was extreme, and was -felt, not only by the pastors, but also by their pious and -austere partisans; they resolved to lay their complaint solemnly -before the Council. Calvin and Farel appeared before them, -accompanied by fourteen pious burgesses of note. [Footnote 75] - - [Footnote 75: April 20, 1538.] - -Farel began abruptly, 'You have acted badly, wickedly, -iniquitously,' said he, 'in putting Courault in prison. I demand -that the matter be brought before the Council of Two Hundred. Ah, -sirs, you should remember that without me you would not be here -now.' - -_A Burgess_. 'Yes, sirs, the pastors shall preach in spite -of you.' - -_The Syndics_. 'Courault has been imprisoned for abusive -language to the magistrates; he will stay in prison until justice -is done. And you, sirs, the preachers, will you obey the decree -of Berne touching the Lord's Supper?' - -_The Pastors_. 'We will only do what God commands us.' - -_The Burgesses_. 'Set Courault at liberty. We will give bail -for him.' - -_The Syndics_. 'It is not the custom, seeing that he is -imprisoned for contempt of justice.' - -_A Burgess_. 'You have imprisoned him on the testimony of -false witnesses; there are traitors here, and I know very well -which they are.' - -They separated, the magistrates surprised and provoked, the -pastors and their friends more than ever resolved upon -resistance. That same evening the magistrates sent a messenger to -ask Calvin and Farel: 'Will you preach to-morrow, Easter Sunday, -and administer the Communion according to the tenor of the -letters from Berne?' -{229} -Calvin was alone, and he refused to give any answer: 'Then,' said -the messenger, 'on the part of the magistrates I forbid you to -preach to-morrow; they will find some one else.' - -After having taken counsel together during the evening, Calvin -and Farel resolved to preach on the morrow, not in order that -they might administer the Lord's Supper, but in order to reproach -their enemies, magistrates and citizens, with their conduct -towards the defenders of the Reformation. The report spread -rapidly that the pastors intended to preach in spite of the -prohibition of the Council. Early on the morrow a dense crowd, -friends and enemies, filled the churches of St. Peter and St. -Gervais. Farel entered the pulpit at St. Gervais: 'I shall not -administer the Sacrament,' said he, 'but I tell you that it is -not from dislike to the Bernese rite, it is because your own -dispositions render all communion with Jesus Christ impossible. -There must be faith in order to hold communion with him, but you -revile the Gospel! There must be charity, but you are here with -swords and with sticks! There must be repentance; how have you -spent the night that is past?' and he launched into a description -of excesses which were familiar enough to the Libertines. Angry -exclamations were heard on all sides; swords were drawn at no -great distance from Farel; his friends surrounded him; he -descended from the pulpit, and left the church walking slowly, -his head thrown back, fiercely threatened but not attacked. -Similar scenes took place around Calvin in St. Peter's church. -{230} -On the following day [Footnote 76] the Council resolved to adopt -the Bernese rite definitely, and to depose the preachers who -showed such contempt for the law, 'allowing them to remain in -Geneva until others had been found to take their places.' The -next day these two resolutions were confirmed by the general -assembly, convened for that purpose, and an order to Farel and -Calvin was added to 'leave the town in three days.' - - [Footnote 76: April 22, 1538.] - -The Genevese populace was undoubtedly hostile to the two -reformers, to the supremacy of their faith, and the severity of -their discipline and morality; their hostility was not without a -confused sense of the right to liberty in matters of belief, -although it also arose from vulgar antipathy to the moral results -of the Christian faith and law. - -Bonnivard, an old and valued friend of Geneva, often imprisoned -and persecuted for the Genevese cause, and at that time living at -Berne, had predicted this revolutionary violence: 'You hated the -priests,' he said to the Genevese, 'for being a great deal too -much like yourselves; you will hate the preachers for being a -great deal too unlike yourselves; you will not have had them two -years before you will wish them with the priests, and you will -send them off with no other wages for their work than good blows -with a cudgel. The same thing will happen in Geneva which happens -among any people who have groaned for a long time beneath a hard -and tyrannical power; delighted to feel themselves free, their -love of liberty is changed to a love of licence; every man will -be his own master and will live as he pleases.' - -{231} - -When Calvin received, the order to leave Geneva within three -days: 'Well,' said he, 'so be it; if we had served man this would -be a bad return, but we serve a great master who will reward us.' -Calvin was not presumptuous, but he was proud, and he distrusted -men almost as much as he trusted God; he left Geneva dejected and -sad, and yet with a feeling of relief: 'Whenever I think how -wretched I was in Geneva,' he wrote a little later, 'I tremble -throughout my whole being; when I had to administer the -sacrament, I was tortured by anxiety for the state of the souls -of those for whom I should one day have to render an account -before God; there were many whose faith seemed to me uncertain, -nay doubtful, and yet they all thronged to the table of the Lord -without distinction. I cannot tell you with what torments my -conscience was beset, day and night.' [Footnote 77] - - [Footnote 77: Stähelin, 1860, vol. i. p. 157.] - -Calvin did not know that he had sown seeds in Geneva which would -soon spring up and bear fruit. - -{232} - - Chapter X. - - Calvin's Polemics. - -For four months Calvin wandered in Switzerland, visiting the -different centres of the Reformation, Berne, Zurich, Lausanne, -and Basle; sometimes doing his best to prove the lawfulness of -his actions at Geneva and of their motives, at others -acquiescing, although without hope of success, in the attempts of -some of his friends to bring about a reconciliation with the -Genevese. It was at Strasburg that he finally resolved to -establish himself: about fifteen hundred Frenchmen, who had -adopted the reformed faith and were fugitives like himself, had -found an asylum there; two celebrated reformers, who were already -his friends, Bucer and Capito, lived there and possessed great -influence; they pressed him to join them: 'It was,' says Calvin, -'a similar appeal to that of Farel, which had formerly touched me -so deeply: I yielded, like Jonah, [Footnote 78] to the warning -which called me to another work.' - - [Footnote 78: Jonah, chap. i.] - -He arrived at Strasburg in the early part of September 1538, and -preached with his accustomed success before the assembled French -refugees. The magistrates immediately authorized him to organize -a religious congregation of his countrymen, he received the right -of citizenship, was appointed professor of theology, and -commenced a life of study and religious instruction, the only -life that was in harmony, so he said, 'with my timid, weak, and -even pusillanimous nature.' Wearied and disgusted with his first -combat, he was far from foreseeing the destiny for which he was -reserved, as the heroic champion of the reformed faith. - -{233} - -No sooner was he settled at Strasburg than he was unexpectedly -called upon to take up arms in defence of Geneva, the city which -had just banished him. In April 1539, Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of -Carpentras, one of the most learned, most highly esteemed, and -moderate of the prelates at the court of Rome, wrote a long -letter to the Genevese, with the object of inducing them to -return to the bosom of the Church of Rome. The banishment of -Calvin had probably inspired him with some hope of the -possibility of such an event. The letter was singularly prudent -and temperate, free from all personal attack and special -controversy: its sole aim was to urge the following argument, -that eternal salvation being the first and chief interest of the -human soul, there was more certainty of obtaining it by faith and -humble submission to the Catholic church, than by accepting the -audacious and vagrant doctrines of the innovators. The cardinal -made numerous appeals to the authority of St. Paul, the favourite -apostle of the reformers; and he ended his letter with an -eloquent description of the different positions in which two -Christians would find themselves at the Day of Judgment, in -presence of the Supreme Judge, one of whom had humbly obeyed the -teaching and authority of the Church, whilst the other had set up -his own intellect and his own will as the law of his faith and -life. Without a single reproach or threat, and in a tone of -confident though sorrowful affection, the cardinal recalled the -children who had gone astray, warned them of their great danger, -and entreated them to return to the home of their fathers. - -{234} - -He had not named Calvin, or any other of the now celebrated -reformers; but Calvin was not a man to take advantage of this -discreet forbearance, or to screen himself behind the cardinal's -silence concerning him. As soon as the letter to the Genevese was -promulgated, the man who had been banished from Geneva, -considering that he was attacked without being named, published a -grand answer to it, in which he addressed the cardinal as his own -opponent. He began by acknowledging, in very courteous terms, the -high character, intellect, learning, and moderate language of the -prelate, and disavowing any personal animosity or annoyance on -his own part. Acknowledging the dignity and importance of their -mutual position, he then, in his own name, in the names of his -friends the reformers, and his disciples the Genevese, undertook -the defence of their common cause, the Reformation--its -principles and its aims. His defence was in reality an open and -powerful attack upon the Church of Rome, its deviations from the -Gospel teaching, its usurpations, immorality, and vice. 'I cannot -consent to allow you,' said he, 'to stir up against us the hatred -of ill-informed persons, by giving the name of Church to such a -profligate institution, as if we intended to make war against the -Church. -{235} -We are armed not only with the Word of God, but also with the -writings of the Fathers of the Church, by which means we can -fight against, overthrow, and destroy your empire; you hold up in -opposition to us the authority of the Church as if it were the -shield of Ajax, but I will take it from you, and show you by -means of a few striking examples how very far you are removed -from that sacred antiquity. . . . Recall to your minds the -ancient form of the Church, such as it was among the Greeks in -the time of Basil and Chrysostom, among the Latins in the time of -Cyprian, Ambrose, and Augustine, of which the records remain in -their own writings, and then look at the ruins of it that exist -in your midst. ... We ask for Christian liberty, which has been -oppressed and stifled under human traditions. ... Have we not -restored the rights of criminal and civil jurisdiction to the -magistrates, from whom they had been fraudulently abstracted by -the pretexts of episcopacy and priestcraft? ... Do not take to -yourselves the credit of a peaceful reign; there has been peace -only because Christ has been silent. I grant that this new -expansion of the Gospel has given rise to great strife which no -one foresaw; but do not impute this to our followers; they are -ready to give a reason for the faith that is in them at all times -and to all men. ... God grant, O Cardinal! that thou and all thy -followers may one day recognise that it is Christ our Saviour, he -who reconciles us to God the Father, who can alone unite his -scattered Church, and re-establish it in the bond of true unity.' - -It is an easy and vulgar manner of writing history to depict -exclusively the most salient features of men and parties, and to -describe only those views and violent passions which separate -them most strongly. I have no taste for this superficial and -crude method: truth demands that we should penetrate beyond the -mere surface of minds and characters, that we should also show -their inmost nature, and point out the larger views and juster -feelings which have sometimes led opponents to seek to understand -and approach each other. -{236} -This is what I have just done with regard to Sadolet and Calvin; -for a time I have left out of sight their striking points of -difference and the subjects on which they profoundly offended -each other, and have shown them as they appeared in 1539, in -their polite and reserved polemics. The differences of principle -and action which separated them were not rendered less deep and -obvious by their mutual forbearance, and the contest between the -two causes to which they were devoted, the Church of Rome and the -Reformation, was carried on by them all the same. Both show -themselves, in fact, just what they are, they and their -followers: the cardinal is old, and Calvin is young;--one is -timid, the other bold;--one tries to arrest a great movement in -the human soul and human society which alarms and exhausts -him;--the other throws himself into the movement with all -confidence, and strives to help on the human soul and human -society in the path which they have just entered. - -The two letters made a great noise throughout Europe: 'Here is a -work which has hands and feet,' said Luther when he read that of -Calvin; 'I thank God for raising up such men.' The letters were -forgotten, the cardinal's attempt was futile, but the impulse -given by Calvin spread and increased. - -I have tried to find in the history of the time some other traces -of the intercourse thus commenced between two men, both of whom, -although so unequal, were very remarkable, and both of whom were -earnest. -{237} -I was struck by a few lines in a remarkable work published by M. -Felix Bungener, pastor at Geneva, and entitled 'Calvin, his Life, -his Work, and his Books;' [Footnote 79] in which he refers to a -visit said to have been paid to Calvin at Geneva by Sadolet, at -some unknown period after their epistolary controversy. - - [Footnote 79: Bungener, p. 503. 1862.] - -The fact seems to me not impossible, but very difficult to -reconcile with the facts and dates in the lives of the two men -from 1539 to 1547, the date of the cardinal's death. I asked M. -Bungener himself from what contemporaneous documents he had -extracted this anecdote, or by what testimony it was supported. -He acknowledged, with great candour, the difficulty of procuring -any such corroboration in its favour, and added (I make it a -point of duty to reproduce his exact words): 'I never placed -entire confidence in the story which struck you in my "Calvin." I -inserted it at first on the authority of local tradition; every -one at Geneva believes it, and I believed it, like every one -else. But I had also further authority than tradition; I found it -in Drelincourt's "Défense de Calvin," published at Geneva in -1667, in the following passage: - - '"It is said, and illustrious members of the Church of Rome - have also heard it said, that Cardinal Sadolet, passing through - Geneva _incognito_, as they call it, wished to see Calvin, - who had written against him, and so he went to call upon him. - He expected to find a palace, or at least a magnificently - furnished mansion, well filled with servants. Instead of that - he was greatly surprised when he was directed to a small house, - and when, having knocked at the door, Calvin himself, very - simply dressed, came to open it. -{238} - The cardinal was astounded to find that this was the celebrated - and renowned Calvin, for whose writings he entertained so much - admiration; and he could not help expressing his astonishment - and surprise. But Calvin told him to remember that in what he - had done he had not taken counsel with flesh and blood; and - that his aim had not been to make himself rich and powerful in - this world, but to glorify God and defend the truth. Report - adds that the illustrious cardinal conversed for some time with - Calvin, and was greatly edified."' [Footnote 80] - - [Footnote 80: Drelincourt, _La Défense de Calvin_, - p. 187. Geneva, 1667.] - -Even if we admit the visit, I doubt--and M. Bungener doubts -also--whether it made the impression upon the two men which is -attributed to it in the chronicle. The cardinal was probably not -so much astonished at Calvin's humble dwelling; and Calvin did -not take so much pains to explain why he did not live more -sumptuously, and by what more lofty motives than the desire of -making himself rich and powerful in this world his life was -governed. They were both certainly capable of understanding each -other very much better than this. Calvin's entire -disinterestedness, and the extreme simplicity of his habits, had -been abundantly shown and were well known at that time. Wherever -he lived, and as long as he lived, at Basle, Strasburg, and -Geneva, he had scarcely the bare necessaries for the most simple -and humble existence: he received a stipend sometimes from the -small and parsimonious municipal governments of the places in -which he resided, at others from private friends who were -intimate with him and knew his needs. He arranged all domestic -matters with the most scrupulous exactness; he wanted no more -than would suffice regularly to supply the needs of every day, -and would leave him free from anxiety on the subject. All his -thoughts were entirely engrossed by his Christian work in the -world and his intellectual life. - -{239} - -He lived thus for three years at Strasburg, preaching, teaching, -and writing; passing from his labours in translating and -explaining the Scriptures to the partly ecclesiastical, partly -political missions which were entrusted to him, and which took -him to those meetings at which the general work of the -Reformation had to be discussed and decided. It was at this -period that he published his treatise 'On the Lord's Supper,' his -'Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans,' and his -revision of the 'Translation of the Bible,' by his -fellow-countryman Robert Olivétan. From 1539 to 1541 he was sent -by the magistrates of Strasburg and the dukes of -Brunswick-Lunebourg, as one of their delegates, to the diets or -conferences of Frankfort, Hagenau, Worms, and Ratisbon; the -object of these meetings was sometimes to attempt to establish -agreement and unity between the different reformed churches, at -others to seek some solution for the difficulties which arose -between the civil and religious authorities,--the Empire and the -new churches. On all these occasions, and especially at the time -of the controversy between Luther and Zwingli on the nature of -the eucharist, Calvin's conduct was that of a conciliatory and -politic theologian, skilful in distinguishing essential points -from those which are of secondary importance, and inclined to -seek for some compromise on the secondary, which might assist but -not prejudge or endanger, any decision ultimately formed on the -essential points. -{240} -He had no desire to undertake these difficult missions: 'Although -I continued,' he says, 'to be always like myself, that is, -unwilling to take part in great meetings, I do not know how it -was that I was always driven, as if by force, to the diets, -where, whether I liked it or no, I always found myself in the -company of many people.' In a recent and very intelligent history -of Calvin by a German author, I find the following passage: 'The -young Frenchman, with his reserved and rather shy manners, must -have been a singular apparition among the princes and most -eminent men of learning in the German empire amongst whom he was -suddenly thrown. As they often spoke in German he did not always -understand what was being discussed, and his position was rather -that of a learned and reliable man whom his friends had summoned -to give them valuable advice, than that of one who took an active -part in official debates.' [Footnote 81] - - [Footnote 81: Stähelin, vol. i. p. 233.] - -Calvin had not attended these meetings long before he acquired a -very strong feeling of their inefficiency, and of his want of -power to give predominance to his own views: 'Certainly,' he -wrote, after the first meeting of the Diet of Ratisbon, 'if this -results in anything satisfactory it will be greatly opposed to my -expectations.' In fact, he did not succeed in harmonizing the -doctrines of the reformed German, Swiss, and French churches, nor -could he reconcile the Lutherans and Zwinglians on the question -of the Eucharist. Neither side had yet learnt, either by -experience or common danger, to unite in their great common -ground of Christian belief, and to concede mutual liberty in the -points on which they differed in knowledge as a nation, or as a -sect. - -{241} - - Chapter XI. - - Calvin, Luther, And Melancthon. - Calvin In Search Of A Wife. - - -Calvin's presence at these religious congresses was not devoid of -pleasure and valuable result to himself. He was brought into -personal relation with almost all of the most eminent men in the -different reformed churches; and he soon obtained such a high -place in their esteem that with one consent they called him -_The Theologian_, being struck not only by the extent of his -knowledge, but by the clear insight and courage which he -displayed, in dealing with the difficult questions which they had -to discuss. There was one important meeting--perhaps the most -important of any for the Reformation--which did not, however, -take place at these conferences--Calvin did not meet Luther; the -two great reformers never once saw each other and talked -together. Calvin, no doubt, regretted it keenly, for he ardently -desired the unity of the reformed churches. He wrote to the -learned Bullinger of Zurich: 'Nothing is more important, not only -for us but for the whole Christian Church, than the maintenance -of true harmony between those men to whom the Lord has confided -great powers. This is the point on which Satan has fixed his -eyes; he desires nothing so much as to excite quarrels among us, -and to isolate us from each other.' -{242} -Calvin was especially troubled at the controversy between Luther -and Zwingli on the subject of the eucharist: 'Although I have the -highest opinion of Luther's piety,' he wrote to his friend Bucer, -'I do not really know what I ought to think of him; even his -friends acknowledge that there is a good dose of self-esteem in -his firmness, and it does not seem to me at all improbable. The -Swiss may therefore be excused if they distrust the attempts at -re-union; Luther's offensive pride compels them to do so.' - -A message, and a few words uttered by Luther, modified these -impressions. Calvin wrote to Farel: 'Craton, one of our -engravers, has just come from Wittenberg; he has brought a letter -from Luther to Bucer, in which Luther says, "Greet Calvin--whose -little works I have read with remarkable pleasure-- -affectionately." Philip (Melancthon) also writes: "Calvin is in -high favour here." He also desired the messenger to say that -certain persons, wishing to irritate Martin (Luther), had pointed -out several passages in my works in which I alluded to him and -his followers in very bitter terms. Luther examined the passages, -and saw that he was undoubtedly the person referred to; he ended -by saying, "I hope Calvin will think better of me one day; we -ought to bear with something from so excellent a man." If we are -not melted by so much gentleness,' adds Calvin, 'we must be -stones; as for me, I am melted.' - -{243} - -The controversy concerning the eucharist still raged as fiercely -as ever between the two schools, but Calvin's feelings had -evidently undergone a change. 