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diff --git a/old/62798-0.txt b/old/62798-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index be1dcd2..0000000 --- a/old/62798-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8405 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Bombay City Police, by Stephen Meredyth Edwardes - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Bombay City Police - A Historical Sketch 1672-1916 - -Author: Stephen Meredyth Edwardes - -Release Date: July 31, 2020 [EBook #62798] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE *** - - - - -Produced by ellinora and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet -Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - - - -THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE - - - - -[Illustration: Mounted Police Constable - -Bombay City] - - - - - THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE - - A HISTORICAL SKETCH - 1672-1916 - - BY - S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O., - _formerly of the Indian Civil Service and sometime - Commissioner of Police, Bombay_ - - [Illustration] - - HUMPHREY MILFORD - OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS - LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS - 1923 - - - - -PREFACE - - -I have been prompted to prepare this brief record of the past history -and growth of the Bombay Police Force by the knowledge that, except -for a few paragraphs in Volume II of the _Gazetteer of Bombay City and -Island_, no connected account exists of the police administration of the -City. Considering how closely interwoven with the daily life of the mass -of the population the work of the Force has always been, and how large -a contribution to the welfare and progress of the City has been made by -successive Commissioners of Police, it seems well to place permanently -on record in an accessible form the more important facts connected with -the early arrangements for watch and ward and crime-prevention, and to -describe the manner in which the Heads of the Force carried out the heavy -responsibilities assigned to them. - -The year 1916 is a convenient date for the conclusion of this historical -sketch; for in September of that year commenced the violent agitation for -Home Rule which under varying names and varying leadership, and despite -concessions and political reforms, kept India in a state of unrest during -the following five or six years. - -Other considerations also suggest that the narrative may close most fitly -in the year preceding the memorable pronouncement in Parliament, which -ushered in the recent constitutional reforms. No one can foretell what -changes may hereafter take place in the character and constitution of -the City Police Force; but it is improbable that the Force can remain -unaffected by the altered character of the general administration. Ere -old conditions and old landmarks disappear, it seems to me worth while to -compile a succinct history of the Force, as it existed before the era of -“democratic” reform. - -I am indebted to the present Acting Commissioner of Police for the -photographs of the portraits hanging in the Head Police Office and of -the types of constabulary; to the Record-Keeper at the India Office -for giving me access to various police reports and official papers -dating from 1859 to 1916; and to Mr. Sivaram K. Joshi, 1st clerk in the -Commissioner’s office, who spent much of his leisure time in making -inquiries and framing answers to various queries which the Bombay -Government kindly forwarded at my request to the Head Police Office. - - S. M. EDWARDES - -London, 1923 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - - I The Bhandari Militia, 1672-1800 1 - - II The Rise of the Magistracy, 1800-1855 20 - - III Mr. Charles Forjett, 1855-1863 39 - - IV Sir Frank Souter Kt., C. S. I., 1864-1888 54 - - V Lieut-Colonel W. H. Wilson, 1888-1893 79 - - VI Mr. R. H. Vincent, C. I. E., 1893-1898 90 - - VII Mr. Hartley Kennedy, C. S. I., 1899-1901 107 - - VIII Mr. H. G. Gell, M. V. O., 1902-1909 120 - - IX Mr. S. M. Edwardes, C. S. I., C. V. O., 1909-16 148 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Mounted Police Constable Frontispiece - - Armed Police Constable To face page 9 - - Police Constable ” ” 34 - - Sir Frank Souter ” ” 54 - - Armed Police Jamadar ” ” 59 - - Lieut-Col. W. H. Wilson ” ” 79 - - Mr. R. H. Vincent ” ” 90 - - Khan Bahadur Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Imam ” ” 97 - - Mr. Hartley Kennedy ” ” 107 - - Mr. H. G. Gell ” ” 120 - - Rao Sahib Daji Gangaji Rane ” ” 133 - - Mr. S. M. Edwardes ” ” 148 - - - - -THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE - -A HISTORICAL SKETCH - -1672-1916 - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE BHANDARI MILITIA - -1672-1800 - - -A perusal of the official records of the early period of British rule -in Bombay indicates that the credit of first establishing a force for -the prevention of crime and the protection of the inhabitants belongs -to Gerald Aungier, who was appointed Governor of the Island in 1669 and -filled that office with conspicuous ability until his death at Surat in -1677. Amidst the heavy duties which devolved upon him as President of -Surat and Governor of the Company’s recently acquired Island,[1] and at a -time when the Dutch, the Portuguese, the Mogul, the Sidi and the Marathas -offered jointly and severally a serious menace to the Company’s trade -and possessions, Aungier found leisure to organize a rude militia under -the command of _Subehdars_, who were posted at Mahim, Sewri, Sion and -other chief points of the Island.[2] This force was intended primarily -for military protection, as a supplement to the regular garrison. That -it was also employed on duties which would now be performed by the civil -police, is clear from a letter of December 15, 1673, from Aungier and his -council to the Court of Directors, in which the chief features of the -Island and its administrative arrangements are described in considerable -detail.[3] After mentioning the strength of the forces at Bombay and -their distribution afloat and ashore, the letter proceeds:— - - “There are also three companies of militia, one at Bombay, - one at Mahim, and one at Mazagon, consisting of Portuguese - black Christians. More confidence can be placed in the Moors, - Bandareens and Gentus than in them, because the latter are - more courageous and show affection and good-will to the - English Government. These companies are exercised once a month - at least, and serve as _night-watches against surprise and - robbery_.” - -A little while prior to Aungier’s death, when John Petit was serving -under him as Deputy Governor of Bombay, this militia numbered from 500 -to 600, all of whom were landholders of Bombay. Service in the militia -was in fact compulsory on all owners of land, except “the Braminys -(Brahmans) and Bannians (Banias),” who were allowed exemption on a money -payment.[4] The majority of the rank and file were Portuguese Eurasians -(“black Christians”), the remainder including Muhammadans (“Moors”), who -probably belonged chiefly to Mahim, and Hindus of various castes, such as -“Sinays” (Shenvis), “Corumbeens” (Kunbis) and “Coolys” (Kolis).[5] The -most important section of the Hindu element in this force of military -night-watchmen was that of the Bhandaris (“Bandareens”), whose ancestors -formed a settlement in Bombay in early ages, and whose modern descendants -still cherish traditions of the former military and political power of -their caste in the north Konkan. - -The militia appears to have been maintained more or less at full strength -during the troubled period of Sir John Child’s governorship (1681-90). -It narrowly escaped disbandment in 1679, in pursuance of Sir Josia -Child’s ill-conceived policy of retrenchment: but as the orders for -its abolition arrived at the very moment when Sivaji was threatening -a descent on Bombay and the Sidi was flouting the Company’s authority -and seizing their territory, even the subservient John Child could not -face the risk involved in carrying out the instructions from home; -and in the following year the orders were rescinded.[6] The force, -however, did not wholly escape the consequences of Child’s cheese-paring -policy. By the end of 1682 there was only one ensign for the whole -force of 500, and of non-commissioned officers there were only three -sergeants and two corporals. Nevertheless the times were so troubled -that they had to remain continuously under arms.[7] It is therefore not -surprising that when Keigwin raised the standard of revolt against the -Company in December 1683, the militia sided in a body with him and his -fellow-mutineers, and played an active part in the bloodless revolution -which they achieved. Two years after the restoration of Bombay to Sir -Thomas Grantham, who had been commissioned by the Company to secure the -surrender of Keigwin and his associates, a further reference to the -militia appears in an order of November 15th, 1686, by Sir John Wyborne, -Deputy Governor, to John Wyat.[8] The latter was instructed to repair to -Sewri with two topasses and take charge of a new guard-house, to allow no -runaway soldiers or others to leave the island, to prevent cattle, corn -or provisions being taken out of Bombay, and to arrest and search any -person carrying letters and send him to the Deputy Governor. The order -concluded with the following words:— - - “Suffer poor people to come and inhabit on the island; _and - call the militia to watch with you every night_, sparing the - Padre of Parel’s servants.” - -The terms of the order indicate to some extent the dangers and -difficulties which confronted Bombay at this epoch; and it is a -reasonable inference that the duties of the militia were dictated -mainly by the military and political exigencies of a period in which -the hostility of the neighbouring powers in Western India and serious -internal troubles produced a constant series of “alarums and excursions”. - -The close of the seventeenth and the earlier years of the eighteenth -century were marked by much lawlessness; and in the outlying parts of -Bombay the militia appears to have formed the only safeguard of the -residents against robbery and violence. This is clear from an order -of September 13, 1694, addressed by Sir John Gayer, the Governor, to -Jansanay (Janu Shenvi) Subehdar of Worli, Ramaji Avdat, Subehdar of -Mahim, Raji Karga, Subehdar of Sion, and Bodji Patan, Subehdar of Sewri. -“Being informed,” he wrote, “that certain ill people on this island go -about in the night to the number of ten or twelve or more, designing some -mischief or disturbance to the inhabitants, these are to enorder you to -go the rounds every night with twenty men at all places which you think -most suitable to intercept such persons.”[9] The strengthening of the -force at this period[10] and the increased activity of the night-patrols -had very little effect in reducing the volume of crime, which was a -natural consequence of the general weakness of the administration. The -appalling mortality among Europeans, the lack of discipline among the -soldiers of the garrison, the general immorality to which Ovington, the -chaplain, bore witness,[11] the prevalence of piracy and the lack of -proper laws and legal machinery, all contributed to render Bombay “very -unhealthful” and to offer unlimited scope to the lawless section of the -population. - -As regards the law, judicial functions were exercised at the beginning of -the eighteenth century by a civil officer of the Company, styled Chief -Justice, and in important cases by the President in Council. Neither of -these officials had any real knowledge of law; no codes existed, except -two rough compilations made during Aungier’s governorship: and justice -was consequently very arbitrary. In 1726 this Court was exercising civil, -criminal, military, admiralty and probate jurisdiction; it also framed -rules for the price of bread and the wages of “black tailors”.[12] -Connected with the Court from 1720 to 1727 were the _Vereadores_,[13] a -body of native functionaries who looked after orphans and the estates -of persons dying intestate, and audited accounts. After 1726 they also -exercised minor judicial powers and seem to have partly taken the place -of the native tribunals, which up to 1696 administered justice to the -Indian inhabitants of the Island.[14] So matters remained until 1726, -when under the Charter creating Mayors’ Courts at Calcutta, Bombay and -Madras the Governor and Council were empowered to hold quarter sessions -for the trial of all offences except high treason, the President and the -five senior members of Council being created Justices of the Peace and -constituting a Court of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery. - -For purposes of criminal justice Bombay was considered a county. The -curious state of the law at this date is apparent from the trial of a -woman, named Gangi, who was indicted in 1744 for petty treason in aiding -and abetting one Vitha Bhandari in the murder of her husband.[15] She -was found guilty and was sentenced to be burnt. Apparently the penalty -for compassing a husband’s death was the same as for high treason: and -the sentence of burning for petty treason was the only sentence the -Court could legally have passed. Twenty years earlier (1724) an ignorant -woman, by name Bastok, was accused of witchcraft and other “diabolical -practices.” The Court found her guilty, not from evil intent, but on -account of ignorance, and sentenced her to receive eleven lashes at the -church door and afterwards to do penance in the building.[16] - -The system, whereby criminal jurisdiction was vested in the Governor -and Council, lasted practically till the close of the eighteenth -century. In 1753, for example, the Bombay Government was composed of -the Governor and thirteen councillors, all of whom were Justices of the -Peace and Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery. They -were authorised to hold quarter sessions and make bye-laws for the good -government etc. of Bombay: and to aid them in the exercise of their -magisterial powers as Justices, they had an executive officer, the -Sheriff, with a very limited establishment.[17] In 1757 and 1759 they -issued proclamations embodying various “rules for the maintenance of -the peace and comfort of Bombay’s inhabitants”; but with the possible -exception of the Sheriff, they had no executive agency to enforce the -observance of these rules and bye-laws, and no body of men, except the -militia, for the prevention and detection of offences. When, therefore, -in 1769 the state of the public security called loudly for reform, the -Bombay Government were forced to content themselves and their critics -with republishing these various proclamations and regulations—a course -which, as may be supposed, effected very little real good. In a letter to -the Court of Directors, dated December 20th, 1769, they reported that in -consequence of a letter from a bench of H. M.’s Justices they had issued -on August 26, 1769, “sundry regulations for the better conducting the -police of the place in general, particularly in respect to the markets -for provisions of every kind”; and these regulations were in due course -approved by the Court in a dispatch of April 25, 1771.[18] - -Police arrangements, however, were still very unsatisfactory, and -crimes of violence, murder and robbery were so frequent outside the -town walls that in August, 1771, Brigadier-General David Wedderburn[19] -submitted proposals to the Bombay Government for rendering the Bhandari -militia[20], as it was then styled, more efficient. His plan may be said -to mark the definite employment of the old militia on regular police -duties. Accordingly the Bombay Bhandaris were formed into a battalion -composed of 48 officers and 400 men, which furnished nightly a guard of -12 officers and 100 men “for the protection of the woods.” This guard was -distributed as follows:— - - 4 officers and 33 men at Washerman’s Tank (Dhobi Talao). - 4 ” ” 33 ” near Major Mace’s house. - 4 ” ” 34 ” at Mamba Davy (Mumbadevi) tank. - -From these posts constant patrols, which were in communication with one -another, were sent out from dark until gunfire in the morning, the whole -area between Dongri and Back Bay being thus covered during the night. -The _Vereadores_ were instructed to appoint not less than 20 trusty and -respectable Portuguese _fazendars_ to attend singly or in pairs every -night at the various police posts. All Europeans living in Sonapur or -Dongri had to obtain passes according to their class, _i.e._ those in -the marine forces from the Superintendent, those in the military forces -from their commanding officer, all other Europeans, not in the Company’s -service, but living in Bombay by permission of the Government, from -the Secretary to Government, and all artificers employed in any of the -offices from the head of their office. - -The duties of the patrols were to keep the peace, to seize all -persons found rioting, pending examination, to arrest all robbers and -house-breakers, to seize all Europeans without passes, and all _coffrees_ -(African slaves) found in greater numbers than two together, or armed -with swords, sticks, knives or bludgeons. All _coffrees_ or other runaway -slaves were to be apprehended, and were punished by being put to work on -the fortifications for a year at a wage of Rs. 3 per month, or by being -placed aboard cruisers for the same term, a notice being published of -their age, size, country of origin and description, so that their masters -might have a chance of claiming them. If unclaimed by the end of twelve -months, they were shipped to Bencoolen in Sumatra. - -The standing order to all persons to register their slaves was to be -renewed and enforced under a penalty. The Company agreed to pay the -Bhandari police Rs. 10 for every _coffree_ or runaway slave arrested -and placed on the works or on a cruiser; Re. 1 for every slave absent -from his work for three days; and Rs. 2 for every slave absent from duty -for one month; Re. 1 for every soldier or sailor absent from duty for -forty-eight hours, whom they might arrest; and 8 annas for every soldier -or sailor found drunk in the woods after 8 p.m. The money earned in the -latter cases was to be paid at once by the Marine Superintendent or the -Commanding Officer, as the case might be, and deducted from the pay of -the defaulter; and the total sum thus collected was to be divided once a -month or oftener among the Bhandaris on duty. - -[Illustration: Armed Police Constable - -Bombay City] - -The officers in charge of the police posts and the Portuguese -_fazendars_, attached thereto, were to make a daily report of all that -had happened during the night and place all persons arrested by the -patrols before a magistrate for examination. The Bhandari patrols were -to assemble daily at 5 p.m. opposite to the Church Gate (of the Fort) -and, weather permitting, they were to be taught “firing motions and the -platoon exercise, and to fire balls at a mark, for which purpose some -good havaldars should attend to instruct them, and the adjutant of the -day or some other European officer should constantly attend.” - -These Bhandari night-patrols, as organized by General Wedderburn, were -the germ from which sprang the later police administration of the -Island. We see the beginnings of police sections and divisions in the -three main night-posts with their complement of officers and men; the -forerunner of the modern divisional morning report in the daily report -of the patrol officer and the _fazendar_; and the establishment of an -armed branch in the fire-training given to the patrols in the evening. -The presence of the _fazendars_ was probably based on the occasional need -of an interpreter and of having some advisory check upon the exercise of -their powers by the patrols. In those early days the _fazendar_ may have -supplied the place of public opinion, which now plays no unimportant part -in the police administration of the modern city. - -Notwithstanding these arrangements, the volume of crime showed no -diminution. Murder, robbery and theft were still of frequent occurrence -outside the Fort walls: and in the vain hope of imposing some check -upon the lawless element, the Bombay Government in August, 1776, -ordered parties of regular sepoys to be added to the Bhandari patrols. -Three years later, in February, 1779, they decided, apparently as an -experiment, to supplant the Bhandari militia entirely by patrols of -sepoys, which were to be furnished by “the battalion of sepoy marines”. -These patrols were to scour the woods nightly, accompanied by “a peace -officer”, who was to report every morning to the acting magistrate.[21] -Still there was no improvement, and the dissatisfaction of the general -public was forcibly expressed at the close of 1778 or early in the -following year by the grand Jury, which demanded a thorough reform of -the police.[22] In the course of their presentment they stated that -“the frequent robberies and the difficulties attending the detection -of aggressors, called loudly for some establishment clothed with such -authority as should effectually protect the innocent and bring the guilty -to trial”, and they proposed that His Majesty’s Justices should apply -to Government for the appointment of an officer with ample authority to -effect the end in view.[23] - -This pronouncement of the Grand Jury was the precursor of the first -appointment of an executive Chief of Police in Bombay. On February 17, -1779, Mr. James Tod (or Todd) was appointed “Lieutenant of Police”, on -probation, with an allowance of Rs. 4 per diem, and on March 3rd of that -year he was sworn into office; a formal commission signed by Mr. William -Hornby, the Governor, was granted to him, and a public notification of -the creation of the office and of the powers vested in it was issued. -He was also furnished with copies of the regulations in force, and was -required by the terms of his commission to follow all orders given to him -by the Government or by the Justices of the Peace.[24] - -Tod had a chequered career as head of the Bombay police. The first attack -upon him was delivered by the very body which had urged the creation of -his appointment. The Grand Jury, like the frogs of Æsop who demanded a -King, found the appointment little to their liking, and were moved in -the following July (1779) to present “the said James Todd as a public -nuisance, and his office of Police as of a most dangerous tendency”; and -they earnestly recommended “that it be immediately abolished, as fit only -for a despotic government, where a Bastille is at hand to enforce its -authority”. - -The Government very properly paid no heed to this curious _volteface_ -of the Grand Jury, and Tod was left free to draft a new set of police -regulations, which were badly needed, and to do what he could to bring -his force of militia into shape. His regulations were submitted on -December 31, 1779, and were approved by the Bombay Council and ordered to -be published on January 26th, 1780. They were based upon notifications -and orders previously issued from time to time at the Presidency and -approved by the Justices, and were eventually registered in the Court -of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery on April 17, 1780. Between -the date of their approval by the Council and their registration by -the Court, Tod revised them on the lines of the Police regulations -adopted in Calcutta in 1778.[25] It was further provided at the time of -their registration that “a Bench of Justices during the recess of the -Sessions should be authorized from time to time to make any necessary -alterations and amendments in the code, subject to their being affirmed -or reversed at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace next ensuing”. -Tod’s regulations, which numbered forty-one, were the only rules for -the management of the police which had been passed up to that date in a -formal manner. They were first approved in Council, as mentioned above, -by the authority of the Royal Charter of 1753, granted to the East India -Company, and were then published and registered at the Sessions under the -authority conveyed by the subsequent Act (13 Geo. III) of 1773. They thus -constituted the earliest Bombay Police Code. - -Meanwhile Tod found his new post by no means a bed of roses. On November -30th, 1779, he wrote to the Council stating that his work as Lieutenant -of Police had created for him many enemies and difficulties. He had -twice been indicted for felony and had been honourably acquitted on -both occasions: but he still lived in continual dread of blame. “By -unremitting and persevering attention to duty I have made many and -bitter enemies”, he wrote, “in consequence of which I have been obliged -in great measure to give up my bread.” He added that his military title -of Lieutenant of Police had proved obnoxious to many, and he offered to -resign it, suggesting at the same time that, following the precedent -set by Calcutta, he should be styled Superintendent of Police. Lastly -he asked the Council to fix his emoluments. The censure of the Grand -Jury, quoted in a previous paragraph, indicates clearly the opposition -with which Tod was faced; and one cannot but sympathize with an officer -whose endeavours to perform his duty efficiently resulted in his -arraignment before a criminal court. That he was honourably acquitted on -both occasions shows that at this date at any rate he was the victim of -malicious persecution. - -As regards the style and title of his appointment, the Bombay Council -endorsed his views, and on March 29th, 1780, they declared the office -of Lieutenant of Police annulled, and created in its place the office -of Deputy of Police on a fixed salary of Rs. 3,000 a year. Accordingly -on April 5th, 1780, Tod formally relinquished his former office and -was appointed Deputy of Police, being permitted to draw his salary of -Rs. 3,000 a year with retrospective effect from the date of his first -appointment as “Lieutenant”. On the same day he submitted the revised -code of police regulations, which was formally registered in the Court of -Oyer and Terminer on April 17th. In abolishing the post of Lieutenant the -Bombay Government anticipated by a few months the order of the Court of -Directors, who wrote as follows on July 5th, 1780:— - - “Determined as we are to resist every attempt that may be made - to create new offices at the expense of the Company, we cannot - but be highly displeased with your having appointed an officer - in quality of Lieutenant of Police with a salary of Rs. 4 a - day. Whatever sum may have been paid in consequence must be - refunded. If such an officer be of that utility to the public - as you have represented, the public by some tax or otherwise - should defray the charges thereof.” - -Before leaving the subject of the actual appointment, it is to be -noted that at some date previous to 1780 the office of High Constable -was annexed to that of Deputy of Police; for, in his letter to the -Court of Sessions asking for the confirmation and publication of his -police regulations, Tod describes himself as “Deputy of Police and High -Constable”. No information, however, is forthcoming as to when this -office was created, nor when it was amalgamated with the appointment of -Deputy of Police.[26] - -The actual details of Tod’s police administration are obscure. At the -outset he was apparently hampered by lack of funds, for which the Bombay -Government had made no provision. On January 17th, 1780, he submitted to -them an account of sums which he had advanced and expended in pursuance -of his duties as executive head of the police, and also informed the -Council that twenty-four constables, “who had been sworn in for the -villages without the gates”, had received no pay and consequently -had, in concert with the Bhandaris, been exacting heavy fees from the -inhabitants. Tod requested the Government to pay the wages due to these -men, or, failing that, to authorize payment by a general assessment on -all heads of families residing outside the gates of the town. The Council -reimbursed Tod’s expenses and issued orders for an assessment to meet -the cost of the constabulary. - -While allowing for the many difficulties confronting him, Tod cannot -be held to have achieved much success as head of the police. His old -critics, the Grand Jury, returned to the charge at the Sessions which -opened on April 30th, 1787, and protested in strong terms against “the -yet inefficient state of every branch of the Police, which required -immediate and effectual amendment”. “That part of it” they said, “which -had for its object the personal security of the inhabitants and their -property was not sufficiently vigorous to prevent the frequent repetition -of murder, felony, and every other species of atrociousness—defects that -had often been the subject of complaint from the Grand Jury of Bombay, -but never with more reason than at that Sessions, as the number of -prisoners for various offences bore ample testimony.” - -They animadverted on the want of proper regulations, on the great -difficulty of obtaining menial servants and the still greater difficulty -of retaining them in their service, on the enormous wages which they -demanded and their generally dubious characters. So far as concerned -the domestic servant problem, the Bombay public at the close of the -eighteenth century seems to have been in a position closely resembling -that of the middle-classes in England at the close of the Great War -(1914-18). The Grand Jury complained also of the defective state of the -high roads, of the uncleanliness of many streets in the Town, and of “the -filthiness of some of the inhabitants, being uncommonly offensive and a -real nuisance to society”. They objected to the obstruction caused by the -piling of cotton on the Green and in the streets, to the enormous price -of the necessaries of life, the bad state of the markets, and the high -rates of labour. They urged the Justices to press the Bombay Government -for reform and suggested “the appointment of a Committee of Police with -full powers to frame regulations and armed with sufficient authority to -carry them into execution, as had already been done with happy effect on -the representation of the Grand Juries at the other Presidencies.” - -The serious increase of robbery and “nightly depredations” was ascribed -chiefly to the fact that all persons were allowed to enter Bombay -freely, without examination, and that the streets were infested with -beggars “calling themselves Faquiers and Jogees (Fakirs and Jogis)”, -who exacted contributions from the public. The beggar-nuisance is one -of the chief problems requiring solution in the modern City of Bombay: -and it may be some consolation to a harassed Commissioner of Police -to know that his predecessor of the eighteenth century was faced with -similar difficulties. The Grand Jury were not over-squeamish in their -recommendations on the subject. They advocated the immediate deportation -of all persons having no visible means of subsistence, and as a result -the police, presumably under Tod’s orders, sent thirteen suspicious -persons out of the Island.[27] - -Three years later, in 1790, Tod’s administration came to a disastrous -close. He was tried for corruption. “The principal witness against him -(as must always happen)”, wrote Sir James Mackintosh, “was his native -receiver of bribes. He expatiated on the danger to all Englishmen of -convicting them on such testimony; but in spite of a topic which, -by declaring all black agents incredible, would render all white -villains secure, he was convicted; though—too lenient a judgment—he was -only reprimanded and suffered to resign his station”.[28] Sir James -Mackintosh, as is clear from his report of October, 1811, to the Bombay -Government, was stoutly opposed to the system of granting the chief -executive police officer wide judicial powers, such as those exercised by -Tod and his immediate successors: and his hostility to the system may -have led to his overlooking the exceptional difficulties and temptations -to which Tod was exposed. The Governor and his three Councillors, in whom -by Act XXIV, Geo. III, of 1785 (“for the better regulation and management -of the affairs of the East India Company and for establishing a Court -of Judicature”), the supreme judicial and executive administration of -Bombay were at this date vested, realized perhaps that Tod’s emoluments -of Rs. 250 a month were scarcely large enough to secure the integrity of -an official vested with such wide powers over a community, whose moral -standards were admittedly low, that Tod had done a certain amount of -good work under difficult conditions, and that the very nature of his -office was bound to create him many enemies. On these considerations they -may have deemed it right to temper justice with mercy and to permit the -delinquent to resign his appointment in lieu of being dismissed. - -The identity of Tod’s immediate successor is unknown. Whoever he was, he -seems to have effected no amelioration of existing conditions. In 1793 -the Grand Jury again drew pointed attention to “the total inadequacy -of the police arrangements for the preservation of the peace and the -prevention of crimes, and for bringing criminals to justice.” Bombay -was the scene of constant robberies by armed gangs, none of whom were -apprehended. The close of the eighteenth century was a period of chaos -and internecine warfare throughout a large part of India, and it is only -natural that Bombay should have suffered to some extent from the inroads -of marauders, tempted by the prospect of loot. A system of night-patrols, -weak in numbers and poorly paid, could not grapple effectively with -organized gangs of free-booters, nurtured on dangerous enterprises -and accustomed to great rapidity of movement. The complaints of the -Grand Jury, however, could not be overlooked, and led directly to the -appointment of a committee to consider the whole subject of the police -administration and suggest reform. - -This committee was in the midst of its enquiry when Act XXXIII, Geo. III. -of 1793 was promulgated and rendered further investigation unnecessary. -Under that Act a Commission of the Peace, based upon the form adopted -in England, was issued for each Presidency by the Supreme Court of -Judicature in Bengal. The Governor and his Councillors remained _ex -officiis_ Justices of the Peace for the Island, and five additional -Justices were appointed by the Governor-General-in-Council on the -recommendation of the Bombay Government. The Commission of the Peace -further provided for the abolition of the office of Deputy of Police and -High Constable, and created in its place the office of Superintendent of -Police. - -The first Superintendent of Police was Mr. Simon Halliday, who just prior -to the promulgation of the Act above-mentioned had been nominated by -the Justices to the office of High Constable. So much appears from the -records of the Court of Sessions; and one may presume that after the Act -came into operation in 1793 Mr. Halliday’s title was altered to that of -Superintendent. His powers were somewhat curtailed to accord with the -powers vested in the Superintendent of Police at Calcutta, and he was -bound to keep the Governor-in-Council regularly informed of all action -taken by him in his official capacity. - -Mr. Halliday was in charge of the office of Superintendent of Police -until 1808. His assumption of office synchronized with a thorough -revision of the arrangements for policing the area outside the Fort, -which up to that date had proved wholly ineffective. Under the new -system, which is stated in Warden’s Report to have been introduced in -1793 and was approved by the Justices a little later, the troublesome -area known as “Dungree and the Woods” was split up into 14 police -divisions, each division being staffed by 2 Constables (European) and a -varying number of Peons (not exceeding 130 for the whole area), who were -to be stationary in their respective charges and responsible for dealing -with all illegal acts committed within their limits. - -The disposition of this force of 158 men was as follows:— - - ------------------------------------+------------+--------+------- - | Number | Number | - Name of Chokey | of | of | Total - | Constables | Peons | - ------------------------------------+------------+--------+------- - Washerman’s Tank (Dhobi Talao) | 2 | 12 | 14 - Back Bay | 2 | 10 | 12 - Palo (Apollo _i.e._ Girgaum Road) | 2 | 6 | 8 - Girgen (Girgaum) | 2 | 12 | 14 - Gowdevy (Gamdevi) | 2 | 8 | 10 - Pillajee Ramjee[29] | 2 | 8 | 10 - Moomladevy (Mumbadevi) | 2 | 10 | 12 - Calvadevy (Kalbadevi) | 2 | 8 | 10 - Sheik Maymon’s Market | | | - (Sheik Memon Street?) | 2 | 10 | 12 - Butchers (Market?) | 2 | 10 | 12 - Cadjees (Kazi’s market or post) | 2 | 8 | 10 - Ebram Cowns (Ibrahim Khan’s | | | - market or post) | 2 | 8 | 10 - Sat Tar (Sattad Street) | 2 | 12 | 14 - Portuguese Church (Cavel) | 2 | 8 | 10 - ------------------------------------+------------+--------+------- - | 28 | 130 | 158 - ------------------------------------+------------+--------+------- - -The names of the police-stations or _chaukis_ (chokeys) show that the -area thus policed included roughly the modern Dhobi Talao section and -the southern part of Girgaum, most of the present Market and Bhuleshwar -sections and the western parts of the modern Dongri and Mandvi sections. -In fact, the expression “Dongri and the Woods” represented the area which -formed the nucleus of what were known in the middle of the nineteenth -century as the “Old Town” and “New Town”. At the date of Mr. Halliday’s -appointment, this part of the Island was almost entirely covered with -oarts (_hortas_) and plantations, intersected by a few narrow roads; -and if one may judge by the illustration “A Night in Dongri” in _The -Adventures of Qui-hi_ (1816),[30] a portion of this area was inhabited -largely by disreputable persons. - -Simultaneously with the introduction of the arrangements described above, -an establishment of “rounds” hitherto maintained by the arrack-farmer, -consisting of one clerk of militia, 4 havaldars and 86 sepoys, and -costing Rs. 318 per month, was abolished. Mahim, which was still regarded -as a suburb, had its own “Chief,” who performed general, magisterial -and police duties in that area; while other outlying places like Sion -and Sewri were furnished with a small body of native police under a -native officer, subject to the general supervision and control of the -Superintendent. In 1797 the condition of the public thoroughfares -and roads was so bad that, on the death in that year of Mr. Lankhut, -the Surveyor of Roads, his department was placed in charge of the -Superintendent of Police; while in 1800 the office of Clerk of the Market -was also annexed to that of the chief police officer, in pursuance of the -recommendations of a special committee. In the following year, 1801, the -old office of Chief of Mahim was finally abolished, and his magisterial -and police duties were thereupon vested in the Superintendent of Police. -To enable him to cope with this additional duty, an appointment of -Deputy Superintendent, officiating in the Mahim district, was created, -the holder of which was directly subordinate in all matters to the -Superintendent of Police. The first Deputy Superintendent was Mr. James -Fisher, who continued in office until the date (1808) of Mr. Halliday’s -retirement when he was succeeded by Mr. James Morley. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE RISE OF THE MAGISTRACY - -1800-1855 - - -As has been shown in the preceding chapter, the importance of the office -of Superintendent of Police had been considerably enhanced by the year -1809. Excluding the control of markets and roads, which was taken from -him in that year, the Superintendent had executive control of all police -arrangements in the Island, exercised all the duties of a High Constable, -an Alderman and a Justice of the Peace, was Secretary of the Committee of -Buildings, a member of the Town Committee, and a member of the Buildings -Committee of H.M.’s Naval Offices in Bombay. He had been appointed a -Justice of the Peace at his own request, on the grounds that he would -thereby be enabled to carry out his police work more effectively. -His deputy at Mahim was also appointed a Justice of the Peace on the -publication of Act XLVIII, Geo. III. of 1808. - -The year 1809 marks another crisis in the history of Bombay’s police -administration, to which several factors may be held to have contributed. -In the first place crime was still rampant and defied all attempts -to reduce it. Bodies of armed men continued to enter the Island, as -for example in 1806 and 1807, and to terrify, molest and loot the -residents; and though these gangs remained for some little time within -the Superintendent’s jurisdiction, they were never apprehended by the -police.[31] In his report of November 15, 1810, Warden refers also to -an attack by “Cossids”, _i.e._ _Kasids_ or letter-carriers, who must -have been induced to leave for the moment their ordinary duties as -postal-runners and messengers by the apparent immunity from arrest and -punishment enjoyed by the bands of regular thieves and free-booters. In -consequence of the general lawlessness traffic in stolen goods was at -this date a most lucrative profession, and obliged the Justices in 1797 -to nominate individual goldsmiths and _shroffs_ as public pawnbrokers -for a term of five years, on condition that they gave security for good -conduct and furnished the police regularly with returns of valuable -goods sold or purchased by them.[32] Another source of annoyance to the -authorities was the constant desertion of sailors from the vessels of the -Royal Navy and of the East India Company. These men were rarely arrested -and the police appeared unable to discover their haunts. The peons, -_i.e._ native constables were declared to be seldom on duty, except -when they expected the Superintendent to pass, and to spend their time -generally in gambling and other vices. In brief, the police force was -so inefficient and crime was so widespread and uncontrolled that public -opinion demanded urgent reform. - -In the second place, the old system whereby the Governor and his Council -constituted the Court of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery disappeared -on the establishment in 1798 of a Recorder’s Court. The powers of the -Justices, who were authorized to hold Sessions of the Peace, remained -unimpaired, and nine of them, exclusive of the Members of Government, -were nominated for the Town and Island. It was inevitable that the -constitution of a competent judicial tribunal, presided over by a trained -lawyer, should, apart from other causes, lead to a general stock-taking -of the judicial administration of Bombay, and incidentally should direct -increased attention to the subject of the powers vested in the Police and -the source whence they drew their authority. - -The powers of the Superintendent of Police at this epoch were very wide. -First, he had power to convict offenders summarily and punish them at the -police office. This procedure, in the opinion of the Recorder, Sir James -Mackintosh (1803-11), was quite illegal, inasmuch as the punishments -were inflicted under rules, which from 1753 to 1807 were not confirmed -by the Court of Directors and had therefore no validity. The rules made -between 1807 and 1811 were likewise declared by the same authority to -be invalid, as they had not been registered in the court of judicature. -On other grounds also the police rules authorizing this procedure were -_ultra vires_. Secondly, the Superintendent inflicted the punishment of -banishment and condemned offenders to hard labour in chains on public -works. Between February 28, 1808, and January 31, 1809, he (_i.e._ Mr. -Halliday) banished 217 persons from Bombay, and condemned 64 persons to -hard labour in the docks. During the three years, 1807-1809, about 200 -offenders were thus condemned to work in chains. On the other hand, the -Superintendent frequently liberated prisoners before the expiry of their -sentence, and in this way released 26 persons on December 20, 1809, -without assigning any reason. He condemned persons also to flogging. He -kept _no_ record of his cases. “He may arrest 40 men in the morning”, -wrote Sir James Mackintosh, “he may try, convict and condemn them in the -forenoon; and he may close the day by exercising the Royal prerogative -of pardon towards them all.” It is hardly surprising that the mind of -the lawyer revolted against the system, and that in his indignation -he characterized the powers of the Superintendent as “a precipitate, -clandestine and arbitrary jurisdiction.”[33] - -In the third place, the powers of the Governor-in-Council to enact police -regulations for Bombay were defined anew and enlarged by Act XLVII, Geo. -III. of 1808, under the provisions of which the Government was empowered -to nominate 16 persons, exclusive of the members of the Governor’s -Council, to act as Justices of the Peace. The promulgation of this Act, -which was received in Bombay in 1808, rendered necessary a thorough -revision of the conditions and circumstances of police control. - -In consequence, therefore, of the prevalence of crime and the notorious -inefficiency and corruption of the Police, the hostility of the new -Recorder’s Court to the existing system of administration, and the need -of a new enactment under Act XLVII, the Bombay Government appointed a -committee in 1809 to review the whole position and make suggestions for -further reform. The President of the committee was Mr. F. Warden, Chief -Secretary to Government, who eventually submitted proposals in a letter -dated November 15, 1810. The urgent need of reform was emphasized by the -fact that the Superintendent of Police, Mr. Charles Briscoe, who had -succeeded Mr. Halliday in 1809, was tried at the Sessions of November, -1810, for corruption, as Tod had been in 1790, and that complaints -against the tyranny and inefficiency of the force were being daily -received by the authorities. Sir James Mackintosh was only expressing -public opinion when in 1811 he recommended Government “in their wisdom -and justice to abolish even the name of Superintendent of Police, and to -efface every vestige of an office of which no enlightened friend to the -honour of the British name can recollect the existence without pain.” - -Warden’s proposals were briefly the following. He advocated the -adaptation to Bombay of Colquhoun’s system for improving the police -of London, and suggested the appointment on fixed salaries of two -executive magistrates for the criminal branch of the Police, to be -selected from among the Company’s servants or British subjects—“one for -the Town of Bombay, whose jurisdiction shall extend to the Engineer’s -limits and to Colaba, and to offences committed in the harbour of -Bombay, with a suitable establishment; and a second for the division -without the garrison, including the district of Mahim, with a suitable -establishment.” Both these magistrates were to have executive and -judicial functions, and were also to perform “municipal duties”.[34] -The active functions of the police were to be performed by a Deputy, -while “the control, influence, and policy” were to be centred in a -Superintendent-General of Police, aided by the two magistrates. The -latter officer was to be responsible for the recruitment of the Deputy’s -subordinates, and the _Mukadams_ (headmen) of each caste were to form -part of the police establishment. - -Warden dealt at some length with the qualifications and powers -which the chief police officer should possess. He proposed that the -Superintendent’s power of inflicting corporal punishment should be -abolished, and that his duties should extend only to the apprehension, -not to the punishment, of offenders; to the enforcement of regulations -for law and order; to the superintendence of the scavenger’s and -road-repairing departments; to watching “the motley group of characters -that infest this populous island;” and to the vigilant supervision of -houses maintained for improper and illegal purposes. “He should be -the arbitrator of disputes between the natives, arising out of their -religious prejudices. He should have authority over the Harbour, and -should be in charge of convicts subjected to hard labour in the Docks, -and those sent down to Bombay under sentence of transportation. He -should not be the whole day closeted in his chamber, but abroad and -active in the discharge of his duty; he should now and then appear -where least expected. The power and vital influence of the office, and -not its name only, should be known and felt. He ought to number among -his acquaintances every rogue in the place and know all their haunts -and movements. A character of this description is not imaginary, nor -difficult of formation. We have heard of a Sartine and a Fouché; a -Colquhoun exists; and I am informed that the character of Mr. Blaqueire -at Calcutta, as a Magistrate, is equally efficient.” Warden, indeed, -demanded a kind of “admirable Crichton,”—strictly honest, yet the -boon-companion of every rascal in Bombay, keeping abreast of his -office-work by day and perambulating the more dangerous haunts of the -local criminals by night. It is only on rare occasions that a man of such -varied abilities and energy is forthcoming: and nearly half a century was -destined to elapse before Bombay found a Police Superintendent who more -than fulfilled the high standard recommended by the Chief Secretary in -1810. - -The upshot of the Police Committee’s enquiry and of the report of its -President was the publication of Rule, Ordinance and Regulation I of -1812, which was drafted by Sir James Mackintosh in 1811, and formed the -basis of the police administration of Bombay until 1856. Under this -Regulation, three Justices of the Peace were appointed Magistrates of -Police with the following respective areas of jurisdiction:— - - (_a_) The Senior Magistrate, for the Fort and Harbour. - - (_b_) The Second Magistrate, for the area between the Fort - Walls and a line drawn from the northern boundary of Mazagon to - Breach Candy. - - (_c_) The Third Magistrate, with his office at Mahim, for all - the rest of the Island.[35] - -Included in the official staff of these three magistrates were:— - - a Purvoe (_i.e._ Prabhu clerk) on Rs. 50 per month - a Cauzee (Kazi) ” ” 8 ” ” - a Bhut (Bhat, Brahman) ” ” 8 ” ” - a Jew Cauzee (Rabbi) ” ” 12 ” ” - an Andaroo (Parsi Mobed) ” ” 6 ” ” - Two Constables each ” ” 9 ” ” - One Havildar ” ” 8 ” ” - Four Peons each ” ” 6 ” ” - -The executive head of the Police force was a Deputy of Police and High -Constable on a salary of Rs. 500 a month, while the general control -and deliberative powers were vested in a Superintendent-General of -Police. All appointments of individuals to the subordinate ranks -of the force were made by the Magistrates of Police, who with the -Superintendent-General met regularly as a Bench to consider all matters -appertaining to the police administration of Bombay. European constables -were appointed by the Justices at Quarter Sessions, and the _Mukadams_ -or headmen of each caste formed an integral feature of the police -establishment. - -The strength and cost of the force in 1812 were as follows:— - - 1 Deputy of Police and Head - Constable Rs. 500 per month - 2 European Assistants (at Rs. - 100 each) Rs. 200 ” ” - 3 Purvoes (Prabhus, clerks) Rs. 110 ” ” - 1 Inspector of Markets Rs. 80 ” ” - 2 Overseers of Roads (respectable - natives at 50 each) Rs. 100 ” ” - 12 Havaldars (at Rs. 8 each) Rs. 96 ” ” - 8 Naiks (at Rs. 7 each) Rs. 56 ” ” - 6 European Constables Rs. 365 ” ” - 50 Peons (at Rs. 6 each) Rs. 300 ” ” - 1 Battaki man Rs. 6 ” ” - 1 Havaldar and 12 Peons for the - Mahim patrol Rs. 80 ” ” - - _Harbour Police._ - - 7 Boats _i.e._ 49 men Rs. 300 ” ” - 1 Purvoe Rs. 50 ” ” - 4 Peons (at Rs. 6 each) Rs. 24 ” ” - Contingencies Rs. 74 ” ” - -Thus, including the Deputy of Police, the land force comprised 10 -Europeans, one of whom was in charge of the markets, and 86 Indians, of -whom two were inspectors of roads. The clerical staff consisted of three -Prabhus. The water-police consisted of 53 Indians and one clerk. The cost -of the force, including the water-police, amounted to Rs. 27,204 a year, -to which had to be added Rs. 888 for contingencies, Rs. 1425 for the -clothing of havaldars and peons, and Rs. 2000 for stationery.[36] - -The inclusion in the magisterial establishment of “a Cauzee” etc. -requires brief comment. Down to 1790 the administration of criminal -justice in India was largely in the hands of Indian judges and officials -of various denominations, though under European supervision in various -forms; and even after that date, when the native judiciary had ceased -to exist except in quite subordinate positions, the law that was -administered in criminal cases was in substance Muhammadan law, and a -Kazi and a Mufti were retained in the provincial courts of appeal and -circuit as the exponents of Muhammadan law and the deliverers of a formal -_fatwa_. The term Kazi on this account remained in formal existence till -the abolition of the Sadr Courts in 1862.[37] The object of associating -Kazis with the Bombay magistrates of police at the opening of the -nineteenth century was doubtless to ensure that in all cases brought -before them, involving questions of the law, customs and traditions of -the chief communities and sects inhabiting the Island, the magistrates -should have the advantage of consulting those who were able to interpret -and give a ruling on such matters. The Kazi proper was the authority on -all matters relating to the Muhammadan community; the “Jew Cauzee” on -matters relating to the Bene-Israel, who from 1760 to the middle of the -nineteenth century contributed an important element to the Company’s -military forces;[38] the Bhat presumably gave advice on subjects -affecting Hindus of the lower classes; while the “Andaroo” (_i.e._ -Andhiyaru, a Parsi priest) was required in disputes and cases involving -Parsis, whose customs in respect of marriage, divorce and inheritance had -not at this date been codified and given the force of law. - -The Regulation of 1812 effected little or no improvement in the state of -the public security. Gangs of criminals burned ships in Bombay waters -to defraud the insurance-companies; robberies by armed gangs occurred -frequently in all parts of the Island;[39] and every householder of -consequence was compelled to employ private watchmen, the fore-runners -of the modern Ramosi and Bhaya, who were often in collusion with the -bad characters of the more disreputable quarters of the Town.[40] Even -Colaba, which contained few dwellings, was described in 1827 as the -resort of thieves.[41] The executive head of the force at this date was -Mr. Richard Goodwin, who succeeded the unfortunate Briscoe in 1811 and -served until 1816, when apparently he was appointed Senior Magistrate of -Police, with Mr. W. Erskine as his Junior. - -The proceedings of both the magistrates and the police were regarded with -a jaundiced eye by the Recorder’s Court, and Sir Edward West, who filled -the appointment, first of Recorder and then of Chief Justice, from 1822 -to 1828, animadverted severely in 1825 upon the illegalities perpetrated -by the magisterial courts, presided over at that date by Messrs. J. Snow -and W. Erskine[42]. His successor in the Supreme Court,[43] Sir J. P. -Grant, passed equally severe strictures upon the police administration -at the opening of the Quarter Sessions in 1828. - - “The calendar is a heavy one. Several of the crimes betoken - a contempt of public justice almost incredible and a state - of morals inconsistent with any degree of public prosperity. - Criminals have not only escaped, but seem never to have been - placed in jeopardy. The result is a general alarm among native - inhabitants. We are told that you are living under the laws of - England. The only answer is that it is impossible. What has - been administered till within a few years back has not been the - law of England, nor has it been administered in the spirit of - the law of England; else it would have been felt in the ready - and active support the people would have given to the law and - its officers, and in the confidence people would have reposed - in its efficacy for their protection.”[44] - -The punishments inflicted at this date were on the whole almost as -barbarous as those in vogue in earlier days. In 1799, for example, we -read of a Borah, Ismail Sheikh, being hanged for theft: in 1804 a woman -was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment for perjury, during which -period she was to stand once a year, on the first day of the October -Sessions, in the pillory in front of the Court House (afterwards the -Great Western Hotel), with labels on her breast and back describing her -crime: and in the same year one Harjivan was sentenced to be executed -and hung in chains, presumably on Cross Island (_Chinal Tekri_), where -the bodies of malefactors were usually exposed at this epoch. One James -Pennico, who was convicted of theft in 1804, escaped lightly with three -months’ imprisonment and a public whipping at the cart’s tail from Apollo -Gate to Bazaar Gate; in 1806 a man who stole a watch was sentenced to two -years’ labour in the Bombay Docks.[45] The public pillory and flogging -were punishments constantly inflicted during the early years of the -nineteenth century. The pillory, which was in charge of the Deputy of -Police, was located on the Esplanade in the neighbourhood of the site now -occupied by the Municipal Offices. The last instance of its use occurred -in 1834, when two Hindus were fastened in it by sentence of the Supreme -Court and were pelted by boys for about an hour with a mixture composed -of red earth, cowdung, decayed fruits and bad eggs. At intervals their -faces were washed by two low-caste Hindus, and the pelting of filth -was then resumed to the sound of a fanfaronade of horns blown by the -Bhandaris attached to the Court.[46] Meanwhile the English doctrine of -the equality of all men before the law was gradually being established, -though the earliest instance of a Brahman being executed for a crime -of violence did not occur until 1846. The case caused considerable -excitement among orthodox Hindus, whose views were based wholly upon the -laws of Manu.[47] - -The early “thirties” were remarkable for much crime and for a serious -public disturbance, the Parsi-Hindu riots, which broke out in July, -1832, in consequence of a Government order for the destruction of -pariah-dogs, which at this date infested every part of the Island. Two -European constables, stimulated by the reward of eight annas for every -dog destroyed, were killing one in the proximity of a house, when they -were attacked and severely handled by a mob composed of Parsis and Hindus -of several sects. On the following day all the shops in the Town were -closed, and a mob of about 300 roughs commenced to intimidate all persons -who attempted to carry out their daily business. The bazar was deserted; -and the mob forcibly destroyed the provisions intended for the Queen’s -Royals, who were on duty in the Castle, and stopped all supplies of food -and water for the residents of Colaba and the shipping in the harbour. As -the mob continued to gather strength, Mr. de Vitré, the Senior Magistrate -of Police, called for assistance from the garrison, which quickly -quelled the disturbance.[48] - -The Press of this date recorded constant cases of burglary and dacoity. -“The utmost anxiety and alarm prevail amongst the inhabitants of this -Island, especially those residing in Girgaum, Mazagon, Byculla and the -neighbourhood, in consequence of the depredations and daring outrages -committed by gangs of robbers armed with swords, pistols and even -musquets, who, from the open and fearless manner in which they proceed -along the streets, sometimes carrying torches with them, seem to dread -neither opposition nor detection, and to defy the police.” It was even -said that sepoys of the 4th Regiment of Native Infantry, then stationed -in the Island, joined these gangs of marauders, and when two men of the -11th Regiment were arrested on suspicion by a magistrate, their comrades -stoned the magistrate’s party. “It would be far better that the Island -should be vacated altogether by the sepoy regiments,” said the _Courier_, -“than that it should be exposed repeatedly to these excesses.” Fifty men -of the Poona Auxiliary Force had to be brought down to aid the police and -to patrol the roads at night.[49] - -According to Mrs. Postans, the police administration had improved and -robberies had become less frequent at the date of her visit, 1838. -“The establishment of an efficient police force,” she writes, “is one -of the great modern improvements of the Presidency. Puggees (_Pagis_ -_i.e._ professional trackers) are still retained for the protection of -property: but the highways and bazaars are now orderly and quiet, and -robberies much less frequent.”[50] The authoress admitted, however, that -the Esplanade—particularly the portion of it occupied by the tents of -military cadets—was the resort of “a clique of dexterous plunderers,” who -during the night used to cast long hooks into the tents and so withdraw -all the loose articles and personal effects within reach.[51] The -prevalence of more serious crime is indicated by her remarks about the -Bhandari toddy-drawers:— - - “It appears that in many cases of crime brought to the notice - of the Bombay magistracy, evidence which has condemned the - accused has been elicited from a Bundarrie, often sole witness - of the culprit’s guilt. Murderers, availing themselves of the - last twilight ray to decoy their victims to the closest depths - of the palmy woods and there robbing them of the few gold or - silver ornaments they might possess, have little thought of the - watchful toddy-drawer, in his lofty and shaded eyry.”[52] - -That the improvement was not very marked is also proved by the fact -that in 1839, the year after Mrs. Postans’ visit, the Bench of Justices -increased their contribution to Government for police charges to Rs. -10,000, the additional cost being declared necessary owing to the rapid -expansion of the occupied urban area, and to the grave inadequacy of -the force for coping with crime. So far as watch and ward duties were -concerned, the police must have welcomed the first lighting of the -streets with oil-lamps in 1843. Ten years later there were said to -be 50 lamps in existence, which were lighted from dusk to midnight, -and the number continued to increase until October, 1865, when the -first gas-lamps were lighted in the Esplanade and Bhendy Bazar. On the -other hand drunkenness was a fruitful source of crime, and the number -of country liquor-shops was practically unlimited. “On a moderate -computation” wrote Mrs. Postans “every sixth shop advertises the sale of -toddy.” With such facilities for intoxication, crime was scarcely likely -to decrease. - -But other and deeper reasons existed for the unsatisfactory state of the -public peace and security. Throughout the whole of the period from 1800 -to 1850, and in a milder form till the establishment of the High Court in -1861, there was constant friction, occasionally of an acute character, -between the Supreme Court and the Company’s government and officials. -Moreover, the original intention of the Crown that the Supreme Court -should act as a salutary check upon the Company’s administration was -frustrated by several periods of interregnum between 1828 and 1855, the -Court being represented frequently by only one Judge and on one occasion -being entirely closed owing to the absence of judges. This antagonism -between the highest judicial tribunal and the executive authority could -not fail to react unfavourably on the subordinate machinery of the -administration, and coupled with inadequacy of numbers, insufficiency of -pay, and a general lack of integrity in the Police force itself, may be -held to have been largely responsible for the comparative freedom enjoyed -by wrong-doers and their manifest contempt for authority. - -Contemporary records indicate that the Police Office at this period -(1800-1850) was located in the Fort; the court of the Senior Magistrate -of Police was housed in a building in Forbes Street, and the court of the -Second Magistrate in a house in Mazagon. The powers of both Magistrates -were limited, and all cases involving sentences of more than six months’ -imprisonment, or affecting property valued at more than Rs. 50, had to -be sent to the Court of Petty Sessions or committed to the Recorder’s, -subsequently the Supreme Court. The Court of Petty Sessions was composed -of the two Magistrates of Police and a Justice of the Peace (the -Superintendent-General of Sir J. Mackintosh’s draft Regulation), and sat -every Monday morning at 10 a.m. at the Police Office in the Fort. The -constitution of this Court was afterwards amended by Rule, Ordinance and -Regulation 1 of 1834, which, though not registered in the Supreme Court -as required by Act XLVII, Geo. III, was subsequently legalized by India -Act VII of 1836. By that Ordinance the Court was composed of not less -than three Justices of the Peace, one of whom was a Magistrate of Police, -the second was a European, and the third was a Native of India, not born -of European parents. It remained in existence, with extended powers, -until the year 1877, when, together with three Magistrates of Police, it -was superseded by the Presidency Magistrates Act. - -A word may here be said on the subject of the well-known uniform of the -Bombay constabulary, the bright yellow cap and the dark blue tunic and -knickers, which once caused a wag to style the Bombay police-sepoy “the -empty black bottle with the yellow seal.” The origin of the uniform is -obscure; but it was certainly in use in 1838, for Mrs. Postans describes -the dress of the men as “a dark blue coat, black belt, and yellow -turban.”[53] An illustration in _The Adventures of Qui-Hi_, entitled “A -Night in Dongri,” shows that the uniform was worn at a still earlier -date. In the background of the picture two persons are obviously having -an altercation with a police-constable, and the latter is depicted -wearing the flat yellow cap and blue uniform familiar to every modern -resident of Bombay. The dress of the constabulary must therefore have -been adopted at some date prior to 1816, and it is probably a legitimate -inference that it dates back to the reorganization of 1812, and was -possibly adapted from an older dress worn at the end of the eighteenth -century. In any case the distinctive features of the dress of the Bombay -police-constable of to-day are well over one hundred years old. - -[Illustration: Police Constable - -Bombay City] - -When Thomas Holloway relinquished the office of High Constable -in 1829, his place was taken by one José Antonio, presumably a -Portuguese Eurasian, who had been serving as Constable to the Court of -Petty Sessions. José Antonio seems to have performed the duties of -executive police officer until 1835, when Captain Shortt was appointed -“Superintendent of Police and Surveyor etc. etc.” Between 1829 and 1855 -the following officials were responsible for the police administration of -Bombay:— - - --------+----------------+-----------------+------------------ - Period | | | Constable - of | Senior | Junior | or - Office | Magistrate | Magistrate | Supdt. of Police - --------+----------------+-----------------+------------------ - 1829-33 | J. D. de Vitré | H. Gray | José Antonio. - 1834 | J. Warden | Do. | Do. - | | +------------------ - | | | Supdt. of Police - | | +------------------ - 1835-39 | J. Warden | H. Willis | Capt. Shortt - 1840 | J. Warden | E. F. Danvers | Capt. Burrows - 1841-45 | P. W. Le Geyt | Do. | Do. - 1846 | G. L. Farrant | Do. | Capt. W. Curtis - 1847-48 | G. Grant | Do. | Do. - 1849 | Do. | Do. | Capt. E. Baynes - 1850-51 | A. Spens | Do. | Do. - 1852-53 | Do. | L. C. C. Rivett | Do. - 1854-55 | A. K. Corfield | T. Thornton | Do. - --------+----------------+-----------------+------------------ - -It will be apparent from this list that from 1835 to 1855 the executive -control of the Police force was entrusted to a series of junior officers -belonging to the Company’s military forces, who probably possessed little -or no aptitude for police work, were poorly paid for their services, -and had no real encouragement to make their mark in civil employ. -Consequently, despite increased expenditure on the force, these military -Superintendents of Police secured very little control over the criminal -classes, and effected no real improvement in the _morale_ of their -subordinates. In 1844, for example, a succession of daring robberies was -carried out in the Harbour by gangs of criminals, who sailed round in -boats from Back Bay. The most notorious of them was known as the Bandar -Gang[54]; and their unchecked excesses led to the formation of a separate -floating police-force under the control of a Deputy Superintendent on Rs. -500 a month. House-breaking was of daily occurrence in Colaba, Sonapur, -Kalbadevi and Girgaum,[55] and constant complaints of dishonesty among -the European constables and of the gross inefficiency of the native rank -and file were made to the authorities by both public bodies and private -residents.[56] Corruption was prevalent in all ranks of the force, -and most of the subordinate officers, both European and Indian, were -in secret collusion with agents and go-betweens, some of them members -of the higher Hindu castes, who assisted their acts of extortion and -blackmail and shared with them the proceeds of their venality. Bands of -ruffians infested the thoroughfares and lanes of the native city, and no -respectable resident dared venture unprotected into the streets after -nightfall. - -The period immediately preceding the year of the Mutiny was also -remarkable for two serious breaches of the public peace. The earlier -occurred at Mahim in 1850, on the last day of the Muharram festival, in -consequence of a dispute between two factions of the Khoja community, -and resulted in the murder of three men and the wounding of several -others.[57] The later riots broke out in October, 1851, between the -Parsis and Muhammadans, in consequence of a very indiscreet article on -the Muhammadan religion which was published in the _Gujarati_, a Parsi -newspaper. The Muhammadans, incensed at the statements made about the -Prophet, gathered at the Jama Masjid on October 17th in very large -numbers, and after disabling a small police patrol, stationed there to -keep the peace, commenced attacking the Parsis and destroying their -property. The public-conveyance stables at Paidhoni, which at that date -belonged to Parsis, were wrecked, liquor-shops were broken open and -rifled, shops and private houses were pillaged. Captain Baynes, the -Superintendent of Police, and Mr. Spens, the Senior Magistrate, managed -with a strong force to disperse the main body of rioters, capturing -eighty-five of them: but towards evening, as there were signs of a fresh -outbreak and the neighbourhood of Bhendy Bazaar was practically in a -state of siege, the garrison-troops were marched down to Mumbadevi and -thence distributed in pickets throughout the area of disturbance. This -action finally quelled the rioting, and the annual Muharram festival, -which commenced ten days later, passed off without any untoward -incident.[58] - -In the year 1855 the post of Senior Magistrate was held by Mr. Corfield, -Messrs. T. Thornton and N. W. Oliver being respectively Junior and Third -Magistrates. In that year the public outcry against the police had become -so great, and the general insecurity had been reflected in so constant -a series of crimes against person and property, that Lord Elphinstone’s -government determined to institute a searching enquiry into the whole -subject. With this object they appointed to the immediate command of -the force in 1856 Mr. Charles Forjett, who was serving at the moment as -Deputy Superintendent. Through his energy and activity, they were able -to satisfy themselves fully of the prevalence of wholesale corruption -in the force. Drastic executive action was at once taken; and this was -followed by the drafting and promulgation of Act XIII of 1856 for the -future constitution and regulation of the Police Force. At the same time -Mr. Corfield was succeeded as Senior Magistrate by Mr. W. Crawford. The -credit for the introduction of the reforms and for the restoration of -public confidence belongs wholly to Charles Forjett, whose successful -administration during a period fraught with grave political dangers -deserves to be recorded in a separate chapter. His appointment in 1855 -may be said to inaugurate the _régime_ of the professional police -official as distinguished from the purely military officer, and to mark -the final disappearance of an antiquated system, under which inefficiency -and crime flourished exceedingly. Henceforth a new standard of -administration was imposed, whereby the Bombay Police Force was enabled -to maintain the public peace effectively and also to acquire by degrees -a larger share of the confidence and co-operation of the general body of -citizens.