'I implore you,' he wrote to -Bullinger, who was a Zwinglian, 'never to forget how great a man -Luther is. Think with what courage, what constancy, what power he -has devoted himself to spreading the doctrine of salvation far -and near. As for me, I have often said, and I say it again, -though he should call me _devil_, I would still give him due -honour, and recognise him as a mighty servant of the Lord.' A -little later Calvin went beyond even this. He wrote to Luther: -'If I could only fly to you and enjoy your society, even for a -few hours! But since this happiness is not granted to me here -below, I hope that it may soon be granted me in the kingdom of -God. Farewell, then, most illustrious man, eminent minister of -Christ, father for ever venerable to me! May the Lord continue to -direct you by his Holy Spirit for the common good of his Church!' - -Melancthon was charged to give this letter to Luther, but finding -no doubt that his master was not in the right humour to receive -it, the timid disciple kept the letter, and Luther never knew of -it. I do not know if it would have had the effect of calming his -irritation, but it remains as a noble expression of the -sentiments which Calvin entertained for him, and which he -continued to express even after Luther's death. - -During the Diets of 1539 and 1542, Calvin frequently met -Melancthon, and they became close friends. When men are earnest -and sincere, they are drawn together, and united by their points -of difference almost as powerfully as by their common sympathies. -{244} -Melancthon attracted Calvin by the cultivation and fertility of -his intellect, by its comprehensiveness as well as its subtlety -and elegance; he was at the same time philosophical and literary, -as well versed in the ancient Greek and Latin literature as in -Christian history and theology. He belonged quite as much to the -Restoration of literature in the sixteenth century as to the -Reformation. All these things influenced Calvin, who was keenly -alive to the charm of great learning and fine language. Moreover -Melancthon shared the greater number of his own views on the -principal religious questions which were at that time in dispute, -especially his views on free-will and predestination. He was -older than Calvin, and a man of much greater renown, and yet he -showed him marked esteem and affection. During their early -intercourse Calvin was the disciple, welcomed and treated with -great favour by the celebrated man whose amiable nature was as -great an attraction as his rare intellect and acquirements, so -that he was no less honoured than delighted. He was not slow to -perceive that these fine qualities were allied in Melancthon to -defects which his own character and personal instincts caused him -to feel keenly. Calvin was a man of great intellectual precision -and courage, energetic, and of passionate intensity of character; -Melancthon was gentle, open to many influences, easily moved and -intimidated either by friends or enemies, and inclined to make -concessions in order to avoid a contest. Although Calvin was -impressed by these characteristics, which were unfavourable to -the common cause, yet he was no less alive to Melancthon's rare -and attractive merits; he remained faithful to his master, but -the pupil soon became an independent and candid critic, and -during the whole of their friendship he made it a duty to warn -Melancthon, and put him on his guard against his weakness: 'You -complain,' he wrote, 'of Luther's violence and blind intolerance; -but must not this defect increase and grow from day to day, if -every one trembles before him and gives way to him in everything? -{245} -I gladly acknowledge that by your gentle and conciliatory manner -you have kept many from quarrelling, or made peace between them. -I approve of this moderation and prudence; but is it a reason for -shrinking in terror from every contested question as from an -abyss, for fear of opposing and offending some one? Do you not -thus leave in uncertainty and perplexity a large number of -friends who look to you and rely upon you as the man in whom they -put their trust? Truly, as I have already told you more than -once, it is not to our honour that we refuse to sign with our ink -the doctrines which so many saints are sealing with their blood. -You know why I address you with such earnestness: I would rather -die with you a hundred times over than see you outlive your -divine and native nobility. I am not afraid of that, but I am -afraid that you will give our enemies a pretext that they have -long desired for injuring you in one manner or another. Forgive -these bitter complaints, which can do no good. May God guard -thee, excellent man, whom I carry always in my heart! May the -Lord still guide thee by his Holy Spirit, and sustain thee by his -strength!' - -{246} - -It is possible that Calvin sometimes felt a secret pleasure in -thus assuming towards Melancthon the attitude and language of an -independent and severe judge; the noblest of human beings do not -entirely escape from the small and ignoble defects of human -nature, but, in spite of this, their nobility and rectitude are, -on the whole, the true motives of their conduct. It was love of -truth, sincere friendship for Melancthon, and zeal for their -common cause, much more than a secret pleasure in the -gratification of his own self-esteem, which led Calvin during the -whole of their intercourse to address Melancthon in frank and -dignified language. This was the tone of the last words--words -imbued with the deepest tenderness--which he wrote concerning -his friend when in 1560, having himself only a few more years to -live, he heard of his death. - -'O Philip Melancthon! for it is upon thee that I call, upon thee -who now livest with Christ in God, and art waiting for us, until -we shall also be gathered to that blessed rest! A hundred times, -worn out with fatigue, and overwhelmed with care, thou hast laid -thy head upon my breast and said, "Would to God that I might die -here, on thy breast!" And I, a thousand times since then, have I -earnestly desired that it had been granted us to be together. -Certainly thou wouldst have been more valiant to face danger, and -stronger to despise hatred, and bolder to disregard false -accusations. Thus the wickedness of many would have been -restrained, whose audacity was increased by what they called thy -weakness.' - -It would be difficult to reconcile truth, piety, and friendship -more tenderly. - -{247} - -Calvin had now lived at Strasburg for more than two years--years -of incessant work and arduous struggle. He had no other domestic -enjoyment than his books, and occasionally the society of one or -two young students who were invited to his humble home, no other -relaxation than conversation from time to time with his friends, -and journeys upon the different missions with which he was -entrusted. He was scarcely thirty, and yet his health was already -delicate and uncertain. He occasionally contemplated marriage, -but entertained neither romantic nor worldly notions on the -subject. On the 19th of May, 1539, he wrote to his most intimate -friend Farel, and no doubt alluded to some suggestion which had -been made to him: 'I will now speak more openly on the subject of -marriage. I do not know if, before the departure of Michael, any -one mentioned the person about whom I have written to you. -Remember, I pray you, what I look for in a wife. I am not one of -those idiotic lovers who can even adore defects when once they -are captivated by beauty. The only beauty I care for in a woman -is that she shall be modest, gentle, unobtrusive, economical, -patient, and that I may expect her to look after my health. If -you think that I do well to marry, pray see about it at once, -lest some one else should be beforehand with you. If you do not -think so, then let us give it up.' Some months later, on the 6th -of February, 1540, he wrote again to Farel: 'In the midst of all -these labours I have leisure enough to think of taking a wife. A -young girl of noble birth and good fortune--far beyond my -position--has been proposed to me. But there were two reasons -against the marriage. She did not understand our language, and I -was afraid that she might think too much of her birth and -education. -{248} -Her brother, a very pious man, urged the marriage strongly, from -no other motive than his affection for me, which blinded him so -that he forgot himself; his wife entreated as earnestly as he -did, and I should have been compelled to give my hand, if the -Lord had not delivered me. I answered that I would do nothing -unless the young lady promised at once to devote herself to the -study of French. She asked for time to consider. I immediately -sent my brother, and a worthy man whom I know, in search of -another person; and if she is as good as her reputation, she will -bring me an ample marriage portion without any money, for all who -know her speak of her with admiration. If the thing succeeds -according to our hopes, the marriage will take place not later -than March 10th. God grant that you may be present to bless our -union! I shall feel rather foolish if my expectations come to -nothing, but I fully believe that the Lord will help me, and so I -act as if the thing were certain.' Three weeks later, on the 26th -of February, 1540, Calvin wrote once more to Farel: 'I am afraid -that if you wait for my wedding it will be a long time before you -come. My wife is not yet found, and I am afraid that I must look -again for her. Three days after my brother's return, I received -certain information about the young lady in question which -compelled me to send him back at once, in order to break off the -engagement.' - -His friend Bucer now came to his aid, spared him the trouble of a -fresh search and saved him from further uncertainty. John -Störder, an Anabaptist from Liege, had been converted to the -orthodox faith by Calvin, and had since died of the plague; his -widow now lived at Strasburg. -{249} -Her name was Idelette, and she was born at Buren, a little town -in Gueldres; she had been left with three children, and in her -humble position had gained the esteem and affection of all who -knew her. Beza says: 'She was a grave and virtuous woman.' On -Bucer's recommendation Calvin saw her and conversed with her, and -was convinced, as he afterwards wrote to his friend Viret, 'that -whatever sharp trial might be sent him, she would willingly be -his companion in exile, poverty, and even unto death.' Their -wedding was celebrated in September 1540, with considerable -solemnity. Many of his friends, and deputies sent by different -consistories in French Switzerland, were present at the marriage -of an already celebrated reformer; a man from whom the members of -the reformed faith in western Europe, in the midst of their -struggles, expected much greater things than any that he had yet -done. - -{250} - - - Chapter XII. - - Calvin Returns To Geneva. - -After the banishment of Calvin and Farel, Geneva became a prey to -moral and religious disturbances, and political perils which -increased in significance from day to day. The Libertines were -now in power, and, in a somewhat cynical manner, they put forward -their ideas, their immoral doctrines, and their aims. Of the four -syndics who called themselves members of the Reformed Church, one -refused to be present at the reformed worship, another said that -mass was not to be despised, and a third allowed it to be seen -that he thought the supremacy of Berne might be advantageous to -Geneva. The confession of faith which had been carried four years -previously was attacked at a meeting of the Council. Education -was not better treated than religion. A college had been -established at the request of Calvin, and possessed a principal -and professors who were pious and able men, acknowledged as such -in Switzerland, and even in France; they were requested to -preside at the sacramental tables, and to conform to the Bernese -rites which Calvin and Farel had rejected. They also refused to -do this, saying moreover that they had been engaged to teach -pupils at the college and not to take part in religious services. -{251} -They received orders to leave the city in three days, they -and their families, and had great difficulty in obtaining -permission to delay their departure for a fortnight. There were -most outrageous displays of licentiousness and violence in the -streets of the city, both by night and day. The pious and orderly -citizens were alarmed and excited; they protested in vain against -the immorality, and demanded that the banished pastors should be -allowed to return and explain the motives of their conduct. The -Government of Berne was also uneasy as to the state of Geneva, -and sent envoys who supported this request. The syndics presented -it to the General Council of the citizens, saying: 'Let those who -wish the banished ministers to return to the city, that they may -explain their conduct and resume their functions, hold up their -hands!' Only four persons had the courage to do so, and the crowd -immediately rushed upon these friends of the banished men, crying -out: 'To the Rhone with the Williamists!' [Footnote 82] - - [Footnote 82: William was the Christian name of Farel.] - -In the presence of such facts as these, the hopes of the ancient -Catholic rulers of Geneva began to revive, and its last bishop, -Pierre de la Baume (who had been made cardinal), the Duke of -Savoy, and the Pope (Paul III.) prepared themselves for fresh -efforts. A conference was established at Lyons, consisting of -three cardinals and six archbishops or bishops, the object of -which was to seek and put into operation means whereby the -ancient Catholic religion might be re-established in Geneva. -There was no lack of partisans or agents in Geneva itself. -{252} -In addition to the danger from the hopes of the Catholics, the -city was threatened by the ambition of foreign states, especially -by that of Berne, which had many adherents in Geneva. Conspiracy, -sedition, trials, and political executions were added to -religious dissensions: national independence was in as great -danger as the Reformed Church. - -Calvin's friends kept him well informed as to the position of -affairs, and when he left Geneva he bore in his heart a very deep -affection for the city in which he had first planted the banner -of his cause. But neither the illusions of affection, nor the -sorrows of exile, could blind his judgment with regard to what -the conduct of his friends ought to be during their trials; and -he unfailingly counselled moderation, patience, prudence, -perseverance in their work, and that they should abide in the -city where they had so much difficulty in performing it. There -was to be no open schism, no voluntary separation, no abandonment -of their native and national church, however gloomy the situation -of that church might be, and however inefficient the pastors who -ministered in the name of Christ. 'We must not,' he said, 'take -offence at certain defects of doctrine, for where is the church -which is altogether pure and perfect in this respect? It is -enough that the grand and essential truths, on which God has -founded his church, keep their place and are generally received.' - -At the same time that he gave such wise advice, he endeavoured to -keep up the courage of the believers, and to raise their hopes: -'Always turn, my beloved brethren, to this consolation; although -the wicked strive to destroy your church, although your sins have -merited more punishment than you can endure, yet the Lord will -put an end to the chastisements which he has inflicted for your -good. -{253} -Consider your enemies; you will see that all their ways lead to -confusion, although they may have achieved their desire.' -[Footnote 83] - - [Footnote 83: Stähelin, ii. 286-290. Gaberel, ii. 304.] - -In proportion as the immorality increased and the dangers became -more apparent, a powerful reaction took place among the citizens -of Geneva; the Libertines lost credit, and orderly and pious men -resumed the position they had formerly held. The idea gained -ground rapidly that the best remedy for all evils would be to -recall Calvin and Farel, and openly to submit to their authority. -A bookseller, one of Calvin's friends, was the first to inform -him of the existence of this feeling. Calvin wrote immediately to -Farel: 'Do what you can to prevent the thing from making -progress, for I will not return. I would a thousand times rather -die than allow myself to be nailed again to that cross, where my -blood would flow daily from a thousand wounds. Certainly I -rejoice at the tidings, but who knows if these men are truly -converted and united together in the Lord? Unless it is so, this -peace will be very soon broken again.' The idea of recalling -Calvin made rapid progress at Geneva. On the 21st of September, -1540, the Council of State requested Ami Perrin, one of his -faithful adherents, to find the means of inducing him to return. -On the 20th of October the General Assembly voted that 'in order -to promote the increase and advancement of the Word of God it was -decreed to seek and send for Master John Calvin, who is a very -learned man, to be the evangelical minister in this city.' -{254} -On the 22d a pressing official letter was addressed to him: -'Seeing that our people wish for you, we will deal with you in -such a manner that you shall have good reason to be contented.' -An appeal was also made to the magistrates of Strasburg to induce -them to release Calvin from his engagements. At first they -hesitated, for Calvin was not only an ornament to their city, but -an honoured and useful representative in their transactions with -the German Diets and Conferences. At that period Calvin had just -set out for the Diet of Worms, and it was at Worms that the -letter from Geneva was delivered to him. He wrote at once in -answer to it, in very affectionate terms: 'If only in return for -the kindness and courtesy which in every way you show me, I -should not do my duty unless I made every effort in my power to -comply with your request. But I cannot leave my vocation in -Strasburg without the advice and consent of those whom our Lord -has put in authority there.' - -From October 1540 to April 1541, four successive messengers -carried the entreaties of the Genevese to Strasburg, or wherever -else Calvin was to be found. The people of Strasburg seemed -inclined, although with regret, to consent to his leaving them. -They had just sent him again to the Diet of Ratisbon, but they -were struck by the importance of Geneva as the home and centre of -the Reformation in France and Italy, and were willing to give up -their own advantage to the general interest of the common cause. -But Calvin himself was greatly perplexed: 'I knew well,' he wrote -to Farel, 'that you would urge me to comply with the request; but -if you had seen my anguish when this message reached me, you -would have had pity on me. -{255} -I was scarcely in possession of my senses. When I recall the life -that I led in that place, I tremble to the very depths of my soul -at the thought of returning. At that time I had often the -greatest difficulty in stifling the desire of flight which would -rise within me; but I felt that my hands and feet were bound to -that city by the will of God. And now that his grace has set me -free, shall I of my own will return thither and plunge again into -an abyss of which I know the horror and the danger so well? ... -Nevertheless the more I am inclined to recoil with terror from -this task, the more I distrust myself. I therefore leave the -thing to take its own way, and entreat my friends not to urge me -in either direction. In any case I will never forsake the church -of Geneva, which is dearer to me than my life. I am not seeking -my own advantage, nor do I wish to make vain excuses; but I must -see the will of God clearly in this matter, in order that I may -walk in safety, and with his blessing.' This is a remarkable -instance of the manner in which a noble nature may be attracted -and yet alarmed by a great and difficult undertaking, and of the -mingled eagerness and apprehension with which it may be -approached. - -But Calvin's hesitation was overcome by the urgent entreaties of -the Genevese, and the advice of his most intimate friends. M. -Bernard, one of the pastors who had remained in Geneva after his -departure, wrote to tell him that on a day in February 1541, when -he was in the pulpit, he saw that his hearers were deeply grieved -at the destitution of the Church, and that he exhorted them to -pray to the pastor of pastors, Jesus Christ, and implore him to -put an end to this state of things; and, when he had spoken thus, -every one thought of Calvin, and his name was on every tongue: -'As for me,' he continued, 'I blessed God that the stone which -the builders had rejected had become the chief stone of the -corner. -{256} -Come to us, then, revered brother in Christ; you belong to us, -for the Lord has given you to us. Come! for the Lord would -require our blood at your hands, because it is you whom he has -established as a shepherd over the house of Israel, which is -among us.' On the 1st of May, 1541, the General Council formally -revoked the decree of exile which had been pronounced in 1538, -stated that 'Calvin and Farel were good men and men of God, and -approved of all that the Council had done or might do to induce -Calvin to return.' They had ceased to urge Farel's return, -because Neufchatel had explicitly refused to part with him. -Calvin yielded: 'I thought the matter over conscientiously and -with reverence, and when I saw that it was my duty I gave way, -and consented to return to the flock from which I had been, as it -were, torn away. But, as the Lord is my witness, I submitted with -sorrow, tears, great solicitude, and anxiety. Not my will, O God, -but thy will be done! I offer my heart as a sacrifice to the -Lord.' - -Calvin arrived at Geneva on the 12th of September, 1541, -[Footnote 84] after having spent a few days with Farel at -Neufchatel. A house, with a garden, had been provided for him; -and in the Registers of the Council for the month after his -arrival, we find the following details:-- - - [Footnote 84: The 10th of September, according to a careful - memoir by M. Amédée Roget, entitled _L'Église et l'État à - Genève du Vivant de Calvin._ (Geneva, 1867.)] - -{257} - -'Resolved to send for Maître Calvin's wife and household, and to -provide him with all that is necessary for this purpose in men -and money.' - -'Resolved to buy Maître Calvin some broadcloth to make him a -coat.' - -'Cheque for eight crowns for Maître Calvin's coat.' - -'Resolved that as Maître Calvin is a man of great learning, and -well fitted to build up the Christian Church, and as he is put to -great expense in entertaining strangers who pass through the -city, that he shall receive a salary of 500 florins, [Footnote -85] twelve measures of wheat, and two tubs of wine, and shall -take the oaths here.' [Footnote 86] - - [Footnote 85: Worth about 3,600 francs, or 150_l_. at - the present time.] - - [Footnote 86: Gaberel, vol. i. Appendix, p. 116.] - -Beza says: 'He was received with singular affection by this -unhappy people, who now acknowledged their faults, and were -hungering and thirsting for the words of their faithful pastor, -so that they did not cease to importune until he had been induced -to return. And at length the rulers of Strasburg consented that -he should leave them, though they stipulated that he should -always remain a burgess of their city. They also requested him to -retain the revenues of a prebend, which had been assigned as the -salary of his professorship in theology. But he was a man who had -no love whatsoever for the things of this world, and they could -not succeed in persuading him to retain so much as a single -farthing.' [Footnote 87] - - [Footnote 87: Beza, p. 31.] - -{258} - - Chapter XIII. - - Calvin's Ecclesiastical Polity. - - -Calvin dreaded responsibility and warfare from afar and -beforehand, but as soon as he had entered the arena all -irresolution disappeared; he felt his own strength and did not -scruple to use it. Two days after his arrival in Geneva, as soon -as he had paid an official visit to the magistrates, he requested -them, without any further delay, to nominate a commission which -should have power to prepare the necessary reforms in the -constitution and government of the Church. Six members were at -once appointed, and a fortnight later, with the help of Calvin -and his colleagues, they had drawn up a hundred and sixty-eight -articles, which contained a complete scheme of ecclesiastical -polity. This scheme was presented to the Council on the 26th of -September, 1541. It was discussed during a whole month, and -modified on many points in which the civil magistrates thought it -too severe. It was adopted on the 9th of November by the Two -Hundred, and was received on the 20th by the General Assembly. -Several slight modifications were, however, made at the request -of some of the citizens, and it was not until the 2d of January, -1542, that the Ecclesiastical Ordinances were definitely accepted -by the General Assembly, consisting of 2,000 citizens. -{259} -On the 14th of March, 1542, Calvin wrote: 'We have now a -kind of ecclesiastical tribunal, and such a form of religious -discipline as these troublous times will allow of. But do not -think that we have obtained it without great effort. [Footnote -88] - - [Footnote 88: Transcriber's note--No footnote appears.] - -I will not attempt to give a detailed account of the internal -organization of the Church of Geneva, nor of the peculiar nature -of its relation to the State, which was the result of that -organization. But I am anxious to define its first principles and -to state its essential results with accuracy; not only because of -the importance of the problems then solved, but also because the -solution accepted at Geneva was so widely received. The religious -system established by Calvin in the Church of Geneva was adopted -by the reformed churches, and by Protestantism, properly so -called, in France, Holland, Switzerland, and several of the -United States of America. A local work does not spread in this -manner unless it responds to some great instinct of humanity, to -the general condition of men's minds, and to the wants of the -time. Calvin's ideas were larger than he himself knew, and whilst -he was laboriously discussing the Ecclesiastical Ordinances with -the syndics of Geneva, he was in reality working for much greater -states, although the foundations of some of them were not so much -as laid at that time. - -There were two principles to which Calvin attached the highest -importance; I might almost call them his two supreme passions, -for they were as pre-eminent in his religious system as they were -in his life. - -{260} - -I. The distinction between religious and civil society; that is, -between Church and State. I say distinction, not separation; it -was an alliance between two societies, two powers, each -independent of the other in its own domain, but combining in -action, and giving each other mutual support. - -II. The amendment and religious discipline of the life and morals -of all members of the Church, who were to be placed under the -inspection of the ecclesiastical powers, and subjected to their -authority, with recourse, in extreme cases, to the civil power. - -In speaking of Church and State, I use the language of the -nineteenth century and not that of the sixteenth, and I do not -explain Calvin's aims. He spoke only of the Christian Church and -the Christian State. His Ordinances of 1542 were devised and -framed for the Christian church of the little Christian republic -of Geneva. They were, in fact, quite practicable in Geneva, which -was a free and independent city, and had just solemnly embraced -the reformed religion. Its two thousand citizens had been called -together and consulted, and they had bound themselves to the -Reformation by oath. Those who opposed this step had been bidden -to seek a home in some other country. Thus both Church and State -in Geneva had openly proclaimed themselves Christian. It only -remained, therefore, to organize the Christian Church in -accordance with the instructions given in Holy Scripture, and to -connect the religious with the civil administration of this -Christian State. - -{261} - -The constitution which was framed for the Christian Church of -Geneva was, to a certain extent, both liberal and cautious; and, -like the civil constitution of the Christian Genevese State, it -was republican. Two supreme courts were instituted, both having -somewhat of an elective character:--. The Venerable Company of -Pastors, whose power was spiritual and ecclesiastical; the -members were to preach and teach the Christian faith, to -administer the sacraments--more especially the Lord's -Supper--and to act as members of the Consistory. 2. The pastors -and certain laymen, called _elders_, formed the Consistory, -a moral tribunal, and the guardian of ecclesiastical ordinances. -The Consistory watched over the maintenance of Christian -discipline; repressed moral disorders of every kind, in persons -of all ranks; and thus introduced moral reform--of which Genevese -society stood in great need--side by side with the religious -reform already adopted. Church and State, civil and -ecclesiastical rulers, and the veto of the citizens, all helped -to form and keep up these two courts. 