[59] - - - - -CHAPTER III - -MR. CHARLES FORJETT - -1855-1863 - - -Charles Forjett[60], who was appointed Superintendent of Police in 1855, -was of Eurasian (now styled Anglo-Indian) parentage and was brought up -in India. His father was an officer of the old Madras Fort Artillery -and had been wounded at the capture of Seringapatam in 1799. In _Our -Real Danger in India_, which he published in 1877, some few years after -his retirement, Forjett states that he served the Bombay Government for -forty years, first as a topographical surveyor and then successively -as official translator in Marathi and Hindustani, Sheriff, head of -the Poona police, subordinate and chief uncovenanted assistant judge, -superintendent of police in the Southern Maratha Country, and finally as -Commissioner of Police, Bombay. He first earned the favourable notice -of the Bombay Government by his reform and reorganization of the police -in the Belgaum division of the Southern Maratha Country; and there is -probably considerable justification for his own statement that the peace -and security of the southern districts of the Presidency during the -period of the Mutiny were chiefly due to his constructive work in this -direction. - -He owed his later success as a police-officer to three main factors, -namely his great linguistic faculty, his wide knowledge of Indian -caste-customs and habits, and his masterly capacity for assuming native -disguises. Born and bred in India, he had learnt the vernaculars of the -Bombay Presidency in his youth, and had been familiar from his earliest -years with those subtle differences of belief and custom which the -average home-bred Englishman knows nothing about and can never master. -His black hair and sallow complexion—in brief, the strong “strain of the -country” in his blood—enabled him, when disguised, to pass among natives -of India as one of themselves. A story is told to illustrate his powers -of disguise. He once told the Governor, Lord Elphinstone, that in spite -of special orders prohibiting the entrance of any one and in defiance -of the strongest military cordon that His Excellency could muster, he -would effect his entrance to Government House, Parel, and appear at the -Governor’s bedside at 6 a.m. Lord Elphinstone challenged him to fulfil -his boast and took every precaution to prevent his ingress. Nevertheless -Forjett duly appeared the following morning in the Governor’s bedroom—in -the disguise of a _mehtar_ (sweeper). With these special qualifications -for police work were combined a strong will and great personal courage. - -Forjett’s fame rests mainly upon his action during the Mutiny, and one is -apt to overlook the great but less sensational services which he rendered -to Government and the public in subduing lawlessness and crime in Bombay. -As mentioned in the previous chapter, he was serving as Assistant -or Deputy Superintendent of Police for some few months before Lord -Elphinstone placed him in control of the force, and during that period -he set himself to test the extent of the corruption which was believed -to prevail widely among all ranks. By means of his disguises he managed -to get into close touch with the men who were acting as go-betweens and -receivers of bribes, and even dined with one of them, a high-caste Hindu, -without betraying his identity. Through these men he also contrived on -various occasions to test the integrity of individual members of the -force. In consequence he was able in a very short time to expose the -whole system of corruption and to furnish Government with the evidence -they required for a drastic purging of the upper and lower grades. - -That duty accomplished, he turned his attention to the criminal -classes.[61] “At a time” wrote the late Mr. K. N. Kabraji in his -_Reminiscences of Fifty Years Ago_, “when the public safety was quite -insecure, when the city was infested by desperate gangs of thieves and -other malefactors, Forjett had to use all his wonderful energy and acumen -to break their power and rid the city of their presence. He strengthened -and reformed the Police, which had been powerless to cope with them. -There was a notorious band of athletic ruffians in Bazar Gate Street, -consisting chiefly of Parsis. They used to occupy some rising ground, -from which they swooped down on their prey. Their daily acts of crime and -violence were committed with impunity, and their names were whispered by -mothers to hush their children to silence. - -“I may here give a personal instance of the insecurity of the times. As -I was returning one night with my father from the Grant Road theatre -in a carriage, a ruffian prowling about in the dark at Falkland road -snatched my gold-embroidered cap and ran away with it. The road had been -newly built and ran through fields and waste land. Khetwadi, as its -name implies, was also an agricultural district. Grant road, Falkland -road and Khetwadi were then lonely places on the outskirts of the City, -and it is no wonder that wayfarers in these localities could never be -secure of purse or person. But on the Esplanade, under the very walls -of the Fort, occurred instances of violence and highway robbery, which -went practically unchecked. Not a few of the offenders were soldiers. -They used to lie in wait for a likely carriage with a rope thrown across -the road, so that the horse stumbled and fell, and then they rifled the -occupants of the carriage at their leisure. It was Mr. Forjett, whose -vigilance and activity brought all this crying scandal to an end.”[62] - -The rapid change for the better which followed Forjett’s appointment to -the office of Superintendent is illustrated by the fact that whereas -in 1855 only 23 per cent of property stolen was recovered, in 1856 the -percentage had risen to 59. Mr. W. Crawford, “Senior Magistrate of -Police and Commissioner of Police”, in his annual return of crime for -the year 1859 remarked that “the total continued absence of gang and -highway robbery is most satisfactory”, and drew pointed attention to the -efficiency of the “executive branch of the police” under Mr. Forjett.[63] -In the following year, 1860, there were only three cases of burglary, -and although the value of property stolen amounted to Rs. 187,000, the -police managed to recover property worth Rs. 73,000. Serious offences -against the person also seem to have decreased in number during Forjett’s -_régime_. The Senior Magistrate observed with satisfaction that “the -debasing spectacle of a public execution was not called for” during -the year 1859; and such records as still exist of the later years of -Forjett’s administration point to the same conclusion.[64] - -It must not be assumed, however, that this period lacked _causes -célèbres_. A brief reference to a few of the more important cases will -serve to show the varied character of the enquiries carried out by the -Police. In 1860 a European seaman, the chief mate of the _Lady Canning_, -was arraigned before the Supreme Court for an attempt to administer -poison to the Master and three others belonging to the vessel. The chief -witness for the prosecution, however, though bound by recognizances to -appear at the trial, sailed from Bombay before the proceedings commenced -and could not be brought back. The prisoner was therefore acquitted. In -the same year a Bene-Israel and two Hindus were convicted of piracy at -the Sessions and sentenced to seven years’ transportation, for having -plundered a vessel at anchor off Alibag of ten thousand rupees in silver. -In 1861 a Parsi contractor was committed for trial on a charge of -manslaughter. He was in charge of the work of digging foundations for a -new cotton-spinning mill in Tardeo (probably one of Sir Dinshaw Petit’s -mills), when an accident occurred in which five men lost their lives. -The contractor was held to have shown a culpable lack of caution; but -the Grand Jury threw out the bill against him, and further action was -abandoned. A more famous case in the same year was the Bhattia Conspiracy -Trial, connected with the famous Maharaja Libel Case of 1862, in which -Gokuldas Liladhar and eight other Bhattias were accused of conspiracy -to obstruct and defeat the course of justice, by intimidating witnesses -and preventing them from giving evidence in the libel-suit brought by -Jadunathji Brijratanji Maharaj against Karsondas Mulji and Nanabhai -Ranina, editor and printer respectively of the _Satya Prakash_.[65] -Forjett and one of his European constables, George Gahagan, gave evidence -before the Supreme Court of the meeting of the conspirators. The accused -were found guilty, and Sir Joseph Arnould sentenced the two leading -members of the conspiracy to a fine of Rs. 1000 apiece, and the rest to -a fine of Rs. 500 each. There was considerable disturbance in Court when -these sentences were pronounced. - -Forjett served as Superintendent of Police until the end of 1863 or the -early part of 1864, with a period of leave to Europe in 1860, during -which his work was carried on by Mr. Dunlop, Deputy Superintendent in -charge of the Harbour or Water Police.[66] In addition to his duties -as head of “the executive police,” he was a member of the old Board of -Conservancy (1845-1858), and later one of the triumvirate of Municipal -Commissioners, established by Act XXV of 1858, which was responsible for -the entire conservancy and improvement of the town of Bombay until its -supersession in 1865 by a full-time Municipal Commissioner and the body -corporate of the Justices. It was in this capacity that Forjett in 1863 -conceived and inaugurated the project of converting the old dirty and -dusty Cotton Green into what later generations know as the Elphinstone -Circle. The scheme was warmly supported in turn by Lord Elphinstone -and Sir Bartle Frere. The Municipal Commissioners bought up the whole -site and resold it at a considerable profit in building-lots to English -business firms; and by the end of 1865, two years after Forjett had -proposed the scheme, the Elphinstone Circle was practically completed and -ready for occupation.[67] - -In addition to regular police duties, the Superintendent of Police at -this date was also in charge of the Fire Brigade—an arrangement which -lasted until 1888, and which accounts for the fact that an annual return -of fires signed by Forjett and his successor formed a regular feature of -the annual crime return submitted to Government by the Senior Magistrate -of Police. The officers and men of the brigade were members of the -regular police force, the European officers performing both police and -fire-brigade duties and the Indian ranks being restricted to fire-duty -only.[68] - -During Mr. Forjett’s tenure of office, the post of Senior Magistrate was -held by Mr. W. Crawford, between whom and the Superintendent of Police -the most amicable relations existed. The position of both officials was -considerably strengthened by the passing of Act XLVIII of 1860, amending -Act XIII of 1856, which gave the police wider powers for the regulation -and prevention of nuisances, and enabled the magistracy to deal promptly -and effectively with offences to which the old Act of 1856 did not -extend.[69] - -The period of the Mutiny (1857) was fraught with anxiety for the English -residents of Bombay. Between May and September rumours and hints of -the probability of a rising of the native population were constantly -disseminated, and more than one Indian of standing narrowly escaped -arrest for treason as the result of false complaints laid before the -authorities by interested parties. Among those thus secretly impeached -was the famous millionaire, Mr. Jagannath Shankarshet (1804-65), who -might well have succumbed to the attacks of his accusers, had the -Governor, Lord Elphinstone, been less calm, circumspect and resolute. -Jagannath’s guilt was firmly believed in by several influential -Englishmen, who brought their views to the notice of the Governor. He -instructed Forjett to investigate the matter; and the latter was able to -prove that the charges were wholly without foundation.[70] The belief -in Jagannath’s treasonable dealings with the mutineers in Bengal may -perhaps have resulted from action taken by Forjett immediately after the -outbreak of the Mutiny. In the garden of Jagannath Shankarshet’s mansion -was a large rest-house or _dharamshala_ intended for the accommodation of -wandering Brahman mendicants, who during the day begged food and alms in -the town. _Sanyasis_ and _Bhikshuks_ from all parts of India visited this -rest-house, bringing all kinds of information of events in Bengal and -the upper Provinces: and Forjett lost no time in placing an intelligent -up-country Brahman, disguised as a mendicant, on detective duty in the -_dharamshala_. It is quite possible that this plan may have been partly -responsible for the rumour that Jagannath was in collusion with the -infamous Nana Saheb. On the other hand the detective must have supplied -Forjett with much of the evidence which enabled him to disprove the Hindu -millionaire’s complicity in the Sepoy rebellion.[71] - -At this date the military forces in Bombay comprised three native -regiments and one British force of 400 men under the command of Brigadier -Shortt. The native troops were implicitly trusted by their officers, -and the chief danger apprehended by the Bombay Government was from the -Muhammadan population of the city, which numbered about 150,000. Forjett -from the first combated this view and wrote a special letter to the -Governor’s Private Secretary, warning him that the main danger was from -the troops. His own inquiries had convinced him that the townspeople -would not rise unless the native regiments gave them the lead, and that -the latter were planning mutiny. Much to the disgust of General Shortt, -he made no secret of his views, declaring that the sepoys were the real -potential source of disturbance and danger. Forjett’s own force consisted -of 60 European police and a number of Indian constables; but on the -fidelity of the latter he could not implicitly rely. Consequently, after -news reached Bombay of the disasters at Cawnpore and other centres, he -obtained Lord Elphinstone’s special permission to enrol a body of 50 -European mounted police.[72] - -Meanwhile the Muharram, which was always an occasion of anxiety and -frequently of disturbance, was drawing near. The plans made by the -Government for maintaining order involved the division of the European -troops and police into small parties, which were posted in various -parts of the town.[73] Forjett disapproved wholly of this arrangement, -as no considerable body of European troops or police would be at hand -to quell a mutiny of the sepoys, which was certain to break out in the -neighbourhood of their barracks. He was naturally not empowered to revise -the arrangement of the military forces; but he definitely informed Lord -Elphinstone that he felt bound to disobey the orders for the distribution -of the police. “It is a very risky thing”, said the Governor, “to disobey -orders; but I am sure you will do nothing rash.”[74] - -Despite the risk, Forjett disobeyed the orders and concentrated all his -efforts on outwitting the plotters. He summoned a meeting of the leading -Muhammadans and addressed them in very strong terms on the subject of -fomenting disorder—a step which earned Lord Elphinstone’s personal -commendation. Then, night after night, both before and during the -celebration of the festival, he wandered about the city in disguise, and -whenever he heard anyone speaking of the mutineers’ successes in other -parts of India in anything like a tone of exultation, he arrested him on -the spot. A whistle brought up three or more of his detective police, who -took charge of the culprit and marched him off to the lock-up. The bad -characters of the town were so much alarmed by these mysterious arrests, -which seemed to indicate that the authorities knew all that was afoot, -that they relinquished their plans for an outbreak. In his dealings with -the _badmash_ element, Forjett received valuable assistance from the Kazi -of Bombay, from a Muhammadan Subehdar of police, and from an Arab with -whom he used, when disguised, to visit mosques, coffee-shops, and other -places of popular resort.[75] - -The Muharram would have ended peacefully but for the stupidity of a -drunken Christian drummer, belonging to one of the native regiments, who -towards the end of the festival insulted a religious procession of Hindus -by knocking down the idol which they were escorting. He was at once -arrested and locked up. The men of his regiment, incensed at the action -of the police, whom they detested on account of Forjett’s known distrust -of themselves, hurried to the lock-up, released the drummer and carried -him off, together with two police-guards, to their lines. An English -constable and four Indian police-sepoys, who went to demand the surrender -of the drummer and the release of their two comrades, were resisted -by force. A struggle ensued, and the police had to fight their way -out, leaving two of their number seriously wounded. The excitement was -intense, and the sepoys of the native regiments were bent upon breaking -out of their lines. On receiving news of the disturbance, Forjett -galloped to the scene, leaving orders for his assistant, Mr. Edginton, -and the European police to follow him. He found the native troops trying -to force their way out of the lines, and their officers with drawn swords -endeavouring to hold them back. At the sight of Forjett the anger of the -men rose to white heat. “For God’s sake Mr. Forjett,” cried the officers, -“go away”. “If your men are bent on mischief” was the reply, “the sooner -it is over the better.” The sepoys hesitated, while Forjett sat on his -horse confronting them. A minute or two later Mr. Edginton and fifty-four -European police rode up; and Forjett cried, “Throw open the gates. I -am ready for them.” The native troops were unprepared for this prompt -action, and judging discretion to be the better part of valour, remained -in their lines and gradually recovered their senses.[76] - -But the trouble, though scotched, was not killed. A few days later -Forjett erected a gibbet in the compound of the Police Office, summoned -the chief citizens whom he knew to be disaffected, and, pointing to the -gibbet, warned them that on the slightest sign that they meditated an -outbreak, they would be seized and hanged. This forcible demonstration -had the desired effect. Forjett had quashed all chance of a rising in -the bazar. But the danger from the native troops remained. Forjett -redoubled his detective activities and soon discovered that a number of -them were regularly holding secret meetings in the house of one Ganga -Prasad, who had gained the confidence of the sepoys in the triple rôle -of priest, devotee and physician.[77] Forjett had this man arrested and -induced him to confess all he knew. The next night he went in disguise -to the house in Sonapur (Dhobi Talao) and listened to the sepoys’ -conversation. He learnt that they intended to mutiny during the Hindu -festival of Divali in October, pillage the city, and then escape from -the Island. He reported the facts at once to the military officers, who -received them with incredulity. But Forjett eventually persuaded Major -Barrow, the commandant of one of the regiments, to accompany him in -disguise to the house and hear the details of the plot from a convenient -hiding-place. Major Barrow was convinced and reported the facts to -General Shortt, who exclaimed:—“Mr. Forjett has caught us at last!” -Court-martials were promptly held: the two ringleaders—a native officer -of the Marine Battalion and a private of the 10th N. I.—were blown from -guns on the Esplanade, and six of their accomplices were transported -for life. According to James Douglas, thirty men deserved the same fate -as the ringleaders, but owed their reprieve to the clemency of Lord -Elphinstone.[78] - -Thus by his energy, courage and detective ability did Forjett save Bombay -from a mutiny of the garrison. His services had more than local effect, -for in Lord Elphinstone’s opinion, if the Mutiny in Bombay had been -successful, nothing could have saved Hyderabad, Poona and the rest of the -Presidency, and after that “Madras was sure to go too.”[79] The formal -thanks of the Bombay Government were conveyed to Forjett in a letter from -the Secretary, Judicial Department, No. 1681 of May 23rd, 1859, nearly -six months after the Queen’s Proclamation announcing the end of the East -India Company’s rule. The words of the letter were as follows:— - -“The Right Honourable the Governor in Council avails himself of this -opportunity of expressing his sense of the very valuable services -rendered by the Deputy Commissioner of Police,[80] Mr. Forjett, in -the detection of the plot in Bombay in the autumn of 1857. His duties -demanded great courage, great acuteness, and great judgment, all of which -qualities were conspicuously displayed by Mr. Forjett at that trying -period.” - -The scars left by the Mutiny in India were barely healed, when Bombay -entered upon that extraordinary era of prosperity, engendered by the -outbreak of the American Civil war and the consequent stoppage of -the American cotton-supply, which gave her in five years 81 millions -sterling more than she had regarded in previous years as a fair price -for her cotton, and which eventually led, after a period of great -inflation, to the financial disasters of 1865. An enormous influx of -population took place; the occupied area rapidly expanded; and the -burden thrown upon the police force, which was numerically inadequate, -must have been excessive. It redounds to Forjett’s credit that in spite -of all difficulties, and in conjunction with his duties as a Municipal -Commissioner in a time of feverish urban progress, he contrived to keep -crime within reasonable bounds, and put an end finally to the hordes of -ruffians who infested the skirts of the town and nightly lay in wait for -passers-by.[81] - -The Indian merchants of Bombay were not slow to recognise his services -to the city, and showed their gratitude for the security which he -had afforded to them by presenting him in 1859 with an address, and -subscribing at the same time “a sum of upwards of £1300 sterling for the -purpose of offering to him a more enduring token of their esteem.”[82] -That was not all. After his retirement to England early in 1864, the -Indian cotton-merchants sent him a purse of £1500, “in token of their -strong gratitude for one whose almost despotic powers and zealous energy -had so quelled the explosive forces of native society that they seem to -have become permanently subdued:” while the Back Bay Reclamation Company, -which was formed at the height of the share mania, allotted him five -shares in his absence, and when the price reached a high point, sold them -and sent him the proceeds in the form of a draft for £13,580.[83] These -large sums, presented to Forjett after his final departure from India, -form a striking testimony to the value of his work as a police-officer -and to the great impression left by his personality upon Indians of all -classes in Bombay. - -Forjett’s services at the time of the Mutiny were separately -acknowledged. From the public he received various addresses and a -purse of £3,850, subscribed by both English and Indian residents. The -Government, whose eulogy of his action has already been quoted, granted -him an extra pension and also bestowed a commission in the Army upon his -son, F. H. Forjett, who was in command of one of the native regiments in -Bombay at the time of the great Hindu-Muhammadan riots of 1893.[84] Yet -Forjett is said to have regarded himself as slighted by Government in not -having received from them any decoration.[85] It certainly seems curious -that so admirable a public servant should not have been rewarded with a -Knighthood or admitted to one of the Orders of Chivalry. But in Forjett’s -day the Government bestowed decorations very sparingly, and it may have -been thought that this faithful servant of the vanished East India -Company was sufficiently recompensed by the grant of a commission to his -son and by permission to accept the handsome pecuniary rewards offered to -him by a grateful urban population. - -After his retirement, Forjett purchased a property near Hughenden, -which he called “Cowasjee Jehangir Hall” after the well-known Parsi -philanthropist, who gave so largely to educational and charitable -institutions in Western India.[86] In 1877 he published _Our Real -Danger in India_, in which he sought to explain the lesson of his own -experience during the Mutiny and gave an account of the events of that -period in Bombay. He died in London on January 27th 1890, but at what -age is unknown, as the date of his birth has never been satisfactorily -determined. He can hardly have been less than thirty-five years of age -when he was appointed Superintendent of the Bombay Police in 1855, and -was possibly older. Sir Lees Knowles of Westwood, Pendlebury, met him in -1886, and describes him at that date as “a man of middle height, with -a very pale olive complexion, and highly nervous: he could not without -shaking raise a glass of water to his lips.”[87] Forjett’s pension was -paid in rupees, and after the more or less permanent decline in the -exchange-value of the rupee, he requested the British Government on more -than one occasion to permit him to draw his pension in sterling, but -failed to obtain sanction to his request. - -Here it is well to take leave of Charles Forjett, the first efficient -chief that the Bombay Police ever had. One hesitates to imagine what -might have happened in Bombay, if a man of less courage and ability had -been in charge of the force in 1857: and looking back upon all that -he achieved during his nine years of office, one realizes why Lord -Elphinstone trusted him so implicitly, and why the Indian and European -public regarded him with so much respect and admiration. His name still -lives in Forjett Street, a thoroughfare of minor importance leading from -Cumballa hill into the mill-area of Tardeo. He himself will live for -ever in the history of the “First City in India” as the man who raised -the whole tone of police administration, brought the criminal classes of -Bombay for the first time under stern control, and saved the city from -the horrors and excesses which must inevitably have attended a rebellion -of the native garrison. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -SIR FRANK SOUTER KT., C.S.I. - -1864-1888 - - -Forjett was succeeded in 1864 by Mr. Frank H. Souter, son of Captain -Souter of the 44th Regiment who was a prisoner in Afghanistan in 1842. -Mr. Souter had served as a volunteer against the rebels in the Nizam’s -dominions in 1850, and was appointed Superintendent of Police, Dharwar, -in 1854. During the Mutiny he captured the rebel chief of Nargund, for -which he received a sword of honour, and two years later (1859) was -engaged in suppressing the Bhil brigands of the northern Deccan. This -task he successfully completed by killing Bhagoji Naik, the notorious -Bhil outlaw, and capturing his chief followers, showing on several -occasions so much courage and resource that he was recommended for the -Victoria Cross. He thus had several years of distinguished service to his -credit before he assumed charge of the Bombay Police Force in 1864. - -[Illustration: SIR FRANK SOUTER] - -The appointment of Mr. Souter, who was awarded the C.S.I. in 1868 and -was knighted by H. R. H. the Prince of Wales in 1875, synchronized with -a thorough revision of the strength of the force. As already stated, -the period 1860-65 witnessed a phenomenal expansion of the town, in -consequence of the great profits derived from the sale of cotton during -the American Civil War. Much reclamation of land from the sea was carried -out, the mill-industry throve apace, the town spread northward with -amazing rapidity, and shoals of immigrants of all classes poured into -Bombay in the hope of making a fortune or securing a livelihood from the -many economic and industrial projects then floated. In the large army of -workers that invaded the Island there were naturally many persons of bad -character and shady antecedents, who soon found their level among the -criminal classes and helped to swell the crime-returns. It was obvious -at the date of Mr. Forjett’s retirement that the police-force had not -been augmented _pari passu_ with the growth of the population and the -expansion of the residential area, and the Census of 1864, carried -out by the Health Officer under the instruction of Sir Bartle Frere’s -government, proved beyond cavil that the force was quite inadequate to -deal with the population of 816,562 then recorded. - -Accordingly in 1864 Colonel Bruce, Inspector-General of Police with -the Government of India, was despatched to Bombay to investigate local -conditions and make recommendations for the future constitution of the -force. His proposals, which were approved and adopted in 1865, were -briefly the following. The total force was to number 1456, as he was -“unable to perceive that the work could be done with fewer hands”, -divided under the following main heads:— - - Land Police 1239 - Police Guards for Government buildings 116 - Harbour Police 101 - ---- - Total 1456 - -Besides these, there were 84 police for the Government Dockyard, who had -existed for several years and were paid for by the Marine Department, -and a few miscellaneous police, who guarded municipal graveyards and -burning-grounds and were paid for by the Municipal Commissioners. Neither -these nor the Dock police were available for ordinary police work. -Excluding the Harbour police, who numbered 101, the police force proper -in 1865 was composed as follows:— - - Superintendents 6 - Inspectors 22 - Sub-Inspectors 12 - Jemadars 24 - Havildars 62 - Men 1216 - Mounted Police 13[88] - -These numbers were appreciably in excess of the total strength of the -force in Mr. Forjett’s time and placed the Bombay police on a level with -the forces maintained in the sister-towns of Calcutta and Madras. - -The office of Commissioner of Police dates also from Colonel Bruce’s -reorganization of 1865. He proposed that the appointments of Police -Commissioner and Municipal Commissioner should be amalgamated: but -this suggestion was very wisely negatived by Government. The senior -officer of the police force was thenceforth made responsible solely -for the police administration of the city, with the title of Police -Commissioner, while under the new Municipal Act of 1865 the executive -power and responsibility in municipal matters were vested in a Municipal -Commissioner appointed for a term of three years. From this date, -therefore, the Commissioner of Police, though he still controlled the -fire-brigade and sat on the Municipal Corporation as an elected or -nominated member, ceased to exercise any official powers in regard to -conservancy, rating, lighting and the water-supply. - -For the first thirteen years of Sir Frank Souter’s tenure of office, -the old system of Magistrates of Police and the Court of Petty Sessions -continued unaltered.[89] In 1866, for example, when Sir F. Souter took -furlough and Major Henderson was acting for him, the Senior Magistrate -was Mr. J. P. Bickersteth, with Messrs. F. L. Brown and Dosabhai Framji -Karaka as his colleagues. He was succeeded in turn by Mr. Barton, Mr. -John Connon, in whose memory the John Connon High School was founded, and -Mr. C. P. Cooper, who was in substantive charge of the office at the -time of the passing of the Presidency Magistrates Act IV of 1877. This -Act abolished the Magistrates of Police and the Court of Petty Sessions, -and invested the Presidency Magistrates, who succeeded them, with powers -to deal with all cases formerly committed to the Petty Sessions, and -with a large number of cases formerly triable only by the High Court. -Nevertheless the Chief Presidency Magistrate continued for a few years -longer to submit an annual report to Government on the state of crime in -Bombay, which contained _inter alia_ a few returns, and occasionally a -few remarks on undetected murder cases, by the Commissioner of Police. - -These annual reports of the Senior Magistrate, and later the Chief -Presidency Magistrate, were doleful documents, consisting of a mass of -figures relative to various classes of crime, and unrelieved, except on -very rare occasions, by illuminating comment or interesting fact. The -reviews by Government of these returns were little better. Occasionally -an Under-Secretary would try to infuse life into the dry bones of the -crime-tables, and suggest new avenues of inquiry: but in the end the -figures, like the thorns of Holy Writ, sprang up and choked him, and he -had to content himself with echoing the uninspired deductions of the -magisterial bench. In 1883 the Bombay Government decreed the abolition -of these magisterial reports on the state of crime, and in the following -year Sir Frank Souter, as Commissioner of Police, submitted the first -annual report on the working of the Police in the Town and Island of -Bombay.[90] The change, though overdue, was none the less welcome, for -the Commissioner, with his fingers on the pulse of the city, was in a -position to supply more valuable information and lend a more human touch -to the report than was possible so long as his annual review of police -activity was confined to a list of fires and a table showing dismissals -and resignations from the force. The Chief Presidency Magistrate, with a -tenacity worthy of a better cause, continued to submit a return of crime -until 1886, when Government ordered its discontinuance. Since that date -the only annual report on police and crime has been furnished by the -Commissioner, who is accustomed to forward it for remarks to the Chief -Presidency Magistrate before submitting it to Government. - -During the later years of Sir Frank Souter’s _régime_ the police force -was seriously undermanned. Colonel Bruce’s proposals had brought it -to approximately the right strength in 1865, but the city continued -to expand so rapidly that the numbers then deemed adequate no longer -sufficed for the purposes of watch and ward. In 1871 the force numbered -1473, of whom 285 were paid by Government and 1188 by the Municipality, -exclusive of 396 men who did duty on the railways. In the following -year the Senior Magistrate of Police, John Connon, remarked that “the -European Police Force, though now too much reduced, is upon the whole a -most respectable body of men, always ready for duty and capable of it. -I can conscientiously say as much of numbers of natives of different -ranks in the force.”