'In order that everything -in the Church may be done in due order, all aspirants for the -ministry are to be examined by the pastors; the object of the -examination being to ascertain, first, the doctrine of the -candidate--that is, if he possesses a thorough and sound -knowledge of the Scriptures; secondly, if he is a fit and meet -person to impart religious instruction to the people; and -thirdly, if he is a man of good character, and has always led a -blameless life. A satisfactory examination is followed by the -laying on of hands, in accordance with the apostolical custom, -and the candidate is then eligible to be elected pastor. The -election rests with the Venerable Company of Pastors, but the -Council is at once communicated with, and sends some of its -members to hear the candidate preach before the assembled -ministers. -{262} -On the following Sunday the name of the new minister is published -in all the churches, together with an announcement that he has -been elected and approved in the usual manner, but that if any -one knows of anything to the prejudice of his character, it is to -be communicated to one of the syndics before the next Sunday. On -that day, if no valid objection has been raised, the new pastor -takes the oaths before the Council and is publicly installed.' -The twelve lay elders who, with six pastors, compose the -Consistory, 'are chosen by the Council, in accordance with the -indication of the pastors, and their election is confirmed by the -Two Hundred. Their names are published on a Sunday, and, before -the following Thursday, any objections which may be raised have -to be laid before one of the syndics.' The power of -excommunication belongs exclusively to this court, consisting of -laymen and ecclesiastics. [Footnote 89] - - [Footnote 89: Gaberel, i. 326-336. Bungener, pp. 270-275.] - -Calvin thus introduced two new and daring measures into the great -European Reformation, in advance of anything attempted by its -first authors. When Henry VIII. rescued the Church of England -from the domination of the Pope, he proclaimed himself as its -head, and the Anglican Church accepted this royal supremacy. When -Zwingli provoked a rupture with the Church of Rome in German -Switzerland, he was contented to allow sovereign authority in -matters of religion to pass into the hands of the civil powers. -Even Luther, although he reserved a certain measure of liberty -and independence to the Church of Germany, yet placed it under -the protection and domination of lay sovereigns. In this great -question of the relation of Church and State, Calvin aimed at and -accomplished more than any of his predecessors. -{263} -Even before he occupied an important position among European -reformers, when he heard of the religious supremacy of Henry -VIII. in England, he protested strongly against such a system. -Notwithstanding his unceasing opposition to the Church of Rome, -his judgment was too clear and just to allow him to be blinded to -the strength and dignity which that Church derived from the -absolute independence of its sovereign, the Pope, and its -complete separation from the state. When he became one of the -leading reformers, he was anxious that the reformed Church should -not lose this grand characteristic; indeed, in calling it -evangelical, he claimed for it the independence and authority -possessed by the primitive Church in matters of faith and -religious discipline. In spite of the repeated opposition of the -civil magistrates, and of the concessions which he was sometimes -compelled to make, he maintained this principle firmly, and, in -all purely religious matters, secured to the Genevese Church the -right of self-government, in accordance with the faith and laws -made known in the Scriptures. - -He also obtained the recognition of a second and no less -important principle. In the course of time, and by a successive -series of modifications, some of them natural and others factious -and illegal, the Christian Church had been divided, as it were, -into two distinct parts,--ecclesiastical and religious, or the -clergy and the believers. In the Catholic Church all power had -fallen into the hands of the clergy; the ecclesiastical governed -the religious world; and whilst the latter were adopting the -thoughts and opinions of the laity, the former remained more and -more separate and supreme. -{264} -The German and English Reformation had already modified this -state of things, and given laymen a certain amount of power in -matters relating to religion. Calvin interposed in a much more -direct and efficacious manner. He appointed a larger number of -laymen than of ecclesiastics, as members of the Consistory, which -was the principal moral authority in the reformed church of -Geneva and an authority evidently destined to increase; and he -thus completely destroyed the line of separation between the -clergy and the believers. He summoned laymen and ecclesiastics to -deliberate and act together, and in this manner secured a just -share of power and influence to all the members of the religious -society. - -One fact proves the importance that he attached to the active -participation of faithful believers with their pastor in public -worship. The reformed churches had abolished all the pomp and -ceremonies of the Romish Church, and Calvin did not regret them; -but although he was devoted to the severe simplicity of -evangelical worship, he did not overlook the inherent love of -mankind for poetry and art. He himself had a taste for music, and -knew its power. He feared that, in a religious service limited to -preaching and prayer only, the congregation, having nothing else -to do than to play the part of audience, would remain cold and -inattentive. For this reason he attached great importance to the -introduction and promotion of the practice of psalm-singing in -public worship, in addition to the sermons, prayers, and -liturgies. -{265} -'If the singing,' he said, 'is such as befits the reverence which -we ought to feel when we sing before God and the angels, it is an -ornament which bestows grace and dignity upon our worship; and it -is an excellent method of kindling the heart, and making it burn -with great ardour in prayer. But we must at all times take heed -lest the ear should be more attentive to the harmony of the sound -than the soul to the hidden meaning of the words.' [Footnote 90] -With this pious warning, he strongly urged the study of singing, -and its adoption in public worship. 'Some of the psalms which had -been translated in verse by Clement Marot were printed, -accompanied by a simple and elementary musical notation; and, in -order to popularise them, the children were taught to sing these -simple tunes in a loud and clear voice. A music master, who was -paid by the state, gave three lessons a week to several choirs of -children. When they had learnt the psalm thoroughly, they sang it -during the service.' [Footnote 91] - - [Footnote 90: Calvin, _Instit. de la Religion - chrétienne_, ch. xx.] - - [Footnote 91: Gaberel, i. 353.] - -An ecclesiastical organization thus arose in Geneva, created by -Calvin, and upheld by his influence. The development of this -system, and the completion and modification of its details -according to the different necessities of place and time, -ultimately formed the presbyterian religion--that is, the -religious system adopted in the reformed churches of France, -French Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, and several states in the -New World. In its origin it was a profoundly Christian and -evangelical system; it was republican in many of its fundamental -principles and practices, and at the same time it recognised the -necessity of authority and order, and originated general and -permanent rules of discipline. - -{266} - - Chapter XIV. - - Calvin's Civil Legislation. - - -For a long time Calvin's able and vigorous scheme of -ecclesiastical polity was accompanied by practical success at -Geneva. Public order and morality were placed under careful -supervision. Gaming-houses were prohibited; and in order to keep -the citizens out of taverns, which were at that time greatly -frequented, Calvin proposed the establishment of 'clubs open only -to members of the association, in which young men, and fathers of -families, could meet and discuss matters relating to the war, and -other things useful to the commonwealth.' Four such clubs were -immediately established. All gross immorality and coarse abuse of -the evangelical religion and worship were punished, and so were -all drunkards, men and women who led evil lives, and midnight -brawlers. In a little municipal republic, with a small -population, the character of individual members, and all facts -connected with them, were generally so well known that any abuse -of power was difficult. The pastors, if they were not active in -the discharge of their duty, or did not lead a good life, were -suspended, or even banished. There was perfect accordance between -the Venerable Company, the Consistory and the Council; and, on -the whole, the public approved of and supported all the steps -taken in concert by the civil and religious rulers. - -{267} - -But although Calvin's system was righteously conceived and -carried out, his thoughts and legislation were influenced by two -false notions which soon proved fatal; for when truth and error -are blindly united, the evil will assuredly be developed, and -will compromise the good. Calvin's religious system for the -evangelical church almost entirely overlooked individual liberty. -He desired to regulate private life in accordance with the laws -of morality and by means of the powers of the State; to penetrate -all social and family life, and the soul of every man, and to -restrict individual responsibility within an ever-narrowing -circle. In the relation of the evangelical church to the State, -he asserted and carried out the principle adopted in the Catholic -Church, the right of the spiritual power to appeal to the secular -arm in order to suppress and punish those offences against -religion recognised by the State; that is, impiety and heresy. -Calvin thus denied and violated the rights of conscience and -personal liberty in private life and in matters of religion,--a -deplorable but natural consequence of his contempt for, and -denial of man's free-will in his general doctrine. - -In spite of the enthusiasm which had been called forth by -Calvin's return, the Libertines, whether sceptical or licentious, -of noble or simple birth, soon began to manifest their -discontent. They responded to the meddlesome interference and -demands of the magistrates, in matters of faith and religious -ordinances, by persistent coldness or insolent contempt. -{268} -'What a pleasant thing it is to see the delightful liberty that -there is in this city!' said a refugee from Lyons, who had not -long previously arrived in Geneva: 'Yes!' answered a woman, -'formerly they made us go to mass, and now they make us go to -church.' A man was found in the streets on horseback during the -hours of divine service: 'Why are you not at church?' said one of -the municipal officers: 'Oh!' said he, 'is there room enough in -church for my horse and me?' A peasant said, 'My faith and -religion are a block of wood, and I am cutting them into chips.' -Another heard an ass braying, and called out, 'What a fine psalm -he's singing!' A young man presented an account-book to his -betrothed, and said, 'Madam, this is your best hymn-book.' These -words were repeated, and the speakers prosecuted and punished. -One of them was even banished from the city. Disorderly conduct -and language were guarded against and repressed with watchful -severity. M. Gaberel, the learned and judicious author of the -history of the Church of Geneva, whilst he relates these facts -with scrupulous impartiality, adds: 'The most vigilant of -police-forces failed to discover more than eleven offences -against public worship between 1541 and 1546; a country deserves -warm praise in which religious feeling leaves so little room for -transgression.' [Footnote 92] - - [Footnote 92: Gaberel, i. 356-367.] - -{269} - -The remark is just; nevertheless, it is not so much the number as -the nature of these rigorous puerilities which gives such a -vexatious character to arbitrary power, and excites irritation -that, sooner or later, is sure to become contagious. There is no -doubt that there was a great improvement in the moral and social -condition of Geneva at this period, that good order and good -conduct were restored both in public and domestic life, and that -Calvin's government was infinitely superior to that of his -adversaries; but his unwarrantable interference in private life, -and his contempt for the rights of individuals, furnished his -enemies with dangerous weapons and prepared grave perils which he -had afterwards to encounter. - -These perils from within were augmented by dangers from without, -in the attacks of an anti-Christian or sceptical pantheism, which -sought to disguise its immorality and anarchy under the name of -liberty. At this period pantheistic doctrines were taught on the -banks of the Rhine, in some of the great cities of western -Europe, as Antwerp and Lille, and they had even penetrated the -little court of Nérac, where Queen Margaret of Navarre, who had -formerly befriended many reformers, and even Calvin himself, now -granted hospitality to some of the advocates of these views, thus -showing more liberality than discretion. The sect assumed the -name of 'Spiritual Libertines.' Their tenets were soon made known -at Geneva, where they obtained prompt recognition from the local -and practical Libertines. Calvin was not one who could remain -indifferent and inactive in the presence of new germs of impiety -and immorality. In 1544 he published a pamphlet _Against that -fantastic and furious sect of Libertines who call themselves -Spiritual_. 'How is it possible,' said he, 'that I should -condemn the Pope and his accomplices, and should nevertheless -pardon these men who are much greater enemies of God and more -hostile to his truth? -{270} -For, after all, the Pope does leave some form of religion; he -does not rob men of the hope of eternal life; he instructs them -in the fear of God, and shows the difference between good and -evil; he acknowledges our Lord Jesus Christ to be very God and -very man, and recognises the authority of the Word of God. But -the whole aim of these men is to confound together heaven and -earth, to destroy all religion whatsoever, to efface all -knowledge of the spiritual nature of man, to deaden his -conscience, and obliterate all distinction between men and -brutes.' [Footnote 93] - - [Footnote 93: Calvini Opera, vii. 162 (1868).] - -Queen Margaret complained to Calvin of this violent attack upon -men whom she honoured with her protection and favour. He -answered: 'My intention, Madam, was in no wise to seek to -diminish your honour, or lessen the respect which every believer -ought to feel for you. For I say that true believers owe you more -reverence than that which is your due from all men, on account of -the majesty to which our Lord has exalted you, the royal house -from which you have sprung, and your great excellence in the -things which pertain to this world. For those who know me are -well aware that I am not such a savage, nor so inhuman as to -despise and seek to inspire contempt for princes and nobles, and -that which belongs to the order and government of this world. But -I behold the most pernicious and execrable sect that ever existed -in this world. I see what destruction they are causing, and that -they are a fire kindled to scathe and destroy everything, a -contagion which will infect the whole earth, unless some remedy -be found. Since our Lord has called me to the position which I -occupy, my conscience constrains me to resist them so far as it -is in my power. A dog will bark if he sees his master attacked, -and should I not be a cowardly wretch if I could see God's truth -assailed and stand silent, and utter no word?' [Footnote 94] - - [Footnote 94: _Calvin, Lettres Françaises_, i. 109-117 - (1864).] - -{271} - -Calvin never remained silent and indifferent on any occasion when -he thought that God's truth was assailed, and these occasions -were constantly arising. He was labouring to secure the -ascendency of Christian faith and morality in the public and -private life of the Genevese, in their deeds and words, in their -houses and the streets of their city; but at the same time the -love of intellectual liberty and practical licence was springing -up throughout the republic, and many were most anxious to throw -off the yoke of the reformer. Calvin was aided and supported -throughout this contest by the two religious organizations which -he had instituted--the Venerable Company and the Consistory; he -possessed numerous and warm adherents in the various public -councils and among all classes of the population; but he had also -bitter enemies. Perhaps the most serious dangers he had to -encounter arose from those prudent or timid men, who, being -short-sighted or weak-hearted, were alarmed at his moral severity -and oppressive exercise of ecclesiastical power. After having -supported him against his enemies, they would uphold some claim -of individual or civil liberty in opposition to him. In the space -of three years, from 1546 to 1549, there were seven or eight -occasions on which Calvin came into collision either with -aristocratic pretensions or popular prejudices, in cases which -made a great noise in so small a republic. - -{272} - -In 1546 a manufacturer of playing-cards, Pierre Ameaux, and his -wife Benoite, not only openly declared themselves to be -materialists, but carried out the principles they had adopted in -their own licentious lives. The woman was summoned before the -Consistory, and condemned to imprisonment. Her husband forsook -her and obtained a divorce from her, but he continued to lead an -immoral life and to declaim against Calvin. 'He is a bad man,' -said he, 'a wicked Picard, who has been teaching false doctrines -for seven years. It is we who hold the true doctrine, as I can -prove. He wants to make himself a bishop, and the magistrates do -nothing without consulting him. I could tell you things that -would astonish you, and all in good time I will make them known.' -Ameaux was summoned before the Consistory, and imprisoned; but -the Two Hundred disapproved of the sentence, and elected him a -member of the lower Council. There was a division between the two -powers. Calvin and the pastors declared that if it was decided -that Ameaux's fault was so trivial, and that they were suspected -of having preached false doctrine for seven years, they would -insist on being brought to trial. The Council hereupon revoked -their resolution in favour of Ameaux, and condemned him to the -punishment known as the _amende honorable_; that is, he was -to walk through all the principal parts of the town in his shirt, -bare-headed and with a lighted torch in his hand, and to end by -making a public confession and expressing sorrow for his faults, -upon his knees. - -{273} - -Theatrical representations were a favourite amusement of the -Genevese populace. But they were now rarely indulged in; and, -during this same year, certain performances were proposed. Calvin -approved of the first piece, entitled 'A History for the -Edification of the People,' 'provided one scene was suppressed, -in which shopkeepers were ridiculed and traduced.' Indeed, so -great was his toleration that the evening sermon was postponed on -account of the length of the theatricals. A month later -permission was asked for the representation of a second piece, -entitled 'The Acts of the Apostles.' The manuscript of the play -was submitted to Calvin, who said, 'Those who desire the -performance of this play ought rather to devote their money to -works of charity. What I say is not so much by way of censure as -of remonstrance; we ought first of all to spend our money for the -good of our neighbours.' In spite of this remonstrance, however, -the Council sanctioned the performance, adding, 'and, as it will -be very edifying, debtors may, for four days, have free admission -to see the aforesaid story acted.' One of the pastors, Calvin's -colleague, was much more strict, and preached in St. Peter's -church against the proposed play in strong terms. 'The women,' he -said, 'who mount the stage to perform that false scene are -shameless creatures; those who are handsome go to exhibit their -beauty, and the ugly ones to show off their finery and their -magnificent satins and gold. All this display excites evil -thoughts and profligate talk among the spectators.' The subject -was again laid before the Council, and Calvin generously -supported his colleague, declaring that he held precisely the -same opinions as those expressed in the sermon. This time, -however, the Council persisted in its toleration, and the play -was performed; but, at the request of the pastors, the -magistrates refused to sanction any further representations -'until the time was more favourable for them.' - -{274} - -After the theatricals the subject of dancing was discussed. In -spite of the ecclesiastical ordinances, a grand ball had been -given, accompanied by excesses, in which several of the most -important families in the city took part; among others that of -the former syndic Ami Perrin, who had at one time been one of -Calvin's adherents. Gaberel says: 'A memoir still exists which -gives a detailed account of these extraordinary amusements, and -from this terrible record it appears that the dances then -performed in private houses would not be tolerated at the present -day in the height of the most disorderly carnival.' [Footnote 95] - - [Footnote 95: Gaberel, _Pièces justificatives_, p. 249. - The memorial, addressed to the King of Navarre by Dancau, is - in the library of Geneva.] - -The syndic Amblard had been also present at the ball, but he -confessed his fault, listened to Calvin's remonstrances, and -still remained his faithful friend; he even declared that it was -only just that the rich should be punished as well as the poor. -But Madame Perrin was not of such a meek disposition. No sooner -had Calvin begun to address her, than she flew into a violent -passion, and broke into invective and abuse. 'Oh, you wicked -man!' said she, 'you would like to drink the blood of our family; -but you will be turned out of Geneva before we are.' Calvin -answered, 'Remember that you are a woman, and that you disgrace -yourself by speaking in such a manner; you have banished every -feeling of modesty from your thoughts and manners, but your -temper will not prevent the Consistory from doing its duty. -{275} -If there were as many crowns as there are empty heads in your -family, you would not be able to change the current of -ecclesiastical discipline. Build a new city if you want to live -after your own fashion; but so long as you are in Geneva your -efforts to shake off the yoke, of the Gospel will be in vain.' In -consequence of this scene, Madame Perrin was imprisoned for -several days, and from that time the cordial friendship which had -united her husband to the reformer was replaced by implacable -hatred. - -Whatever was the object, and wherever the locality of the -contest, whether in street or parlour, against an excited mob, or -face to face with angry friends, whether to establish order or to -uphold morality, Calvin's indomitable courage never failed. In -1547 a former canon, Jacques Gruet, one of the foremost -Libertines, who had, according to the historians, 'concentrated -all his hatred upon Calvin,' was one day seen loitering about St. -Peter's church and going into it. A paper, evidently addressed to -Calvin, was found in the pulpit: 'Pot-belly, you and your -companions had better hold your tongues, for if you irritate us -too far we will crush you to powder. When men have suffered more -than they can bear, vengeance is at hand. ... We will not have so -many masters.' Gruet was arrested, and his papers were seized. -Among them were some that were grossly blasphemous, ridiculing -and attacking the Christian religion; [Footnote 96] whilst, on -the other hand, there were proofs of his correspondence with the -Court of Savoy, and of his willingness to betray the republic, -and gratify, at the expense of the national independence, his -hatred of Calvin, and the system which he had established. - - [Footnote 96: Papers were found in his own handwriting in - which he spoke of our Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles in - the most blasphemous and offensive manner. 'The Word of God,' - he said, 'is worth nothing, any more than those who made it. - The Gospel is only a tissue of lies; there is less in it than - in Æsop's Fables, except false and absurd doctrine.' (Henry, - vol. ii. Appendix, 121; Gaberel, i. 391.) I have suppressed - his coarse and violent language, which would be painfully - offensive to every religious and moral nature.] - -{276} - -Gruet was tried, condemned, and executed as a blasphemer and -traitor to his country. After his apprehension he was repeatedly -put to the torture, but he refused to name any accomplices. A -warning, however, came from the Pays de Vaud, in consequence of -which the Genevese Council was informed that 'more than twenty -persons had bound themselves by oath to throw Calvin into the -Rhone.' The indignation of the faithful, and the irritation of -the Libertines, had reached the highest point; and both -indignation and irritation broke out at a meeting of the Two -Hundred on the 16th of December, 1547. They had been called -together on account of new complaints made by the pastors of 'the -insolence, debauchery, dissolute manners, and enmity which tend -to the ruin of this city.' Fresh proceedings had been instituted -against the former syndic, Ami Perrin, but he had been acquitted -for want of proof against him, though deprived of his official -employment. Libertines and reformers were present at the meeting -in about equal numbers; the debate was transformed into a tumult, -and violent threats were uttered against the pastors and the -Consistory. Some of their friends, terrified at the proceedings, -left hastily to warn Calvin and his colleagues not to attend the -meeting of the Council. -{277} -'Wait a few moments for me,' said Calvin, and went out alone, -walked direct to the Hôtel de Ville, and entered the meeting -unexpectedly. He was received with loud outcries, and it is said -that several swords were drawn. He said: 'I know that I am the -chief cause of your quarrels, and if blood must be shed to -appease them, take my life, for I call God to witness that I am -come to expose myself to your swords.' There is sometimes one -happy moment in which courage conquers anger; the Council grew -calm, the members took their seats, and Calvin continued: 'There -is nothing except religion which can make you free, and secure -your liberty; but in order to obtain this you must be united, and -if my presence is an insuperable obstacle to the maintenance of -peace, I will leave the city, and will pray to God that those men -who desire to live without Christianity and law may save the -republic, and maintain its prosperity.' The reaction was as -sudden as the explosion. The Council voted oblivion of the past, -and the reconciliation of the opponents. Calvin and one of his -colleagues made the first advance: 'Gentlemen,' said they, 'the -Lord's Supper is at hand: we wish to unite all hearts, and we -desire to offer the hand of friendship to M. Ami Perrin, and we -beg, gentlemen, that you will reinstate him in his office of -councillor.' 'As for me,' answered Perrin, 'I bring no complaint -against any one, I do not wish evil to any one, and I desire to -live in peace.' Three months later he was restored to office, and -the opponents, whether Christians or Libertines, for a short time -imagined themselves to be reconciled. - -{278} - - Chapter XV. - - Division Of The Religious And Civil Authorities - On The Question Of The Lord's Supper. - - -But however sincere a reconciliation may be, it is seldom so -thorough as to put an end to the difficulties which first caused -the quarrel. When Calvin proposed that the past should be -forgotten, and that there should be peace on the approach of the -Lord's Supper, he raised that question which offered precisely -the most serious difficulty to the members of the two hostile -parties. They were still divided as to whether the religious or -the civil authorities had the right of refusing the sacrament to, -and pronouncing sentence of excommunication upon, those whom they -deemed unworthy. Such a difficulty could not arise in any free -country in our own time, or indeed in any country where the -meaning of faith and religious liberty are known. The Lord's -Supper is administered by the religious authorities under a sense -of religious responsibility, and in the name of the religious -belief common to the pastors and their flock. It is for them -alone to decide those cases in which, for religious reasons, they -think it their duty to refuse it; and the civil power has no -right to interfere in this close communion of the conscience of -the priest with that of the believer. -{279} -It is true that ecclesiastics have often abused the right of -excommunication, and have thus provoked tyrannical intervention -on the part of the civil power--like that of the 'Parlement' of -Paris, for example, which occasionally compelled a priest, in -olden times, to administer the Lord's Supper to those to whom he -had refused it. The magistrates of Geneva, from motives of -prudence and to avoid what they called scandal, claimed the same -right; and a short time after Calvin's return they maintained -that they, and not the Consistory, ought to pronounce sentence of -excommunication, and that it was the duty of the pastor to -administer the sacrament to all those authorized by the Council -to receive it. Calvin immediately declared that he would -sacrifice everything and return into exile rather than admit such -a claim. Not that he held any fixed and preconceived doctrine on -the subject; his point of view was not that of a fanatical -theologian, but of a religious ruler. He wrote to Bullinger: -'Since my return to this church we have instituted a kind of -religious discipline which is not perfect in itself, and leaves -much to be desired, but which, on the whole, accomplishes its -aim. A Consistory has been established for the supervision of -morals; it has no civil jurisdiction, and can only restrain -evil-doers in accordance with the Word of God, and as the chief -representative of God,--that is, it can exclude from the Lord's -Supper. ... I know that our friends are not all of one mind upon -this subject; there are some learned and pious men who think that -excommunication is not necessary under a Christian government, -but no sane person would be so infatuated as to condemn and -abolish it where it is already established. -{280} -So far as I am concerned, the teaching of our Lord on this point -seems to me perfectly clear, and I believe you will allow that, -for us at least, it would be a great disgrace and a fatal defeat, -if the edifice of which our Lord has appointed us the guardians -was to be destroyed beneath our eyes.' [Footnote 97] The -Libertines at once saw the advantage which they might derive from -this disagreement between the Council and the Pastors; they -ranged themselves on the side of the Council, and Berthelier, one -of their most violent partisans,--a man whose incredulity and -immorality were known to all,--presented himself at the Lord's -Supper, and was excommunicated by the Consistory. He complained -to the Council, which declared that it would not ratify the -sentence, and that 'if Berthelier had no impediment in his own -conscience which hindered him from approaching the table of the -Lord, the Council authorized him to do so.' 