[91] The reduction in numbers, to which he referred, -apparently lasted for several years, the total strength of the force -varying from 1402 in 1873 to 1408 in 1877. In 1879 it had decreased still -further to 1392 men, of whom 262 were classed as Government and 1130 as -municipal police (_i.e._ paid by the Municipal Corporation). In 1881 -the number paid for by Government had risen to 324, but the number of -“municipal police” was less by 58 than in 1871. The subject was alluded -to by the Commissioner in his annual report of June 6th, 1885, and he -emphasized the fact that, despite minor increases during the previous -twenty years and in spite of a definite expansion of the scope and -character of police-work, he was actually in command of 101 men less than -in 1865. - -[Illustration: Armed Police Jamadar - -Bombay City] - -In 1885 the Bombay Police Force was composed as follows:— - - (_a_) _Land Police_ - - 1 Commissioner of Police - 1 Deputy Commissioner of Police - 6 Superintendents - 36 Officers on Rs. 100 per month and over - 92 Officers on less than Rs. 100 per month - 1020 Constables - - (_b_) 98 Police guards for Government buildings - - (_c_) _Harbour Police_ - - 1 Superintendent - 13 Subordinate Officers - 87 Constables - - (_d_) _Dockyard Police_ - - 7 Subordinate Officers - 77 Constables - - (_e_) 5 Police-guards for distilleries - - (_f_) _C. D. Act Police_ - - 2 Subordinate Officers - 10 Constables - - (_g_) _Prince’s Dock Police_ - - 6 Subordinate Officers - 44 Constables - - (_h_) 20 Constables at burning and burial grounds. - -The total cost of this force, including rent, contingencies, allowances -and hospital expenses, was Rs. 475,297. The cost of the Land Police -was borne by Government, the Municipal Corporation giving a fixed -contribution towards it. The Corporation paid also for the constables -posted at the burning and burial grounds. Government bore the whole cost -of the Harbour Police, while the charges of the Prince’s Dock Police were -debited to the Port Trustees. - -While the force numbered 101 less than in 1865, the population of Bombay -had increased from 645,000 in 1872 to 773,000 in 1881; while between -1872 and 1883 nearly 4000 new dwelling-houses had been erected and 6½ -miles of new streets and roads had been thrown open to traffic. Again, -whereas in Calcutta the percentage of police to population was 1 to 227, -in Bombay the percentage was 1 to 506. In consequence the strain upon the -men was excessive. Most of them worked both by day and night and obtained -no proper rest: and this fact, coupled with the exiguous pay of Rs. 10 -per month allotted to the lowest grade constable, injured recruitment and -obliged the Commissioner to accept candidates of less than the standard -height (5′ 6″) and chest-measurement. Sir Frank Souter also remarked that -only 110 officers and 297 men, out of the whole force, were able to read -and write, that no provision for their education existed, and that even -if it were provided, the men were so overworked that they would be unable -to take advantage of it. He urged the Government to sanction an immediate -increase of 200 men in the lower ranks and to abolish the lowest grade -of constable on Rs. 10 per month, on the ground that this was not a -living wage and compared unfavourably with the salaries obtainable in -private employ. The Bombay Government, while admitting the force of the -Commissioner’s arguments, declared that financial stringency prevented -their granting the whole increase required and therefore sanctioned the -cost of an additional 101 men, thus merely bringing the force up to the -number declared to be necessary twenty years before. - -The total strength and cost of the force during the last four years of -Sir Frank Souter’s _régime_ were as follows:— - - Year Number of all grades Annual Cost - - 1885 1521 Rs. 475,297 - 1886 1580 ” 493,116 - 1887 1612 ” 510,690 - 1888 1621 ” 505,135 - -The small increase of 100 men between 1885 and 1888 was absurdly -disproportionate to the extra burden of work entailed by the growth of -the mill-industry, by the growing demands of the public, and by the -activity of the legislature. Among the additional duties devolving on -the Bombay police, which came prominently to notice after 1865, were the -supervision of the weights and measures used by retail merchants and -the prosecution of those whose weights did not conform to the official -standard. In 1873, 112 shopkeepers were prosecuted for this offence -and all except six were convicted. A year later Government commented -unfavourably on the small number of prosecutions under the Arms Act and -instructed the Commissioner to exercise a much stricter supervision -over the importation and unlicensed sale of arms and ammunition. The -Contagious Diseases Act, which no longer exists, was also the source of -much extra work and fruitless trouble. In 1884 the Commissioner reported -that there were 1435 women on the register, and ten years later 1500. -“I regret to say,” he wrote in the course of a report submitted in the -former year, “that in the existing state of the law the efforts of the -Police to control contagious diseases are almost futile. Hundreds of -women, who are well known to be carrying on prostitution in the most -open manner, cannot be registered because Magistrates require evidence -which it is next to impossible to obtain.” He added that the working of -the Act involved a great deal of unnecessary expense, that the police -were unable to discharge their duties satisfactorily, and that unless -the hands of both the magistrates and the police were strengthened, it -would be wiser to abolish the Act altogether. This view eventually found -favour and, combined with strong pressure from other quarters, led to the -abolition of the Act in July, 1888. A special staff of two officers and -ten constables were released from an unpleasant task and were absorbed -into the regular police force. - -In 1884 occurs the earliest reference by the Commissioner to a matter -which was destined to give him and his successors much additional work, -namely the Haj or annual Muhammadan pilgrimage to Mecca. The number -of pilgrims passing through Bombay had reached nearly 8,000, and had -necessitated the appointment in 1882 of a Protector of Pilgrims and a -regular system of passports. A Pilgrims Brokers’ Act was also under -consideration by the Indian legislature. Three years later, 1887, the -task of issuing passports for Jeddah and selling steamer-tickets was -entrusted to Messrs. Thomas Cook and Sons; but the success of this -arrangement was discounted by the ignorance and helplessness of the -pilgrims themselves, who failed to make full use of the facilities -offered by the firm. The number of pilgrims passing annually through -Bombay was far less than during the early years of the twentieth century: -but their presence was nevertheless responsible for the building of one -_musafirkhana_ in Pakmodia street in 1871 and of another in Frere road -in 1884. The growth of the Haj traffic before the outbreak of the Great -War in 1914 added immensely to the volume of work annually devolving upon -the Police Commissioner, and acquired additional importance from the -political significance given to it by Indian Moslem agitators. - -From time to time public interest was aroused during these years by -sensational crimes. The earliest occurred in 1866, when four Europeans -(3 Italians and an Austrian) murdered four Marwadis as they lay asleep -in a house in Khoja Street. The motive of the crime was robbery; and -the culprits were fortunately caught by the Deputy Commissioner, Mr. -Edginton, and some European and Indian police, who pursued them from -the scene of the crime. At the end of 1872 the Senior Magistrate of -Police received information that a Parsi solicitor of the High Court and -a Hindu accomplice had instigated a Fakir named Khaki Sha to kill one -Nicholas de Ga and his wife by secret means for a reward of Rs. 5000. -Similar information was also conveyed to Khan Bahadur Mir Akbar Ali, head -of the detective police. Mr. R. H. Vincent, who was then acting Deputy -Commissioner, Mir Akbar Ali, Mir Abdul Ali, Superintendent Mills and an -European inspector concealed themselves behind a bamboo partition-wall in -the Fakir’s house in Kamathipura and thus overheard details of the plot -against the de Gas. It transpired that Mrs. de Ga was entitled to certain -property, of which the Parsi solicitor and a Mrs. Pennell were executors; -and having mismanaged the property, the latter were anxious to obviate -all chance of inquiry by the interested parties into their misconduct. -The solicitor and his Hindu accomplice were both convicted. A curious -case occurred in 1874, when Mr. James Hall of the Survey Department was -accused of causing the death in Balasinor of three Indian troopers, -attached to that department, and was adjudged at his trial to be of -unsound mind. The murder of a European broker named Roonan by a European -Portuguese, de Britto, in 1877 caused some temporary excitement, as also -did a murder in the compound of H. H. the Aga Khan’s house in Mazagon, -perpetrated at a moment when most of the Khoja residents had gone to -Byculla railway station to receive the corpse of the late Aga Ali Shah. - -The last, and in some ways most interesting, case happened in November, -1888, when a Pathan strangled his wife, with the help of a friend, in a -room in Pakmodia street. The two men placed the corpse of the woman in -a box, tied up in sacking, and took it with a mattress on a cart to the -neighbourhood of the Elphinstone Road railway station. There they left -the box and mattress in charge of a cooly, telling him to watch them -until they came back. They then walked into the city, where they sold the -woman’s jewellery and purchased tickets for Jeddah out of the proceeds. -A day or two later they sailed together for the Hedjaz. The cooly, after -waiting some time, took the box and mattress to his house, where they -lay until November 23rd, three weeks after the murder. By that date the -stench from the box was so overpowering that the cooly in alarm removed -them to a dry ditch in the vicinity, where they were discovered by the -police on November 24th. The woman’s body was naturally so decomposed -that identification was impossible. But by means of the box and the -clothes of the deceased, Mir Abdul Ali and his men managed to trace the -offenders, who were eventually arrested at Aden and brought back on -December 10th to stand their trial. - -Among other _causes célèbres_ was the destruction of the _Aurora_ in -1870, the morning after she had left Bombay, in pursuance of a conspiracy -on the part of the master of the vessel and three other Europeans to -defraud the underwriters by means of false bills-of-lading. The vessel -was supposed to be laden with a heavy cargo of cotton which actually -was never shipped. All the culprits, of whom two were ship and freight -brokers in Bombay, were sentenced to long terms of penal servitude. Two -interesting examples of the manufacture of false evidence occurred in -1872. In one case seven persons were charged with causing one Kuvarji -Jetha to be stabbed by two men at Ahmedabad, in order that the fact of -the stabbing might be adduced in evidence against a third party, against -whom they bore a grudge; while in the second case three persons were -convicted of robbery at Surat on evidence which the Bombay Police proved -conclusively to have been manufactured by seven conspirators in Bombay. -Two remarkable cases of cheque-forgeries by Parsis on the National and -the Hong-Kong and Shanghai banks were committed to the Sessions in 1875. - -The growth of intemperance was a noticeable feature of the period. In -1866-67, the Senior Magistrate, Mr. Barton, advocated more drastic -restrictions on the sale of liquor, and in 1871 the Bombay Government -commented upon the excessive prevalence of drinking, which was the -immediate cause of twenty-one deaths in that year. In 1876 drunkenness -was reported to have increased greatly among Indian women of the lower -classes;[92] a further increase was reported in 1884, when 4,800 persons, -including 224 Europeans, were charged with this offence; and in 1886 -the total number of cases had risen to nearly 7,000. While the growth -of a floating European population, connected with the harbour and -shipping, certainly contributed to swell the returns of intemperance, -the main causes underlying the increase were the rapid expansion of the -textile industry and the growth of the industrial population, which, -in the absence of facilities for decent recreation and in consequence -of scandalous housing-conditions, was prone to drown its discomforts -by resort to the nearest liquor-shop. Not a few of the problems, which -still confront the Bombay executive authorities, can be traced back to -this period when a large and important industry was suddenly developed -by the genius and capacity of a number of Indian merchants, and a huge -lower-class population, almost wholly illiterate and lacking moral -and physical stamina, was introduced into the restricted area of the -Island at a rate which defied all efforts to provide for its proper -accommodation. - -The growth of routine police-work during these years is apparent from the -number of persons placed before the magisterial bench. Between 1874 and -1880 it increased from 21,500 to nearly 28,000, the exceptional number -of 33,000, recorded in 1879, being due to the presence of a large body -of immigrants, who had fled from the famine of the previous year in the -Deccan and remained in Bombay in the hope of improving their condition -by stealing. The volume of offences against property likewise expanded -and would probably have been greater, but for the chances of steady -employment afforded by the opening of new mills and the construction of -dock works. Among the most unsatisfactory features of crime recorded -during these years were the steady increase in the number of juvenile -offenders and the comparatively large number of cases in which children -were murdered for the sake of the gold and silver ornaments they were -wearing. As Sir Frank Souter remarked, it is practically impossible for -the State to provide an effective remedy for this evil, so long as Indian -parents persist in a practice which offers overwhelming temptation to -the criminal classes. The prosecution of persons for adultery, which is -an offence under the Indian Penal Code, was another noteworthy feature -of the crime records of the ’seventies. In 1872 nineteen, and in 1873 -twenty-three offenders were prosecuted by the police for this offence, -and all of them were acquitted. The extreme difficulty in a country -like India of proving a criminal charge of this character led doubtless -to the abandonment of such prosecutions in all but the rarest cases. A -remarkable case of criminal breach of trust, in which no less than 51 -separate charges were brought against a Parsi woman, who was convicted on -three counts, and a clever theft of silver bars and coin from the Mint -by some sepoys of the 10th Regiment N. I., owed their discovery to the -detective abilities of the police. - -The criminality of Europeans was due to specific causes connected with -the growth of the port. As early as 1867 the prevalence of low freights -and the difficulty of obtaining employment afloat or ashore led to much -distress and crime among European seamen, and the Police were forced to -undertake the task of finding work for some of this floating population -and of shipping others to Europe. On the opening of the Suez Canal at -the end of 1869, the old sailing vessels, in which the trade of the port -had up to that date been carried on, yielded place to steamers, which -remained only a short time in harbour and discharged and took in cargoes -by steam-power. To this change in the shipping-arrangements was ascribed -the prosecution in 1871 in the magisterial courts of 812 refractory -sailors. A gradual improvement, however, took place in consequence of -“the facilities of communication afforded by the telegraph”, whereby -“the amount of tonnage required for merchandize to be exported from -Bombay to Europe can be regulated to a nicety. There are far fewer ships -in the harbour seeking freight, while the crews of the Canal steamers -being engaged for short periods and subject to only a brief detention -in the port, the causes which produced discontent are not so prevalent -as formerly.”[93] Most of the European offenders, as is still the case, -belonged to the sea-faring or military classes or to the fluctuating -population of vagrants, and it was their conduct, not that of the regular -European residents, which caused the proportion of offenders to the whole -European population to compare very unfavourably with the proportion in -other sects or communities. Much improvement of a permanent character -resulted from the opening of the Sailors’ Home by the Duke of Edinburgh -in 1876, while from 1888 the police were relieved of the duty of -prosecution in many cases by a decision of the magistracy that under the -Mercantile Marine Act the police should no longer arrest European seamen -summarily, but should leave the commanders of vessels to obtain process -from the courts against defaulting members of their crews. - -Only on three occasions was the public peace seriously broken during Sir -Frank Souter’s tenure of office. The first disturbance occurred in 1872 -during the Muharram festival—the annual Muhammadan celebration of the -deaths of Hasan and Husein, which up to the year 1912 offered an annual -menace to law and order. Writing of this festival in 1885, Sir Frank -Souter stated that it was always “a laborious and anxious time for the -police, as until recent years it was almost certain to be ushered in by -serious disturbances and often bloodshed, arising from the longstanding -and at one time bitter feud existing between the Sunni and Shia sects. -For many years it was found necessary to place a strong detachment of -troops in the City, where they remained during the last two or three -days of the Muharram, and it is only within the last few years that -the usual requisition at the commencement of the Muharram to hold a -party of military in readiness has been discontinued.” By the middle of -the ’eighties a better feeling existed between the two sects; but the -excitement during the festival was still intense and the congregation -in Bombay of Moslems from all parts of Asia rendered the work of the -police extremely arduous. Apparently in 1872 the sectarian antagonism -developed into open rioting, resulting in serious injury to about sixty -people, before Sir Frank Souter gained control of the situation.[94] This -outbreak was followed about a month later by a serious affray between two -factions of the Parsi community outside the entrance to the Towers of -Silence on Gibbs road. The police speedily put an end to the disturbance -and arrested fifty persons for rioting, all of whom were subsequently -acquitted by the High Court.[95] - -These disturbances were trivial by comparison with the Parsi-Muhammadan -riots of February, 1874, which ensued upon an ill-timed and improper -attack upon the Prophet Muhammad, written and published by a Parsi in a -daily newspaper. Shortly after 10 a.m. on the morning of February 13th, a -mob of rough Muhammadans gathered outside the Jama Masjid, and after an -exhortation by the Mulla began attacking the houses of Parsi residents. -Two _agiaris_ (fire-temples) were broken open and desecrated by a band -of Sidis, Arabs and Pathans, who then commenced looting Parsi residences -and attacking any Parsi whom they met on the road. One of the worst -affrays occurred in Dhobi Talao. The Musalman burial-ground lies between -the Queen’s road and the Parsi quarter of that section, and an important -Parsi fire-temple stands on the Girgaum road, which cuts the section from -south to north. Alarmed at the approach of a large Muhammadan funeral -procession from the eastern side of the city, the Parsis threw stones -at the Muhammadans, who retaliated, and a free fight with bludgeons and -staves, in which many persons were injured, was carried on until the -police arrived in force. Much damage to person and property was also done -in Bhendy Bazar and the Khetwadi section.[96] On the following day the -attitude of the Muhammadans was so threatening that the leading Parsis -waited in a deputation on the Governor, Sir Philip Wodehouse, and begged -him to send military aid to the Police, who appeared unable to cope with -the situation. Sir Philip Wodehouse refused the request; and when, in -revenge for their losses some Parsis attacked a gang of Afghans near -the Dadysett Agiari in Hornby road, the Governor summoned the leading -Parsis and urged them to keep their co-religionists under better control. -The hostility of the two communities, however, defied all efforts at -conciliation, and in the end the troops of the garrison had to be called -in to assist in the restoration of order.[97] The police eventually -charged 106 persons with rioting, of whom 74 were convicted and sentenced -to varying periods of imprisonment. During the progress of the riot, -while the police were fully occupied in trying to restore order, the -criminal classes took advantage of the situation and disposed of a large -quantity of stolen property, which was never recovered.[98] - -The Parsis were greatly dissatisfied with the attitude of the authorities -and subsequently submitted a memorial to the Secretary of State, begging -that an enquiry might be held into the rioting and blaming the police for -apathy and the Government for not at once sending military assistance. -The Governor’s refusal to call out the troops, until the police were on -the point of breaking down, was apparently due to his belief that his -powers in this direction were restricted. He was subsequently informed -by Lord Salisbury that extreme constitutional theories could not safely -be imported into India, and that therefore troops might legitimately be -used to render a riot impossible.[99] The Secretary of State to this -extent endorsed the views of the Parsi community, which felt that it had -not been adequately protected. - -Both before and after the passing of the Presidency Magistrates Act IV -of 1877 the relations between the magistracy and the police were usually -harmonious, and the court-work of the latter was much facilitated by -the publication in February, 1881, of rules under that Act, designed -to secure uniformity of practice in the four magistrates’ courts and -the better distribution and conduct of business. The question of delay -caused by frequent adjournments to suit the convenience of barristers -and pleaders, was also under consideration: and although no rules, -however carefully framed, would suffice to prevent entirely the evil of -procrastination, some amelioration was effected under the instructions -and at the instance of the Bombay Government. The matter acquired added -importance from the application to the Bombay courts on January 1st, -1883, of the provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code (Act X of 1882), -which increased considerably the work of the Presidency Magistrates. - -In 1887, the year preceding Sir Frank Souter’s retirement and death, -the Acting Chief Presidency Magistrate, Mr. Crawley Boevey, displayed a -rather more critical attitude than had previously been customary towards -the work of the police. He commented unfavourably upon the number of -minor offences dealt with under the Police Act, and suggested that the -Police sought to raise their percentages by charging large numbers -of persons, some of whom were respectable residents, with trivial -misdemeanours under local Acts, and that they might devote greater -attention to the more serious forms of crime. At the same time Mr. -Crawley Boevey evinced the strongest objection to the practice, hitherto -followed as a precautionary measure by the constabulary, of searching -suspicious characters at night; and he actually convicted and sentenced -to a term of imprisonment an Indian constable who had arrested and -searched a townsman in this way, under the authority given by section 35 -of the old Police Act XIII of 1856. His decision was reversed on appeal -by the High Court: but the practice, which had on several occasions led -to the discovery of thefts and furnished clues to current investigations, -was nevertheless temporarily abandoned, until Mr. Crawley Boevey had left -the magisterial bench. It was resumed under Sir F. Souter’s successor -with the full concurrence of the Bombay Government, who recognized that -the searching between midnight and 4-30 a.m. of wanderers who were -unable to give a good account of themselves, was a valuable measure of -precaution in both the prevention and detection of crime. - -The Commissioner of Police remained responsible for the working of the -Fire-Brigade practically up to the date of Sir Frank Souter’s retirement. -By 1887, however, the marked expansion of the city and the increase of -police-work proper obliged Government to relieve the European police of -all fire-brigade duty. The engineers of the Brigade were transferred -in that year to the Municipality, and in the following year the whole -organization, composed of engineers, firemen, tindals, lascars, coachmen -and grooms, became an integral part of the municipal staff under the -provisions of the new Municipal Act III of 1888. One of the largest fires -dealt with by the Police, prior to the transfer, occurred in 1882, when -the Oriental Spinning and Weaving Company’s mill at Colaba, which dated -from 1858, was completely destroyed. - -The detective branch of the police-force, which was the nucleus of the -modern C. I. D., was a creation of this period. Forjett, as has already -been mentioned in connection with the events of 1857, had founded this -department; but his own powers and activities as a detective resulted -in little attention being paid to the plain-clothes men who served -under his immediate orders. When Sir Frank Souter succeeded him, the -progress of the city in every direction demanded administrative capacity -rather than detective ability in the Commissioner; and apart from the -fact that no Englishman at the head of the force could hope to emulate -Forjett’s personal success as a detective, the increasing volume of -routine work would in any case have obliged the holder of the office -to delegate the special detection of crime to a picked body of his -subordinates. The detective branch first came prominently to notice in -1872, in connexion with the de Ga and False Evidence cases mentioned -in an earlier paragraph. At that date the head of the branch was Khan -Bahadur Mir Akbar Ali. He was assisted by a more remarkable man, Khan -Bahadur Mir Abdul Ali, who eventually succeeded him. Under their auspices -the branch attained remarkable efficiency and was instrumental in -unravelling many complicated cases of serious crime, such as the murder -of the Pathan woman in 1887, and in breaking-up many gangs of thieves and -house-breakers. Not the least important of their duties was the constant -supply of information to the Commissioner of the state of public feeling -in the City, and the exercise of a vigilant and tactful control over the -inflammable elements among the masses at such seasons of excitement as -the Muharram. - -If it is true that a really successful detective is born and not made, -Sir Frank Souter must be accounted fortunate in securing the services -of two such men as Mir Akbar Ali and Mir Abdul Ali, of whom the latter -wielded a degree of control over the _badmashes_ of the City wholly -disproportionate to his position as the superintendent of the _safed -kapadawale_ or plain-clothes police. Among his ablest assistants at -the date of Sir Frank Souter’s retirement were Superintendent Harry -Brewin, who was likewise destined to leave his mark upon the criminal -administration, Inspector Framji Bhikaji, and Inspector Khan Saheb Roshan -Ali Asad Ali. None of these men could be described as highly educated, -and the majority of the native officers and constables under their orders -were wholly illiterate: but they possessed great natural intelligence and -acumen, an extraordinary _flair_ for clues, and indefatigable energy. -These qualities enabled them to solve problems, to which at first there -seemed to be no clue whatever, and to keep closely in touch by methods of -their own with the more disreputable and dangerous section of the urban -population. It was for his services as Superintendent of the Detective -Branch that Khan Bahadur Mir Abdul Ali was rewarded by Government in 1891 -with the title of Sirdar. - -From time to time the arrival of distinguished visitors threw an -additional strain upon the police; and much of the success of the -arrangements on these occasions must be attributed to the energy of the -Deputy Commissioners of Police and the European Superintendents of the -force. At the commencement of this period the Deputy Commissioner was -Mr. Edginton, who had served under Mr. Forjett and shared with him the -burdens of 1857. In 1865 he was deputed to England to qualify himself for -the office of chief of a steam fire-brigade, then about to be introduced -into Bombay, and he is mentioned as acting Commissioner of Police in -1874. During a further period of furlough in 1872, his place was taken -by Mr. R. H. Vincent, and in 1884 permanently by Mr. Gell, both of whom -were destined subsequently to succeed to the command of the force. Among -the occasions demanding special police arrangements were the visit of -the Viceroy, Lord Northbrook, in 1872, of the Duke of Edinburgh in 1870, -of the Prince of Wales in 1875, of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught in -1883, the departure of Lord Ripon in 1884 and the Jubilee celebrations -of 1887. The general character of the police administration is well -illustrated by the statement of Sir Richard Temple (Governor of Bombay, -1877-80) that “the police, under the able management of Sir Frank Souter, -was a really efficient body and popular withal,”[100] and by the words -of Mr. C. P. Cooper, Senior Magistrate of Police, in 1875 that “during -the time H. R. H. the Prince of Wales was in Bombay (November, 1875), -when the City was much crowded with Native Chiefs and their followers, -and by people from many parts of India, and when all the officers of -the Department were on duty nearly the whole of the day and night, the -Magistrates had, if any thing, less work than on ordinary occasions. -This result was due to excellent police arrangements.”[101] These -eulogies were rendered possible by the hard work of successive Deputy -Commissioners and of the non-gazetted officers of the police force. - -Apart from the numerical inadequacy of the force, to which reference has -already been made, the most vital needs during the later years of Sir -Frank Souter’s administration were the provision of police-buildings and -the proper housing of the rank and file. In his reports for 1885 and -1886 the Commissioner explained that all except a fractional proportion -of the constabulary were living in crowded and insanitary _chals_, the -rent of the rooms which they occupied being much in excess of the monthly -house allowance of one rupee, granted at that date to the lower ranks. -The absence of sanitary barracks or lines was one of the chief reasons -for the high percentage of men in hospital, and, coupled with the arduous -duty demanded of a greatly undermanned force, had led directly to a -decline in recruitment. The European police were in no better plight. -In default of suitable official quarters they were forced to reside in -cramped and inconvenient rooms, the owners of which were constantly -raising the rents to a figure much higher than the monthly house -allowance which the officers drew from the Government treasury. In some -cases it was quite impossible for an officer to find accommodation in the -area or section to which he was posted, and the discomfort was aggravated -by his being obliged, in the absence of a proper police-station, to -register complaints and interview parties in a portion of the verandah of -his hired quarters. Some relief was afforded by the construction between -1871 and 1881 of the police-stations at Bazar Gate, facing the Victoria -Terminus, and at Paidhoni, which commands the entrance to Parel road -(Bhendy Bazar): while from 1868 the police were allowed the partial use -of the old Maharbaudi building in Girgaum, which served for twenty-five -years as the Court of the Second Magistrate. - -In 1885 the Bombay Government sanctioned the building of a new Head -Police Office opposite the Arthur Crawford market. This work, however, -was not commenced till the end of 1894, and the building was not -occupied till 1899; and meantime the Commissioner annually urged upon -Government the need of adding barracks for the constabulary to the -proposed headquarters, on the grounds that the chosen site was far more -convenient than that of the old police office (built in 1882) and lines -at Byculla, both for keeping in touch with the pulse of the City and for -concentrating reinforcements during seasons of popular excitement and -disturbance. Further relief for the European police was also secured in -1888 by the completion of the Esplanade Police Court, which superseded an -old and unsuitable building in Hornby road, occupied for many years by -the courts of the Senior and Third Magistrates. Quarters for a limited -number of European police officers were provided on the third floor of -the new building, which was opened in May, 1889. - -Thus, apart from the task of perfecting arrangements for the prevention -and detection of crime on the foundations laid by Sir Frank Souter, the -chief problem which his successors inherited was the proper housing -of the police force, in a city where overcrowding and insanitation had -become a public scandal. The inconvenient and unpleasant conditions in -which the police were obliged to perform their daily duties resulted -directly from the phenomenal growth of Bombay since the year 1860, and -from the inability of the Government to allot sufficient funds for -keeping the police administration abreast of the social and commercial -development of the city. During his long _régime_ of twenty-four years -Sir Frank Souter saw the extension of the B. B. and C. I. Railway to -Bombay, the opening of regular communication by rail with the Deccan and -Southern Maratha Country, the construction of the Suez Canal and the -appearance in Bombay of six or seven European steamship-companies, the -feverish prosecution of reclamation of land from the sea, which increased -the area of the Island from 18 to 22 square miles, the construction of -many new roads and overbridges, the building of great water-works, the -projection of drainage schemes, and the lighting of the streets with gas. -He witnessed the old divisions of the Island develop into municipal wards -and sections; saw the opening of the Prince’s, Victoria and Merewether -docks; saw the first tramway lines laid in 1872, and watched the once -rural area to the north of the Old Town develop into the busy industrial -sections of Tardeo, Nagpada, Byculla, Chinchpugli and Parel. The number -of cotton-spinning and weaving mills increased from 10 in 1870 to 70 at -the date of his retirement, and the urban population increased _pari -passu_ with this expansion of trade and industrial enterprise. Between -1872 and 1881 the population increased from 644,405 to 773,196, and by -1888 it cannot have been much less than 800,000. - -Sir Frank Souter relinquished his office on April 30th, 1888, and retired -to the Nilgiris in the Madras Presidency, where he died in the following -July. Thus ended a remarkable epoch in the annals of the Bombay Police. -It says much for the administrative capacity of the Commissioner that, -in spite of an inadequate police-force and the difficulties alluded to -in a previous paragraph, he was able to cope successfully with crime and -maintain the peace of the City unbroken for fourteen years. Frequent -references in their reviews of his annual reports show that the Bombay -Government fully realized the valuable character of his services, -while the confidence which he inspired in the public is proved by the -testimony of trained observers like Sir Richard Temple, by the great -memorial meeting held in Bombay after his death, at which Sir Dinshaw -Petit moved a resolution of condolence with his family, and by the -erection of the marble bust which still adorns the council-hall of the -Municipal Corporation. His own subordinates, both European and Indian, -regretted his departure perhaps more keenly than others, for he occupied -towards them an almost patriarchal position. All ranks had learnt by long -experience to appreciate his vigour and determination and his even-handed -justice, which, while based upon a high standard of efficiency and -integrity, was not blind to the many temptations, difficulties and -discouragements that beset the daily life of an Indian constable. -Realizing how much he had done to advance their interests and secure -their welfare during nearly a quarter of a century, the Police Force paid -its last tribute of respect to the Commissioner by subscribing the cost -of the marble bust by Roscoe Mullins, which stands in front of the main -entrance of the present Head Police Office. - -The memory of Sir Frank Souter is likely to endure long after the last -of the men who served under him has earned his final discharge, for he -was gifted with a personality which impressed itself upon the imagination -of all those who came in contact with him. More than twenty years after -his death, the writer of this book watched an old and grizzled Jemadar -turn aside as he left the entrance of the Head Police Office and halt -in front of the bust. There he drew himself smartly to attention and -gravely saluted the marble simulacrum of the dead Commissioner—an act -of respect which illustrated more vividly than any written record the -personal qualities which distinguished Sir Frank Souter during his long -and successful career in India. - -[Illustration: LIEUT.-COLONEL W. H. WILSON] - - - - -CHAPTER V - -LIEUT.-COLONEL W. H. WILSON - -1888-1893 - - -Lieut-Colonel W. H. Wilson, who belonged to the Bombay District Police, -succeeded Sir Frank Souter on July 4th, 1888. He had already acted once -as Commissioner from October 1885 to May 1886, during his predecessor’s -absence on furlough. During the period which intervened between Sir F. -Souter’s departure on April 30th and Colonel Wilson’s appointment in -July, the duties of the Commissioner devolved upon Mr. H. G. Gell, the -Deputy Commissioner. Colonel Wilson held the appointment for five years, -during which he was twice absent on leave, once from May to December, -1889, when Colonel Wise was appointed _locum tenens_, and again for three -months in 1890, when his place was filled by Major Humfrey. - -Throughout his term of office Colonel Wilson, like his predecessor, -was hampered by lack of men. The force at the date of his assumption -of control numbered 1621 and cost annually Rs. 505,135. By 1892 there -had been a trivial increase to 1634, while the annual cost had risen -to Rs. 513,896. This lack of men was undoubtedly responsible for a -decline in the prevention and detection of crime, as for example in -1888, when many cases of house-breaking were undetected, and in 1891, -when a serious increase of crime against property was recorded in -Mahim and other outlying areas. It also resulted in the force being so -seriously overworked that the percentage of men admitted to hospital -showed a constant tendency to increase. In his report of 1892 Colonel -Wilson informed Government that the burden of duty sustained by the rank -and file had become almost intolerable, that the men frequently became -prematurely aged from overwork, and that many of the superior officers -were ill from exposure and lack of rest. The Bombay Government endorsed -the Commissioner’s complaints and admitted the urgent need of increasing -the Force.[102] A reorganization of the Force, involving a considerable -addition to its numbers, had in fact been under consideration for several -years; but owing partly to financial stringency and partly to the delay -inseparable from all official transactions, the much-needed relief was -not granted until August, 1893,[103] by which date Colonel Wilson had -left India and Mr. Vincent had taken his place. The former thus had -little or no chance of securing any improvement in the criminal work of -the divisional police, and on more than one occasion he found his force -singularly inadequate to cope with special and emergent duties. - -Like Sir Frank Souter, he also found the lack of police-stations and -buildings a serious obstacle to efficient administration. Within a few -months of assuming office he reported that the building at Byculla, in -which he worked, was very inconvenient and too far distant from the -business quarters of the City, and he urged the early construction of the -proposed Head Police Office on Hornby road. He reiterated his demands in -1890, 1891, and 1892, stating that no real improvement could be effected -until that office and additional quarters for the men were constructed. -As mentioned in the preceding chapter, accommodation was provided for -two European police officers in the Esplanade Police Court, which was -occupied for the first time in 1889; while in the last year of his tenure -of office, the divisional police secured some extra accommodation by the -full use of the old Maharbaudi building, which had proved inconvenient -to the public and was therefore vacated in 1893 by the Second Presidency -Magistrate in favour of a Government building in Nesbit Lane, -Mazagon.[104] In the latter building also accommodation was provided for -two European police officers. - -The capabilities of the detective police were tested by several serious -crimes. The first, known as the Dadar Triple Murder, occurred in 1888 -and aroused considerable public interest. Two Parsi women and a little -boy, residing in Lady Jamshedji road, were brutally murdered by a Hindu -servant, who was in due course traced, tried and executed. In 1890 the -murder of a Hindu youth at Clerk Road was successfully detected, and this -was followed in 1891 by the Khambekar Street poisoning case, in which a -respectable and wealthy family of Memons were killed by a dissolute son -of the house. The police investigation, which ended in the trial and -conviction of the murderer, was greatly obstructed by the collateral -relatives of the family, who made every effort to render the enquiry -abortive and were actively assisted by the whole Memon community. - -These crimes, however, were cast into the shade by the famous Rajabai -Tower case, which caused great public agitation. On April 25th, 1891, two -Parsi girls, Pherozebai and Bacchubai, aged respectively 16 and 20 years, -were found lying at the foot of the Rajabai Clock Tower, in circumstances -and under conditions which indicated that they had been thrown from -above. When discovered, one of the girls was dead, and the other so -seriously injured that she expired within a few minutes. Suspicion fell -upon a Parsi named Manekji and certain other persons: but the latter were -released shortly after arrest, as there was no evidence that they were -in any way concerned in the death of the two girls. The Coroner’s jury, -after nineteen sittings, gave a verdict that Bacchubai had thrown herself -from the tower in consequence of an attempted outrage upon her by some -person or persons unknown, and that Manekji was privy to the attempted -outrage; and further that Pherozebai had been thrown from the tower by -Manekji, in order to prevent her giving information of the attempt to -outrage herself and her friend. Manekji was tried by the High Court on a -charge of murder and was acquitted. Various rumours were afloat as to the -identity of the chief actors in the crime, among those suspected being a -young Muhammadan belonging to a leading Bombay family. No further clue -was ever obtained, and to this day the true facts are shrouded in mystery. - -The police dealt successfully with an important case of forgery, in -which counterfeit stamps of the value of one rupee were very cleverly -forged by a man who had previously served in the Trigonometrical Survey -Department of the Government of India and was afterwards proved to -have belonged to a gang of expert forgers in Poona. The collapse of -a newly-built house prompted Superintendent Brewin to make a lengthy -and careful inquiry into all the details of construction, which ended -successfully in the prosecution and punishment of the two jerry-builders -who erected it. House-collapses are not unknown in Bombay, particularly -during the monsoon, when the weight of the wet tiles causes the posts -of wooden-frame dwellings to give way; but so far as is known, the case -quoted is the only instance on record of a builder being prosecuted and -punished under the criminal law for causing loss of life by careless or -defective construction. The Sirdar Abdul Ali was equally successful in -unravelling an important case of illicit traffic in arms and ammunition -carried on by a gang of Pathans with certain transfrontier outlaws—a -matter in which the Government of India at that date (1888) took -considerable interest. - -The offence of gambling in various forms occupied the attention of -the police to a greater degree than before, and the prevalence of -rain-gambling led to a test prosecution in the magisterial courts. This -form of wagering used to take place during the monsoon at Paidhoni, -where a house would be rented at a high price for the four months of the -rains by a group of Indian capitalists. There were two forms of _Barsat -ka satta_ or rain-gambling, known familiarly as _Calcutta mori_ and -_Lakdi satta_. In the former case wagers were laid as to whether the rain -would percolate in a fixed time through a specially prepared box filled -with sand, the bankers settling the rates or odds by the appearance and -direction of the clouds. In the latter case, winnings or losses depended -on whether the rainfall during a fixed period of time was sufficient to -fill the gutter of a roof and overflow. The gambling took place usually -between 6 a.m. and 12 noon, and again between 6 p.m. and midnight, the -rates varying according to the appearance of the sky and the time left -before the period open for the booking of bets expired. The practice, -which was very popular, was responsible for so much loss that in 1888 two -of the principal promoters of rain-gambling were prosecuted by the order -of Government. The Chief Presidency Magistrate, Mr. Cooper, who tried the -case, decided that rain-gambling was not an offence under the Gambling -Act, as then existing, and his decision was upheld on appeal by the High -Court. Consequently Colonel Wilson applied for the necessary amendment -of the Bombay Gambling Act, and this was in due course effected by the -Legislature. Since that date rain-gambling has been unknown in Bombay. - -In 1890 and 1891 the police made continual raids on gambling-houses, -and in 1893 were obliged to adopt special measures against a form of -bagatelle, known as _Eki beki_, which had a wide vogue in the City. The -Public Prosecutor himself visited one of the more notorious resorts -in order to acquaint himself thoroughly with the system, which in -consequence of continuous action by the police was for the time being -practically stamped out of existence. Bombay, however, has always been -addicted to gambling, whether it be in the form of the well-known -_teji-mundi_ contracts, the _ank satta_ or opium-gambling, or the -ordinary gambling with dice and cards: and notwithstanding that the -police at intervals pay special attention to the vice and secure some -improvement, the evil reappears and rapidly increases, directly vigilance -is relaxed. The promoters of gambling are adepts in the art of misleading -the authorities: they rarely use the same room on two successive -occasions; they have elaborated a vocabulary of warning-calls; and they -employ spies and watchmen to keep them posted in all the movements of the -police. Some of the latter have probably at times accepted hush-money and -presents to turn a blind eye on the gamblers’ movements: for otherwise -it is difficult to understand why men, who are widely known to have been -organizing gambling reunions for years, should have successfully evaded -the law and in some cases have accumulated a considerable fortune in the -process. - -Two matters of a novel character engaged the attention of the divisional -police during Colonel Wilson’s _régime_. The first was a series of -balloon ascents, which drew immense crowds of spectators. The earliest -ascents were performed in the opening months of 1889 from the grounds of -old Government House, Parel, by a Mr. Spencer, who successfully descended -with a parachute. He was followed in 1891 by Mr. and Mrs. Van Tassell, -who, except on one occasion when the lady’s parachute did not open -immediately, carried out their performances without a hitch. This form -of public amusement, however, came to a sudden and unhappy conclusion on -December 10th, 1891, when Lieutenant Mansfield, R. N., essayed an ascent. -When he had reached a height of about 1000 feet, the balloon suddenly -burst, and he fell headlong to earth and was killed in full view of a -large crowd of spectators. Since that date and up to the outbreak of the -War in 1914, the only aerial spectacle offered to the Bombay public was -a much-advertised aeroplane flight from the Oval. This venture was a -fiasco. The aeroplane would only rise a few feet from the ground, and at -that elevation collided violently with the iron railing of the B. B. and -C. I. railway and was wrecked. - -The second event, which evoked much comment, was a strike by the -_employés_ of eleven cotton-spinning mills as a protest against a -reduction in wages. So far as can be gathered from official records, this -was the first strike of any magnitude that occurred in the industrial -area, and seems to have been the earliest effort of the labour-population -to test their powers of combination. The police had to be concentrated -in the affected area, in order to guard mill-property and quell possible -disorder: but the mill-workers at this date were quite unorganized and no -disturbance occurred. The action of these mill-hands, however, carried -the germ of the disorders which have since caused periodical damage to -the industry and have interfered frequently with the normal duties of the -police force. - -It is convenient at this point to refer to the problem of European -prostitution, which has repeatedly formed the subject of comment in more -recent years. Before the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the foreign -prostitute from eastern Europe was practically unknown in Bombay, and -such immorality as existed was confined to women of Eurasian or Indian -parentage. Once, however, the large European shipping-companies had -established regular steamer-communication with India, and Port Said had -become a port of call and an asylum for the riff-raff of Europe, the Jew -procurer and “white-slave” trafficker gradually included India within the -orbit of a trade, which was characterized by a fairly regular demand and -by large and easily earned profits. The Foreigners Act III of 1864, under -the provisions of which the Bombay Police arrange for the deportation -of foreign pimps, as well as of prostitutes whose conduct demands their -expulsion, was apparently not used frequently before the last decade of -the nineteenth century, except against troublesome Pathans and Arabs, -belonging respectively to the transfrontier region or to the territory -of Indian Princes. But the immigration of foreign women must have begun -tentatively during the _régime_ of Sir Frank Souter and continued to -expand under the auspices of the international procurer, until by the -last years of the nineteenth century these unfortunates had secured a -strong foothold in certain houses situated in Tardeo, Grant road and -other streets of the Byculla ward. - -The growth of the European population, resulting from the expansion of -the trade of the port, and an increasing disinclination on the part -of Government and society to countenance the old system of _liaisons_ -with Indian women, may have induced the authorities to regard the -establishment of the European brothel and the presence of the European -prostitute as deplorable but necessary evils. Provided that the women -were kept under reasonable control and the police were sufficiently -vigilant to ensure the non-occurrence of open scandals, no direct steps -were taken to abolish a feature of urban life which struck occasional -travellers and others as inexpressibly shocking. To the peripatetic -procurer, who visited Bombay at frequent intervals in order to relieve -the women of their savings and ascertain the demand for fresh arrivals, -the Police showed no mercy; and the regular use which they made of the -Foreigners Act towards the close of the last century indicates that -by that date Bombay (like Calcutta and Madras) had become a regular -halting-point in the procurer’s disgraceful itinerary from Europe to the -Far East. - -It must be remembered that the number of European professional -prostitutes in India has never been large, and the worst features of the -traffic, as understood in Europe, are fortunately absent. That is to -say, the women of this class who find their way to the brothels of the -Grant Road neighbourhood and to the less secluded rooms in and around -the notorious Cursetji Suklaji street, which used to be known on this -account as _safed gali_ or “white lane”, are not decoyed thither by -force or fraud. The women usually arrive unaccompanied and of their own -choice, and they are well over the age of majority before they first set -foot on the Bombay _bandar_. Their treatment in the brothel is not bad -and they are not subjected to cruelty. The “mistress” of the brothel, -who is herself a time-expired prostitute and has sometimes paid a heavy -sum to her predecessor for the good-will of the house, feeds and houses -the women in return for 50 per cent of their daily earnings; and as her -own livelihood and capital are at stake, she is usually careful to see -that nothing occurs to give the house a bad name among her clientèle or -to warrant punitive action on the part of the police. The “mistress” -acts in fact as a buffer between the women of her house and the male -visitor, protecting the general interests and health of the former and -safeguarding the latter from theft and robbery by the women, who are -usually drawn from the lower strata of the population of eastern Europe -and who would, in the absence of such control, be liable to thieve and -quarrel, and would also commence visiting places of public resort, such -as the race-course, restaurants etc., and walking the streets of the -European quarter. - -European women of this class are found only in the chief maritime cities -of India—Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Karachi and Rangoon, the only places -in India which contain a considerable miscellaneous European population. -Their total number is not large. Some of them doubtless were originally -victims of the “white-slave” trafficker; but their first initiation to -the life happened several years before they found their way to India, -with funds advanced to them by the pimp or, as they style him in their -jargon, “the fancy-man” who first led them astray. There have been -instances in Bombay of these women contriving to accumulate sufficient -savings in the course of ten or twelve years’ continuous prostitution -to enable them either to purchase the good-will of a recognized brothel -or to return to their own country and settle down there in comparative -respectability. One or two, with their savings behind them, have been -able to find a husband who was prepared to turn a blind eye to their -past. Thus has lower middle-class respectability been secured at the -price of years of flaming immorality. But such cases are rare. These -women as a class are wasteful and improvident, and are prone to spend -all their earnings on their personal tastes and adornment. Most of them -also, as remarked above, have become acquainted early in their career -with a procurer, usually a Jew of low type, who swoops down at intervals -from Europe upon the brothel in which they happen to be serving and there -relieves them of such money as they may have saved after paying the -recognized 50 per cent to the “mistress” of the house. - -During Colonel Wilson’s Commissionership little mention is made of action -by the police against the foreign procurer. The latter was probably not -so much in evidence as he was at a later date. The opening years of the -twentieth century witnessed a change, however, in this respect, and -a short time before the outbreak of the Great War, the Government of -India made a special enquiry into the scope and character of European -prostitution in India, in consequence of the submission to the Imperial -Legislature of a private Bill designed to suppress the evil. The report -on the subject submitted at that date (1913) by the Commissioner of -Police, Bombay, was directly responsible for a decision to give the -police wider powers of control over the casual visits of European -procurers—a decision which was carried into effect after the close of -the War by strengthening the provisions of the local Police Act and -the Foreigners Act. In 1921 the Government of India was represented at -an International Conference on the Traffic in Women and Children, held -at Geneva under the auspices of the League of Nations; and shortly -afterwards India became a signatory of the International Convention of -1910, by which all the States concerned bind themselves to carry out -certain measures designed to check and ultimately to abolish the traffic. - -There is little else to chronicle concerning the work of the police under -Colonel Wilson. The arrangements for the visits of the late Prince Albert -Victor and the Cesarewitch in 1890 were carried through without a hitch, -despite the acknowledged inadequacy of the force. The annual Moslem -pilgrimage to Mecca brought to Bombay yearly about 8000 pilgrims, whose -passports and steamer-tickets were supplied by Messrs. Thomas Cook and -Sons, the general supervision of the pilgrims and their embarkation at -the docks being performed by the Protector of Pilgrims and a small staff, -in collaboration with the Port Health officer. The period was remarkable -for the establishment of several temperance movements in various parts -of the City, which were declared in 1891 to have imposed a check upon -wholesale drunkenness. No diminution, however, of the volume of crime -against property was recorded, despite the activities of the Detective -Branch and the action taken by the divisional police against receivers -of stolen property, of whom 80 were convicted in 1889 and 64 in the -following year. The property annually recovered by the police in cases -of theft and house-breaking amounted to about 50 per cent of the value -stolen, the paucity of the constabulary being the chief reason for the -non-detection of constant thefts and burglaries which occurred in Mahim -and other outlying areas. Considering how greatly he was handicapped by -lack of numbers, ill-health among the rank and file, and the absence -of proper accommodation for both officers and men, Colonel Wilson’s -administration may be said to have been fairly successful. Fortunately -he was spared the task of dealing with any serious outbreak of disorder, -such as occurred during the early days of his successor’s term of office. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -MR. R. H. VINCENT, C.I.E. - -1893-1898 - - -When Colonel Wilson left Bombay for England in April, 1893, his place -was taken by Mr. R. H. Vincent, who had previously acted as Deputy -Commissioner for a few months in 1872. A foreigner by birth, Mr. Vincent -had served in his youth in the Foreign Legion of Garibaldi’s army. He -came subsequently to India and obtained an appointment in the Bombay -District Police, in which his linguistic faculties and general capacity -soon marked him out for promotion. He was appointed Acting Commissioner -in April and was confirmed in the appointment shortly afterwards, -when Colonel Wilson sent in his papers. His five years of office were -remarkable for two grave outbreaks of disorder, one of them being the -most serious riot that ever occurred in Bombay, for the outbreak of -plague, which threw an enormous extra strain upon the police-force, and -thirdly for the initiation by political agitators of the public Ganpati -festivals, which supplied a direct incitement to sedition and disorder. - -[Illustration: MR. R. H. VINCENT] - -A reorganization of the police-force was finally sanctioned by Government -in an order of August 28th, 1893, in consequence whereof the strength of -the force at the close of that year was reported to be 1831, exclusive -of 99 harbour police paid for by the Port Trustees. The extra number of -men, coupled with revised rates of pay and allowances, brought the annual -cost of the force to Rs. 518,078. A further addition to the force was -sanctioned at the beginning of 1894, the net increase of men enlisted -during that year being 287, of whom five were Europeans, fourteen were -native officers, and fifty-three were mounted police. The armed police -were augmented by 66 men and the unarmed by 140, including 15 European -and 11 Indian officers. The mounted police were placed under the command -of an Inspector named Sheehy, specially recruited from a British cavalry -regiment. In consequence of these additions, the Commissioner at the -close of 1894 was in command of a total force (exclusive of the harbour -police) of 2111, costing annually Rs. 710,528. The harbour police were -also increased to 114 in 1895. - -Excluding a small body of seven constables recruited in 1896 for special -duty under the Glanders and Farcy Act, the sanctioned strength and -cost of the force remained unaltered during the last three years of -Mr. Vincent’s term of office. The number, though more adequate than in -Colonel Wilson’s time, was yet barely sufficient to cope with all the -duties imposed upon the force, while the advent of the plague and other -events aggravated the strain. During the decade following upon Mr. -Vincent’s retirement appeals for more men were followed by spasmodic -additions to the force until the publication in 1905 of the report of the -Police Commission appointed by Lord Curzon. This resulted in a thorough -scrutiny of the various police administrations and led in the case of -Bombay to the preparation of a new and radical scheme of reform. - -In the matter of crime, the period of Mr. Vincent’s Commissionership -was remarkable for several murders, fifteen of which occurred in the -year 1893. One of the most sensational crimes was the “double murder” -at Walkeshwar in April 1897, when a Bhattia merchant and his sister -were killed in a house near the temple by a gang of six men, all of -whom were traced and arrested by the police after a protracted and -difficult investigation. Five of the culprits were eventually hanged. -The police were also successful in 1893 in breaking up two gangs of -_dhatura_-poisoners, who had robbed a large number of people. In 1895 -Superintendent Brewin, with the help of the Sirdar Abdul Ali and his -detectives, successfully unravelled a case of poisoning, perpetrated -with the object of defrauding the Sun Life Assurance Company. A Goanese -named Fonseca insured the life of a friend, Duarte, with the company and -shortly afterwards administered to him a dose of arsenic, which he had -obtained from a European employed in Stephens’ stables, who used the -poison for killing rats. Prior to insuring Duarte’s life, Fonseca had -him medically examined by two Indian Christian doctors of Portuguese -descent, well-known in Bombay, who made a very perfunctory examination. -Subsequently, when Fonseca asked them to certify the cause of Duarte’s -death, they acted even more negligently and gave a certificate of death -from natural causes without any inquiry. Certain facts, however, aroused -the suspicions of the manager of the Assurance Company; the police were -called in; and in due course Fonseca was tried and convicted of murder. - -The records of 1893 mention the arrest and conviction of a leading member -of the famous _Sonari Toli_ or Golden Gang of swindlers, which for some -time made a lucrative livelihood by fleecing the more credulous section -of the public. But in the case of ordinary theft and robbery the police -were less successful in recovering stolen property than in previous -years, the percentage of recovery for the five years ending in 1894 being -only 48 and declining to 35 in 1898. Much of this crime was committed -by professional bad characters and members of criminal tribes belonging -to the Deccan and other parts of the Bombay Presidency. The prevalence -of robbery and theft was viewed with such dissatisfaction by the Bombay -Government that in 1894 they urged the Commissioner to make use of the -provisions of chapter VIII of the Criminal Procedure Code, which had -been applied with much success in up-country districts. Unfortunately -the Bombay magistracy required as a rule far more direct evidence of bad -livelihood than was procurable by the urban police, and any regular use -of that chapter of the Code was therefore declared by the Commissioner to -be impracticable. - -The court-work of the police under the local Act was indirectly affected -by the closing of the opium-dens of the City in 1893. This was one -result of the appointment in that year of a Parliamentary Commission to -inquire into the extent of opium consumption in India, its effects on -the physique of the people, and the suggestion that the sale of the drug -should be prohibited except for medicinal purposes. In consequence of -the anti-opium agitation in England, the consumption of opium was from -that date permitted only on a small scale in one or two “clubs” in the -City, frequented by the lower classes. The opponents of the practice did -not foresee that opium-smoking cannot be entirely abolished by laws and -regulations, and that the stoppage of supplies of the drug merely results -in the public seeking other more disastrous forms of self-indulgence. In -Bombay the closing of the opium-shops led directly to a great increase -of drunkenness,[105] and a few years later to the far more pernicious -and degrading habit of cocaine-eating. The experience of most Bombay -police-officers is that the smoking of opium does not _per se_ incite men -to commit crime, and when practised in moderation it does not prevent a -man from performing his daily work. Cocaine on the other hand destroys -its victims body and soul, and the confirmed cocaine-eater usually -develops into a criminal, even if he was not one previously. - -The practice of affixing bars to the ground-floor rooms in Duncan road, -Falkland road and neighbouring lanes, occupied by the lowest class of -Indian prostitutes, is usually supposed to have been introduced during -the period of Mr. Vincent’s Commissionership. Strangers who visit Bombay, -as well as respectable European and Indian residents, are apt to be -shocked by the sight of these Mhar, Dhed and other low-caste women -sitting behind bars, like caged animals, in rooms opening directly on the -street. It is not, however, generally known that the bars were put up, -not for the purpose of what has been styled “exhibitionism”, but in order -to save the woman from being overwhelmed by a low-class male rabble, -ready for violence on the smallest provocation. Before the women barred -the front of their squalid rooms, there were constant scenes of disorder, -resulting occasionally in injuries to the occupants; and it was on the -advice of the police that about this date the women had the bars affixed, -which oblige their low-class clientèle to form a queue outside and enable -the women to admit one customer at a time. Considering that a prostitute -of this class charges only 4 annas for her favours and lives in great -squalor, it is not surprising that venereal disease is extremely common, -and that the offering of four annas to Venus ends generally in a further -expenditure of one or two rupees on quack remedies. - -As regards regular police-work, Mr. Vincent made an attempt in 1894 to -improve the regulation of traffic on public thoroughfares. This was -necessitated by the steady increase of the number of public and private -conveyances, the former having risen from 5392 in 1884 to 8301 in 1894, -and the latter at the same dates from 2674 to 5416. On the other hand -the width of the roads had, with here and there occasional setbacks, -remained constant for twenty years, and the majority of the streets -were totally inadequate for the increased volume of daily traffic. The -Commissioner’s efforts to control traffic more effectively did result -in a decrease of street-accidents, but they failed at the same time to -meet with “the approval of the entire native community”. Therein lies one -of the chief obstacles to efficient traffic-regulation in Bombay. The -ordinary Indian constable, though more able and alert than he used to -be, is still a poor performer as a regulator of traffic. He is not likely -to improve, so long as Indians persist in using the roads in the manner -of their forefathers in rural towns and villages, and so long as he is -doubtful of the support of the magistracy in cases where he prosecutes -foot-passengers and cab-drivers for neglect of his orders and of the -rule of the road. Apart also from the possibility of the constable not -being supported by the bench, as he usually is in England, the great -delays which are liable to occur in the hearing of these trivial cases, -through the procrastination of pleaders for the defence, act as a direct -discouragement to prosecutions. A real and permanent improvement in -traffic conditions cannot be secured, until the Indian public develops “a -traffic conscience” and insists upon the relinquishment of ancient and -haphazard methods of progression inherited from past centuries. - -In the same year (1894) the Commissioner reported that, in accordance -with the orders of Government, he had introduced the Bertillon system of -anthropometry at the Head Police Office, but he expressed a doubt whether -results commensurate with the cost of working would be obtained. The -following year he stated definitely that the system was a failure, but -was urged by Government to persevere with it. The system, nevertheless, -was doomed, and in 1896 was superseded by the far more accurate and -successful finger-print system which was introduced into India by Mr. -(afterwards Sir Edward) Henry, the Inspector-General of Police in Bengal. -Although the Bertillon system was not finally abolished till the end of -1899, Mr. Vincent was able to report in 1898 that a finger-print bureau -had been established, that two police officers had been deputed to Poona -to learn from Mr. Henry himself the details of the system of criminal -identification, and that by the end of the year 300 finger-impressions -had been recorded. This was the origin of the Bombay City Finger-Print -bureau, which by steadily augmenting its own record of criminals and by -interchange of slips with the larger Presidency bureau at Poona, has -compiled a very useful reference-work for investigating officers. - -The rapid extension of the scope of police work and the need of dealing -more quickly and effectively with various classes of offences had for -some time impressed upon the local authorities the need for a new police -law. The old Act XLVIII of 1860, under which the police worked in the -days of Mr. Forjett, had been followed by three successive Town Police -Acts, Nos. I of 1872, II of 1879 and IV of 1882. But the provisions -of these Acts needed amendment and consolidation to meet the altered -conditions of later years; and the Commissioner was justified in saying, -as he did in 1898, that the police were “working at a disadvantage -and were hampered in many ways” by the want of a comprehensive and -intelligible City Police Act, which would enable them to deal effectively -with the investigation of crime and the arrest and detention of -offenders and with the special offences peculiar to a large city. He -expressed a hope that the new City Police Bill, which had been under the -consideration of Government for several years, would be enacted without -further delay. Four years were still to elapse before this hope was -fulfilled by the passing of Bombay Act IV of 1902. In the meanwhile the -police, as well as the magistrates,[106] had to perform their respective -duties as best they could under the old law. Such success as the police -achieved in dealing with crime and other evils was due largely to the -energy and experience of the older Divisional Superintendents, such as -Messrs. Crummy,[107] Ingram, Grennan, McDermott, Sweeney, Nolan and -Brewin, of the Sirdar Mir Abdul Ali, and of tried Indian inspectors -like Rao Saheb Tatya Lakshman, Khan Saheb Roshan Ali and Khan Saheb -(afterwards Khan Bahadur) Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Imam. - -[Illustration: KHAN BAHADUR SHEIKH IBRAHIM SHEIKH IMAM - -Joined the Force, 1864—Retired, 1911.] - -Mr. Vincent’s term of office was marked by the first outbreak of plague -in the later months of 1896. When the disease first assumed epidemic -form, there was a wild panic among all classes, and people fled in crowds -from the city, leaving their homes unoccupied and unprotected. This led -for the time being to a large increase of offences against property, -committed by professional bad characters who took immediate advantage of -the general exodus. The decrease of police cases in 1897 was due solely -to the fact that the constant demands upon the force for duties connected -with plague-inspection and segregation etc., left them no leisure to deal -with the criminal classes, who throughout the early days of the epidemic -indulged in an orgy of theft and house-breaking. It was estimated in -February, 1897, that 400,000 inhabitants had fled from the city, most of -whom left their houses entirely unprotected. The Bombay Government was -faced with “a difficult and delicate problem—the extent to which it was -possible in view of Indian prejudices and convictions to put into force -the scientific counsels of perfection pressed upon them by their medical -advisers. The doctors drew up plans for house-to-house visitation, -disinfection, isolation hospitals, segregation-camps, and inoculation, -all of which were intensely distasteful to the Indian population with -their caste regulations and their jealousy of any infringement of privacy -in their home life.”