'Gentlemen,' said -Calvin, 'as for me I would rather suffer death than allow the -table of my Lord to be profaned in such a manner.' - - [Footnote 97: Stähelin, i. 459, 460.] - -The magistrates knew him well enough to feel that these were not -mere words. They were intimidated, and sent a private message to -Berthelier, saying: 'If you can stay away for the present, you -will do well.' But, unlike the magistrates, the Libertine and his -friends had no desire to avoid an open rupture. On Sunday the 3d -of September, 1553, St. Peter's church was filled by a large and -excited crowd; the pastors and elders filled the benches of the -Consistory; the Libertines thronged in the vicinity of the -communion table. -{281} -Calvin mounted the pulpit, and preached with great calmness upon -the state of mind and heart necessary for those who would -approach the table of the Lord; he ended his sermon by saying: -As for me, so long as it shall please God to keep me here, since -he has given me resolution and I have derived it from him, I -shall not fail to exercise it when there is need; and I will rule -my life in accordance with the will of my Master, which is quite -clear and well known to me. ... We are now about to receive the -holy sacrament; and if any one who has been excommunicated by the -Consistory tries to approach that table, at the risk of my life I -am prepared to do my duty.' He descended from the pulpit, and -approached and blessed the table of the Lord's Supper. The -Libertines drew near, and several among them made a movement -forward as if to seize the bread and wine. Calvin spread his -hands over the sacred elements, and cried out: 'You may break -these limbs, you may cut off my arms, you may take my life! Shed -my blood if you will; it is yours! But never shall any one compel -me to give things that are sacred to the profane, and to -dishonour the table of my God.' The Libertines hesitated; they -looked at each other, and looked around them; a murmur which -threatened danger was spreading throughout the hitherto silent -assembly; they drew back from the table, the crowd opened for -their passage, and the sacrament was then administered in silence -to the excited and agitated believers. - -{282} - -In the afternoon of the same day Calvin preached again: 'I do not -know,' he said, 'if this is not the last sermon I shall ever -preach in Geneva; not that I leave by my own wish, or that I -desire to depart from this spot and to give up the authority -which I hold. But I take that which has been done to signify that -Geneva will receive my services no longer, and will seek to -compel me to do what God does not permit. So long as I am free to -preach and to serve you, I will do it in the name of the Lord; -but if I am forced into an intolerable position, I will not -resist the constituted authorities, and I must go.' Calvin's -conduct had been energetic, but his language was guarded. He laid -claim to his own liberty, asserted his right to act in accordance -with the dictates of his conscience, did not urge others to -insurrection, and limited his resistance to voluntary exile. He -showed himself obedient to the law, and at the same time a -faithful pastor. But the people pronounced in his favour. The -Libertines drew back. The civil magistrates recognised the -difficulty of their position, and did not insist on carrying out -their decision. The discussion between the civil and religious -powers as to the right of pronouncing sentence of excommunication -lasted some time longer; it was occasionally diversified by -tumultuous outbreaks, and there was always a tendency towards -hesitation on the part of the civil rulers and their compromising -allies. At length, on the 25th of October, 1554, the Council -induced Berthelier 'to make peace with the pastors;' and on the -24th of January, 1555, the assembled Councils agreed that it was -the Consistory which ought to pronounce sentence of -excommunication. [Footnote 98] - - [Footnote 98: Gaberel, vol. i. p. 425] - -{283} - - - Chapter XVI. - - Defeat Of The Libertines. - - -But egotism and hatred cannot be extinguished by defeat. The -Libertines sought to attack Calvin on other grounds, and -succeeded in their attempt; for although the question they raised -was on a lower level than the right of excommunication, it was -more plausible, and seemed to involve national rights. The -persecution of the reformers had become more active and cruel, -and it had brought a great number of refugees to Geneva, more -particularly from France and Italy. Nobles, burgesses, men of -letters, peasants, and artisans, hearing that the Reformation had -triumphed in Geneva, and that the pastors were men of great -renown, hoped to find in it a safe and sacred asylum. They were -warmly welcomed by their zealous Christian brethren; but the -local patriots were inclined to be uneasy and jealous: 'We have -no certain knowledge,' says M. Gaberel, 'of the number of -refugees who fled to Geneva at this time. During the revolution -of 1793, the friends of equality wished to destroy all -distinction between families living in the same republic, and -they therefore burnt the registers in which the names of -burgesses and inhabitants had been inscribed ever since the -sixteenth century. -{284} -Fortunately some persons possessed copies of the registers, but -these private documents are not complete. The book which records -the admission of strangers gives the names of 1,376 persons to -whom the right of residing in the city was granted between the -years 1549 and 1564; seventy-eight of them were made burgesses -during the same period, and paid considerable sums for the -privilege of incorporation. The city was in great want of money, -in order to rebuild and fortify its walls; therefore the new -burgesses were very well received. Indeed, popular feeling was so -strong in their favour that one day when a vessel, bringing -several refugees, entered the port of Geneva, several of the -citizens exclaimed: "That is well; there is a boat-load of money -and stone, which will help on the fortifications!"' [Footnote 99] - - [Footnote 99: Gaberel, i. 426.] - -The strong religious feeling of these refugees was shown by their -flight from their own country; they were undoubtedly reliable and -zealous allies for Calvin and his party. The Libertines were not -slow to perceive this, and from the very first they displayed the -most active ill-will towards the new-comers. They found many who -were only too ready to join them; there were the old-established -burgesses of the city, who were annoyed at seeing strangers -invested with the rights, and sharing the advantages offered by -their country; and there were men of the lower and labouring -classes who dreaded the competition of labourers and artisans who -were often much more skilful and industrious than themselves. -{285} -Appeals were made both to national feeling and personal interest, -in order to keep up this hostility, and the discontented rich -fostered the jealousy of the discontented poor. Sometimes their -animosity was shown in the sneers uttered by men who had secretly -remained Catholics. 'Why, my good friends,' they said to the -French refugees, 'you were in a great hurry to leave your -country; the consecrated wafers seem to have stuck in your -throat.' At other times it was popular jealousy which broke -forth: 'By my faith,' said some, 'these people who ran away from -the fire for the sake of the Gospel, raise the price of -provisions very considerably.' 'See!' said the women, 'when the -Frenchmen are here, there is nothing done for the townspeople; -may the devil break the necks of all these Frenchmen!' Some of -the principal Libertines took advantage of the popular ill-will -to procure the passing of measures which would tend to weaken the -position and influence of the refugees. Calvin wrote to -Bullinger: 'They treat barbarously our brothers in the cause of -Christ who have fled to us. They subject them to inhuman -outrages, and yet the refugees bear it with a gentleness and -patience which even those who injure them cannot deny.' Ami -Perrin allowed the shops of the French refugees to be plundered; -he proposed to take all arms from them except their swords, which -they were no longer to be allowed to wear in public. Some days -later he went a step further, and demanded that the refugees -should also be deprived of their swords, as he was afraid of some -treason on their part in behalf of Henry II. king of France. - -{286} - -The refugees were indignant; they called upon Perrin to prove -that they had any intention of 'throwing themselves again into -the power of that Catherine who, with her husband, was bathed in -the blood of their brethren.' The first syndic, Jean Lambert, -laid their complaints before the Two Hundred: 'Gentlemen,' he -said, 'I ask myself in vain, why Captain Perrin and M. Vandel are -so furious against the foreign burgesses, saying that they desire -to drive the elders from the city and to give it up to the king -or to some other prince. Think for a moment if it is at all -probable that such an accusation is true! These men came to us -from different countries, with different manners, customs, and -languages. What plan could be proposed in which they would all -agree, or how could they be induced to unite in order to betray -and expel us? They have forsaken their own country, their -relations and friends, and all their worldly goods, to obey the -commands of God; and now we are told that they intend to throw -themselves back again into the power of those princes from whom -they have escaped, and that they propose to betray the city which -has given them shelter. Certes, Captain, I marvel greatly at your -suspicions, for you were quite free from them seven years ago -when you wished to admit two hundred dragoons into the city, -sworn servants of the king of France. For my part I hold that we -ought to grant every privilege to men who bring us fidelity, -honour, and money. The city will be greatly improved if we can -get men of good conduct and good report to become burgesses.' -[Footnote 100] - - [Footnote 100: Gaberel, i. 427-434. Bonnivard, _De - l'ancienne et nouvelle Police de Genève_, pp. 127-131.] - -{287} - -At the beginning of the preceding year [Footnote 101] a -concession had been made with which the Libertines might well -have been contented. - - [Footnote 101: January 16th, 1554.] - -A resolution had been carried stating that eligible members of -the Grand Council must have inhabited Geneva and shared its -perils during the war of 1536--that is, at the period when the -Reformation had been proposed and established. The fresh demands -for the exclusion of the refugees, made by Ami Perrin, were -rejected; and during the beginning of the year 1555, sixty new -burgesses were received. The malcontents declared that 'many of -the people regretted that so many new burgesses were admitted -from the same country.' The complaints of the Libertines were -changed to threats; they stated definitely to the Council that -their 'opposition might stir up the people, and that it was -absolutely necessary to put an end to these admissions in order -to preserve the public peace.' - -The Libertines took the initiative in the breach of the peace, -and assumed the whole responsibility of it. Restless and defiant, -they saw that their influence over the popular mind was -diminishing rapidly, and they were driven to attempt a decisive -blow by their own passions and by the knowledge of their -approaching fall. On the 18th of May, 1555, three days after the -Council had rejected their last demands, the leaders of the party -supped together at a tavern, 'with many riotous companions,' says -Bonnivard; 'they tore the Frenchmen and the receivers of -Frenchmen to tatters with their sharp tongues. After the tongue -had done its office, the wine induced the feet and the hands to -do theirs. "Captain," said one of them to Ami Perrin, "I find you -lukewarm, but the people trust you; take the affair into your own -hands." -{288} -"Forward, gentlemen!" said Perrin; "what we do is for the -honour of Geneva!" They rushed out, and hurrying to all parts of -Geneva, summoned their partisans: "To arms, to arms, all good -citizens of Geneva! The French are going to sack the city. To the -Rhone with the Frenchmen! Down with every French rascal that -shows his head!" One of the bands attacked the Hôtel de Ville; -another passed before the house of the syndic Aubert. The -magistrate, hearing a great noise, goes down into the street in -his dressing-gown, with his baton of office in one hand and a -lighted candle in the other. He is knocked down and trampled -under foot, but gets up again, and friends come to his aid. -Another of the syndics rapidly calls together two or three -companies of militia, and they hasten to the defence of the Hôtel -de Ville. The struggle commences, many persons are killed, but -the insurgents are everywhere attacked, defeated and pursued. -Their resistance was as short as their attack had been sudden and -violent; many were taken prisoners, but their leaders, Perrin -amongst others, escaped and left the Genevese territory. The -insurrection was quickly repressed, and the rioters were severely -punished. When they were brought to justice, some of those who -had been taken in combat were condemned to death, and executed; -others were banished, and a hundred and fifty of their friends -withdrew with them to the Bernese territory. But they did not -consider themselves defeated. They asked the Bernese Government -first to solicit and then openly to insist on their return, thus -making Berne the judge between Geneva and those whom she had -proscribed. -{289} -The republic, after that, would only have needed to become the -vassal, and then the subject of Berne. In order to allay this -storm, much firmness and also much prudence were necessary; for -Berne was powerful, and Berne had no love for Geneva. It was -Calvin who conducted the whole business, and Berne was compelled -to renounce her ambitious pretensions.' [Footnote 102] - - [Footnote 102: Bungener, p. 339. Gaberel, i. 432-435.] - -The Libertines now carried their animosity and treason elsewhere; -they applied to the Duke of Savoy to subdue Geneva: 'See,' said -they, pointing to the fortifications of their native city, 'look -at those white walls; before long they will be so battered with -cannon that there will not be one stone left upon another.' But -the city had been put into a good state of defence, and it was -not therefore attacked. The Libertines did not abandon their -plots, but the Duke of Savoy adjourned his projects. Calvin asked -the Council to ordain a Fast-day as a thanksgiving for great -mercies, and the pious solemnity took place. After nineteen years -of internal struggle the young republic, which in 1536, had so -boldly ranged itself under the banner of the Reformation, was -able, in 1555, to entertain the hope of living in peace under the -influence of its great reformer. - -{290} - - Chapter XVII. - - Calvin's Theological Controversies. - Servetus. - - -It has been often said, that from this time forward Calvin was -supreme in Geneva, and governed absolutely. His government has -been sometimes called an ecclesiastical theocracy established in -the midst of a Christian republic. The assertion is vague and -inaccurate. There can be no doubt that the final defeat of the -Libertines was a great victory for Calvin, and that it increased -his general influence in Geneva enormously. On all subsequent -occasions his opinion was relied upon. The civil magistrates -often asked his advice. When any important question or grave -difficulty arose with regard to the foreign policy of the little -state, Calvin was frequently applied to, requested to take part -in the negotiations, and to exercise in behalf of Geneva the -influence which he had obtained in those parts of Europe where -the Reformation had been adopted. But, although Calvin's -influence in the republic was very powerful, it is a mistake to -say that the government ever assumed an ecclesiastical character. -The distinction between the civil and religious powers was -strictly preserved, and their domains carefully separated. -{291} -The civil magistrates recognised the rights of the Venerable -Company, and of the Consistory, in all questions of faith and -religious and moral discipline; but they resisted any extension -of their power beyond its due limits, controlled it within these -limits, and exercised due authority over the pastors themselves. -The Venerable Company had transferred one of their pastors to a -country parish without asking the Council to authorize this step; -they were desired not to act in such a manner in future. The -registers of the Council contain the following entry: 'Nicolas -Vandert, preacher at Jussy, does not do his duty in his calling, -and does not visit the sick; resolved that he shall be dismissed, -and another put in his place.' A little later another pastor was -dismissed 'for incontinence.' The Council is informed that Pastor -Bernard preaches 'with closed doors,' and thereupon desires him -to preach 'with open doors.' Another pastor is warned 'that he is -not to speak evil of the magistrates in his sermons.' Even Calvin -himself was not beyond the reach of similar admonitions; 'On the -21st of May, 1548, the Council was informed that, in his sermon -yesterday, Calvin asserted, with much anger, that the magistrates -tolerated many offences. Wherefore it is ordained that he shall -be summoned before the Council, and asked what was his intention -in preaching to that effect; and if there is any such offence in -the city, then the officers of justice shall have orders to see -the law carried out.' The mutual recriminations still continued; -on the 9th of July, Calvin was denounced because 'yesterday he -was very violent in his sermon, speaking against baptism and -certain crosses worn upon the clothes.' -{292} -The Council decides to summon all the ministers before them and -remonstrate, telling them that 'they ought not to protest in -public, but first of all to bring their grievances before the -Council, and afterwards to address the public, if they find that -the Council takes no notice of their complaints.' There can be no -doubt that the power of the pastors was very great; but that of -the civil magistrates was equally great, and they had no -hesitation in using it. [Footnote 103] - - [Footnote 103: M. Amédée Roget, in a little pamphlet on the - Church and State of Geneva during the lifetime of Calvin, - published at Geneva in 1867, has fully established the truth - of these facts, which he quotes from the registers of the - Council.] - -Calvin remained the victor in his struggle with the political -Libertines; but he was engaged in another contest--a series of -theological controversies with the heretical Libertines. He was -laying the foundations of the religious system and independence -of the reformed Christian Church, but he was also labouring to -uphold the Christian evangelical faith within that Church. The -three principal and most formidable characteristics of the -sixteenth century were its political disturbances, its public -immorality, and its ardent outburst of intellectual life, and -Calvin was simultaneously resisting all of them. I will not -attempt to follow him into the arena where he successfully -opposed the numerous speculative theologians who hovered around -the great reformers of the century,--Caroli, Bolsec, Castellio, -Westphal, Gribaldo, Valentinus Gentilis, Biandrata, Osiander, and -many others. -{293} -But I will select two of the most daring thinkers with whom he -was brought into contact, Michael Servetus and Lælius Socinus; -both of them celebrated, one for his tragical end, and the other -as the forerunner of his nephew, Faustus Socinus, the founder of -the well-known sect of Socinians. Two very different sides of the -character of Calvin are displayed in his connexion with these two -men; his harsh severity towards those opponents whom he despised, -and his moderation and almost gentle tolerance towards those whom -he esteemed, and believed to be sincere and humble. - -In the year 1509, the very same year in which Calvin was born at -Noyon, Michael Servetus was born at Villanueva, a city of -Arragon, where his father, a burgess of some eminence, was a -notary. He received his early education in a Dominican convent, -and his father afterwards sent him to study law at Toulouse, just -as Calvin's father had wished him to pursue the same study at -Orleans and Bourges. In like manner as Calvin in his youth had -received assistance and protection from an ecclesiastic, so also -the first patron of Servetus was a priest,--Quintana, -father-confessor of the Emperor Charles V., whom Servetus -accompanied to Italy, an obscure member of the imperial suite. In -spite, however, of this patronage and of his youth, he was -strongly imbued with the novel opinions of the time; for when he -afterwards recalled the recollections of his visit to Rome, he -says: 'I saw there with my own eyes the Pope carried on the heads -of the princes of the land, and worshipped in the public squares -by a whole people on their knees; so much so that those who could -kiss his feet, or even his shoes, thought themselves blessed -above all others. O beast, the most murderous of all beasts! O -harlot, the most shameless of all harlots! Surely this was the -beautiful harlot described in the Book of Isaiah.' [Footnote 104] - - [Footnote 104: Isaiah, chap, xlvii. Henry, iii. 107.] - -{294} - -A little later, in 1530, Servetus was at Basle, holding communion -with the already celebrated reformers who had taken up their -abode there, with Œcolampadius, Capito and Bucer. Zwingli, the -great reformer of German Switzerland, who was to be struck by -death the following year on the battle-field of Cappel, was also -at Basle, holding converse with his friends regarding the -interests of their common cause. Œcolampadius said: 'I have got a -rash, hot-headed Spaniard here, Michael Servetus, who is always -raising the most difficult questions, and bothering me horribly. -He is an Arian.' 'Brother Œcolampadius,' said Zwingli, 'look -after him and be careful; the views of that Spaniard will be the -ruin of the whole Christian religion. Unless Christ was truly God -and the eternal God, he was not and could not have been our -Saviour, and all that the holy prophets and apostles have taught -must be false. Try by good and weighty arguments to bring the -young man back to the way of truth.' 'I have tried,' answered -Œcolampadius, 'but he is so vain, so presumptuous, and so -argumentative that I can do nothing with him.' In 1534, four -years later, Calvin also visited Basle, and made an impression -upon these same reformers, the very reverse of that which -Servetus had produced. They foresaw great danger to the reformed -religion in one of these young men, and great strength and hope -in the other. Their presentiments were not false. - -{295} - -Throughout 1531 and 1532 Servetus was wandering from Basle into -Germany, and from Germany back to Basle; sometimes in the suite -of the confessor of Charles V.; at others alone, and ardently -engrossed by the notions which were seething in his brain, and -from the realization of which he promised himself a brilliant -future. There were no limits to his ambition and presumption; he -proposed to inaugurate a very different kind of reformation from -that which was going on around him: 'I am neither Catholic nor -Protestant,' he said, and he already looked upon himself as the -most important, as well as the newest reformer. He returned to -Basle in 1531, and brought out his first work on the 'Errors of -the Trinity.' It was printed at Hagenau, and he did not hesitate -to put his real name on the title-page: 'by M. Servetus, -otherwise Reves, a Spaniard from Arragon.' [Footnote 105] - - [Footnote 105: _De Trinitatis Erroribus_, lib. vii. per - M. Servetus, _alias_ Reves, ab Aragonia Hispanum. In - 8vo.] - -The printer was more prudent; so great was the suspicion which -the doctrines of Servetus had already inspired, that he did not -put his own name on the book, nor that of the place at which it -was published. The work was a violent attack upon the doctrine of -the Trinity, written with vigour and a certain glitter of -imagination and subtlety of thought, but its rash speculations -were vague and superficial. It was received with prompt and -severe disapproval both by Catholics and Protestants. Father -Quintana spoke of Servetus with contempt, as a young man who had -certainly belonged to his suite, and whom he knew by sight, but -whom he had never suspected of holding such impious opinions. -Even the most gentle of the German and Swiss reformers openly -expressed their indignation. Melancthon urged Œcolampadius to -take heed lest such doctrines should be imputed to the Swiss -reformers. -{296} -Bucer denounced the work from the pulpit, and went so far as to -say that the author of it deserved to be torn limb from limb. The -Government of Basle caused the book to be seized, and even, so it -is said, imprisoned the author. But the imprisonment, if it took -place, must have been short, for Servetus almost immediately -published a second work [Footnote 106] on the same subject, still -in his own name, in which he explained, apologized for, and -retracted almost the whole of the first; not, however, on the -ground that his notions were false, but that they were crude and -imperfect. - - [Footnote 106: _Dialogorum de Trinitate_. Lib. ii. _de - Justitia regni Christi_, cap. iv. In 8vo. 1532.] - -Indeed, in addition to the attacks on the Trinity, this book -disclosed a much more wild and impious pantheism than the first -had done. The second work received little attention, either -favourable or unfavourable, but the impression produced by the -first was permanent. Servetus saw that he had very little chance -of success either in Germany or Switzerland, and he went -elsewhere to try and realize his dreams of success and power. - -He hoped to do so in France, at Paris. He was there in 1534, and -was, at the same time, a student and a professor. He both gave -and received lessons in medicine, mathematics, and astronomy, and -was soon noted for his rapid insight, brilliant imagination, -marvellous powers of acquisition, and wealth of novel theories, -often rash, but sometimes ingenious and happy. He conjectured, -and almost described, the circulation of the blood, took part -with the Greek against the Arabian physicians, speaking of all -those who did not agree with him as 'fools and public pests.' -{297} -He gave courses of lectures on mathematics and astronomy which -were a mixture of science and chimerical conjecture, and he -translated Ptolemy's Geography. The extent and versatility of his -intellectual powers attracted large audiences; but at the same -time his exacting and arrogant character, his overbearing and -pretentious manners, his restless and quarrelsome temper soon -embroiled him not only with the physicians who were his rivals, -but with the whole University of Paris, which distrusted his -views and detested his person. He lacked both personal influence -and modesty; he was not only violent and abusive to his -adversaries, like the majority of even the most eminent learned -men in his time, but in every dispute he showed that presumptuous -and arrogant self-complacence which inflicts far deeper wounds -than open and even brutal anger. His theological heresies and -astrological dreams furnished numerous pretexts against him. He -was denounced to the 'Parlement' of Paris, and they condemned him -to suppress an abusive treatise which he had published, and -forbade him to teach astrology, or to prophesy and predict from -the stars. Annoyed at this, and lacking stability of purpose, he -left Paris and went to Lyons, where he obtained employment as -corrector of the press to the celebrated printers Melchior and -Caspar Trechsel; he returned to Paris, and left again; went first -to Avignon, then to Charlieu, a small town near Lyons, changing -his name and residence incessantly; sometimes eager for -retirement and sometimes for display; desiring fame, and yet -often in great need of concealment. -{298} -At length, in 1540, he settled at Vienne, in Dauphiné, where the -archbishop, Mgr. Palmier, who had attended some of his lectures -in Paris took him under his protection. - -He lived at Vienne twelve years, concealing his real name -Servetus, and adopting that of Villanueva, his native city. He -was in high repute as a physician, and conformed outwardly to the -Roman Catholic religion; but he was more than ever absorbed in -his projected religious reformation, and the great part that he -was to play in it. He published numerous works; among others he -brought out a translation of the Bible by a learned monk named -Xantès Pagninus, then dead. But the Book of Revelations was the -special subject of his study. In it he saw the signs of the -times, and the approaching fall of Antichrist. 