[108] - -The police were constantly requisitioned to assist in one way or another -the official attempts to stamp out the epidemic, and considering the -extra strain thrown upon them by the various plague-preventive measures, -it is surprising that they managed to cope as effectively as they did -with their regular duties. In 1897 Mr. Rand of the Indian Civil Service -and Lieutenant Ayerst, who had been engaged on plague-work, were -assassinated at Poona. In connexion with the inquiry which followed -Superintendent Brewin was summoned from Bombay and placed on special -duty in Poona. In the following year occurred the plague-riots, to -which reference will be made in a later paragraph. The difficulties -which confronted the police during the first two or three years of the -plague epidemic were aggravated by the unscrupulous campaign against the -Government’s precautionary measures conducted by the native Press, and -the expedient then adopted of strengthening the law against seditious -publications merely served to intensify popular feeling. It was not till -after 1898 that the Indian Government, recognizing the genuineness and -sincerity of the public opposition to plague-restrictions, abandoned -their more stringent rules in favour of milder methods. - -In one direction only—the annual pilgrimage to the Hedjaz—may the plague -be said to have brought any relief to the overworked police-force. -The arrangements made by Messrs. Thomas Cook and Sons for shipping -the pilgrims were discontinued about 1892, and in 1893 the Police -Commissioner, acting through his pilgrim department and with the aid of -the divisional and harbour police, shepherded the large number of 13,500 -pilgrims to the embarkation sheds. Approximately the same number sailed -in 1895. Directly the plague, however, had firmly established its hold -upon Bombay, the annual exodus of pilgrims was prohibited, in response -partly to international requirements, and during the remainder of Mr. -Vincent’s term of office the Haj traffic practically ceased. A few -pilgrims from Central Asia (1300 in 1898) and other distant regions found -their way yearly to Bombay, in the hope of proceeding to Mecca: but they -were sent back every year to their homes, until the restrictions were -removed and the traffic was re-opened. - -Upon the health of the police force the plague naturally exercised a -disastrous effect. A fairly high percentage of sickness was recorded in -1895 and was ascribed chiefly to overcrowding in squalid tenements. The -appearance of plague in the last quarter of 1896 raised the death-roll -of that year to 50 and increased the number of admissions to hospital by -nearly 300. The experience of 1897 was worse. Eighty-two men died, of -whom fifty-two were plague-victims: recruiting for the force entirely -ceased. More than 3,000 admissions to hospital were recorded, some of -the constables being obliged to undergo treatment there three or four -times during the year. To make up in some degree for the deficit, the -Commissioner was obliged to take men from the Ramoshi force, which -supplies night-guards to shops and offices and is paid by the employers. -Many of these semi-official watchmen also succumbed. Several years -elapsed before the police-force recovered from the effects of the early -years of the plague, when the loss of physical power of resistance to the -disease, engendered by continuous overwork, was aggravated by the lack of -commodious and sanitary lines and barracks. Those who, like the author, -can recall the panic which prevailed in those years, and who day by day -and night after night saw the sky above the Queen’s road crimson with the -glow of the funeral-pyres in the Hindu burning-ground, will not grudge -a tribute of praise to the Indian constables who went about their work -unflinchingly, while men were dying around them in hundreds and their own -caste-fellows in the factories and the docks were flying from the scourge -to their homes in the Deccan and the Konkan. - -In 1893 occurred numerous strikes of mill-hands, which interfered to -some extent with the ordinary work of the police and caused loss to the -textile industry. But these outbreaks were trivial by comparison with -the grave Hindu-Muhammadan riots, which broke out on August 11th in that -year and afforded startling evidence of the deep sectarian antagonism -which underlies the apparently calm surface of Indian social life and -may at any moment burst forth in fury. The predisposing cause of the -disturbance must be sought in the rioting which had occurred earlier -in the year at Prabhas Patan in Kathiawar during the celebration of -the Muharram, when a Muhammadan mob had destroyed temples and murdered -several Hindus. For a fortnight or more before the outbreak of violence -in Bombay, agitators had been at work among the more fanatical elements -of the population and were assisted by leading Hindus, who convened -large mass-meetings to denounce the authors of the outrages at Prabhas -Patan. This agitation aroused intense irritation, which was aggravated -by the persistent demand of the Hindus that the killing of cows, and -even of sheep and goats, should be prohibited by Government. The Moslem -population became fairly persuaded that the Hindus had the sympathy of -the authorities and that their religion was in danger. They determined to -rise _en masse_ in its defence. - -Shortly after midday on Friday, August 11th, a large Muhammadan -congregation emerged from the Jama Masjid and amid cries of _Din, -Din_ (“the Faith”) commenced to attack an important Hindu temple in -Hanuman Lane. The more respectable Moslem worshippers took no part in -this attempt to desecrate the temple and held aloof from all violence. -But the low-class mob, which was constantly reinforced, took control -of the neighbourhood for the time being. Mr. Vincent had foreseen the -possibility of an attack upon the Hanuman Lane temple and had kept a -large proportion of his force on duty up to 3 a.m. on Friday morning—a -precaution which resulted in postponing the rising of the mob for a few -hours. When the disturbance began, all but a small body of European and -Indian police had been withdrawn for a much-needed rest, and it fell to -the lot of these few men to hold the rioters in check, until the arrival -of reinforcements drove the mob from the temple. Meanwhile the spirit -of revenge spread rapidly, and within a short time the whole of Parel, -Kamathipura, Grant road, Mazagon and Tank Bandar were given over to -mob-law. - -The tumult was enormous. The Muhammadans attacked every Hindu they -met; the Hindus retaliated; and then both sides rounded on the police. -Stones and _lathis_ (iron-shod bamboo cudgels) were the rioters’ chief -weapons, and they were used with murderous effect. Little care was taken -by the Muhammadans to confine their attacks to the enemies of the Faith. -Peaceful wayfarers were brutally assaulted; tram-cars and carriages -were murderously stoned; post-office vans were attacked; messengers -carrying money were savagely beaten and openly robbed. The crowds, -raging from street to street, demolished Hindu temples, and dragged out -and desecrated the idols in the most obscene and shameful manner. The -_Chilli-chors_ or Musalman drivers of public conveyances, most of whom -hail from the Palanpur State in Kathiawar, stormed the Hindu quarter -of Kumbharwada, while the Julhais or Muhammadan weavers from upper -India attacked the Pardeshi Hindu milk-merchants and set fire to the -milch-cattle stables in Agripada. All business was perforce suspended and -the whole city was thrown into the greatest consternation. - -Noting the rapid spread of the disorder, Mr. Vincent applied early for -military assistance with a view to restricting the area of rioting. At -4 p.m. two companies of the Marine Battalion under Colonel Shortland -marched into the City and were followed in quick succession by the 10th -Regiment N. I. under Colonel Forjett, son of Mr. Charles Forjett, by the -Royal Lancashires under Colonel Ryley, and by a battery of Artillery. -The Bombay Volunteer Artillery under Major Roughton and the Bombay Light -Horse under Lieutenant Cuffe were also called out. The Government sent -reinforcements of British and Indian troops from Poona, and detachments -of armed police were also drafted into Bombay from Thana and other -districts. The troops, which numbered three thousand with two guns, were -under the orders of General Budgen. Eighteen European citizens were -appointed Special Magistrates to assist the Presidency Magistrates, Mr. -Cooper and Mr. Webb, who were on duty in the streets night and day. The -Municipal Commissioner, Mr. H. A. Acworth, and the Health Officer, Dr. -Weir, made strenuous efforts to prevent the interruption of the sanitary -service of the city, which in some wards temporarily broke down, and of -the daily supply of food to the markets. One serious feature of the early -part of the disturbance was the refusal of the butchers at Bandora to -slaughter any cattle, and it needed prompt and tactful action on the part -of Mr. Douglas Bennett, superintendent of municipal markets, to overcome -their contumacy. - -The troops were posted in various parts of the city and were forced to -open fire on several occasions owing to the defiant attitude of the -mob, which was being constantly reinforced. A notable instance occurred -at the well-known Sulliman Chauki in Grant road, where a detachment of -native infantry was so furiously attacked that it had to fire several -times to avoid being overwhelmed by the rioters. Despite these measures, -the rioting and looting continued on August 12th in all parts of the -city, and many murders and assaults occurred also on the 13th. From the -evening of the latter date, however, tranquillity gradually supervened, -and eventually the efforts of the authorities, aided by the prominent -men of both communities, effected a reconciliation between the excited -belligerents. - -The effects of the outbreak were for the time being serious. All business -in the City was suspended for nearly ten days, and fifty thousand people, -chiefly women and children, fled from Bombay to their homes up-country. -About one hundred persons were killed, and nearly 800 were wounded, -during the progress of the rioting, while the loss of property was -enormous. The damage done to Hindu temples and Moslem mosques amounted -respectively to Rs. 51,300 and Rs. 23,200, exclusive of the property -stolen from them, which was estimated to be worth nearly 2 lakhs of -rupees. During and for a few days after the disturbances, when the -police were fully occupied in efforts to restore order and in prosecuting -fifteen hundred persons arrested during the rioting, a great many cases -of robbery, house-trespass and theft occurred, which, though registered -by the police, could not be investigated and were never brought to court. - -The second serious outbreak occurred in the last year of Mr. Vincent’s -term of office, and was due directly to the hostility of the public to -the measures adopted by Government for combating the plague. The Julhais, -or Jolahas, professional hand-weavers from the United Provinces, who -have for many years formed a colony in the streets and lanes adjoining -Ripon road, compose one of the most ignorant and fanatical sections of -Muhammadans. The trouble commenced on March 9, 1898, with an attempt by -a party of plague-searchers to remove a sufferer from a Julhai house in -Ripon cross road. The Julhais in a body took alarm, seized their _lathis_ -and any weapon that came to hand, and attacked a body of police who had -been sent to keep order and protect the plague-authorities. The position -rapidly became serious; and as the mob refused to disperse and showed -signs of increasing violence, the third Presidency Magistrate, Mr. P. H. -Dastur, who had been summoned to the spot and had himself been slightly -wounded by a stone, ordered the police to fire. This served for the -moment to disperse the Julhai mob. But in a very short time the disorder -spread to Bellasis, Duncan, Babula Tank, Grant, Parel, Falkland and Foras -roads, where many Hindus were celebrating the last day of the annual -Holi festival by idling and drinking. The rioters tried to set fire to -the plague hospitals; murdered two English soldiers of the Shropshire -Regiment in Grant road; burned down the gallows-screen near the jail; -and tried to destroy the fire-brigade station in Babula Tank road. On -this occasion also the Muhammadan butchers at the Bandora slaughter-house -refused to do their work, but were eventually forced to remain on duty -by Mr. Douglas Bennett, who hurried to Bandora with a small body of -native infantry and taught the refractory a sound lesson. An unpleasant -feature of the rioting was the attacks by the mob on isolated Europeans, -several of whom were protected in the pluckiest manner by Indians of -the lower classes. The outbreak was quickly quelled by military, naval -and volunteer forces, who were wisely called out on the first sign of -trouble. By the following day peace was restored. The casualties were -officially stated to be 19 killed and 42 wounded, and the police arrested -247 persons for rioting, of whom 205 were convicted and sentenced to -varying terms of imprisonment. - -The Hindu-Muhammadan riots of 1893 were directly responsible for the -establishment in Western India of the annual _public_ celebrations in -honour of the Hindu god Ganpati, which subsequently developed into one -of the chief features of the anti-British revolutionary movement in -India.[109] The riots left behind them a bitter legacy of sectarian -rancour, which Bal Gangadhar Tilak utilized for broadening his new -anti-British movement, by enlisting in its support the ancient Hindu -antagonism to Islam. “He not only convoked popular meetings in which -his fiery eloquence denounced the Muhammadans as the sworn foes of -Hinduism, but he started an organization known as the “Anti-Cow-Killing -Society,” which was intended and regarded as a direct provocation to the -Muhammadans, who, like ourselves, think it no sacrilege to eat beef.” As -his propaganda grew, assuming steadily a more anti-British character, -Tilak decided to invest it with a definitely religious sanction, by -placing it under the special patronage of the elephant-headed god Ganesh -or Ganpati. In order to widen the breach between Hindus and Muhammadans, -he and his co-agitators determined to organize annual festivals in -honour of the god on the lines which had become familiar in the annual -Muhammadan celebration of the Muharram. Their object was to make the -procession, in which the god is borne to his final resting-place in the -water, as offensive as possible to Moslem feelings by imitating closely -the Muharram procession, when the _tazias_ and _tabuts_, representing the -tombs of the martyrs at Kerbela, are immersed in the river or sea. - -Accordingly, on the approach of the Ganpati festival in September, 1894, -Tilak and his party inaugurated a _Sarvajanik Ganpati_ or public Ganpati -celebration, providing for the worship of the god in places accessible -to the public (it had till then been a domestic ceremony), and arranging -that the images of Ganpati should have their _melas_ or groups of -attendants, like the Musalman _tolis_ attending upon the _tabuts_. The -members of these _melas_ were trained in the art of fencing with sticks -and other physical exercises. During the ten days of the festival, bands -of young Hindus gave theatrical performances and sang religious songs, -in which the legends of Hindu mythology were skilfully exploited to -arouse hatred of the “foreigner,” the word _mlenccha_ or “foreigner” -being applied equally to Europeans and Muhammadans. As the movement grew, -leaflets were circulated, urging the Marathas to rebel as Shivaji did, -and declaring that a religious outbreak should be the first step towards -the overthrow of an alien power. As may be imagined, these Ganpati -processions, which took place on the tenth day of the festival, were -productive of much tumult and were well calculated to promote affrays -with the Muhammadans and the police. A striking instance occurred in -Poona, where a mela of 70 Hindus deliberately outraged Moslem sentiment -by playing music and brawling outside a mosque during the hour of prayer. - -These celebrations helped to intensify Tilak’s seditious propaganda; -and although they are barely mentioned in the annual reports of the -Police Commissioner, they had become firmly established in Bombay -and other places by the date of Mr. Vincent’s retirement, and were -destined to impose a heavy burden of extra work on the police-force -for several years to come. At the present date the public celebration -of the _Ganesh Chaturthi_ still takes place and necessitates special -traffic arrangements, when the crowds pour out of the city to immerse the -clay-images of the god in Back Bay. But the more disturbing political -features of the festival have gradually disappeared. This change may -be held to date roughly from Tilak’s second trial for sedition and -conviction in 1908, which dealt a severe blow to the seditious side of -the movement. A few _melas_ appeared in the following years; but the -strength of the movement was broken by the incarceration of the leader of -the Extremists and by judicious action on the part of the divisional and -detective police. - -This brief record of the period 1893 to 1898 will suffice to show that -any improvement in the prevention and detection of crime, which might -have been expected to follow on the increase in the numbers of the -police force, was largely discounted by outbreaks of disorder and by the -prevalence of a disastrous epidemic. With his police constantly being -summoned to assist in plague-operations of a difficult character, and -being forced in consequence of overwork and illness to seek constant -treatment in hospital, the Commissioner was scarcely able to insist upon -a standard of police-work suitable to normal times. In spite, however, of -these difficulties and of additional work of a novel character arising -out of the gradual spread of the anti-British revolutionary movement, the -Bombay police under Mr. Vincent’s control contrived to achieve reasonable -success in their dealings with the criminal elements of the population, -and set an example of adherence to duty under very trying conditions -which earned more than once the express approbation of the Bombay -Government. - -[Illustration: MR. HARTLEY KENNEDY - -[Photograph taken 20 years after retirement]] - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -MR. HARTLEY KENNEDY, C.S.I. - -1899-1901 - - -When Mr. Vincent left India at the end of 1898, to spend the remainder -of his days in Switzerland, he was succeeded by Mr. Hartley Kennedy of -the Bombay District Police. Mr. Kennedy took charge of the Commissioner’s -office on January 9th, 1899. Like his predecessor, he had to reckon -with the continued presence of plague, and also with the effect upon -the urban police administration of severe famine in various districts -of the Presidency. These natural disasters synchronized with a severe -slump in the Bombay textile industry, due chiefly to over-production and -the consequent glutting of the China market, which at that date absorbed -the bulk of the Bombay mill-products. According to a leading mill-owner, -the industry in 1899 was in a most critical position; nearly all the -mills were closed on three days in the week, and some had altogether -ceased working. A strike of mill-hands was threatened, which the Police -were called upon, and managed, to settle before it came to a head. The -position of affairs in 1901 was very little better. - -The police were thus faced with an abnormal volume of crime resulting -from disease, starvation and unemployment. In 1899 two real dacoities -of the type common in up-country districts, perpetrated probably by -Pardesis from Northern India, occurred in the suburbs and obliged the -Commissioner to establish night-patrols of mounted and foot police in -the north of the Island. The following year witnessed a marked increase -of crime against property, resulting from high prices and unemployment. -Famine-conditions were responsible for an abnormal number of cases of -exposure of infants in 1899 and for many instances of robbery by means -of _dhatura_ poisoning in 1900. But, apart from these temporary symptoms -of economic disorder, the last decade of the nineteenth century witnessed -a steady increase of cases of all kinds under the Indian Penal Code -and miscellaneous laws. Cases under the Police Act would probably have -shown a similar upward tendency, but for the fact that prosecutions were -purposely avoided, in deference to the reluctance of the Presidency -Magistrates to convict offenders on the sole evidence of police -witnesses. It has always been difficult to find private persons willing -to appear in court and give evidence in such matters. - -As in most parts of India, the number of false complaints brought to the -police was considerable, many of these cases falling within the category -of “maliciously false”. The Commissioner estimated the proportion of -false to true cases in 1900 at one in 375. The false complaint, supported -by false evidence, has been a feature of the criminal administration of -India from early days and adequately explains the reason why Europeans -have always clung so strenuously to the right, secured to them by the -criminal law, of being tried by a jury containing a majority of their -own countrymen. It is the only safeguard they possess against false -prosecution and illegal conviction. Some such protection for the European -minority is essential in a country, where the administration of justice -by Indian courts has not reached so high and detached a level as it has -in England. - -The year 1901 was prolific of murders, twenty-one cases being -investigated by the police. Among the chief _causes célèbres_ was the -murder in the streets by followers of H. H. the Aga Khan of certain -Khojas belonging to the Asna Ashariya section, which had announced its -determination to secede from the main body of Khojas. The precise reason -for the murders is unknown. They may have been decided upon by one of -the factions as a protest against the constant absences of H. H. the -Aga Khan, or on the other hand may have been intended by the party -which supported His Highness as a celebration of his safe return from -abroad. Faction feeling in the community was at the time running high, -and the more fanatical of the Aga Khan’s followers were incensed with -those Khojas who were disinclined to subscribe blindly to the opinions -on communal matters held by the more conservative section. His Highness -himself, who happened to be in Europe on one of his periodical visits, -had no knowledge whatever of the murder-plot; otherwise his influence -would certainly have been directed towards restraining the fury of his -Ismailia followers. He himself was much perturbed by the tragedy and gave -Mr. Kennedy every assistance in the enquiry which followed. The three -victims were stabbed to death in the streets, almost at the moment of his -arrival, and the police found their time fully occupied in trying to calm -the passions thus aroused. The murders produced such rancour between the -Ismailia and the Asna Ashariya Khojas that, for many years afterwards, -the police were obliged to prohibit the funerals of the latter passing -through the recognized Khoja quarters to their separate grave-yard in -Mazagon. It was not until 1913 that the Commissioner found himself -justified in relaxing the more stringent precautions, owing to the -passage of time and the prevalence of a better feeling between the two -sections of Khojas. The knives, with which the murders were committed, -were preserved for many years in one of the lockers in the inner room -of the Commissioner’s office, and were handed over to the Criminal -Investigation Department as an exhibit for the museum, when that branch -was reorganized in 1910. - -Most of the crime in respect of property was, as usual, committed by -Mhar and Mang robbers from the Deccan, by the Wagris or gipsy tribes, by -professional thieves and beggars from Kathiawar, and by north-country -Hindus and Pathans. Bombay has a large floating population of these -wanderers, who visit the city for criminal purposes, and, having attained -their object, travel to other parts of India, where all trace of them is -frequently lost. Among cases of special importance were the prosecutions -of two licensed dealers in arms and ammunition in 1899, a “golden -gang” or swindling case in which a respectable Indian firm was cheated -of Rs. 63,000, and which was successfully investigated by Inspector -(afterwards Superintendent) Sloane, and the conviction for sedition of -the editor of a vernacular newspaper, the _Gurakhi_, which, as an organ -of the revolutionary party in Western India, had indulged in violent -anti-British propaganda. The effect of plague and famine conditions upon -the activities of the police was apparent in the returns of recovery -of stolen property; and their normal duty of watch and ward suffered -also to some extent from the imposition of such emergent tasks as the -registration, accommodation, feeding and repatriation of a large number -of war-refugees who arrived from the Transvaal in 1899. The restrictions -upon the Haj traffic continued; but this did not absolve the police -from the task of “shepherding” large numbers of returning pilgrims—the -backwash of former pilgrimages—or of repatriating hundreds of poor and -illiterate Moslems, who, knowing nothing of the stoppage of the traffic, -arrived every year in Bombay in the hope of being allowed to embark for -Jeddah. - -The total strength of the police-force remained unaltered during Mr. -Kennedy’s term of office. Including the constables attached to the -Veterinary Department, the force numbered 2118. The annual cost, -however, had increased in 1900 to Rs. 792,959, in consequence of extra -allowances and contingencies. These charges were met partly from -imperial, partly from provincial, and partly from municipal and other -revenues. The municipal contribution was recovered under section 62 of -Bombay Act III of 1888, and continued to be so till 1907, when under -the provisions of Bombay Act III of that year the Government became -responsible for the whole cost of the force. Besides the police-force -proper, the Commissioner recruited and controlled a force of 1048 -Ramoshis or night-watchmen, whose wages, as previously mentioned, were -recovered from the individuals and firms employing their services. The -Ramoshis as a class were not very satisfactory; and though nominally -under the supervision of the police-officers of the division or section -in which their post lay, there was really no one to see whether they -kept awake at night and really did their duty. Had there been any proper -and comprehensive beat-system for the divisional constabulary, such as -there is in London, the existence of a Ramoshi force would have been -quite unnecessary: but the total number of police-constables was never -sufficient to admit of the introduction of such a system. - -For administrative purposes, Bombay was composed in 1899 of the eleven -police divisions mentioned below, which were sub-divided into sections -or areas controlled by a “police-station”. The staff of a station -comprised usually an European inspector and sub-inspector and a number of -subordinate native officers (jemadar, havildar, naik) and constables. - - +----------+-----------------------------------------------+ - | Division | Sections | - +----------+-----------------------------------------------+ - | A | Fort | - | B | Umarkhadi, Market, Mandvi | - | C | Bhuleshwar, Nal Bazar, Dhobi Talao | - | D | Girgaum, Khetwadi, Mahalakshmi and Walkeshwar | - | E | Byculla, Mazagon, Kamathipura | - | F | Dadar, Sewri, Matunga, Parel | - | G | Worli, Mahim | - | H and I | Harbour and Docks | - | K | Detective Branch | - | L | Reserve (Armed and unarmed) | - +----------+-----------------------------------------------+ - -Housing-accommodation was provided for only about one-tenth of the -force. The Head Police Office at Crawford Market, which Colonel Wilson -had so often asked for, was completed and occupied in 1899, and lines -for 120 men had been built on the western boundary of the parade-ground -adjacent to the Gokuldas Tejpal hospital. Stabling for twenty horses -of the mounted police was also built, the main body of the mounted -police being accommodated in the old Government House Bodyguard lines at -Byculla. With the exception of the 200 men or so, who occupied the old -police-lines in Byculla and the newly-erected quarters in the compound of -the Head Police Office, the whole force was living in hired rooms of an -undesirable and insanitary type in various parts of the city. The monthly -house-allowance paid to constables barely sufficed to pay the rents of -their squalid rooms, while in the case of the European officers it was -quite insufficient to secure proper accommodation. The difficulty was -acute in the A. division (Fort and Colaba), where suitable residential -accommodation was extremely limited and fetched a high rent. To anyone, -like the author of this book, who has seen the very unsuitable quarters -in which most of the European and Indian police were obliged to reside -at the beginning of the present century, it will always be a matter of -surprise that the force accomplished as much as it did and that the -death-roll among both Europeans and Indians was not far heavier. Even -the comparatively modern buildings at Bazar Gate and Paidhoni left much -to be desired in the way of reasonable space and ordinary comfort. The -occupants of the Paidhoni station, which mounts guard over a crowded -lower-class neighbourhood, possessed the additional disadvantage of an -atmosphere heavy with the smells and miasmata of an Eastern city. It says -much for the _dura ilia_ of the British soldiers recruited for the Bombay -police force that so many of them were able to live and carry on their -work in these conditions without a permanent loss of health. - -The reiterated complaints of successive Commissioners had impressed upon -the Bombay Government the need for the proper housing of the force. But -their wishes were dependent upon the state of the provincial exchequer, -which after several years of plague and a series of disastrous famines -was quite unable to provide money for police-accommodation schemes. A -solution of the difficulty was, however, secured by the passing of Act IV -of 1898 (City Improvement Trust Act), under the provisions of which the -newly-constituted Trust could be called upon by the Government to build -quarters and barracks for the police in various parts of the Island. -By 1901 the Government had already formulated their first demands, -and the engineers of the Trust were preparing plans and schemes for -police stations, quarters and lines, in Colaba, Princess Street (a new -street-scheme of the Trust), Nagpada and Agripada and in other crowded -localities. These buildings took many years to complete, and some of -them in the northern suburbs had not been commenced in 1916. But the -first step towards a comprehensive solution of the grave problem of -police-accommodation was taken during Mr. Kennedy’s _régime_, when the -City Improvement Trust assumed the task which the Government with the -best will in the world, found themselves quite unable to fulfil. - -Though his period of office was not long, Mr. Kennedy left his mark -upon the police administration, and there are persons still alive who -remember the energy and activity with which he tackled some of the evils -of urban life. He was a sworn foe of gambling in any form, and had barely -gripped the reins of office ere he commenced an offensive against the -bagatelle-players, the cardsharpers and the dice-gamblers of the lower -quarters. The divisional police learned to their cost that it did not pay -to wink at gaming, and that the Commissioner, working through private -agents of his own, possessed an uncomfortably accurate knowledge of what -was going on in various quarters of the city. The performances of one -of his chief informers are still within the recollection of the oldest -members of the force and of some of the superannuated gamblers of the -old B. and C. divisions. The immediate result of Mr. Kennedy’s action -was a large increase of cases under the Gambling Act, sixty prosecutions -being launched in the year 1900 alone. The effect of these prosecutions, -however, was minimised by the Magistrates’ practice of imposing merely a -fine on conviction. Such fines acted as very little deterrent to men who -dealt week by week with comparatively large sums of money. In the case of -the most inveterate gamblers a short term of imprisonment would probably -have had a more salutary effect. - -Another problem, which occupied Mr. Kennedy’s attention, was that of -the beggars who infest Bombay. They comprised not only the thousands -of able-bodied religious mendicants, who form an integral feature -of Hinduism and are largely protected from official action by the -religious atmosphere surrounding them, but also the still larger class -of professional beggars of every sect, who descend on the city like -locusts from the rural districts and do not hesitate, as opportunity -occurs, to commit crime. In 1899 Mr. Kennedy raised the question of the -best method of dealing with the latter class, and pointed out that daily -prosecution, followed by the imposition of a small fine, failed entirely -to effect any amelioration of the evil. He therefore decided on more -drastic measures. In 1900 he deported 9,000 beggars to the territories -of Indian Princes and 10,000 to various districts in British India. This -wholesale expulsion caused a temporary improvement in the condition of -the streets. But such deportations, to be really effective, must be -carried on ruthlessly year by year; and methods would have to be adopted -to penalise beggars of an undesirable type, who dared to return after -deportation. Mr. Kennedy’s action was not pursued by his successors, -and the beggar-nuisance consequently continued unabated. In 1920 it -had become so intolerable that a special committee of Government and -Municipal representatives was appointed to study the problem in all its -bearings and devise measures for its solution. - -In the matter of the immoral traffic in women Mr. Kennedy displayed -equal activity and achieved more success. The foreign pimp and procurer, -who swooped down at intervals upon Bombay to acquaint himself with the -demand for fresh women and to relieve the European prostitutes of their -earnings, met with no mercy at his hands. He used the provisions of the -Aliens Act freely against them, deporting 30 of them in 1900 and 37 in -1901. Officers of the detective branch were entrusted specially with the -duty of watching the European brothels, meeting the steamers of foreign -shipping-companies, and marking down every Jewish trafficker who showed -his nose in Bombay. It is only quite recently that the Indian Government, -in response to domestic and international opinion, have strengthened -the provisions of the Foreigners Act, in order to give the police in -Bombay and other large maritime cities more effective control over these -disreputable and degraded persons: and as a result of the pressure of -public opinion, endorsed by the League of Nations, the activities of the -international trafficker are more restricted and more easily controlled -than they were at the close of the nineteenth century. It is much to Mr. -Kennedy’s credit that, working with the unamended Act, he was able in -two years to secure a definite reduction in the number of professional -traffickers visiting Bombay. - -He paid constant attention also to the offence of kidnapping or procuring -minor Indian girls for immoral purposes. It is well known that both Hindu -and Muhammadan recruits for the prostitutes’ profession are obtained -from among the illegitimate children of courtesans, or from among female -children adopted by prostitutes, or thirdly, by purchase from agents -who travel throughout Gujarat, Central India, Rajputana and other -districts, picking up superfluous and unwanted girls of tender age for a -small sum, sometimes as little as Rs. 5 or Rs. 6, and then selling them -at a profit to brothel-keepers in the large cities and towns. Leaving -out of consideration the custom, prevalent among Maratha Kunbis and -Mhars, of dedicating their female children to the god Khandoba, which in -practice condemns the girls to a life of prostitution, and the customs -of degraded nomadic tribes like the Kolhatis, Dombars, Harnis, Berads -and Mang Garudas, who habitually prostitute their girls, it may be said -that among the lower social strata in India female life is held very -cheap. A daughter is apt to be regarded rather as a domestic calamity, -owing largely to the heavy expense usually involved in getting her -married. Cases therefore often occur of young girls being abandoned by -their relatives, who are unable to provide the funds required for their -regular betrothal; and these little derelicts sometimes drift into -brothels, where they are fed, clothed and taught singing and dancing -until they reach puberty, when the brothel-keeper arranges to sell their -first favours for a round sum to some well-to-do libertine. Muhammadan -prostitutes, who are numerous throughout India and range from the inmate -of the low-class brothel to the wealthy courtesan, who earns a high fee -for her singing, occupies well-furnished quarters, and drives in her own -motor-car or carriage, are recruited in the same way. In one case, which -occurred a few years ago, a lower class Moplah of the Malabar coast, -having borrowed money at a high rate of interest to provide dowries for -his two elder daughters and being unable to raise any further sum for his -third daughter’s betrothal, sold her outright to a Bombay brothel-keeper -for Rs. 40. The girl was about eight years of age when she entered -the brothel, and by the age of thirteen she was helping to support -her worthless father and two young brothers out of her earnings as a -prostitute. - -Mr. Kennedy also pointed out to Government that year by year “scores -of young girls,” belonging chiefly to Gujarat and Kathiawar, were -either picked off the streets by native pimps of both sexes or were, as -mentioned above, brought down from rural areas by regular traffickers and -sold to the local brothel-keepers for sums ranging from Rs. 10 to Rs. 50. -In many cases the police rescued these waifs and restored them to their -homes: but they could not make much headway against a system which had -attained such large proportions. Moreover, in addition to the difficulty -of tracing the girls’ relatives in a country like India, their task was -not rendered easier by the absence of any strong public opinion against -such practices, and by the non-existence of properly organized orphanages -and homes. In several instances girls were discovered prostituting -themselves under compulsion from a male “bully” or female brothel-keeper; -and in such cases, as well as in cases of kidnapping, every effort was -made by the police, under Mr. Kennedy’s orders, to arrest the offenders -and bring them to trial. Wherever it was impossible to secure the -conviction of an offender under the Indian Penal Code, Mr. Kennedy had -resort to the provisions of Chapter VIII of the Criminal Procedure Code. -Here he met with more success than his predecessor, who, as already -mentioned, complained that the Magistrates required evidence under that -chapter which it was extremely difficult to procure. Mr. Kennedy found in -Chapter VIII, C. P. C. an invaluable weapon against “bullies” and other -bad characters of the same type, whom it was inexpedient or impossible -to charge with an offence under the Penal Code; and the Magistrates -showed no objection whatever to supporting the action of the police in -such cases. Thus for three years a very wholesome check was placed upon -this deplorable traffic, at a time when there was little articulate -Indian opinion to support the activity of the Commissioner. It was not -till twelve or thirteen years later that the Indian Government was -invited to consider Bills introduced by non-official Indian members of -the Legislature, designed to check or suppress both the immigration of -European unfortunates and the _swadeshi_ traffic in minor Indian girls. - -Mr. Kennedy’s personal activities during the earlier months of his -Commissionership were to some extent reminiscent of the methods of Mr. -Forjett. He is said to have sometimes assumed a disguise—the full-dress -of an Arab or the _burka_ or covering of a Musalman _pardah-nashin_,—and -thus attired to have wandered about the city after nightfall in company -with one of his agents. He would pay surprise visits in this way to -various police-stations and _chaukis_, in order to discover at first -hand what sort of work his European and native officers were doing; -and all ranks learned to fear the consequences of their negligence or -other shortcomings being discovered by the Commissioner and performed -their duties with greater caution and zeal. He made himself feared by -the evil-doer and the lazy, who tried occasionally to forestall him by -obtaining previous information of his nocturnal visitations. They met, -however, with little success; the Commissioner was more than a match -for them. These constant surprise visits during 1899 and 1900 enabled -him to keep his finger on the pulse of the city and to checkmate the -criminal on several occasions. During the greater part of his term of -office, however, an injury to one of his ankles, which produced a limp, -practically deprived him of the power to pass unnoticed in disguise. -The lower classes thenceforth knew him as _Langada Kandi Saheb_, i.e. -‘the lame Mr. Kennedy’, and he is thus spoken of to this day by the old -law-breakers and disreputables who recollect his efforts to bring them to -book. - -Short as was his tenure of the Commissioner’s appointment, Mr. Kennedy -managed to inspire the unworthy, whether belonging to the police-force -or to the lower-class urban population, with a wholesome fear of -retribution; and he spared no effort to tighten up the divisional police -administration to discover by personal inquiry the character of his -subordinates, and to place a check upon immorality. The discipline which -he inculcated in the police force was evident at the census of 1901, -when, in response to the request of the census authorities for assistance -in enumerating the large cosmopolitan population of the city, he placed -his European police officers in charge of the census-sections, directed -the Sirdar Mir Abdul Ali to secure the co-operation of the leaders of -the various sections and castes among the lower classes, and made the -divisional police responsible on the actual night of the census for -counting the large army of homeless and wandering people, who are a -permanent feature of the capital of Western India. Mr. Lovat Fraser, then -editor of the _Times of India_, wrote a graphic account in his paper of -this “Counting by Candle-light”, and paid a tribute to the thoroughness -of the census organization. The author of this book, who happened to -be in charge of the urban census, under the orders of the Provincial -Superintendent, Mr. R. E. Enthoven, can testify truly that his plans -for the enumeration could not have been successful without the active -assistance of a police-force inspired by its chief with a high standard -of efficiency. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -MR. H. G. GELL, M.V.O. - -1902-1909 - - -When Mr. Kennedy left Bombay on furlough preparatory to retirement, his -place was taken by Mr. Herbert G. Gell, who had held the substantive -appointment of Deputy Commissioner since 1884, and on three occasions -had acted for short periods as Commissioner. “Jel Saheb,” as the Indian -constables called him, was thus no stranger to the police-force or to -Bombay, when he took charge of the Commissioner’s office. So far as -personal popularity with all classes was concerned, the Government could -not have made a happier selection. In his younger days Mr. Gell had been -a good cricketer and the best racket-player in Bombay; and while this -counted in his favour chiefly with his own countrymen, his genial address -and straight-forwardness commended themselves equally to Europeans and -Indians. During his term of office, which lasted a little more than seven -years, he was granted furlough twice—in 1904 when Mr. Michael Kennedy, -afterwards Inspector-General of Police, Bombay Presidency, carried on his -duties, and again in 1906 when Mr. W. L. B. Souter, a son of Sir Frank -Souter, acted as _locum tenens_. During Mr. Gell’s first year of office, -the Deputy Commissioner’s post was filled by Superintendent J. Crummy, a -good police officer of the old type, who joined the force as a constable -in 1866 and finally retired from the service in 1903. He was succeeded -by Mr. R. P. Lambert (1903-1905), Mr. Reinold, who died prematurely, and -Mr. R. M. Phillips (1905-09), all of whom belonged to the Imperial Indian -Police service. - -[Illustration: MR. H. G. GELL] - -The years of Mr. Gell’s administration were fraught with anxiety and -difficulties of various kinds. Social and semi-political events like -the festivities in connexion with the Coronation of King Edward VII -and the visit of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught in 1903, the arrival -of the Prince and Princess of Wales in 1905, and the visit of the Amir -Habibullah of Afghanistan in 1907, imposed much extra work upon the -force. On the whole, however, they probably caused the Commissioner less -real anxiety than the Muharram riots of 1904, the Bombay Postal strike of -1906, the mill-hand strikes of 1907 and 1908, the serious Tilak riots of -1908, and last but not least the strike of the Bombay Indian constabulary -in 1907. Besides these symptoms of local discontent, the Commissioner -and his somewhat old-fashioned detective agency had to grapple with a -constantly growing stream of enquiries, reports and references, arising -out of the spread of the dangerous Indian revolutionary movement, which -was partly fostered and directed by men of extreme views living in France -and America. - -The baneful activities of Krishnavarma and the India House in London, of -the brothers Savarkar, of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in the Deccan, and of the -anarchists of Bengal, had many ramifications in India, and, coupled with -the malignant incitements to sedition disseminated by certain vernacular -newspapers, imposed a large burden of confidential and secret work upon -the various provincial and urban police-forces. Some of these were but -poorly equipped to cope with this secret menace to the State. Bombay -from its proximity to the Deccan, which was the focus of intrigue in -western India, and from its position as the chief port of arrival from -Europe, had an important part to play in the official struggle against -the revolutionary movement. The difficulties which beset Mr. Gell’s -administration resulted largely from the fact that he was working with -a machine designed for dealing mainly with ordinary urban crime against -person and property, and numerically inadequate even for that purpose. -A thorough reorganization in respect of personnel, numbers and pay was -required to render the Bombay police force capable of dealing effectively -with the problems of the early years of the twentieth century. - -The total numbers of the force in 1902 were 2,126 and the annual cost Rs. -773,580. The numbers remained practically stationary during Mr. Gell’s -_régime_, despite a great expansion of the residential area and a steady -increase of population during the first decade of the present century. -The prolonged visitation of the plague led many of the richer Indian -merchants to forsake their old family-houses in the crowded and low-lying -parts of the city and to seek a new domicile on Malabar and Cumballa -hills, which had previously been occupied almost wholly by European -residents. Many of the less well-to-do citizens sought new quarters in -the empty areas (the F and G divisions) in the north of the Island. The -Commissioner drew the attention of Government in 1903 to the alterations -which were taking place in Mahim, Sion, Matunga, Naigaon and adjacent -parts, and emphasized the consequent need of more police for watch and -ward. His view was corroborated by the census taken by the Municipal -Health authorities in 1906, which showed that the total population of -Bombay had increased by more than 200,000 since 1901, the increase being -general over all sections of the City and Island. In the light of these -facts a revision of the police establishment was obviously necessary, and -but for two events of primary importance it would probably have taken -the form of spasmodic increments to the existing strength and small -enhancements in the salaries and allowances of the constabulary. - -The first important event was the publication in 1905 of the report of -the Police Commission appointed by Lord Curzon and presided over by -Sir Andrew Frazer. Of the Indian police service generally the report -was highly condemnatory, declaring it to be ‘far from efficient ... -defective in training and organization ... inadequately supervised -... and generally regarded as corrupt and oppressive.’ Though these -strictures referred chiefly to the district police forces of the various -provinces, it was admitted that the police organization of the large -cities required considerable overhauling. The Commissioners of Police in -Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were therefore instructed to submit proposals -for a thorough reorganization, based _mutatis mutandis_ upon the broad -lines laid down by the Police Commission. Owing to pressure of work and -other reasons Mr. Gell did not submit his proposals for reform for more -than two years after the publication of the report of Sir A. Frazer’s -Commission, and when they eventually reached the Bombay Government, -the latter found it impossible to accept them. Moreover, circumstances -connected with the outbreak and handling of the Tilak riots of July, -1908, led Government to believe that the police force needed a far more -comprehensive reorganization than was contemplated by the Commissioner. - -In September, 1908, therefore, the Governor, Sir George Clarke, -(afterwards Lord Sydenham) appointed a special committee of three -officials—Mr. (afterwards Sir William) Morison of the Indian Civil -Service, Mr. S. M. Edwardes, also a member of the I. C. S., and Mr. -Pheroze H. Dastur, 2nd Presidency Magistrate—to scrutinize Mr. Gell’s -proposals, to take any evidence that might seem necessary, and finally -to submit detailed proposals for the numerical strength, pay and duties -of the various branches of the Police force. This committee held several -meetings in September and October, examined the Commissioner, Deputy -Commissioner and other members of the force, as well as certain leading -citizens, and submitted its report at the end of October, 1908. The -policy and proposals therein advocated met with the approval of the -Bombay Government; but the further step of introducing the changes in -the constitution of the force thereby involved, was not undertaken until -after Mr. Gell’s departure on leave in 1909. The broad details of the -scheme eventually sanctioned in September, 1910, can be explained more -suitably in the next chapter, which deals with the administration of Mr. -Gell’s successor. The facts mentioned above show the reason why the -actual numbers of the force at the date of Mr. Gell’s departure were -practically the same as they had been in 1902. - -The second event of importance was the police strike, which obliged the -Bombay Government to introduce revised rates of pay for the constabulary -in advance of the general reorganization of the force. Rents in the -city and the cost of living had been steadily rising since 1900, and -the Indian police-constables, in common with other low-paid servants of -Government, found the burden of supporting themselves and their families -almost intolerable. The majority of them were Konkani Marathas—the large -class which supplies the bulk of the mill-labour and the menial staff -in public and private offices, and they could not remain unaffected by -the general demand for higher wages which was being made at this time -to all employers of labour. Their superior officers had assured them -more than once that their appeals were being favourably considered and -that some concessions would be granted, while the open sympathy with -their circumstances and their difficulties shown by Mr. Souter, when -acting as Commissioner in 1906, inspired them with the idea that their -claim to increased pay was absolutely unquestioned and deserved instant -confirmation by Government. They were also affected to some extent by the -constant and often bitter criticism of the authorities, which appeared in -the native Press, and by the incitements of professional agitators who -urged them to follow the lead of the postmen, who went on strike in 1906, -and adopt more overt measures to secure their demands. The unrest thus -created culminated in a strike of a large proportion of the constabulary -in 1907. Refusing to don their uniforms and report themselves for -duty until Government assented to their request for higher pay, the -men assembled in a body on the Esplanade _maidan_, where they were -addressed by the chief agitators in their own ranks. The Commissioner -was left to carry out the routine-work of the force with the help of -the European police, a certain number of constables who remained loyal, -and the comparatively useless body of Ramoshis. In brief, the police -administration was practically at a standstill. - -By resorting to a strike, the men had rendered themselves individually -liable to prosecution; and when the strike was declared, Mr. Gell, -with the approval of Government, caused some of the ringleaders to be -arrested. But the Bombay Government was aware that their resort to -illegitimate action was the outcome of a real grievance, which could only -be redressed by enhancing the pay of the various grades. Consequently, -of the men arrested, only two were subsequently placed before the Courts -and sentenced to pay a nominal fine; and they and others were afterwards -reinstated in the force. Simultaneously the Government sanctioned the -long-delayed increase in the pay of the constables and native officers. -The old fourth-grade constable on Rs. 10 per mensem disappeared for ever, -the monthly pay of the lowest rank being fixed at Rs. 12 and of the three -upper ranks at Rs. 13, Rs. 14, and Rs. 15. The pay of the havildars was -also augmented. The announcement of the new rates put an end to the -_impasse_ caused by the men’s defection, and within a few days the force -was again working with full vigour. - -It was unfortunate that the concessions in respect of pay and allowances -should have had the appearance of being extorted from the authorities by -methods which, often objectionable in the case of private employees, are -deplorable in the case of men appointed to be guardians of the public -peace. The Bombay Government was not so much to blame for procrastination -as might at first appear. They were perfectly prepared to grant the -required increments of salary to the lower ranks of the force: but they -wished to treat the revision of salaries as part and parcel of the -general reorganization, rendered necessary by the Report of the Police -Commission and by the increase of work resulting from the growth of -the City. They had instructed the Commissioner to formulate proposals -for reorganization, which had not been submitted at the date of the -strike, and which, when they eventually received them in 1908, they found -themselves unable to approve without further enquiry by an independent -committee. The responsibility for the delay in granting relief to -the constabulary cannot therefore be assigned wholly to the Bombay -Government. A more rapid effort to prepare without delay a comprehensive -scheme of reform might have helped to prevent the occurrence of an -episode, which did not redound to the credit of the force. - -The result of the revision of the pay of native officers and constables, -secured in the manner described above, was an increase of the annual -cost of the force from Rs. 773,000 odd in 1902 to Rs. 975,000 in 1908. -These charges fell wholly upon the Provincial Government, in accordance -with the provisions of the Bombay Police Charges Act of 1907. Since 1872 -the cost of the force had been borne partly by Government and partly by -the Bombay Municipality under Act III of 1872 and the subsequent Act -III of 1888. The arrangement did not prove wholly satisfactory, and -the Municipal Corporation evinced a tendency to deprecate increased -expenditure on a department over which it had no direct control. After -much discussion, therefore, between the Bombay Government and the -Corporation’s representatives, Bombay Act III of 1907 was passed by the -legislature. Under this enactment the Government was pledged to pay the -whole charges of the police-force, and the Municipal Corporation was -bound in return to shoulder the cost of primary education and, within -certain limits, the cost of medical relief in the City. This arrangement -in no wise absolved the Bombay Port Trust from its liability to pay a -moiety of the charges of the harbour police and the entire cost of the -police employed in the docks. On the other hand it enabled the Government -to sanction, without the intervention or concurrence of the Corporation, -such additional expenditure as might be involved in a thorough scheme of -reorganization. When the latter scheme had been introduced by Mr. Gell’s -successor, the improvement and standardization of the uniform of the -European officers of the force and the abolition of the old municipal -helmet-badges followed naturally upon the settlement of the changes -embodied in the Act. - -Another important matter in the legislative sphere was the passing of -the Bombay City Police Act IV of 1902, which consolidated the provisions -of the preceding enactments and vested the whole control of the police -force in the Commissioner. The Act removed the difficulties of which -Mr. Kennedy had complained in 1898, and furnished the police with all -the legal authority required for the performance of watch and ward -duties, the investigation of offences, and the arrest and detention of -wrong-doers. - -During the first decade of the twentieth century the volume of crime -steadily increased. The annual average number of cases for the -quinquennial periods ending in 1900 and 1905 was respectively 32,411 and -30,814: in 1908 the police dealt with nearly 41,000 cases. The number -of persons arrested likewise increased from 37,000 in 1900 to 44,000 in -1908, while the number of convictions secured in 1908 was 41,500, as -compared with 19,900 in 1880 and 34,450 in 1900. The value of property -stolen in 1880 was estimated at Rs. 146,000; in 1900 at Rs. 333,000; and -in 1908 at Rs. 353,000; while the percentage of recoveries during Mr. -Gell’s _régime_ decreased from 59 in 1902 to 37 in 1905 and rose again -to 56 in 1908. The annual migration of the people to plague-camps during -the hot months still offered special facilities to the professional -house-breaker, and was occasionally responsible, as in 1903, for an -abnormal number of thefts. A somewhat similar epidemic of robberies -resulted from the immigration of famine-stricken refugees in 1906. Many -of these cases defied investigation, as they were not immediately -reported; and in the case of thefts from houses temporarily vacated -during the season of heavy plague-mortality, the losses were often not -reported to the police until the owners returned two or three months -afterwards to their homes. - -These failures, which may be ascribed in some measure to the absence of a -proper beat-system, were counter-balanced by the capture of two notorious -professional house-breakers, one of whom was a Parsi, Nanabhai Dinshaw -Daruwala, and the other a Borah named Tyebali Alibhai. Nanabhai was a -criminal of more than ordinary courage and address, who had gathered -around him a gang of clever assistants and had contrived to defy justice -for more than twenty years. He had amassed considerable wealth by his -house-breaking exploits, and as he spent his ill-gotten gains freely and -was ready to pay ample hush-money, he secured immunity from arrest for -many years. His capture was long sought without success. But at last, in -1907, the detective police managed to run him to ground, and, despite -the offer of heavy bribes for his release, secured his conviction and -imprisonment for a long term of years. The Borah, Tyebali, was a man of -much less ability, and confined his attention almost entirely to the -houses of respectable residents on Malabar Hill. In this area he carried -out a series of daring robberies both by day and night, and had disposed -of much valuable plate and jewellery before he was finally arrested and -convicted in 1908. - -Hardly a year passed without one or more murders, the number which -occurred in 1902 and 1904 being respectively 18 and 20. Most of them were -of the usual type—murder for the purpose of robbery or as the punishment -of a wife or mistress for infidelity. With a few exceptions, all these -cases were successfully investigated by the detective branch of the -force. A prolonged and complicated series of forgeries, devised and -carried out by eighteen men possessed of education and private means, -was cleverly brought home to the culprits by Superintendent Sloane, who -was appointed head of the detective branch on the retirement of the -Sirdar Mir Abdul Ali in 1903.[110] - -Neither the divisional nor the detective police, however, succeeded -in discovering the origin of the disastrous cotton-fires which took -place at Colaba in 1906. The value of the cotton destroyed or rendered -unsaleable was estimated at 40 lakhs of rupees. Since that date similar -conflagrations have occurred at intervals, in circumstances which seem to -justify more than a suspicion of deliberate incendiarism. But in spite -of special precautions and special police arrangements no practical -proof of complicity has ever been obtained. In 1913 these fires at the -Colaba cotton-green were so frequent and so disastrous that the Bombay -Government appointed a special committee under the chairmanship of Mr. -S. M. Edwardes, the Commissioner of Police at that date, to investigate -the circumstances and origin of the conflagrations and make proposals for -minimising the risk of them in future. The result of that committee’s -enquiry will be mentioned on a later page; but it may be here stated that -on each occasion of these wholesale conflagrations at the old Colaba -cotton-green the police found it very difficult to initiate and prosecute -inquiries about firms or individuals, suspected of aiding and abetting -incendiarism, owing to the disinclination of the insurance companies, -with whom the cotton was insured, to assist the inquiries or register a -formal complaint in respect of their losses. The system of underwriting -adopted by all the fire insurance companies in Bombay resulted in the net -loss incurred in any fire being divided among so many parties that the -actual sum paid out by the company concerned was comparatively trivial, -and did not, in their view, justify the adoption of proceedings, which -might have frightened the cotton-merchants into refusing to insure -their goods with them in future. Consequently, the only chance the -police had of discovering an offence was to arrest an incendiary _in -flagrante delicto_, and this was rendered practically impossible by -the character of the cotton, which will smoulder unseen for some time -before it bursts into flame, by the enormous width and height of the -stacks of cotton-bales, crowded on far too small an area on the edge of -a main thoroughfare, and by the ease with which any person could escape -detection in the labyrinth formed by the various _jethas_ or collections -of bales. - -The question of traffic regulation in the streets demanded attention -during this period. By 1903 the number of public and private conveyances -in Bombay had risen to nearly 16,000, and although the style and -condition of the victorias plying for hire showed considerable -improvement,[111] rash driving was exceedingly common and street -accidents had largely increased. The position was aggravated by a steady -rise in the number of motor-vehicles, necessitating the creation of a -special branch of the police-force for the registration of motor-cars and -the issue of driving-licenses. One of the first owners of a car in Bombay -during the closing years of the nineteenth century was the late Mr. B. H. -Hewitt, one of the Municipal Engineers; and after 1900 his example was -followed by a constantly increasing number of residents, some of whom -showed a tendency to drive at excessive speed and to pay little attention -to the orders of the police on traffic-duty. Thus, between 1905 and 1907 -more than 900 new motor-cars appeared on the streets, and in the latter -year the traffic-problem was further complicated by the abolition of the -old horse-tramcars and the opening on May 7th of the electric tramways. - -In these circumstances the incapacity of the average Indian constable -to regulate traffic in the European manner became more marked, and -some of the Divisional Superintendents had to spend more time than they -could really spare in trying to inculcate an aptitude for directing -and controlling pedestrian and wheeled traffic. Their efforts were not -very successful, and it was generally felt that, although a few Indian -officers and constables had profited by tuition and showed improvement -in this branch of their duties, the presence of European police was -absolutely essential at crowded points during the busy hours of the day. -As previously remarked, the difficulties of the Indian constable were -much aggravated by the studied disregard of his orders and warnings, -frequently shown by his own compatriots. - -As regards the beggar nuisance, Mr. Gell was disposed to continue the -policy of his predecessor; and accordingly in 1902 he deported no less -than 10,000 mendicants, mostly belonging to the territories of Indian -Princes. But this procedure was peremptorily forbidden by Government in -the following year, on the grounds that deportees of this class were -prolific disseminators of plague infection. After 1903, therefore, the -expulsion of beggars ceased, with the result that Bombay became once -again a popular resort for penurious and homeless vagrants from all parts -of India. - -Efforts to rid Bombay of the foreign procurers, who subsisted on the -traffic in European women, continued unabated. In 1902 the Commissioner -deported 29 of these rascals; in 1903, 30; in 1904, 20; and in 1905, -2. No action was recorded in 1906 and 1907, but ten men were deported -in 1908. These figures indicate in some measure the dimensions of the -traffic and the lucrative nature of the business. The prospect of trivial -profits would scarcely have persuaded 81 aliens within a period of -four years to risk the chances of arrest and deportation. The history -and description of these foreigners were recorded in the files of the -detective branch, and in most cases their finger-print impressions were -taken by the Criminal Identification Bureau, which under the auspices of -Mr. Kirtikar and his assistant was rapidly acquiring a reputation for -useful work. - -The daily work of the police in the courts was directly affected by -the establishment in 1904 of three benches of honorary magistrates in -Girgaum, Mazagon and Dadar, which were intended to afford relief to -the Chief Presidency Magistrate, Mr. J. Sanders Slater, and his three -colleagues in the disposal of unimportant police cases. A fourth bench -was established at the Esplanade Police Court in 1908, to deal with -petty cases from the Harbour and Docks. These benches were empowered to -deal with cases arising under certain sections of the Bombay City Police -Act, the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, the Public Conveyance -Act, the Gambling Act, the Railways Act, and under section 352 of the -Indian Penal Code. They proved very convenient to the police of the -outlying F and G divisions, who were formerly obliged to bring offenders -and witnesses all the way to the stipendiary court in Mazagon, but they -involved much extra work for the European police officers of the various -sections, who had frequently to attend both the stipendiary and honorary -magistrates’ courts. The latter commenced their work daily at 8-45 a.m., -and the stipendiary courts at 11 a.m., so that European officers of busy -sections had often to spend most of the working day in the courts. During -their absence the registration and investigation of complaints at the -police-station had perforce to remain in abeyance. One of the most urgent -requirements during Mr. Gell’s Commissionership was the creation of -properly equipped and staffed police-stations, at which, no matter what -the volume of work in the courts, at least one superior police officer -would be found on duty at any hour of the day or night, ready to record -complaints and initiate inquiries. The establishment of the benches of -honorary magistrates served to accentuate the inadequacy of the old -police system and the inability of the force to cope with a greatly -increased volume of case-work. - -[Illustration: RAO SAHEB DAJI GANGAJI RANE] - -A serious obstacle to any re-arrangement of duties was the illiteracy of -the great majority of the Indian subordinate officers and constabulary. -As early as 1868 the Bombay Government asked the Commissioner to mention -in his annual reports the progress made by the police in simple reading -and writing; to which the Commissioner replied that as each member of the -force was on actual duty for twelve hours out of the twenty-four, any -form of education was impracticable. In 1885, when the total strength of -the force was 1,721, there were only 113 officers and 362 men able to -read and write, and of these only the European officers were literate in -English. These numbers had slightly increased by the end of the following -decade, in consequence presumably of the gradual spread of primary -education. The numbers of officers and men able to read and write in 1896 -were respectively 194 and 570. Occasionally an Indian with practically -no education would rise to a high grade in the force by sheer natural -ability and devotion to duty. Such men were the Subehdars Ramchandra -and Daji and Inspector Khan Bahadur Sheik Ibrahim Imam, of whom the -latter served for 47 years and on his retirement in 1911 was granted by -the Bombay Government a special _jagir_ (landed estate) in the Poona -District, in recognition of his long and meritorious service.