'The Dragon which -tries to devour the woman and her child is the Pope; the woman is -the Church; her child whom God takes away and saves is the -Christian faith. [Footnote 107] - - [Footnote 107: Revelation, chap. xii.] - -For 1560 days, that is years, the Church has been under the yoke -of Antichrist, but now the struggle with the Dragon is about to -commence. Michael and his angels will triumph; we shall discover -the divine Revelation from the very earliest ages--the great -mystery of faith which is beyond all dispute; we shall see the -face of God which has never yet been seen. We shall see the glory -of his image in ourselves.' [Footnote 108] - - [Footnote 108: Henry, iii. 125-128.] - -Servetus did not assert that he himself was the archangel -Michael, but he believed himself to be his ally, and one of our -Lord's new apostles. In order to make known all these seething -fancies, he prepared a new work entitled _Restoration of -Christianity_. - -{299} - -The latest of Calvin's biographers, Stähelin, gives the following -account of the doctrines contained in the work of Servetus, 'or -rather of so much of them,' he says, 'as it is possible to make -out from his involved and mystical language, and the attempted -sublimity of his style. The fundamental principle of the whole -book is the assertion of the one absolute and indivisible God. It -would be impossible to imagine any direct action of God upon the -world; he is separated from it by an immeasurable abyss. The -instruments which he uses, the links which unite the finite and -the infinite, are found in the world of thought. Every thought or -idea must be contemplated as a personal reality, having its -origin in the being of God, and itself an image of his eternal -essence. Perfectly distinct, and yet not separate from God, these -ideas animate matter, and thus unite it to God. There are -therefore three worlds, each of which has its own separate -existence, although they are all closely united one to the -other,--God, ideas, and things or beings. All beings are -contained in ideas, all ideas in God; God is all things, and all -things are God.' [Footnote 109] - - [Footnote 109: Stähelin, i. 432.] - -In 1848, two years before the publication of Stähelin's work, M. -Emile Saisset, a very distinguished philosopher of the -contemporary French school, published in the _Revue des deux -Mondes_ [Footnote 110] an account of the doctrine of Servetus, -which, although more fully developed, is in perfect agreement -with that of M. Stähelin, the theologian of Basle. - - [Footnote 110: _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1848, i. - 605-611.] - -That doctrine is, in fact, pantheism, with all its pretensions to -explain everything in a rational way, and with the chaos of -logic, mysticism, and mere words, which pantheism offers as -rational explanation. - -{300} - -When Servetus was living at Vienne, he was in frequent -communication with friends at Lyons, and was within a very short -distance, almost within reach, of the religious influence of -Geneva, that is of Calvin. I have already said that the two men -met in Paris in 1534, commenced a controversy, and appointed a -meeting so as to carry it on in public; that Calvin kept this -appointment, and Servetus broke it. Whatever may have been the -motive of Servetus in so doing, there can be no doubt that some -contempt for an adversary who had thus escaped from a contest -lingered in Calvin's mind. That which he afterwards heard -respecting Servetus from the German and Swiss reformers had -certainly confirmed the suspicion and disapprobation with which -he was inclined to regard him. But, on the other hand, Servetus -could not live so near Calvin without being struck by the -importance which he had acquired, the greatness of his work, and -the fame of his name. He wished to renew his acquaintance with -Calvin, wrote to him, sent him questions, asked his advice, even -sent him a copy of the book which he was preparing on the -'Restoration of Christianity;' no doubt for the purpose of -finding out beforehand the objections of his formidable -adversary. His letters bear the impress sometimes of -philosophical inquiry, sometimes of undisciplined temper: 'I am -always at work,' he wrote to Calvin, 'trying to revive the life -of the Church, and you are angry with me because I associate -myself with the angel Michael in such a contest, and because I am -anxious that all pious men should do as I do.' - - [Footnote 111 (no reference): Page 171.] - -{301} - -'Examine this passage in the Book of Revelations thoroughly, and -you will see that the combat is waged by men, and that they lay -down their lives to testify of the Christ. It is usual to call -them angels in Scripture, because the regeneration from above -makes us equal to the angels.' - -To these letters, which were very numerous between 1540 and 1546, -Calvin replied coldly but without acrimony. He evaded the -questions of Servetus when they appeared insidious, and gave him -wise and earnest advice; but he was evidently careful not to -enter into regular correspondence with him, and anxious to avoid -all appearance of intimacy, even as an opponent, with a man whom -he did not esteem, and whose views and ideas outraged all his -own. 'I was anxious to carry out your wishes,' he wrote to their -common friend Frellon at Lyons; [Footnote 112] 'not that, from -what I see of his present frame of mind, I have any great hope of -doing much good to such a man, but in order to try once again if -there are any means of subduing him;--which will be when God has -so dealt with him that he is quite different to what he is now.' - - [Footnote 112: February 13th, 1546.] - -{302} - -'As he wrote to me in a very haughty tone, I wished, if possible, -to humble him by speaking more harshly than I am wont to do. I -could do no otherwise, for I assure you that there is no lesson -he is in such want of as one in humility; but it must come to him -from God and no otherwise. Nevertheless we must put our hands to -the work also. If by God's grace, shown both to him and to us, -the answer you have asked me to send should prove profitable to -him, I shall have reason to rejoice. But if he continues in his -present mind, you will lose time if you entreat me to labour any -further on his behalf, for I have other duties which are much -more imperative. ... I pray you to rest satisfied with what I -have already done, unless you find him differently disposed.' - -Servetus, however, continued to write to Calvin; no doubt hoping -either to convince or to perplex him by his persistent -correspondence and controversy. At length Calvin grew weary of -it, and wrote: 'Neither now nor at any future time will I mix -myself up in any way with your wild dreams. Forgive me for -speaking thus, but truth compels me to do so. I neither hate you -nor despise you; I do not wish to treat you harshly; but I must -be made of iron if I could hear you rail against the doctrine of -salvation and not be moved by it. Moreover, I have no time to -concern myself any further with your plans and systems; all that -I can say to you on this subject, is contained in my "Christian -Institutes," to which I must now refer you.' [Footnote 113] - - [Footnote 113: Henry, iii. 125-133. Stähelin, i. 429-431.] - -Servetus was deeply wounded by this haughty language: he had made -advances which Calvin had resisted, and laid snares from which he -had escaped. The prudent reformer with his clear and resolute -intellect could not show indifference to the self-confident -visionary, who was capable both of lofty sincerity and low -cunning, nor was it possible that he could be deceived by him. -Even if there had not been any special and profound disagreement -between these two men, they were antipathetic by nature, and -anything that drew them together and brought them into contact, -instead of uniting them, would only cause them to recoil more -widely. -{303} -From this time forward there was an end of all direct -correspondence on the part of Calvin. He had previously written -to Farel: [Footnote 114] 'Not long ago Servetus wrote to me, and -sent with his letter a volume of his extravagant folly, which he -put forward with great ostentation, and I was compelled to read -the most unheard-of and bewildering things. He says that, if I -like, he will come here; but I will not give him any assurance of -my protection, for if he does come and if my authority prevails, -I will never suffer him to depart from this city alive.' In -September 1548, he wrote to Viret: 'I think you have seen my -answer to Servetus. I have declined any further correspondence -with such an obstinate and conceited heretic. It is certainly a -case in which we ought to follow the precept of the apostle Paul. -[Footnote 115] He is now attacking you, and it is for you to -consider how far it is worth your while to refute his dreams. -From henceforth he will get nothing more from me.' - - [Footnote 114: February 13th, 1546.] - - [Footnote 115: II Timothy ii. 23.] - -Servetus was more annoyed by silence than he could possibly have -been by controversy, and he sent back Calvin's copy of the -'Christian Institutes' full of marginal notes, in which he -attacked the doctrines it contained. He determined at the same -time to put forth his manifesto, his great work on the -'Restoration of Christianity;' which would, so he thought, effect -a much greater social and religious revolution in Europe than the -Reformation had done. But with a strange mixture of audacity and -timidity, although he published it, he did not venture to -proclaim himself as its author. -{304} -He tried first of all to get it printed at Basle; not succeeding -there he found a printer at Vienne, in the very diocese where he -was living under the protection of the Archbishop, who consented -to print it under the seal of secrecy. The production was -completed in three months, between September 1552 and January -1553, under the superintendence of Servetus himself. Some say -that one thousand and others that eight hundred copies were -struck off, and bales were forwarded at once to Lyons, Châtillon, -Frankfort, and Geneva. The book bore no name, either of author or -printer, but, with an infatuation which would be incomprehensible -if it were not for the paternal love of an author for his work, -the three initial letters of the name and country of Servetus -were placed at the end of it; M. S. V.--Michael Servetus, -Villanueva. - -The public indignation was great; especially in Lyons and Geneva, -the former the centre of Catholicism, and the latter of -Protestantism. The people of Geneva marvelled that in a city like -Lyons, where Cardinal de Tournon and the Roman Inquisitor -Matthias Ory resided, no steps were taken to stop the circulation -of such a book and to discover and punish the author. There was a -French refugee at Geneva, Guillaume de Trie, a zealous Protestant -and follower of Calvin, who was in correspondence with a relative -at Lyons, Antoine Arneys, who was an ardent Catholic; and, in -order to bring De Trie back to the bosom of the Church, Arneys -accused the reformers of being without discipline or rules of -faith, and of sanctioning the most unbridled licence. De Trie, in -his turn, accused the Catholic Church of indifference and -inability to repress licence in her own domains; and the name of -Servetus, his previous works, his new book, recently printed at -Vienne under the very eyes of the Archbishop, and the doctrines -taught in the book, were all brought forward in De Trie's letter -to the Catholic of Lyons, in proof of the justice of his -reproaches. -{305} -He added: 'In order that you may not think I speak from mere -conjecture, I send you the first sheet of the work.' And he did, -in fact, send the title-page, index, and first four pages of the -'Restoration of Christianity.' - -The Inquisitor, the Cardinal, and the Vicar-General of the -Archbishop of Vienne, immediately took the matter in hand. At -their request Servetus was summoned to appear before Monsieur de -Montgiron, the _Lieutenant-Général du Roi_, [Footnote 116] -in Dauphiné, whose physician he was, under the name of -Villanueva. At the expiration of two hours, which even those who -uphold Servetus say that he no doubt spent in destroying papers -which might have compromised him, he appeared and answered all -the questions put to him by a general denial. He said that 'for a -long time he had lived at Vienne, and that he had often visited -the preachers and other professors of theology. But they would -not find that he had ever held heretical opinions or been -suspected of heresy. He was willing that his apartments should be -searched so as to remove all cause for suspicion, not only that -of the court but of any other persons, for he had always desired -to live so that there should be no cause for the said suspicion.' -His dwelling and papers were searched. - - [Footnote 116: The functions of the _Lieutenant-Général du - Roi_ were military, political, administrative, and, on - special occasions, judicial also. This confusion of offices - prevailed for a long time in the old French Monarchy.] - -{306} - -The printer Arnoullet and his workmen were examined; they were -asked if they had seen the manuscript of the book of which the -first few pages were shown to them--they answered that they had -not, and produced a list of all the books printed by them within -the last two years; there was not one of any kind in octavo. The -questions put either to Servetus or to those who had assisted -him, only led to absolute denial of all that was suggested, and -the court decided that there was not sufficient evidence for -taking any further proceedings, or for imprisoning the Spanish -physician, Monsieur Villanueva. - -The falsehood was rash and useless. Too many persons had been -engaged in the production of the book, too many copies had been -sent away, the initials M. S. V. (Michael Servetus Villanueva) -too plainly indicated the author, and Servetus himself had too -often boasted of his work, to make it possible that a serious -inquiry could have any other result than a discovery of the whole -truth. Cardinal de Tournon and the Inquisitor Ory applied to the -source from whence they had received warning, for further help. -They directed the Catholic Arneys, at Lyons, to write to the -Protestant De Trie, [Footnote 117] at Geneva, and ask for the -information and proof which they wanted, and amongst other things -for the whole volume of which he had only sent a few pages: 'In -order,' so said the letter, 'that the Genevese might see that -there were people in France who laid to heart the honour of God -and of the Christian faith, and that they were not all as -lukewarm as those of Geneva imagined.' - - [Footnote 117: According to Stähelin, i. 436, the Inquisitor, - Matthias Ory, wrote to De Trie with his own hand.] - -{307} - -The inquiry at Vienne had taken place about the middle of March; -De Trie's answer to Arneys arrived at Lyons on the 26th of the -same month. It was as follows: 'When I wrote the letter which you -communicated to those who were in it accused of indifference, I -did not think that the matter would have gone so far. My only -intention was to let you see the fine zeal and devotion of those -who call themselves the pillars of the Church, and yet allow such -evil to exist among them, whilst they harshly persecute poor -Christians who desire nothing more than to serve God in all -simplicity. As this was a striking example which had come under -my notice, I thought that my letters--as I was writing on this -subject--gave me a suitable occasion for mentioning it. But since -you have made known that which I had intended to write for your -own eyes only, may God so dispose all things for the best, that -it may be the means of purging Christianity from such a foul -pest. If those you speak of are really as much in earnest as you -say, there will not be much difficulty in the affair (even -although I am unable at present to furnish you with what you ask -for, namely the book), for I can place in your hands that which -is more convincing, namely about two dozen papers written by the -person in question, and containing some of his heresies. If the -printed book was placed before him, he might deny it, but he -cannot deny his own writing. ... But I must confess that I have -had great difficulty in obtaining from Monsieur Calvin that which -I send you; not that he is unwilling that such execrable -blasphemy should be punished, but that it seems to him that, -since he does not wield the sword of justice, it is his duty to -confute heresy by sound doctrine rather than to seek to extirpate -it by any other method. -{308} -But I have importuned him so greatly, representing that I should -be charged with making reckless assertions unless he came to my -aid, that at length he has consented to give up that which I send -you.' [Footnote 118] - - [Footnote 118: _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1848, i. 822.] - -The packet contained: I. Some pages of a copy of Calvin's -'Christian Institutes,' on the margin of which Servetus had -written with his own hand, occasionally using very violent -language, some of his theories which were utterly opposed to the -Christian dogmas recognised both by Protestants and Catholics. -II. Several autograph letters from Servetus to Calvin, in which -he brought forward and maintained the pantheistic notions upon -which his recent work, the 'Restoration of Christianity,' was -based. - -Calvin has been strongly blamed for giving up these private -letters and marginal notes to the Catholic authorities, who had -already commenced proceedings against Servetus. It has been said -that he laid the whole plot, and caused Servetus to be denounced, -in order to destroy a religious adversary and personal enemy, by -the instrumentality of the Catholic Church. His hesitation as to -whether he ought to give up the papers and allow them to be sent -to Lyons, shows that he had some doubt as to the moral rectitude -of his conduct; but it shows an extraordinary misapprehension of -his character to imagine that this hesitation was an act of -hypocrisy, and that the surrender of the papers was a piece of -premeditated perfidy. There are no errors, or rather no vices, -with which it is so impossible to charge Calvin as with untruth -and hypocrisy. -{309} -During the whole course of his life he openly avowed his thoughts -and acknowledged his actions; he left his native country for -ever, and the country of his adoption for a long period, just -because he was resolved to assert his opinions, and to act -according to his opinions. In his transactions with Servetus, he -was brought into contact with a man who, whilst he aimed at -becoming the most radical of reformers, lived for twelve years at -Vienne as a strict Catholic, and secretly printed and distributed -a profoundly anti-Christian book; then, seeing that he was in -danger, denied his work and his acts, and protested 'that he had -never desired to teach or maintain any doctrine opposed to the -Church or the Christian religion.' Calvin felt the greatest -contempt for so much untruth and cowardice; he openly condemned -the book and the conduct of Servetus from the very first; he -considered it both a right and a duty to prove the truth of that -which he had affirmed, and to show at Lyons as well as at Geneva -that the opinions of Servetus were the same as those put forward -in the condemned volume, and that Servetus was really the author -of it. 'It is reported,' said he, 'that I have contrived to have -Servetus taken prisoner in the Papal dominions, that is at -Vienne; and thereupon many say that I have not acted honourably -in exposing him to the deadly enemies of the faith. There is no -need to insist on my vigorously denying such a frivolous calumny, -which will fall flat when I have said in one word that there is -no truth in it. ... If there were any truth in the charge, I -should not deny it, and I do not think that it would be at all -discreditable to me.' [Footnote 119] - - [Footnote 119: Bungener, p. 362.] - -{310} - -The effect produced by this information was what might have been -expected. The proceedings at Vienne were at once resumed. -Servetus was called upon to explain the marginal notes in the -'Christian Institutes,' and the letters he had written to Calvin. -He was greatly troubled, and fell into all kinds of strange and -contradictory statements and denials: 'He says that, at first -sight, it is impossible for him to say if the letter is his or -not, because it has been written so long; however, having looked -at it more closely, he certainly thinks that he must have written -it; and says that whatever is found in it contrary to the faith, -he submits to the decision of our holy Mother Church, from which -he has never wished, nor would ever consent to be separated. And -if he has written any such things, he says that he wrote them -heedlessly, by way of argument and without serious thought.' And -then he is said to have burst into tears and uttered the most -unexpected lie, denying that he was Servetus: 'I will tell you -the whole truth. Twenty-five years ago, when I was in Germany, a -book by a certain Servetus, a Spaniard, was published at Aganon -(Hagenau); I do not know where he was then living. When I entered -into correspondence with Calvin, he charged me with being -Servetus, on account of the similarity of our views, and after -that I assumed the character of Servetus.' [Footnote 120] - - [Footnote 120: Henry, iii. 146.] - -This incoherent mass of untruth and confession caused the -proceedings to be carried on in a more serious manner. Servetus -was arrested and imprisoned. The gaoler received orders to watch -him carefully. Nevertheless he was treated with an indulgence by -no means common at that time. He was allowed to have his own -servant, to keep possession of a gold chain and some rings which -he wore, and to send a demand for the payment of 300 crowns which -were due to him. -{311} -He had undoubtedly many staunch friends; probably the vice-Bailli -of Vienne, whose sick daughter he had cured, was one, and -possibly Monsieur de Montgiron, the _Lieutenant-Général_ in -whose service he had been, was another. It was afterwards proved -that a servant of the gaoler had said to the servant of Servetus, -'Go and tell your master to escape by the garden.' On the 7th of -April, 1553, two days after his imprisonment, Servetus did, in -fact, escape in the early morning by a garden which led into the -courtyard of the _Palais de Justice_. He hurried across the -bridge over the Rhone, and thus passed from Dauphiné into -Lyonnais; at least this was the account given by a peasant, who -had met him but was not interrogated until three days after his -escape. [Footnote 121] - - [Footnote 121: Henry, iii. 147; Gaberel, ii. 248; _Revue - des deux Mondes_, 1848, i. 824.] - -No traces of him can be discovered between April and July 1553. -He was wandering either in French or Swiss territory; and when, -at a later period, he was asked where he had intended to go after -his escape from Vienne, he varied in his answers, sometimes -naming Spain and at others Italy as his proposed place of refuge. -I am inclined to believe that from the very first he intended to -make his way to a much nearer spot. Be that as it may, whilst he -was wandering from place to place, either undecided as to his -future course, or waiting for a fitting opportunity of carrying -out his plan, sentence was pronounced upon him by the Catholic -judges at Vienne; and on the 17th of June he was condemned 'to be -burnt alive over a slow fire, at the place of public execution, -so that his body should be reduced to cinders as well as his -book.' - -{312} - - Chapter XVIII. - - Servetus In Geneva. - His Trial And Execution. - - -A month later--on the 17th of July Servetus entered a little inn -on the banks of the lake at Geneva, called the _Auberge de la -Rose_. He was alone and unknown: he said that he wanted a boat -across the lake, so that he might go on to Zurich. He did not -cross the lake, but stayed for twenty-seven days at Geneva, -greatly exciting the curiosity of his host, who asked him one day -if he was married: 'No,' he said, 'there are plenty of women in -the world without marrying.' He seems to have walked out and seen -several persons. It is even asserted that he went to church and -heard Calvin preach. Calvin afterwards said, 'I do not know how -to account for his conduct, unless he was seized by a fatal -infatuation and rushed into danger.' [Footnote 122] - - [Footnote 122: Henry, iii. 149-151; Rilliet, _Procès de - Michel Servet_, p. 20; _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1848, - i. 826.] - -The result shows the infatuation of his prolonged visit to -Geneva, but I think that this visit bears equally strong proof of -premeditated design. Precisely at this period Calvin was engaged -in the contest which I have recently described with the -Libertines, on the subject of excommunication from the Lord's -Supper. -{313} -When Servetus entered Geneva, the Libertines had some reason to -expect that they might triumph; one of their leaders, Ami Perrin, -was first syndic; they believed themselves sure of a majority in -the Council of Two Hundred, and almost sure of one in the lesser -Council which possessed the executive power. A man of their -party, Gueroult, who had been banished from Geneva, had been -corrector of the press to the printer Arnoullet at Vienne, at the -time when the 'Restoration of Christianity' was published. Thanks -to the influence of his patrons, the Libertines, Gueroult had -returned to Geneva, and he would naturally be the medium between -them and Servetus. I do not find any definite and positive proof -of his intervention at this particular time; but taking a -comprehensive view of the whole case and the antecedents of all -those concerned in it, I am convinced that Servetus, defeated at -Vienne, went to Geneva, relying on the support of the Libertines, -whilst they on their side expected to obtain efficacious help -from him against Calvin. - -But neither the Libertines nor Servetus knew the resolute -adversary with whom they had to deal. From the moment that Calvin -heard Servetus was in Geneva, he did not hesitate for one -instant, although he was already engaged in a fierce and perilous -struggle. He added a second contest to the first, and resolved to -obtain two victories instead of one--the victory of Christianity -over a pantheistic visionary, and the victory of religion and -morality over a licentious faction. He wrote to one of the -syndics requesting him, 'in virtue of the power granted to his -office by the criminal edicts of Geneva, to arrest Servetus.' On -the 13th of August, 1553, Servetus was arrested. -{314} -'I do not deny,' wrote Calvin on the following 9th of September, -'that he was imprisoned at my instance.' But, according to the -laws of Geneva, in order that the imprisonment should not be -merely temporary, it was necessary that there should be a formal -accusation, and a prosecutor who consented to submit to -imprisonment, and to hold himself criminally responsible for the -truth of the charge. It was Calvin who also provided for this -necessity. Nicolas de la Fontaine, a French refugee, his -secretary and intimate friend, consented to undertake the painful -office. 'I do not conceal the fact,' says Calvin, 'that by my -wish, Servetus was apprehended in this city, that he might be -compelled to give an account of his misdeeds. And since -malevolent and evil-disposed persons gabble all kinds of things -against me, I frankly confess that as, in accordance with the -laws and customs of this city, no one can be imprisoned unless -there is a prosecutor, or some previous knowledge of his crimes, -therefore in order to bring such a man to reason, I arranged so -as to procure a prosecutor.' The first examination of Servetus -took place the day after his arrest, and on the 15th of August -his trial commenced. - -This theological tragedy lasted for two months and thirteen days. -There was great variety in the scenes of which it was composed, -corresponding to the different incidents in the political and -social struggle with the Libertines which Calvin was carrying on. -I do not intend to give a detailed account of this prolonged -trial, but I am anxious that its essential character and -principal phases should be clearly apprehended. - -{315} - -At its commencement, and for the first fourteen or fifteen days, -Servetus showed no lack either of moderation or skill, although -both attack and defence were sharp and keen. He openly assailed -Calvin as his personal and hateful enemy, but was careful not to -fall into violent abuse of him. He maintained the truth of the -doctrines asserted in his own works, but was most anxious to show -that they were not contrary to the Christian religion, that he -had never wished to separate himself from the Church, and that -his aim was to restore Christianity, not to abolish it. The trial -was soon transformed into a theological controversy, turning upon -points of doctrine; and after the 17th of August Calvin himself -took part in it, declaring that he had no intention of screening -himself behind those who had commenced or were carrying it on, -and that he was prepared to take the prosecution of the prisoner -upon himself. He was authorized by the Council to be present at -the examinations and take part in the debates, 'either for the -purpose of trying to reclaim Servetus, or in order that he might -point out his errors more clearly to him.' The scene became more -exciting, and gave promise of wider development. Servetus offered -'to show Calvin his own errors and faults before the whole -congregation, proving them by arguments drawn from the sacred -Scriptures.' Calvin eagerly accepted this offer, declaring that -'there was nothing he desired so ardently as to conduct this -trial in the church and before all the people.' - -But the Council refused; they wished as a matter of prudence to -keep the decision of such matters in their own hands; they were -also probably influenced by the wishes of the friends of -Servetus, who had every reason to expect that Calvin's words -would have much more weight with the people than those of the -Spaniard. -{316} -The discussion between the two adversaries was carried on -sometimes by written and sometimes by spoken arguments. For a -long time Calvin's keen insight had shown him that the works of -Servetus were pantheistic, and that pantheism must destroy -historical and dogmatic Christianity. He pressed Servetus closely -upon this point, and the Spaniard imprudently acknowledged his -doctrine: 'All created things,' he said, 'are of the substance of -God.' 'How, wretch!' said Calvin; 'if any one was to strike this -pavement with his foot and to tell you that he was treading on -your God, should you not shrink with horror at having subjected -the Majesty of God to such an indignity?' 'I do not doubt,' -answered Servetus, 'that this bench and this table and everything -that we see is essentially God.' Again, when it was objected -that, according to his views, the devil must be a manifestation -of God, he laughed, and answered boldly: 'Do you doubt it? As for -me I hold it to be a fundamental maxim that all things are a part -and portion of God, and that the collective universe is itself -the Deity.' - -The Council was both shocked and embarrassed. There were warm -partisans of Calvin in its ranks, and eager protectors of -Servetus--among others the principal Libertine leaders, Ami -Perrin and Berthelier; but there were also some impartial members -who were sorry to see Calvin take such a prominent place in the -prosecution, and who had no desire to become judges in a trial -for heresy. Still they recognised the danger to Christianity of -the Spaniard's pantheism, and refused at any cost to appear to -sanction it. -{317} -Moreover, they disliked and suspected Servetus. He was sincere -enough in his adhesion to his own views, but on other points they -found him frivolous, vain, arrogant, irresolute, and untruthful. -He denied any connexion, even the most indirect, not only with -the Libertines of Geneva, but with their agent Gueroult at -Geneva, who had corrected the proofs of his book. The falsehood -of these disavowals was so obvious, that even those magistrates -who hesitated to condemn him, could no longer place any -confidence in him. It seems strange that they should have been -ignorant of the sentence passed upon him on the preceding 17th of -June, after his escape from Vienne, by which he was condemned to -be burnt alive; but either they were really ignorant of it, or -they wished to appear to be so, for the Protestant Council of -Geneva wrote to the Catholic judges of Vienne to ask for -'information as to the crimes which had caused the imprisonment -of Servetus in their city, both believing and hearing,' says the -letter, 'that it was not without cause, and that you have certain -information and charges against him for which he deserves -punishment.' It was no doubt by the advice of his supporters that -Servetus demanded that the principal reformed churches in -Switzerland--Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basle--should be -consulted on his case; since on similar occasions they had always -shown themselves far more moderate than Calvin. The Council -granted this request, and Calvin did not oppose it. There can be -no doubt that the majority of the Genevese magistrates desired to -a certain extent to modify the character of the trial, and make -its personal animosity less apparent; they wished to appear the -defenders of Christianity rather than the enemies of any special -theological system. They adjourned the trial several times, and -put off the final decision as if they dreaded to pronounce it. - -{318} - -But there is a time for procrastination and a time for prompt -action, a time for courage and a time for prudence. The crisis of -the two struggles in which this small state was engaged had -arrived, and the great issues involved in them had to be decided. -Between Calvin and Servetus, between Calvin and the -Libertines--that is to say, between Christianity and Pantheism, -between tyrannical austerity and licentious anarchy--there was no -longer any possibility of either reconciliation or truce. With -the instinct of the man of action, Calvin felt this, and -unhesitatingly adopted the most energetic measures in both cases. -On the 27th of August, 1553, he uttered the severest censures -from the pulpit upon the conduct of Servetus; and on the 3d of -September following, as I have previously related, he solemnly -refused to administer the communion to the leader of the -Libertines, who--in spite of the decision of the Council of -State--had been pronounced unworthy of it by the Church. In both -cases he thus made a direct appeal to the general body of -believers. The trial of Servetus, which was going on at the time -of this double excitement, suddenly changed its whole character. -All moderation, all prudence were cast aside by the prisoner; led -away by the hope of overwhelming an enemy who was fiercely -attacked and in danger elsewhere, Servetus became the vehement -accuser of Calvin, even unto death. Small pamphlets sometimes -took the place of judicial debates. -{319} -'Miserable wretch,' said Servetus, 'you do not know what you are -saying; you endeavour to condemn things which you do not -understand! Do you think, O dog! that you can deafen the ears of -the judges by your howls? Your mind is so confused that you -cannot see the truth! ... You cry out like a blind man in the -desert, because the spirit of vengeance consumes your heart. You -have told lies, you have told lies, you have told lies, ignorant -slanderer!' Servetus did not confine himself to abuse, but, on -the 22d of September, demanded that his adversary should be -committed for trial, giving a list of the subjects 'on which -Michael Servetus demands that John Calvin shall be interrogated. -I demand, gentlemen, that my false accuser shall be punished by -the law of retaliation, that his property shall be handed over to -me as a compensation for my own, which by his means I have lost, -and that he shall be kept in prison as I am, until the trial -shall be ended by the condemnation to death of one of us two, or -by some other punishment.' - -Calvin, in spite of his own violence, was at first overwhelmed by -this outburst of passion. He says, 'I was timorous and dismayed -before him, as if I had been the prisoner, and had been called -upon to answer for my doctrine. In truth, I am afraid that good -men will accuse me of too great meekness.' - -Servetus soon discovered that his hopes had entirely deceived -him, and that the position of his adversary was much stronger -than he had imagined it to be. All that the Libertines were able -to do for the promotion of their own cause, was, to prolong for -sixteen months, the indecision of the civil power on the question -of the right of excommunication; but at the end of that time, on -the 24th of January, 1555, the civil authorities decided that the -right belonged to the Consistory. -{320} -And as to the unfortunate Servetus, the Libertines who had urged -him on, and compromised him in every way from the time of his -arrival at Geneva, gave him but feeble support when they saw that -the final crisis was at hand. His violent attack on Calvin was -not even noticed. On the 19th of September the Council decided to -apply officially to the pastors and magistrates of the four -churches of Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basle for their -opinion of the trial. Calvin did not approve of this step, but he -had not opposed it; he had, however, written to some of his -friends in the cantons, among others to Bullinger at Zurich, and -to Sulzer at Basle, in order to point out the very serious nature -of the advice for which they had been asked; and it was well -known throughout Geneva that his letters would not fail to -influence the answers from the cantons. From that time the -passionate excitement of Servetus gave place to dejection and -anguish, He was in prison, sick and forsaken. On the 10th of -October, 1553, he wrote to the Council: 'Most noble lords, for -the last three weeks I have implored you to grant me an audience, -but have not been able to obtain it. I beseech you, for the love -of Christ, not to refuse that which you would not refuse to a -Turk who demanded justice at your hands. I have very important -things to tell you, which you ought to know. As to the orders -which you issued that something should be done towards keeping me -clean, nothing has been done, and I am in a more wretched -condition than ever. -{321} -Moreover, the cold torments me greatly, on account of the colic -and my other maladies, which give rise to infirmities of which I -should be ashamed to write to you. It is a great cruelty that I -am not permitted to speak, when I only want to ask that my wants -may be supplied. For the love of God, gentlemen, grant this, -either out of mercy or justice!' The Council sent two of its -members to the prison 'with orders,' says M. Rilliet, 'to cause -the necessary clothing to be given to the prisoner, so as to -remove the hardships of which he complained. But there is no -other trace of the result of this interview between the prisoner -and the deputies of the Council. Probably it was occupied with -topics which Servetus had previously discussed; and that his -object was to obtain some influence over the minds of the -magistrates rather than to give them any fresh information.' But -the appeal which he had made for compassion was of no more use -than his violence. - -On the 18th of October, 1553, the messenger returned to Geneva, -bearing the answers of the four cantons. They were all cautious -and guarded, though in different degrees, and at the same time -sorrowful in tone, but they were unanimous in the nature of their -advice. 'We pray the Lord,' said the Bernese letter, 'that he -will give you a spirit of wisdom, prudence, and courage, so that -you may secure your own church as well as other churches from so -great a danger; and that at the same time you may do nothing that -will appear unseemly in Christian magistrates.' -{322} -'We are persuaded,' wrote the church of Basle, 'that you will not -fail either in Christian prudence or in holy zeal, but will find -a remedy for the snare which has already led away many souls to -destruction.' The language of the letter from Zurich was much -more definite: 'You must not allow the wicked and false attempts -of the said prisoner to prevail, for they are quite contrary to -the Christian religion, and cause our churches to be in bad -repute.' Schaffhausen gave the same advice as Zurich. There can -be no doubt that the four churches recommended severity, although -they added a few words so that they might not be charged with the -entire responsibility of the decision. - -The Council met again on the 23d of October, 1553, and after -having read the answers from the Swiss churches, once more -adjourned so as to avoid coming to a final decision. Several of -the members who were favourable to Servetus had absented -themselves, amongst others, the first syndic, Ami Perrin, no -doubt in order to necessitate an adjournment. Another meeting was -fixed for the 26th of October; and again, when the day arrived, -several of the supporters of Servetus did not appear. But Ami -Perrin was true to him; he formally demanded that the accused -should be acquitted of the charge, and declared innocent; and -ultimately moved that the case should be referred to the Council -of Two Hundred. Both propositions were rejected. The majority of -the Council passed a resolution which was entered in their -register in words to the following effect:--'That,--considering -the summary of the trial of the prisoner, Michael Servetus, the -report of those who have been consulted, and his great errors and -blasphemies,--it is decreed that he be led to Champel and there -burnt alive, and he shall be executed to-morrow, and his books -burnt with him.' - -{323} - -At that period there was no hesitation on account of the -atrocious torture of such a punishment, and no scruple as to the -right of inflicting it. Heresy was a crime, and the stake was the -penalty of heresy. In that very year 1553, at Lyons, not far from -Geneva, several reformers had suffered martyrdom; among others, -five young French students from the theological Institute at -Lausanne. The Catholic judges at Vienne had condemned Servetus to -the stake. Save for some scattered protests which saved the -honour of the human conscience, in the sixteenth century the -burning of heretics at the stake was looked upon as the common -right of Christianity. - -During the whole course of the trial Calvin had never concealed -his feeling as to what the sentence ought to be. On the 20th of -August, after it had commenced, he wrote to Farel: 'I hope that -he will be condemned to death; but I trust that there may be some -mitigation of the frightful torture of the penalty.' After the -execution of the sentence, he wrote: 'When Servetus had been -convicted of heresy, I did not say a word concerning his -execution: not only will all good men bear witness to this, but I -authorize the bad to speak if they have anything to say.' On the -26th of October, the very day on which sentence was passed, he -wrote to Farel: 'The wretch has been condemned by the Council -without a division. Tomorrow he will be led to the stake. We made -every effort to change the manner of his death, but in vain.' -Farel hurried to Geneva; he had taken the warmest interest in the -case, and had urged great severity; but he was not incapable of -sympathetic emotion, and was a man of very strong religious -feeling. -{324} -When Servetus heard of his condemnation, he fell into the deepest -despair; he wept, entreated, implored, and cried, 'Mercy! mercy! -Farel hoped to bring him to repentance, and save his soul, whilst -at the same time his recantation might lead to a mitigation of -his sentence. He pressed him to see Calvin; Servetus was not -disinclined; Calvin also consented, and obtained permission for -the interview from the Council, who sent two of its own members -to accompany him on his visit to the condemned prisoner. When -asked what he had to say to Calvin, Servetus replied that he -wished to solicit his forgiveness. Then Calvin said: 'I protest -that I have never carried out any private animosity against you. -You must remember that sixteen years ago, being at Paris, I did -not spare myself in my efforts to win you for our Lord, and if -you would have listened to reason, I would have done everything -in my power to reconcile you with all the faithful servants of -God. You ran away from the conference, and yet I did not cease to -exhort you by letters; but all has been useless, and you have -assailed me not so much with anger as with fury. And now I have -done with all that concerns myself personally. Ask pardon, not of -me, but of that God whom you have blasphemed by trying to -disprove the existence of three Persons in one God; ask pardon of -the Son of God, whom you have debased and denied as your -Saviour.' These words were more likely to wound Servetus than to -convince him; they probed his wounds but did not heal them; he -remained silent. The repeated exhortations of Farel were of no -avail, and Calvin withdrew, following, he says, the rule of St. -Paul: 'A man that is an heretic after the first and second -admonition reject; knowing that he that is such is subverted, and -sinneth, being condemned of himself.' [Footnote 123] - - [Footnote 123: Epistle of Paul to Titus, iii. 10, 11.] - -{325} - -Servetus was willing to ask pardon, but he would not disavow his -opinions. Even in the depths of his despair he preserved all the -pride of honest conviction; and although he entreated that his -life might be spared, he would not consent to dishonour it by a -false recantation. Farel, who accompanied him to the stake, in -vain renewed his severe, but at the same time compassionate -exhortations up to the very last moment. The dignity of the -philosopher triumphed over the weakness of the man, and Servetus -died heroically and calmly at that stake, the very thought of -which had at first filled him with terror. - -{326} - - Chapter XIX. - - The Two Opponents. - Calvin's Letter To Socinus. - - -This celebrated trial has become a great historical event, and I -have followed its different stages with scrupulous care. I have -endeavoured to disentangle its philosophical, social, and -political aspects, and to describe them accurately. I have been -anxious truthfully to delineate the character, opinions, -passions, and attitude of the two opponents. It was their -tragical destiny to meet each other and to enter into mortal -combat as the champions of two great causes. It is my profound -conviction that Calvin's cause was the good one, that it was the -cause of morality, of social order, and of civilization. Servetus -was the representative of a system false in itself, superficial -under the pretence of science, and destructive alike of moral -dignity in the individual, and of moral order in human society. -In their disastrous encounter, Calvin was conscientiously -faithful to what he believed to be truth and duty; but he was -hard, much more influenced by violent animosity than he imagined, -and devoid alike of sympathy and generosity. Servetus was sincere -and resolute in his conviction, but he was a frivolous, -presumptuous, vain, and envious man, capable, in time of need, of -resorting both to artifice and untruth. -{327} -In an age full of martyrs to religious liberty, Servetus obtained -the honour of being one of the few martyrs to intellectual -liberty; whilst Calvin, who was undoubtedly one of those who did -most towards the establishment of religious liberty, had the -misfortune to ignore his adversary's right to liberty of belief. - -I do not think that Calvin ever felt any hesitation or regret as -to his own conduct during the trial of Servetus. He believed in -his right and duty to suppress heresy in this manner, as -sincerely as Servetus believed in the truth of his own opinions; -and his most intimate friends, instead of trying to soften him, -endeavoured to confirm his severity. Farel wrote, on the 8th of -September, 1553: 'You desire to mitigate the severity of his -sentence, and in so doing you would act the part of a friend -towards him who is your greatest enemy. But I beseech you to -proceed in such a manner that hereafter no one shall seek to -promulgate new doctrines with impunity and throw all into -confusion as Servetus has done. It is absurd to conclude that -because the Pope accuses faithful believers of the crime of -heresy, and infuriated judges condemn these innocent victims to -tortures reserved for heretics, that therefore we must never put -heretics to death for the sake of ensuring the safety of true -believers. For my own part, I have often said that I was ready to -suffer death if I taught anything contrary to true doctrine; and -I have added that I should deserve the most frightful torments if -I turned any away from faith in Christ.' Even the most advanced -advocates of liberty did not go so far as to say that honest -error could not be crime. -{328} -Servetus himself, when he was accused of saying that the soul was -mortal, exclaimed, 'If ever I said that, and not only said it but -published it and infected the whole world, I would condemn myself -to death.' Nevertheless, either from instinctive justice or -influenced by the caution which their position required, many, -even of those reformers who were strongly attached to the -Calvinistic doctrines, were averse to the capital punishment of -heretics; and would not tolerate the reproduction, in their own -church, of the cruelty which they protested against in the Church -of Rome. These honest scruples were supported by the authority of -some of their most illustrious leaders. At the very commencement -of the struggle, Luther had said: 'The burning of heretics is -contrary to the will of the Holy Spirit.' Calvin himself, not -long before the trial of Servetus, reproved a young Italian -refugee towards whom he entertained very friendly feelings, for -holding opinions which in many respects resembled those of the -Spanish physician, but he expressed his disapprobation with -almost paternal tenderness. It is not without surprise that I -have found among his letters one which, in 1551, he wrote to -Lælius Socinus, [Footnote 124] of Siena, uncle of that Faustus -Socinus who, at a later period, founded the Socinian heresy. - - [Footnote 124: Sozzini.] - -Lælius Socinus was a young man of great intellectual power, with -a strong leaning towards philosophical speculation, and he had -passed several years in Germany and Switzerland on friendly terms -with all the principal reformers. Calvin wrote to him at -Wittenberg: 'You are mistaken in your impression that Melancthon -does not agree with us in holding the doctrine of predestination. -{329} -I told you in a few words that I had received a letter from him -in which he acknowledges that his opinion is the same as mine. -But I can well believe all that you tell me, since it is no new -thing for him to avoid speaking plainly on that subject, if for -no other reason than to escape troublesome questions. Certainly -no one can have a greater objection to paradoxes than I have, and -I do not take the slightest pleasure in mere intellectual -puzzles. But nothing shall prevent me from openly avowing those -things which I have learnt from the Word of God, for he is a -master in whose school we learn nothing that is not useful. The -Bible is my only guide, and I shall always endeavour to order my -life in accordance with its pure doctrines. I earnestly desire, -my dear Lælius, that you may learn to govern your faculties with -the same moderation. Do not expect any answer from me so long as -you put forward such strange questions. If it gives you any -pleasure to float in the ether of speculation, pray do so; but -you must allow me--a humble servant of Christ--to confine my -meditations to those points which may help to establish or -confirm my faith. From henceforward I will pray for you in -silence, and will importune you no further. But truly I am deeply -afflicted that the fine talents which God has given you should -not only be employed in vain and barren researches, but debased -and destroyed by pernicious speculations. I repeat with all -earnestness that which I told you long ago: if you do not try to -subdue your passion for investigation and speculative inquiry, it -is to be feared that you will bring upon yourself bitter -misfortune. -{330} -It would be great cruelty towards you if I treated with apparent -indulgence that which I look upon as a most dangerous error. I -would rather pain you a little now by my sincerity, than leave -you, without any protest, to be led into danger by your -over-inquisitive mind. I hope that the time may yet come when you -will be glad that you received such a harsh warning. Farewell, my -very dear and greatly honoured brother; and if my strictures seem -more severe than they have any right to be, you must remember -that they arise from my love towards you.' [Footnote 125] - - [Footnote 125: Calvin's Letters, published by M. Jules Bonnet - and translated into English, ii. 330. (Philadelphia, 1858.)] - -Assuredly no orthodox theologian could have spoken with more -affectionate earnestness, or more forbearance, to a man who was -incessantly expressing doubts as to the divinity of Christ, the -truth of redemption, expiation, original sin, and the majority of -the Christian doctrines. It is true that Lælius Socinus was -young; he had published nothing; and he showed very great respect -for Calvin, who had never been called upon to enter into any -controversy with him. - -Nothing is more easy, and at the same time more vulgar and -unworthy, than to speak with irony and contempt of the -inconsistencies of even the greatest among men. We ought rather -to congratulate ourselves on these inconsistencies, as an -involuntary homage paid to truth. They show that truth is so -deeply rooted and so powerful in the human mind, that it keeps or -makes a place for itself even when we might expect it to be -destroyed by the most noxious errors. Man often creates the gloom -which darkens his own soul, but it is not in his power to shut -out altogether the light which comes from God. - -{331} - -At length, to the honour of humanity and the promotion of its -moral and social well-being, rays of divine light have shown us -the right of the human conscience to liberty of belief. In that -very city of Geneva where, three hundred years ago, the fire was -kindled for Servetus, the members of that same reformed religion -which Calvin then established, met together, not long ago, -[Footnote 126] in the various churches of the city, to -commemorate the three hundredth anniversary of the death of the -great reformer. - - [Footnote 126: On the 27th of May, 1864.] - -One of the most eloquent and pious speakers present, M. le -pasteur Coulin, alluded to the trial and execution of Servetus, -and pronounced a just and righteous sentence upon that lamentable -act. He said: 'Even if Calvin's system had been exempt from any -possible error, if it had been, as he sincerely believed that it -was, truth itself, he should not have attempted to compel men to -accept it. He forgot that those around him did not understand, or -reason, or form conclusions as he did. That was his mistake, and -it is a very grave one. Assuredly truth is the queen of the -intellect, and whosoever believes in truth is a champion bound to -promote the establishment of her reign. But man is so constituted -that truth can and will consent to govern him, only on condition -of his own free adhesion to her rule. God has placed a something -inviolable within us for the reception of truth, which most shows -our own greatness when we maintain the supremacy of truth. If -truth is a queen, conscience is her throne. -{332} -This is why that which has truly been called liberty of -conscience is the essential condition of the reign of truth. Seek -truth, show it, prove it; exhibit in turns the splendour of its -beauty, the majesty of its strength, the charm of its excellence. -Urge all around you to bow before truth, and pay homage as to a -queen. But if you cannot prevail with them, then, in the name of -truth and of the most sacred interests of the glory of truth, -remember that there are still two things even in the most bitter -enemy--a free conscience which ought to be respected, an erring -brother who may be loved. These two things Calvin did not -recognise; in his blind zeal he wished the conscience either to -acquiesce or to abdicate its function. It is impossible to assert -too strongly that every outrage upon the liberty of conscience of -the individual, is a blow that truth receives upon the face, -which dishonours her. Make every allowance for the spirit of the -age, for the prevailing prejudices which not even a man of genius -can altogether escape; make allowance for all the necessities of -the time and the pressure of circumstances; make allowance for -whatsoever you choose: but the fact still remains that the laws -and measures by means of which Calvin endeavoured to ensure unity -of conviction in Geneva are a stain upon his memory, an element -condemned beforehand in his work, upon which time ought to pass a -just sentence.' - -{333} - - Chapter XX. - - Calvin's Influence Over The Reformed Churches. - His Presbyterianism. - - -After the termination of the trial of Servetus in 1553, and of -the contest with the Libertines in 1555, Calvin obtained, not -repose, but victory and unopposed supremacy. He had need of it, -for his health, which was naturally weak, had become exceedingly -infirm. He had frequent attacks of quartan fever, violent -headaches, disease of the liver, attacks of gout, and he was -threatened with consumption. There was no longer any one in his -home to watch over him with that tender assiduity which is almost -as necessary for the health of the soul as for that of the body. -He had lost his wife, Idelette de Bure, on the 6th of April, -1549. She had borne him three children, but they all died young, -and in their conjugal solitude she had shown that entire and -unselfish devotion which gives everything, and asks for nothing -in return. She had three children by her first husband, Störder; -when she was very ill, one of her friends urged her to speak to -Calvin about them: 'Why should I?' said she; 'that which concerns -me is to have them virtuously brought up: if they are virtuous, -he will be a father to them; if they are not, of what use is it -for me to commend them to his care?' -{334} -But Calvin anticipated her maternal solicitude, and without -waiting until she spoke, he promised to treat them as if they -were his own children: 'I have already commended them to God,' -she said. 'That does not prevent me from also taking care of -them,' said Calvin. She answered: 'I know well that you will -never forsake those whom I have confided to the Lord.' She died -as she had lived, showing pious and tender confidence in God and -her husband. In the letters written during his lifetime to his -two most intimate friends, Farel and Viret, Calvin often spoke of -her, briefly but affectionately, and with entire satisfaction. -When she died he spoke of his grief more openly than he had ever -done of his happiness. He wrote to Viret: 'I have lost the -excellent companion of my life, who would never have forsaken me, -either in exile, poverty, or death. So long as she lived she was -my faithful assistant; she took no thought for herself, and was -never either a trouble or a hindrance to her husband. I control -my sorrow as far as it is in my power; my friends also do their -duty; but it is of very little use either for them or me. You -know the tenderness--not to say the weakness--of my heart. I -should give way utterly if God had not stretched out his hand to -hold me up. It is he who heals the broken-hearted, who consoles -the wounded spirit, who strengthens the trembling knees.' -[Footnote 127] - - [Footnote 127: Henry, i. 416-423; _Bulletin de la Société - de L'Histoire du Protestantisme Français_, iv. 644-649.] - -{335} - -From the time that he lost his wife until his own death, that is -from 1549 to 1564, Calvin lived alone in his little house at -Geneva. He had been deprived of that domestic happiness which is -a rest alike to body and soul; he took no part in any ordinary -pleasures, but gave himself up entirely to the duties which he -had undertaken, and to the work to which he was devoted. These -duties and labours extended far beyond the narrow bounds of the -city in which he lived. His ambition was loftier than that of the -most mighty princes, and his proposed sphere of action more vast -than that of the most extended kingdom. His ruling passion, the -strongest desire of his soul, was the re-establishment and -organization of the Christian Church in accordance with the -intention of its divine author, and on the foundation laid by the -apostles. He wished to build up a Christian Church, free and -independent in its evangelical unity and universality. He -believed that neither the separation of nations, nor diversity of -origin and language, nor difference of political rule, ought to -affect the great Christian society. For Calvin, as for St. Paul, -there was no longer either Jew, or Greek, or Barbarian; either -Swiss, or French, or Italian, or English, or Slave. He saw only -the human being, called to become a faithful Christian and to -live in close relation to Christ, keeping his faith and -fulfilling his law. Calvin was convinced that Christ had revealed -in the Gospel all the essential principles of Christian society, -that is of the Christian Church; and he believed that these -essential principles were three in number: - -I. The union and united action of ecclesiastics and laymen within -the Church, and in its internal government; no human theocracy -and no ecclesiastical tyranny. - -II. The mutual independence and limited alliance of Church and -State. The Church perfectly free in her spiritual rule, but at -the same time acknowledging and supporting the temporal rule of -the State. - -III. The spiritual and moral authority of the Church over the -religious and moral life of its members, to be maintained, if -necessary, by the power of the State. - -{336} - -The application and development of these principles was to be -found, according to Calvin's views, in the self-government of the -Church by a mixed body consisting of pastors and members. There -would then be the mutual and valuable influence of the Church in -the State, and of the State in the Church, each according to the -nature of its own power, and within the limits of its own rights. - -He believed that such a system was in harmony on the one hand -with the Gospel, and on the other with the condition and -requirements of European society in the sixteenth century. He saw -in it the abolition of abuses, which time, and the crimes or -follies of men, had introduced into the Christian religion; and -he hoped by means of it to restore the spirit as well as the -spontaneous organization of the early Christian Church. He -expected to introduce into this system the degree of freedom and -of restraint necessary to accomplish the great aim of -Christianity, namely the discipline and salvation of the human -soul. - -This was the Reformation according to Calvin's view, and he -endeavoured to realize it in the system known as Presbyterianism. - -{337} - -He watched its establishment in Switzerland, France, Holland, -England, Scotland, Germany, and Poland with inexhaustible -interest and unshaken fidelity. He had abundant means of knowing -all that was going on throughout Europe in reference to the -Reformation. Numerous refugees had sought a place of safety in -Geneva; he himself had made many expeditions into France, -Germany, and Italy; and the friendships which he had formed, and -his numerous correspondents had brought him into close connexion -with many foreign reformers. He knew how far the Reformation had -succeeded in different countries, what progress it was making, -and what obstacles it had met with, so that he could modify his -course of action according to circumstances. Where there was no -band of reformers ready to unite and openly proclaim themselves a -religious society, as for example in Italy, Calvin endeavoured, -in his letters and by his advice, to sow the first seeds of the -Reformation; and to make known the fundamental doctrines of the -reformed faith. 'Wherever he found the rudiments of a Christian -association and a reformed church, he endeavoured to promote its -organization in accordance with the principles of the system -established at Geneva. As a mother country provides for the early -wants of her colonies, so he sent models for confessions of faith -and rules of discipline, as well as founders and preachers for -the distant churches; and he watched over the progress of these -local works with paternal solicitude. Many of the French churches -were originally organized by Calvin, and received their first -pastors from him. Letters reached him from all parts asking for -light or guidance in the prevailing religious fermentation. -{338} -M. de Beaulieu wrote to Farel from Geneva on the 30th of October, -1561, saying: 'I cannot tell you how many persons there are in -this city who have come from Lyons, Nismes, Gap, Orleans, -Poitiers, and elsewhere, and who are asking for labourers in the -new harvest. Many have told me that if four or five thousand -pastors could be sent out, there would be no lack of work for -them.' [Footnote 128] - - [Footnote 128: Henry, iii. 483.] - -In the midst of the stormy vicissitudes of the Reformation in -England and Scotland, Calvin's influence was also felt. He wrote -to the young king of England, Edward VI., to Queen Elizabeth, and -to all the most important persons in the kingdom, political or -ecclesiastical. He addressed the prudent and versatile Cranmer, -as well as the fiery and intractable Knox, and to each he gave -the advice best calculated to promote the general interests of -the Reformation. After Knox had been banished from Frankfort in -1555, he went to Geneva, where he was appointed pastor, and -remained until 1559, making himself fully acquainted with the -doctrine and discipline of the Presbyterian Church. In this vast -and varied exercise of his influence, Calvin was never led astray -by political bias or prejudice in favour of any system or sect. -He thought Knox took too prominent a part in the struggles of the -nobles and people in Scotland; that he was unduly hostile to the -Anglican Church, its liturgies and forms of worship: 'I hope,' he -wrote, 'that in those things which concern ceremonies, your -severity, which is displeasing to so many persons, is somewhat -abated. No doubt we must take care that the Church is purged from -all those evils which have been introduced by error and -superstition. -{339} -We must take heed lest the divine mysteries be changed into -childish mummery; but when that is done, you are well aware that -there are many things which, without being approved, may yet be -tolerated. I am profoundly grieved at the dissensions of your -nobles.' [Footnote 129 ] - - [Footnote 129: Calvini Epistolæ, ix. 150. (Amsterdam, 1667.)] - -John Knox, the Scotch reformer, was one of the most eminent and -influential of Calvin's allies, and, I do not say disciples but -coadjutors. By character, as well as position, Knox was a master, -not a disciple. He was four years older than Calvin, and like -Calvin he had been drawn towards the Reformation in early life; -but when he began to play an important part in it, he was led by -the state of public feeling, and probably by his own inclination -also, to take part in the political as well as the religious -struggles of his age and country. He was the champion of a party -as well as of a cause, and was quite as eager to subdue his -enemies in the State as to insure the predominance of his -doctrines in the Church. Often active and influential in his own -country, at other times proscribed and wandering on the continent -of Europe, he was tossed to and fro by divers fortunes. He became -personally acquainted with Calvin, and understood and admired him -from the very first. One of those close and intimate friendships -sprang up between them which unite men of the same temperament, -whatever may be their difference of disposition and habit. -Whenever Knox was compelled to leave Scotland, he sought refuge -in Geneva; he took the warmest interest in the labours, the -trials, and the struggles for success in which Calvin was -engaged, and watched his skilful organization of the reformed -Genevese Church. -{340} -When he returned to Scotland, he corresponded constantly -with Calvin, consulted him on numerous occasions, and set great -store by his advice, although he always preserved his own -independence of thought and action. Knox was as resolute and -persevering as Calvin, but more fiery, more violent, and without -that respect and consideration for established authority which -was so characteristic of Calvin even when he was opposing it. And -yet, with all their difference of predilection and method, the -work of the two reformers was essentially the same. Although he -was no less independent than his great ally, Knox was powerfully -influenced by Calvin's example, and he transported the -presbyterian system to Scotland, which, after three centuries of -trial, still flourishes there as it does in Geneva. The Scotch -Church has lately passed through the severe ordeal of division -into a Free and an Established Church, and, to its great honour, -without danger to the State or to religion. - -But to return to Calvin: in France his moderation and liberality -were carried very far. He aimed at establishing the reformed -churches on the presbyterian basis, but he expressly warned their -members never to take the initiative in appeals to force or -insurrection. His correspondence with the principal French -reformers was a constant exhortation to prudence, patience, -submission to the civil powers and religious independence. He -desired to see neither aggression nor vengeance on the part of -the Protestants. He strongly condemned the conspiracy of Amboise, -[Footnote 130] and the sanguinary reprisals of the Baron des -Adrets. [Footnote 131] - - [Footnote 130: The conspiracy of Amboise was planned among - the French Reformers in 1559 and 1560, and carried on by a - gentleman of Perigord, named Godefroi de la Renaudie, in the - name of the principal Protestant leaders, especially that of - the Prince de Condé. Its object was to take all power from - the hands of the Guises, to 'have them punished by law,' and - to secure for the reformers, not only religious liberty, but - the chief power over Francis II. in the government of France. - It was discovered in March 1560, and repressed and punished - with great severity.] - - [Footnote 131: The Baron des Adrets (Fraçois de Beaumont) was - a Protestant gentleman of Dauphiné, who lived from 1513 to - 1586, and who was notorious at that period for his cruel - reprisals upon the Catholics in the religious wars of - France.] - -{341} - -No doubt the precepts and practice of St. Paul were always -present to his mind, and that he both preached and practised -obedience to the powers that be, in things that did not interfere -with faith in Christ and the will of God. In all that concerned -religion no innovator was ever bolder than Calvin, and at the -same time less revolutionary. None was ever more scrupulously -indifferent to all other aims than the propagation of the Gospel, -the organization of the evangelical Church, and the reformation -of man's moral nature. I do not know how far his logical -forethought was able to penetrate the future, or if, whilst he -was prosecuting his work of religious emancipation, he foresaw -that what he was doing would bring forth, as a natural -consequence, such immense political and social changes. I am -inclined to believe that he did not concern himself about it in -any way, that his essentially judicious and practical mind was -'exclusively occupied by his mission and by the immediate -present, and that he did not seek to penetrate the darkness of -future centuries, and the far-off designs of God. - -{342} - -Calvin's conscientious conviction of the necessity of submission -was so great that he would sometimes say a man ought not to -employ force even to effect his escape from prison and to save -himself from martyrdom. After all, he said, it was martyrdom -which had contributed so powerfully to the triumph of the early -Christian Church; and when the cause of God had need of martyrs, -it was man's duty to submit. - -This excessive severity and pious enthusiasm did not, however, -prevent him from using all the influence which he possessed, and -exerting all his power, both moral and political, in behalf of -those reformers who were persecuted, imprisoned, and on the eve -of martyrdom. He was not satisfied with doing all that was in his -own power, writing, preaching, importuning and harassing the -persecutors; he induced all those governments that were -favourable to the reformers, and able to exert influence which -would be beneficial to them, to intercede on their behalf. He -sent agents, legal help, indirect protectors, money and -assistance of all kinds. And when he had been unable to succeed -in averting persecution or diminishing its severity, when the day -of martyrdom arrived, he employed all his Christian zeal in -sustaining the courage of the victims, lavishing upon them proofs -of his own sympathy, and teaching them to put their trust in God -and his Divine justice. The persecuted reformers at Nismes in -1537; the Waldenses, cruelly ill-treated and tortured in Provence -and Dauphiné in 1545; the martyrs of Lyons in 1552; the church of -Paris and the victims of the attack upon the reformers in the Rue -St. Jacques in 1556 and 1557; and in many other places and on -many other occasions, the fugitives and martyrs of the French -reformation received warm help and fraternal consolation from -Calvin. -{343} -We may say that he changed the words of Dante, and that, when he -had been unable to save those for whom he had laboured, he opened -the doors of the eternal future, saying to them, 'Do not lose all -hope, ye who enter here!' - -But Calvin's solicitude was not confined to the fugitives only, -and to the patent and manifest sufferings of the French -reformers. He had too deep a knowledge of human nature and the -world not to know the secret aspiration, hidden grief, and -ignoble strife which vex and torment the soul, and are found in -every social condition, the most exalted as well as the most -humble. In many such cases his watchful care and influence were -also felt. The Duchess Renée of Ferrara was not the only woman -nor the only great lady with whom he kept up a zealous -correspondence through life. He wrote numerous letters to -important personages, renowned leaders or vacillating friends of -the Reformation; to the King of Navarre, Admiral de Coligny, the -Duke de Longueville, M. de Soubise, and the Baron des Adrets. In -addition to these, the numerous published collections of Calvin's -letters, and the repositories which contain those that are still -unpublished, are full of others addressed to M. and Mme. de -Falais, M. and Mme. de Budé, Mme de Cany, Mme de Rentigny, the -Marchioness of Rothelin, Mlle. de Pons, Mme. de Grammont, and a -host of other persons who were important or interesting in his -eyes. Some of them were more or less closely connected with the -great cause which he had at heart; to others he was drawn by -their spiritual condition, and by the value which he set upon -their faith, conduct, and salvation. -{344} -Calvin was one of those rare great men who are rich both in heart -and intellect, who can no more look with indifference at the fate -of an individual than at that of a kingdom, and who feel for the -joy and sorrow of the human heart, as well as for the storms -which agitate a nation. He was as deeply interested in the faith -and sorrows of one simple woman as in those of all Christendom, -and could apply himself as eagerly to the enlightenment of a -single conscience as to the moral reformation of a whole city. -Moreover, he knew that sooner or later, far or near, the -influence which he thus acquired over single individuals would be -so much gained for the authority which he desired to exercise -over the general cause of the Reformation, and thus the -sympathetic zeal of the Christian helped the social mission of -the founder of a church. - -{345} - - Chapter XXI. - - Calvin The Author. - His Church Catechism. - His Respect For The Intellect. - - -At the same time that he showed this indefatigable activity in -his personal relations, Calvin continued to communicate with all -the reformed churches, and the whole European public, by means of -his written works. He revised and completed his great book, the -'Institutes of the Christian Religion.' He wrote commentaries on -all the books of the New Testament, and on some of the more -important of those in the Old Testament; among others on the -Pentateuch, the Psalms, and several of the Prophets. Historical -and philological criticism was at that time in its infancy, and -we do not find any striking evidence of its existence in Calvin's -Commentaries, but they show the most intelligent appreciation of -the moral and religious signification of the sacred volume, and -of the practical applications which Christians ought to draw from -it. He also published, either as sermons or special -dissertations, various works in support of the theories which he -had already put forth on certain great questions, such as the -Lord's Supper, free-will, predestination, and others. He carried -on with great ardour all the theological controversies in which -he had engaged, whether they were with Catholic adversaries of -the Reformation, with Protestant opponents of his own special -doctrines, or on the subject of the disagreements between the -reformers themselves. -{346} -In these different scenes of action he sometimes displayed a -noble spirit of conciliation, and at others the greatest -intolerance and most unmeasured violence. I do not intend to give -any detailed account of his different works. They were collected -at Geneva in 1617, and at Amsterdam from 1667 to 1671, in two -folio editions; the second of these is far better than the first, -but they are both incomplete and often faulty. Several learned -French and German editors, among others the eminent historian and -Professor of Theology at Strasburg, M. Edouard Reuss, are -preparing a new edition, published at Brunswick. The first seven -volumes, quarto, have already appeared, and this edition will be -in every respect infinitely superior to all that have preceded -it. I mention these large collections in order to give the reader -some insight into the numerous and varied literary works with -which Calvin was occupied, and which must be added to his -extensive correspondence, political struggles, daily labours, -preaching and religious instruction. - -I will pause for a moment to consider one of these numerous -works; not only on account of its high moral value, but because -it formed part of the important system of public instruction -which Calvin inaugurated at Geneva after he had established the -Reformation. It is entitled, '_Catechism of the Church of -Geneva, for the instruction of children in Christian Doctrine; -written in the form of a dialogue in which the minister asks -questions and the child answers_.' It was published in 1545. - -{347} - -This catechism aimed at much more, and was quite on a different -plan from that published by Calvin in 1538, consisting of a -certain number of paragraphs in which the fundamental doctrines -and rules of the Protestant Church and Christian life were -briefly stated. In the Catechism of 1545, Calvin changed the -form, and extended the plan of the work. By the arrangement in -questions and answers, the book became a true catechism, fitted -for the instruction of youthful Protestants. It was fundamentally -a treatise on dogmatic theology, in which all the doctrines of -Calvin's great work, the 'Christian Institutes,' were reproduced -in the form of elementary instruction. The peculiarity of such a -method is that all the information is given by the pupil, _the -child_, as Calvin says, and that the only aim of the master's -questions is to bring out this information in a logical and -scientific form. The child thus seems to be teaching the master, -and certainly shows how far the master has been already well -taught. It is a very anomalous position, and becomes still more -so when the master's queries lead the child to discuss some of -the most difficult theological questions, and to uphold doctrines -which are disputed even among the most eminent theologians. -Calvin made his catechism serve not only for instruction in the -fundamental doctrines of Christianity, in its historical, -spiritual, and moral truths; but also for the propagation of -those parts of his theological system which were beset with -difficulty and controversy. In my eyes this is a very grave -defect; at the same time, however, Calvin's catechism has one -important characteristic, admirably suited for its purpose:--it -is not philosophical discussion, it is religious instruction. -{348} -I open some of the most highly approved catechisms, Protestant or -Catholic, and I find as the very first question, at the beginning -of one of them, 'What is God?' [Footnote 132]--in another, 'Are -we certain that there is a God, and by what proofs may we -convince ourselves of his existence?' [Footnote 133] - - [Footnote 132: _Instruction Chrétienne_, used in the - Church which has adopted the Confession of Augsburg, and said - to have been revised by one of its most eminent - representatives, the late M. le Pasteur Verny, p. I.] - - [Footnote 133: _Catéchisme de Montpellier_, i. 10, 11 - (1769).] - -These questions involve philosophical research. Calvin proceeds -in a very different manner: he does not seek God, he knows him, -possesses him, and takes God as his starting-point. God the -creator, man his creature, and the relation of man to God, these -form the fundamental facts and natural basis of the history, -doctrines, and laws of Christianity. Calvin's catechism commences -thus: 'What is the chief end of human life?'--'To know God.' And -this first assertion is the mainspring of all the principles and -religious duties which are afterwards presented, not as the -discoveries of the human mind, but as communications made by God -in order to meet man's aspirations, and enable him to regulate -his life. It is neither a scientific method, nor is the catechism -a philosophical work: it contains the assertion of a real, -immemorial, universal and historical fact, and explains the -consequences of that fact. It is the natural and legitimate -method of imparting religious instruction, inherent in the very -first principle of all religion; it is specially in harmony with -the origin and history of Christianity, and no one has ever -recognised its power or proved its efficacy more fully than -Calvin. - -{349} - -Although Calvin gave the first place in his heart and thoughts to -theology, he was not exclusively engrossed by it. He knew too -much of human nature and human society not to give great -consideration to their different claims and wants. Moreover, he -entertained great respect for the human intellect, and looked -upon its full development as essential to the accomplishment of -the destiny of man and the glory of God. Literature and social -science, all great intellectual labour and all large utterance of -thought, had great value in his eyes, and attracted him -powerfully. - -Geneva was not exclusively occupied by its republican efforts to -obtain national independence, but from the very commencement of -the fifteenth century was influenced by the revival of literature -which then took place, and the prevailing taste for classical -studies. In the year 1428, François de Versonnay, a citizen of -Geneva, founded a college there, in the following words: 'I look -upon instruction as a useful work; it dispels ignorance, disposes -the mind to wisdom, forms the manners, instils virtues, and is -favourable to the good administration of public affairs. -Nevertheless, up to the present time, Geneva has been entirely -deprived of this benefit for want of a public building, -conveniently situated, and able to hold all the pupils. To remedy -this defect I have set aside part of the worldly goods which -Providence has granted me.' And the college was thereupon -founded. Grammar and Aristotle's Logic were taught in it, and the -liberal arts, that is poetry and a knowledge of the works of -ancient authors. It prospered for several years; but towards the -end of the fifteenth century, and during the commencement of the -sixteenth, civil discord, danger from without, and want of means -caused it to fall into decay. -{350} -Several attempts to restore it were fruitless; and on the 3d of -January, 1531, at the height of the troubles of the Reformation, -'the Rector having left the city, and no application being made -for an appointment which on account of the small number of pupils -was not at all profitable, the Council decided upon closing the -school until fresh orders were given concerning it, as the -children were very destructive.' [Footnote 134] - - [Footnote 134: Gaberel, i. 493-498.] - -With the exception of a few attempts made by Farel towards the -re-establishment of the College, this was the condition of public -education in Geneva, when Calvin returned from Strasburg and took -up his abode there in 1541. In the following year, 1542, he -proposed to the Council: 'In the first place to extend and -improve the College, and also to establish an academy in which -the citizens and strangers might pursue more advanced and -important studies.' He thus from the first disclosed his whole -plan; which was that the College should consist of an elementary -and a classical school, and that there should be an -_academy_ or university above it. But the times were stormy; -political and theological contests were all-absorbing; there was -a lack both of men and means, and sixteen years passed before any -step was taken beyond the purchase of a house for the projected -university. At length in 1558 the theological disputes were -terminated, and the Libertines, who were completely defeated, had -withdrawn from the contest. -{351} -Calvin again submitted his proposition to the Council, asking -them to take measures for procuring the necessary funds, and -offering to assist in obtaining them. The Council summoned the -notaries, 'in order to give them express commands that for the -future, in drawing up wills, they should exhort their clients to -leave a legacy for the support of the College.' They also set -apart for this purpose a portion of the fines inflicted in the -courts of justice. Calvin himself made a house-to-house -collection, explaining fully the nature of the two establishments -for which he was soliciting contributions. At the end of six -months he presented the sum of ten thousand and twenty-four -florins to the Council. [Footnote 135] - - [Footnote 135: From 1,200_l_. to 1,600_l_.--some - 30,000 or 40,000 francs.] - -The work was immediately commenced, and the buildings were -planned and laid out. Calvin had only just recovered from a very -serious illness, but he insisted on being carried to the -building, where he exhorted the workmen, and watched their -progress from day to day; as active and influential in the public -streets as in the Council chamber. The old college building was -prepared for the reception of pupils. An unforeseen event was the -means of providing Geneva with professors for the _academy_ -or university. The Government of Berne quarrelled with the -majority of the pastors and professors of Lausanne on the subject -of the right of excommunication. Many of the most eminent among -them--Beza, Viret, Chevalier, Tagaut, and Berault--left Lausanne, -and asked hospitality from Geneva. Calvin received them all -gladly, and those who would be of use to the new university, with -special warmth. Beza, who was already celebrated, was appointed -rector of the university and professor of theology; Chevalier was -named Professor of Hebrew, Tagaut of philosophy, and Berault of -Greek. -{352} -When all was thus completed, professors and material means -provided, a solemn festival on the inauguration of the new -institution was fixed for the 5th of June, 1559. Laymen and -ecclesiastics, pastors, professors and students, magistrates and -burgesses, assembled in St. Peter's church; Calvin was there, -weak and exhausted by the sufferings which he had undergone for -many months, and from which he was only beginning to recover. -After an address, in which the magistrates congratulated their -city on becoming 'at the same time the mother of science and of -piety,' Beza spoke first, and as rector, addressed himself -especially to the students: 'I implore you, in the name of God,' -he said, 'not to be unfaithful to yourselves. There is a -celebrated saying of Plato's that knowledge, if separated from -justice and virtue, is only skill and not truth. Nothing is more -natural than that pagan philosophers should have been unable to -conform fully to all that this maxim implies. But you--how can -you excuse yourselves if you fall short of it?--you who have -sucked in the pure knowledge of God and of his truth with your -mother's milk. You are assembled here, not like the Greeks, to -take part in the exercise of intellectual dexterity or to behold -the display of noble physical powers, but to undertake the -earnest study of the highest truths and the most excellent -sciences, to fit yourselves for glorifying the name of God, for -becoming the blessing and ornament of your country: you have come -here that at the last day you may, with all confidence, give an -account to the Lord of the holy combat to which he has called -you.' -{353} -Calvin rose, added a few words, 'brief, clear and weighty, -according to his custom;' he thanked God for the success of the -work, expressed his gratitude to all who had given help, and -closed the meeting by a prayer, in which he invoked the -protection of God on the institution. - -Calvin's prayers were answered from the very first by the success -of the academy. 'There was a hall in the cloisters of St. Peter's -church, in which classes were held, and the number of pupils -attending them was so great, that the Council set apart the -chapel of Notre Dame la Neuve, which was, after that, called the -_auditorium_. A hundred and nine students received -instruction from the new professors, and more than eight hundred -theological students, consecrated to the propagation of the -Gospel in France or Germany, gathered around Calvin.' [Footnote -136] - - [Footnote 136: Gaberel, i. 507.] - -This brilliant beginning was followed by permanent success; -Calvin's system of public education has existed and prospered in -Geneva for more than three centuries. He was not able at first to -give it so large a development as he desired. He wished to -establish schools of law and medicine in the University, and also -of all the higher studies, but he could find neither the -necessary professors nor the funds. At a later period, however, -the University of Geneva was honoured by the presence of many -men, illustrious in the world of science; Isaac Casaubon, Joseph -Scaliger, and Hottoman were there, as professors of Greek, of -philosophy, and of law. In our own day, Bonnet, De Saussure, -Pictet, and De Candolle have shed upon Geneva the light and fame -of their studies in natural science. -{354} -The educational establishments of Geneva were so vigorous, and so -firmly rooted in their native soil, that they withstood the -effect of revolutions which changed the face of the country. My -mother, guided by her great intelligence and entire devotion to -my education, took me to Geneva in 1799, in order that I might -obtain a classical and complete education, for which there was -not at that time any facility in France. Geneva had then become a -French Department; but the college, the university, the -lecture-halls for literature and philosophy, had survived the -fall of its national existence. The republic of Geneva had -disappeared, but the religious reformation and the system of -public education established by Calvin, the theological and -scientific professorships which he had founded, were still in -existence, and doing good work. Internal revolutions have again -changed the face of Geneva, but Calvin's work goes on; his -anniversary is still celebrated, and a new building has been -recently dedicated to the cause which he promoted, and to the -honour of his name. - -{355} - - Chapter XXII. - - The End. - - -In 1559 his work was completed, so far as human work can be -completed, but Calvin had almost reached the limit of his -strength--I mean his physical strength, for his intellectual and -moral powers remained undiminished to the last. His health of -body drooped and failed, but his intellect remained clear and his -will unshaken. His soul was one of those which lack time on earth -for full development, and return again to God without having -expended all the store of wealth and power with which at their -creation he has endowed them. On the 2d of February, 1564, Calvin -gave his last lecture on theology, and on the following Sunday, -the 6th, he preached his last sermon. He had an attack of -bleeding from the lungs whilst he was in the pulpit, and all -speaking in public was after that prohibited. He was still -constantly engaged in study or writing, and when his friends -urged him to take a complete rest, he said: 'Then you wish that -when the Lord comes he shall not find me watching.' On Easter -Day, the 2d of April, he was carried to the church and received -the sacrament from the hands of Beza. He expressed a wish to be -carried to the Hôtel de Ville on the 27th of April, in order that -he might once more pay his respects to the Syndics and the -Council. -{356} -But they prevented this by visiting him in a body at his own -house. He thanked them 'for having condescended to show him so -much more honour than he had any claim to, and begged them to -excuse him for having done so much less than he ought to have -done, both in public and private life; and he thanked them also -for having patiently borne with his great vehemence and other -sins, of which he repented, and which he trusted that God had -forgiven.' He then with much gentleness offered them very -judicious advice as to the government of the republic, 'and -having begged them to pardon all his faults, which could never -have seemed so great in any eyes as they had done in his own,' he -held out his hand to say farewell. Beza says: 'I do not think -that any parting could have been more sad for these gentlemen. On -account of his office they all looked upon him, and with good -reason, as speaking to them from God, and they had an affection -for him as for a father, since he had known and trained many of -them from their youth upward.' On the 28th of April all the -evangelical ministers in the city and neighbourhood were -assembled in his room, and Calvin addressed his last counsels and -last farewell to them, speaking with solemn and affectionate -familiarity, like a chief who takes leave of his companions when -he is about to set out on some great enterprise: 'It may seem to -you,' he said, 'that I say too much, and that I am not really so -ill as I make people think; but I assure you, that although I -have often been ill before, I have never felt as I do now, nor -have I ever been so weak. When I am moved in order to be placed -on my bed, my head swims, and I faint immediately. -{357} -There is also this shortness of breath, which troubles me more -and more. I am in all things unlike other sick people, for when -they are near death their mind grows weak and wanders; whilst as -for me, it is true that I am as it were benumbed, but it seems as -if God intended to shut up all my senses within me and keep them -there. And I think that it will be very difficult for me to die, -and will cost a great effort, and I may lose the power of speech -whilst I still possess all my faculties. But I have given warning -of this, and have said what I wish should be done with me, and -for the same reason I desire to speak to you before God takes -me.' He then reminded them of all the principal incidents in his -political and religious career, the struggles which he had been -called upon to maintain for the Gospel and the Reformation, and -ended by saying: 'Gird yourselves up and take courage, for God -has a use for this church, and will maintain it. I tell you God -will keep it in safety. ... You have elected Monsieur de Bèze in -my place: take care that you comfort and support him, for he will -have a great responsibility. As for him, I know that his will is -good, and he will do what he can. See also that there are no -bickerings and no angry words among you; for I know that -oftentimes, when taunts are uttered, we see nothing but smiles at -the time, but there is great bitterness in the heart. It is all -of no use, and moreover there is a want of Christianity in it. -You must guard against it, and live in all true peace and -friendship. -{358} -I had forgotten one thing. I beg you to make no changes, and to -introduce no novelties. People are always seeking novelty. Not -that I am thinking for myself, or speaking from ambition and a -desire that what I have begun shall continue, and that people -shall cling to it and not seek that which is better, but because -all changes are dangerous, and sometimes injurious.' - -These last words were preserved by one of the ministers present, -who closes his account of the interview by saying: 'He took leave -kindly of all his brother pastors, who went up to him one by one -weeping, and shook hands with him.' ... 'Which caused me such -anguish and bitterness of heart,' adds Beza, 'that I cannot -recall it now without exceeding sorrow.' - -There was still another last farewell about which Calvin was -anxious. He wished to take leave of his old friend Farel, who -twenty-eight years previously had induced him to stay at Geneva, -and thus had decided the work of his life; and for whom he -entertained an affection, which was perhaps the deepest and most -tender feeling he ever knew. On the 2d of May he received a -letter in which Farel, hearing of his illness, announced his -intention of visiting him. Calvin immediately dictated the -following answer: 'Fare thee well, my very dear and good brother! -and since it pleases God that you shall remain behind me, live in -the memory of our union, the fruit of which awaits us in heaven, -for it has been profitable to the church and to God. I will not -have you fatigue yourself for me. I draw my breath with very -great difficulty, and from hour to hour I expect breath will fail -me. It is enough that I live and die in Christ, which is gain to -those that are his, both in life and death. -{359} -I commend you to God, together with our brethren who are in your -parts.' Nevertheless Farel arrived; came on foot, say some, from -Neufchâtel to Geneva, in spite of his seventy-five years of age. -The two friends supped together, just those two. Farel preached -on the morrow, and then returned at once to Neufchâtel, saying in -his heart, as he said a few days later in a letter to Fabri: 'Why -was I not taken in his place, and many years of health granted -him for the service of the church and of our Lord Jesus Christ? -Praises be to God a thousand times for his inestimable grace in -allowing me to meet this man and detain him, against his will, at -Geneva, where he has begun and completed more than any tongue can -tell!' After the departure of Farel, Calvin only saw some of his -colleagues, the Genevese ministers, for a few moments. They were -to dine together in his house on the 19th of May; he remained in -his own chamber, which was quite close to the dining-room, and -said, 'with the most joyous face in the world,' says Beza: 'The -wall that is between us will not prevent my being with you in -spirit.' Both by day and night many persons, some of whom had -travelled a great distance, came to Calvin's door, asking to see -him or at least to have tidings of him. Beza says: 'On the 27th -of May, 1564, he seemed to speak with less difficulty and more -vigorously; but this was a last effort of nature, for towards -night-time, about eight o'clock, all the signs of approaching -death suddenly set in. I was sent for immediately, and ran to the -house, together with some of my brethren, but I found that he had -already given up the ghost. -{360} -He had died peacefully, without any last struggle, had been able -to speak clearly to the very last moment, and had been in full -possession of his judgment and all his senses; he had not moved -either hand or foot, and so he looked asleep rather than dead. -Thus, in an instant, our sun set on that day; and the greatest -light of this world, and the glory of the church, was withdrawn -and taken back into the heavens. We may well say that in our time -it has pleased God to show us in one single man both how to live -and how to die.' - -'On the following day and night,' says Beza, 'there was great -lamentation throughout the city, for the people mourned for the -prophet of the Lord; the poor flock in the church wept for the -loss of their faithful pastor; the academy deplored its true -head, and all in common bewailed their beloved father and their -chief comforter next to God. He was placed in a simple wooden -coffin, and about two hours after mid-day, in accordance with his -own wish, was carried in the usual manner, without any pomp or -ceremony, to the public cemetery called Plain Palais. There he -lies to this very day, waiting for the resurrection which was his -own constant hope, as he taught us to make it ours. I say that -all was done quite simply, according to the custom of our church -in the burial of any person whatsoever; so that a few months -later, when certain new students who had come to the college -went, one day, to the cemetery to visit Calvin's tomb, they found -that they were mistaken. They expected to see some lofty and -magnificent monument, and there was only a simple mound of earth, -and it was just like all the other graves. And this may serve as -an answer to those who have long accused us of making an idol of -Calvin.' - -{361} - -In the registers of the Consistory, under date of the 1st of -June, 1564, a cross follows the name of _Calvin_, †, and by -the side of it are these words, 'He went to God on the 27th of -May in this year.' - -Men are called great and obtain a place in history under -different titles. With some it is exalted station, and glory, and -great power during their lifetime which makes them great; with -others the importance and permanence of their works; with others -again it is moral elevation of nature and beauty and purity of -life. The greatness of Calvin arises from all these sources; he -is great by reason of his marvellous powers, his lasting labours, -and the moral height and purity of his motives. When Pope Pius -IV. heard of his death, he said: 'The strength of that heretic -consisted in this, that money never had the slightest charm for -him. If I had such servants, my dominions would extend from sea -to sea.' It is true that Calvin's disinterestedness was a very -prominent characteristic, but it was by no means his chief or -only one. He was never influenced or governed by any interest, -any desire, any personal pleasure other than the triumph of his -faith, and the success of his labours for a moral as well as a -religious reformation. Although he took a leading part in a great -revolution, he had neither revolutionary ideas nor passions. He -was essentially a lover of order, he knew the conditions as well -as the claims of power, and had received from nature the gift of -exercising authority. Upon principle he neither recognised nor -admitted the claims of liberty, either in human nature or human -society. In his eyes man was God's instrument and not a -'fellow-worker with God,' as St. Paul says. -{362} -God, as he thought, had preordained the destiny of every man, and -of the whole human race. The mission of the civil powers was -therefore to recognise and carry out the law of God in all its -precepts and towards all its subjects, in private as well as in -public life, both in the family and in the state. But, in point -of fact, and in spite of his doctrines on free-will and -predestination, Calvin contributed largely to the progress of -liberty in the Christian world, for he both claimed and used it -in opposition to the religious and civil tyrants of his period. -He separated Church and State, but he united laymen and -ecclesiastics in the government of the religious society, and he -placed the soul of man not under the direction of a priest but -under the direct influence of the law of God made known in the -Scriptures. As a moral philosopher he was inaccurate and -inconsistent, but he was strictly consistent in the practical -application of his theories to his own conduct and his duties -towards his fellow-men. He honoured men but did not trust them; -had an ardent desire for their moral welfare, but did not dare to -leave their part in its accomplishment in their own hands; and he -obtained the devoted affection of the best men and the esteem of -all, without ever seeking to please them. - -Earnest in faith, pure in motive, austere in his life, and mighty -in his works, Calvin is one of those who deserve their great -fame. Three centuries separate us from him, but it is impossible -to examine his character and history without feeling, if not -affection and sympathy, at least profound respect and admiration -for one of the great reformers of Europe and of the Great -Christians of France. - - Guizot. - Val Richer, 1869. - -{363} - - Note To St. Louis. - - _The Punishment of Blasphemy_, p. 144. - - -One of my learned colleagues, M. Natalis de Wailly (_Académie -des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_) has pointed out that the -punishment of branding a blasphemer on the lips with a red-hot -iron (p. 144) was probably resorted to on account of some -peculiarly heinous offence, and was an isolated case; that it -cannot be considered as due to any general and permanent decree -applied to all cases of 'that vile oath,' blasphemy, because -there is an enactment of St. Louis (_Recueil des Ordonnances -des Rois de France_, i. 99) which decrees that adult -blasphemers shall be punished by a fine, or in default of fine, -by the pillory and imprisonment. Blasphemers under fourteen years -of age were to be whipped. M. de Wailly's remark is just, and I -hasten to acknowledge that in this matter the piety of St. Louis -did not systematically lead him to exercise general and excessive -rigour. - - -{364} - - List Of The Most Important Of The Works - Referred To In This Volume. - - - - St. Louis. - -Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartres. - -Dom Bouquet's _Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la -France_, vol. xx. - -Faure (Félix), _Histoire de Saint Louis_. Paris, 1867. - -Histoire littéraire de France, vol. xvi. - -Joinville. Edition published by Mr. N. de Wailly. Paris, 1867. - -Jubainville, _Histoire des Dues et des Comtes de Champagne_. - -Paris (Mathieu), _Histoire de l'Angleterre_. Folio edition, 1644. - -Recueil des Ordonnances des Rois de France, vol. i. - -Rémusat (Abel), _Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et -Belles Lettres_. - -Tillemont (le Nain du), _Vie ae Saint Louis_, édit, par De -Gaulle (_Soc. de l'Histoire de France_). 1847-51. - -Topin (Morin), _Aiguesmortes_. 1865. - - - - Calvin. - -Beza, - _L'Histoire en bref de la Vie et Mort de Calvin_, par Th. - de Bèze. Lyons, 1565. (_Archives curieuses de L'Histoire de - France_.) - - _Histoire des Églises réformées de France_. - -Calvin, _Œuvres de Calvin_. Brunswick, 1863. - -Drelincourt, _La Défense de Calvin_. Genève, 1667. - -Gaberel (Jean, _ancien pasteur_), _Histoire de l'Église de -Genève_. Genève, 1853. - -Guizot (C. F. G.), - _Meditations sur la Religion_. Paris, 1868. - - _Histoire de la Civilisation en France_. Paris, 1868. - -Henry (Paul), _Das Leben Johann Calvins_. Hamburg, 1835. - -Martin (Henri), _Histoire de France_, vol. xxiv. - -Stähelin (Lie. E.), _Johannes Calvin_ (_Hagenbach_). 1860-63. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Great Christians of France, Saint -Louis and Calvin, by François Guizot - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CHRISTIANS OF FRANCE *** - -***** This file should be named 62518-0.txt or 62518-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/2/5/1/62518/ - -Produced by Don Kostuch -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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