[112] The -value of these men lay in their extraordinary knowledge of the urban -population, their _flair_ for criminal investigation, and their power of -mediation between conflicting sects. Their lack of education and their -ignorance of English debarred them from affording any relief to the -European police in the registration of complaints and the prosecution of -offenders in the courts. - -No effort had been made to open a career in the force for literate -Indians of the upper-classes, and it became obvious during Mr. Gell’s -_régime_ that in this respect the composition of the force had not -kept abreast of the spirit of the age. While the general standard of -literacy in Bombay had widened appreciably, and the growth of population -had resulted in an increased number of cases of all kinds, the bulk of -the Indian element in the force remained ignorant of English and was -also often uneducated in its own vernaculars. Consequently the whole -responsibility for the routine duties of the force fell upon a limited -number of European officers, many of whom could claim no higher standard -of education than that provided for the rank and file of the British -Army. Among the latter, however, there were men of natural ability who by -dint of application and study at odd moments had acquired a fair standard -of general knowledge and could frame a good report of facts. To this -category belonged men like Superintendents McDermott, Grennan, Nolan, -Sloane, Williamson and others; and on their reports and administrative -capacity the Commissioner and his Deputy necessarily placed much -reliance. There were others, however, who acquired no literary polish -throughout their career and whose educational attainments were no higher -than when they first joined the force as supernumerary sub-inspectors. On -the other hand, these men were always a solid asset in times of popular -disturbance or at seasons of public festivity requiring the preservation -of order among large crowds. From the Superintendent down to the latest -joined Sub-Inspector, the European police contributed the leaven, which -stiffened the force at the periodical Muharram outbreaks and ensured the -orderly progress of events on the occasions of Royal and Viceregal visits. - -The annual pilgrimage to Mecca again assumed large proportions during -these years. In 1902 the restrictions, imposed originally as a -precautionary plague-measure, were abolished, and the period opened -with the arrival in Bombay of about 1,000 pilgrims and with the return -of 3,376 Hajis, who had to be repatriated to various districts of -British India. In the following year the number of outgoing pilgrims was -8,700, and in 1904, 16,593, the large increase in the latter year being -ascribable to the occurrence of the _Akbari Haj_, which falls once in -ten years. But the traffic continued to expand. In 1905, 19,000 pilgrims -embarked at Bombay for Jeddah and nearly 14,000 returned; in 1906, 24,300 -embarked and 16,000 returned; and in 1907 more than 20,000 from all parts -of India, from Bokhara, Turkestan and other parts of Central Asia, from -Ceylon and Java, had to be shepherded on board by the Pilgrim Department -of the Commissioner’s office. The majority of these people were wholly -uneducated; the existing _musafirkhanas_ (rest-houses) provided for them -in the City were quite inadequate for their proper accommodation; while -the vessels provided for the passage to Jeddah by two or three merchants -or companies were ill-found and equipped, and were becoming unseaworthy -by reason of age. - -At the same time the treatment of the pilgrims at various stages of -their self-imposed journey, the behaviour of the pilgrim-brokers, who -arranged for the purchase of tickets and were responsible generally for -assisting pilgrims under the supervision of the Pilgrim Department, the -arrangements for their embarkation and the disinfection of their clothing -and effects, carried out by the Port Health authorities, and various -other matters connected with the annual exodus, occupied the increasing -attention of the Muhammadan community and occasionally formed the subject -of rather acid criticism. It was asserted that the whole subject of the -pilgrimage required more attention than an overworked Police Commissioner -could give it, and that more facilities should be accorded to respectable -Moslem residents for expressing their views on the details of the traffic -and for keeping in touch with the local arrangements for booking and -embarkation. Accordingly, the Bombay Government, with a view to disarming -criticism and in the hope of giving some relief to the Commissioner, -appointed in 1908 a Haj Committee, composed of leading Muhammadan -residents of Bombay, with the Commissioner of Police as _ex-officio_ -President. During the first year of its existence, this Committee did not -do very much; but later it developed into a useful consultative body, -and gave much assistance to Mr. Gell’s successor in matters connected -with the comfort of the pilgrims and the local arrangements for housing -and disembarkation. On several occasions the members of the Committee -subscribed money from their own pockets to relieve cases of distress and -secure the repatriation of penniless Moslems stranded in Jeddah. - -This period witnessed the preparation of schemes for the housing of -the police and the construction of police-stations. In 1902 the City -Improvement Trust forwarded to Government for approval plans for stations -and residential quarters at Wodehouse road in the Fort and at 1st. -Nagpada: and these buildings, together with quarters for the Risaldar -of the Mounted Police and stables for the sowars, were completed and -occupied in 1906. Meanwhile the Commissioner was pressing for the -provision of more accommodation for the constabulary, and he found a -powerful ally in the Police Surgeon, Dr. Arthur Powell, who reported in -1905 that the prevalence of pneumonia and consumption in the force was -primarily due to the residence of the men in dark, crowded and insanitary -_chals_. A little relief was afforded in 1908 by the completion of -a block of lines for constables and quarters for native officers in -Duncan road, and a set of quarters for European officers, with lines -for the men, was also completed at Sussex road in the same year. Much -expenditure, however, had still to be incurred before the force could be -said to be suitably housed. - -Two other important buildings of a different character were provided -during Mr. Gell’s _régime_—the Northcote Police Hospital and the office -of the Protector of Pilgrims. Up to 1866 constables requiring medical -treatment were admitted to the Sir J. J. Hospital on Parel road. In -that year the stable of the old Hamilton Hotel was assigned as a -separate hospital for the police, and was so used till 1870, when the -Municipality placed an old workshop in Mazagon at the disposal of the -Police Commissioner. This ramshackle building, which accommodated only -35 indoor patients, was totally unsuited for a hospital and was a source -of constant and justifiable complaint. Nevertheless the police were -forced to put up with it, until Lord Northcote, the Governor, (1900-03) -sanctioned the construction of a proper building, accommodating 94 -patients, on one of the new roads at Nagpada constructed by the City -Improvement Trust. The building was formally opened by Lord Lamington in -August, 1904. - -The growth of the annual Haj traffic, mentioned in a previous paragraph, -rendered accommodation for the office of the Protector of Pilgrims an -urgent necessity. A ground-floor building, consisting of a large covered -porch and two or three rooms, was therefore built in 1907 in the compound -of the Head Police Office and served as the headquarters of the Pilgrim -department, until the reorganization of the Criminal Investigation -Department by Mr. Edwardes and his Deputy, Mr. F. A. M. H. Vincent, -rendered necessary a re-arrangement of the accommodation at headquarters. - -Before we describe the disturbances which occurred during Mr. Gell’s -tenure of office, a word may be said of the courage and resource -occasionally shown by Indian constables in the course of their daily -duty. In 1903 a havildar was awarded the medal of the Royal Humane -Society for rescuing two boys from drowning; a constable received the -medal for similar action in the following year; while in 1906 the Society -rewarded three constables for saving life in difficult and dangerous -circumstances. On several occasions also the Commissioner rewarded -constables for actions marked by conspicuous courage or intelligence. -These instances serve to support the opinion that under proper leadership -the Maratha of the Konkan and the Muhammadan of the Deccan will show -plenty of sang-froid in emergencies. Considering that the men received -little or no training before being placed on duty in the streets, that -they had little or no education, and that they served year after year in -a climate which is notoriously enervating and under conditions productive -of ill-health, it is greatly to the credit of the police constable that -he performed his duty with so few serious mistakes and that he frequently -gave proof of personal courage and tenacity. If at times he appeared -to cling too closely to the _pan-supari_ shops in the vicinity of his -post or beat, or to lack alertness in directing traffic, it must be -remembered that he was rarely off duty for any length of time, that he -had singularly little opportunity for recreation and amusement, and that -long hours of point-duty under the Bombay sun would try the strongest -constitution. - -Twice during Mr. Gell’s term of office the peace of the City was -broken by rioting at the annual celebration of the Muharram. The first -occasion was March 23rd, 1904, the fifth day of the festival, when the -ancient antagonism between the Sunni and Shia sects developed into open -hostility. The ostensible cause of the disturbance was the determination -of the Sunni processionists to play music and beat their tom-toms -in front of the Bohra mosque in the notorious Doctor Street. Casual -street-fighting between the Bohras and their antagonists occurred daily -up to March 27th (the _Katal-Ki-Rat_ or night of slaughter), and the -aspect of affairs was so ominous that Mr. Gell decided to cancel the -license for the _tabut_ procession from Rangari _moholla_ (i.e. Abdul -Rehman street and adjoining lanes), the inhabitants of which had been -directly responsible for several assaults upon the Bohras. This order was -strongly resented by the general Sunni population, which resolved not to -carry out the _tabuts_ for immersion on the final day of the festival. -As usual, the abandonment of the _tabut_ procession released large -bodies of hooligans and bad characters, who testified to their annoyance -by attacking the police and the general public. At the same time the -Bohras were seized by a general panic, the results of which might have -been disastrous, and this fact, combined with the open disorder in the -streets, led Mr. Gell to summon the military forces to his assistance. -The Cheshire Regiment, a Battery of the R. A., the Railway Volunteers, -the Bombay Light Horse and H. E. the Governor’s Bodyguard were despatched -to various points of the disturbed area and picketed the streets -until April 1st, when peace was finally restored. The casualties were -fortunately few, and serious loss of life was prevented by the speedy -arrival of the troops. - -Another serious disturbance marred this festival during the last year -of Mr. Gell’s Commissionership. On the morning of February 13th, 1908, -a fracas occurred between a Shia tabut-procession, composed of Julhais, -Mughals, Khojas and a few Bohras, and a body of Sunni Muhammadans -congregated at a mosque in Falkland road. The police arrested some of -the Sunnis who appeared to be the ringleaders in the affray. The news of -the encounter spread rapidly to other quarters; and the arrest of their -co-sectaries so annoyed the Sunni Muhammadans that they declined to take -out their _tabuts_ in procession. This resulted, as usual, in letting -loose on the streets hundreds of low-class and combative Muhammadans, who -usually accompanied the processions, and they straightway proceeded to -sow the seeds of disorder in various parts of the bazar. In the hope of -averting a catastrophe Mr. Gell gave orders early in the afternoon for -the release of the men arrested after the fracas in the morning. But the -temper of the mob had by that time been aroused, the cry of _Huriya, -Huriya_, was raised, and the ominous stampedes and rushes which usually -preceded an outbreak of disorder occurred in the streets and lanes -bordering on the Grant and Parel roads. The mob confined itself to these -tactics and to spasmodic attacks on the Bohras and other Shias until the -late hours of the afternoon, when serious rioting broke out on Parel -road. Here the Pathan element joined forces with the mob; shops were -looted and set on fire; all traffic was stopped and the tram-cars were -stoned. General panic supervened. As the mob was truculent and refused to -disperse, Mr. Gell ordered the European police, who were facing the mob -in Parel road (Bhendy Bazar), to use their revolvers. The firing put a -stop to the actual rioting, but in view of the general demeanour of the -crowds, troops were called out in the evening in aid of the civil power -and remained on duty in the disturbed quarter until the next day. - -These Muharram disturbances, though imposing a severe strain upon the -Commissioner and the police force, caused less concern to the general -public than the prolonged rioting in the industrial quarter in July, -1908, when more than 400,000 mill-hands broke into open disorder after -the conviction of the late Bal Gangadhar Tilak for sedition by the High -Court. Tilak had been arrested in Bombay on June 24th on charges arising -out of the publication in his paper, the _Kesari_, of articles containing -inflammatory comments on the Muzaffarpur outrage, in which Mrs. and Miss -Kennedy had been killed by a bomb—the first of a long list of similar -outrages in Bengal. The bomb was extolled in these articles as ‘a kind of -witchcraft, a charm, an amulet’, and the _Kesari_ delighted in showing -that neither ‘the supervision of the police’ nor ‘swarms of detectives’ -could stop ‘these simple playful sports of science.’ Whilst professing -to deprecate such methods, it threw the responsibility upon Government, -which allowed ‘keen disappointment to overtake thousands of intelligent -persons who have been awakened to the necessity of securing the rights -of _Swaraj_’. “Tilak spoke for four whole days in his own defence—21½ -hours altogether—but the jury returned a verdict of “Guilty”, and he was -sentenced to six years’ transportation, afterwards commuted on account of -his age and health to simple imprisonment at Mandalay.”[113] - -From the moment of his arrest, Tilak’s agents and followers descended -upon the mill-area of Bombay and sedulously spread the story that Tilak -had been arrested because he was the friend of the industrial workers and -had tried to obtain better wages for them. Some of them were reported -to have declared during the trial that there would be a day’s bloodshed -for every year to which he might be sentenced by the Court. Most of the -‘jobbers’ who control the supply of labour were easily won over, and -Tilak’s Brahman emissaries from Poona found many co-adjutors among their -own caste-men in Bombay, and among the Bhandaris and Konkani Marathas -living in Parel, Tardeo, Chinchpugli and Dadar sections. Curiously -enough the Ghatis, or Marathas from the Deccan, showed far less interest -in the trial of Tilak and far less disposition to violence than their -caste-fellows from Ratnagiri and other districts of the western seaboard. -The Deccan mill-hands at Sewri, for example, at the very height of the -rioting, informed an Englishman with whom they were familiar that he need -fear no harm from them, and they confirmed their words by taking no share -in the disturbance which lasted for six days. The hostile attitude of the -Konkani Marathas was due to the continuous efforts of agitators, and this -was particularly the case in the neighbourhood of Currey and De Lisle -roads, where special agents from their own districts had been introduced -by Tilak’s revolutionaries. - -The probability of a disturbance was foreseen by the authorities, and Mr. -Gell took various precautions to circumscribe the area of the outbreak. -British regiments, Indian infantry and cavalry were held in readiness; -a barricade was erected on Mayo road leading to the High Court; several -officials and non-officials were appointed Special Magistrates and were -posted at important points to watch the progress of events, assist the -police, and take all feasible measures for securing the peace of the -City. The Special Magistrates were a curiously mixed body. Among them -were Mr. James Macdonald, a sexagenarian Scotsman, who had served the -City for years as a member of the Municipal Corporation; Colonel Cordue, -R. E., the Master of the Mint; Mr. Philip Messent, Engineer of the Port -Trust; Mr. Arthur Leslie of Messrs. Greaves, Cotton and Co., who filled -his pockets with lemon-grass oil for the benefit of the men of the Royal -Scots, who were posted at the old police _chauki_ in Jacob’s Circle and -had their bare knees badly bitten by the mosquitoes and other forms of -low life which shared the _chauki_ with the police-constables; the author -of this work, who was at the time enjoying a spell of comparative ease in -the literary backwaters of the Bombay City Gazetteer; and last but not -least, the Hon. Arthur Hill-Trevor, a commercial free-lance and honorary -magistrate, who regarded himself as a sort of Honorary and Supernumerary -Deputy Commissioner of Police, and in that capacity executed various -blood-curdling manœuvres which caused no little apprehension to his more -pacific colleagues. - -It so happened that some of the precautions proved superfluous. There -was no attempt on the part of the rioters to rush the High Court or even -to attend the trial of Tilak: there was no organized attempt to march on -the European residential quarter or to attack the European population -_en masse_. Although the rioting assumed at times a very threatening -character, it was confined wholly to the mill-area, except on one -afternoon, when the Bania merchants, employed in the cloth-market of -the C division, turned out in force and had to be dispersed by firing. -A consideration of all the circumstances of the Tilak riots leads one -to infer that the Commissioner was not as well served by his detective -agency as he might have been, and that the disturbances might have -been more disastrous and have lasted longer, if Tilak’s emissaries and -agents had had more time at their disposal in which to foster the spirit -of violence. By the end of the first day’s rioting it was clear that -outlying areas like the Fort and Malabar Hill were exposed to no danger, -and consequently most of the Special Magistrates gravitated from their -original posts to Jacob’s Circle, which divided the industrial quarters -from the central portion of the City and served as a gathering-ground for -the forces of law and order. - -Within the mill-district the rioting was fairly continuous and -occasionally serious, and isolated Europeans whose duties obliged them to -reside in the area north of Jacob’s Circle found it wise to vacate their -houses for the time being and seek shelter in Mazagon, the Fort and other -parts. Much damage was done to mill-property, and in several encounters -with the mob the European police were forced to use their revolvers and -the troops had to fire in self-defence. The Indian cavalry were stoned -from the _chals_ on more than one occasion, and small parties of unarmed -police fared badly at the hands of the rioters, who had accumulated -considerable stores of brick-bats and road-metal at convenient -vantage-points. - -The Bombay Government, realizing that the trouble was not a sudden -and spontaneous outburst of popular feeling and that the rebellious -mill-hands were the victims of an unscrupulous agitation, based on -malevolent falsehood, had issued strict orders for the avoidance of -bloodshed as far as possible: and both the military forces and the police -exercised such steady self-restraint that the casualties were relatively -few. Nevertheless the continuance of rioting and the dislocation of -business in the City set many people wondering whether other methods -of restoring peace might not be tried. About the fifth day of the -disturbance the Chamber of Commerce sent a deputation to the Governor, -to point out the loss sustained by the commercial and trade-interests -of the City and to urge upon Government a stronger effort to dissuade -the mill-population from violence. The author of this history, who had -witnessed the whole sequence of events at Jacob’s Circle and had on one -occasion accompanied a detachment of the Northampton Regiment to Dadar -to protect certain isolated Europeans, had already asked permission -of Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Jenkins, Member of Council, to visit the -heart of the disturbed area in company with certain Indian gentlemen -who had offered their assistance, and endeavour to produce a milder -feeling among the mill-hands. The permission was granted. Accordingly -the writer, accompanied by the late Rao Bahadur Narayan T. Vaidya, Dr. -Dinanath Naik Dandekar and four or five others, visited a large number of -mill-hands’ _chals_ and dwellings in Parel and Dadar, spoke to several -groups of mill-hands, and urged them to resume their regular duties. In -places the party was met with sullen hostility and with shouts of _Tilak -Maharaj ki Jai_, but the eloquence of the Indian members of the party -was not without effect, and when Rao Bahadur N. T. Vaidya urged them to -substitute _Satya Narayan ki Jai_ for their Tilakite war-cry, some of -them seemed disposed to accept the suggestion. - -Though some were inclined to look askance at their intervention, the -efforts of this little peace-party did engender a better feeling, and -this, coupled with a natural weariness of prolonged hostilities and the -loss of their wages, resulted in the gradual return of tranquillity -after the sixth day. By the end of the first week of August, affairs had -resumed their normal course, the mill-hands were again at work, and the -Bombay Government were at liberty to consider the salient features and -lessons of the outbreak. Sir George Clarke, the Governor, was blamed -in some quarters for having paid a sympathetic visit, after the close -of the riots, to wounded mill-hands in the Sir J.J. Hospital. But his -policy in this matter was dictated by an earnest desire to smooth away -the bitterness which measures of repression are calculated to provoke, -and by a conviction that there had been an absence of contact between -the local authorities and the industrial population, which had been -permitted to fall completely under the lawless influence of Tilak and his -immediate followers. The fact that the disturbances lasted for a whole -week invited a doubt whether the police arrangements were as effective as -they might have been, and whether indeed a more efficient intelligence -organization might not have facilitated a speedier conclusion of the -unsatisfactory duties which the military were called upon to perform. An -impression prevailed that, although the mill-hands who defied the police -and troops had been severely punished, the real authors and fomenters of -the disturbances had managed to escape scot-free, and that they could -not have enjoyed such immunity, if the police had had their fingers more -closely upon the pulse of the City. - -So far as concerns the prosecution and conviction of Tilak, Sir George -Clarke won “the respect of the vast majority of the community, and -although he failed to secure the active support which he might have -expected from the ‘moderates’, there were few of them who did not -secretly approve and even welcome his action. Its effects were great -and enduring, for Tilak’s conviction was a heavy blow to the forces -of unrest, at least in the Deccan; and some months later, one of the -organs of his party, the _Rashtramat_, reviewing the occurrences of the -year, was fain to admit that ‘the sudden removal of Mr. Tilak’s towering -personality threw the whole province into dismay and unnerved the other -leaders’”.[114] - -Having thus secured the discomfiture of the revolutionary party in -Western India, the Governor applied himself to the problem of the Bombay -City Police administration, which appeared to him to need revision, not -only in response to the general findings of the Police Commission, but -also by reason of its apparent failure to keep closely in touch with -political intrigue, such as that which precipitated the riots of July -1908. Apart from the mere question of numbers and pay, the force appeared -to the Governor to be working on somewhat obsolete lines and to need -keying up to the pitch at which it might cope more successfully both -with its regular duties of watch and ward and with the large amount of -confidential investigation necessitated by the rapid and alarming growth -of political unrest and sedition. These were the main reasons underlying -the appointment of the Morison Committee, which has been described in an -earlier paragraph. One of the most important sections of that committee’s -report was concerned with the reorganization of the old detective branch -of the police-force, hereafter to be called the Criminal Investigation -Department (C. I. D.), upon which devolved the task of watching the trend -of political movements and of accumulating knowledge of the antecedents -and actions of the chief fomenters of unrest. - -The work of a police-officer in an Indian city has always been extremely -arduous, and few men in these days are able to bear the strain for many -years without some loss of vitality and health. There is little doubt -that the extra work and anxiety entailed by the Royal Visit of 1905, -which was followed a few days later by the arrival of Lord Minto and the -departure of Lord Curzon, had much to do with the temporary breakdown of -health which obliged Mr. Gell to take furlough in 1906; while the strain -inevitably imposed upon him by the Muharram and Tilak riots of 1908 was -partly the cause of his again taking leave to England in the early part -of 1909. In doing so, his long service in the City came to an end: for -by the time his leave had expired, his successor was in the midst of a -comprehensive reorganization scheme, which would have suffered in the -event of his reversion to his own grade in the Indian Civil Service. -In order, therefore, to enable him to complete his full period of -pensionable service, Mr. Gell, on his return from England, was appointed -Deputy Inspector-General of Police for the Presidency and a little later -for Sind. It was in Sind that he completed his official career, and from -Karachi that he sailed finally for England. His long connexion with the -City of Bombay is commemorated, though not perhaps adequately, in the -name of one of the newer streets opened by the City Improvement Trust in -the neighbourhood of Ripon road. Memories of his equability of temper and -his impartiality are still cherished by the older officers and men of the -police-force, who pay a willing tribute to his character as an officer -and a gentleman. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -MR. S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. - -1909-1916 - - -Mr. S. M. Edwardes, who succeeded Mr. Gell as head of the Bombay City -Police Force, was the first member of the Indian Civil Service to hold -that appointment. He had previously held various appointments in Bombay -ranging from Assistant to the Collector and Chief Inspector of Factories -to acting Municipal Commissioner, and had acquired considerable knowledge -of the population and past history of Bombay by his work as Census -Officer in 1901 and later as Compiler of the Gazetteer. Shortly after the -Tilak riots in 1908, he was nominated a member of the Morison Committee -which, as previously stated, was appointed by the Bombay Government -to consider the working of the urban police administration and make -proposals for its future organization. - -[Illustration: MR. S. M. EDWARDES] - -This Committee, which met in the Secretariat, directed particular -attention to the provision of properly equipped police stations, to -the reconstitution and enlargement of the detective branch, hereafter -to be known as the C. I. D., to the creation of a trained Indian staff -for the investigation of crime in the Divisions, and to the numbers -and personnel of the European and Indian branches of the force. The -Committee came to the conclusion from the facts and evidence before them -that in dealing with political crime and seditious movements, planned, -promoted and carried out by an Indian _intelligentsia_, the police -were handicapped by the absence of educated Indians in the subordinate -ranks of the force, and that the investigation of ordinary crime by the -divisional police suffered from being in the hands of an old-fashioned -agency, which conducted its inquiries in a multiplicity of small and -sometimes obscure _chaukis_ and kept no proper record of its cases. -Concentration of the staff in a definite number of properly-equipped -stations in each division, and the inclusion in the force of a new cadre -of Indian officers for the divisional investigation of crime were two -obvious desiderata, upon which the Committee laid particular stress. -They decided also that the time had arrived to place the C. I. D. under -the immediate control of a gazetted officer of the Imperial Police, who -would occupy the position of a Deputy Commissioner, leaving the existing -Deputy Commissioner to deal with the divisional police and with the large -amount of miscellaneous work requiring the attention of the headquarters -staff. Proposals, of a more or less tentative character, were also -made regarding the numbers, grading and duties of the European police, -the recruitment of Indian constables, and the numbers and work of the -Harbour, Docks and Mounted Police. - -After drafting the report of the Committee and arranging for its -submission to Government in October, 1908, Mr. Edwardes took leave -to England. While there, he received an intimation from the Bombay -Government of their intention to appoint him Commissioner of Police -_vice_ Mr. Gell, who proposed to take leave in 1909. He was at the same -time instructed to visit Scotland Yard and study at first hand the -organization of the Metropolitan Police. Armed with a letter from the -Home Office to the Chief Commissioner, Sir Edward Henry, Mr. Edwardes -accordingly spent some time in the early part of 1909 in acquainting -himself with the distribution of work and the machinery for the -prevention and detection of crime in a typical London police division, -with the details of the Metropolitan beat-system, with the work of the -constables’ training-school in Westminster, with the organization of -the Finger Print Bureau, and with the staffing, equipment, structural -features and general management of one of the latest and most up-to-date -London police-stations. The knowledge thus acquired was of the greatest -value, when his own proposals for the reorganization of the Bombay City -Police were under preparation. - -Mr. Edwardes assumed charge of the Commissioner’s office on May -7th, 1909, with Mr. R. M. Phillips as his Deputy Commissioner and -Superintendent Sloane as head of the Criminal Investigation Department. -The former was succeeded in July by Mr. Hayter, who made way in September -for Mr. Gadney. The latter served as Deputy Commissioner until November, -1913, when his place was taken by Mr. O. Allen Harker, who held the -appointment until after the expiry of Mr. Edwardes’ term of office. In -pursuance of the recommendations of the Morison Committee, an additional -appointment of Deputy Commissioner in charge of the C. I. D. was -sanctioned by G. R. J. D. 3253 of June 8th, 1909; and, Superintendent -Sloane having been promoted to the cadre of the Imperial Police and -transferred to a district, the new post was given to Mr. F. A. M. H. -Vincent, son of the former Commissioner of Police, who held it until the -beginning of 1913, when he was appointed Deputy Director of Criminal -Intelligence at Simla. He was succeeded in Bombay by Mr. F. C. Griffith, -who remained in charge of the C. I. D. during the remainder of Mr. -Edwardes’ term of office. Both Mr. Vincent and Mr. Griffith subsequently -succeeded in turn to the Commissioner’s appointment. In 1914 a third -appointment of Deputy Commissioner was sanctioned by G. R. J. D. 9249 of -December 19th, 1914, under the style and title of Deputy Commissioner of -Police for the Port of Bombay. Mr. G. S. Wilson was chosen for this post -and became responsible, under the general authority of the Commissioner, -for all work connected with the Harbour and Dock Police and the Pilgrim -Traffic. This period thus witnessed the permanent appointment of three -Deputy Commissioners in place of a single officer of that rank, and -the consequent delegation to them by the Commissioner of much of the -work which he had hitherto been expected to perform without adequate -assistance. - -Mr. Edwardes’ appointment was not received favourably at first by -the members of the Imperial Police Service, who naturally felt some -resentment at such a post being given to one who was not a professional -police-officer. This feeling led to the submission of memorials on the -subject to the Bombay Government, who were able without difficulty to -justify their departure from the usual practice. The discontent also -communicated itself to the rank and file of the City police, who during -the first few months of Mr. Edwardes’ _régime_ displayed a spirit of -captious criticism, which was fanned at last by a few malcontents into -overt disobedience. The movement culminated on January 7th, 1910, in the -refusal of a certain number of Indian constables to receive their pay. -The Commissioner, who had kept himself informed of the course of the -movement, had arranged with the European officers of the Divisions what -action should be taken in the event of open insubordination. The men who -declined to accept their pay were therefore marched immediately to the -Head Police Office and, after inquiry into their conduct, were dismissed -from the force. This action completely quashed the movement, which was -based upon no real grievance and was designed merely to cause trouble to -a Commissioner, whose policy and plans they had been taught to regard -with suspicion. - -The strength and cost of the City Police Force underwent much alteration -during this period of seven years, in consequence of the reorganization -scheme prepared by the Commissioner. His proposals for the future -constitution and character of the force, which were submitted in July, -1910, were sanctioned by the Government of India in September, 1911; but -owing to very heavy work connected with the visit of Their Majesties the -King and Queen in November of that year, the scheme was not actually -introduced until the beginning of 1912. As early as 1909, however, -certain changes were made in consonance with the proposals of the -Morison Committee, and to meet emergent requirements, which resulted in -an increase of the total number to 2,408. This total included additions -to the Dockyard police, temporary sanitary police for service under the -Port Health Officer, temporary constables for traffic-duty at various -railway level crossings, and finally the revised strength of the C. -I. D., which was fixed by G. R. J. D. 2708 of May 10th, 1909, at 1 -Superintendent, 6 Inspectors, 7 Sub-Inspectors, 23 Head Constables and -41 Constables. In 1910 an additional Inspector was sanctioned for the -Motor Vehicles department; and 9 Indian sub-inspectors, 3 head constables -and 9 constables were added to the force, to enable the Commissioner to -introduce tentatively in three areas the new divisional organization -which formed the salient feature of his administrative proposals. Thus by -1911 the force numbered 2,505, which was equivalent to a proportion of -one policeman to every 394 of population, and cost annually, inclusive -of temporary police and contingent charges, Rs. 10,93,351. In 1913, -when the reorganization was well in hand, the total strength of the -force stood at 2,844 and cost Rs. 12,73,834; while at the end of 1915, -a few months before Mr. Edwardes relinquished office, the total number, -inclusive of a small temporary staff for watching transfrontier Pathans -in the City, was 3,011, and the annual cost amounted to Rs. 13,37,208. -The proportion of police to population at this date was 1 to 327, which -compared unfavourably with the proportions in Calcutta and London. Had -the Commissioner’s first proposals been sanctioned without alteration, -the proportion of police to population in Bombay would have been far more -favourable; for he had worked out a complete beat-system on the London -model for the whole of the City. The number of men, however, required -for this purpose was naturally large, and as the Bombay Government -were compelled by the Government of India to restrict the additional -annual cost of the force to 2½ lakhs of rupees, the Commissioner was -obliged to jettison the beat-system and utilize the available funds in -other directions, such as perfecting the divisional machinery for the -investigation of crime, increasing the number of fixed traffic posts, and -augmenting the inadequate pay of the European police. - -This force of just over 3,000 men was distributed among the following -divisions at the close of 1916:— - - ---------+---------------------------------------------------------- - Division | Sub-divisions or Sections - ---------+---------------------------------------------------------- - A | Colaba, Fort South, Fort North, Esplanade - B | Mandvi, Chakla, Umarkhadi, Dongri - C | Market and Dhobi Talao, Bhuleshwar and Khara Talao - D | Khetwadi, Girgaum, Chaupati, Walkeshwar - E | Mazagon, Tarwadi, Kamathipura, New Nagpada, Mahalakshmi, - | Jacob’s Circle - F | Parel, Dadar, Matunga, Sion - G | Mahim, Worli - H and I | Harbour and Docks - L | Head Quarters Armed and Unarmed Police - M | Mounted Police - N | The Government Dockyard - and The Criminal Investigation Department (formerly the K division). - -With the appointment of Mr. F. A. M. H. Vincent as Deputy Commissioner, -C. I. D., and the increase in its personnel, the Criminal Investigation -Department entered upon a period of remarkable activity. The staff -was divided into four branches—Political, Foreign, Crime, and -Miscellaneous—each in control of one or more Inspectors; work-books were -introduced, which fixed responsibility upon individual officers for -cases entrusted to them for inquiry and served as a check upon delay -in the submission of final reports of investigations; a confidential -strong-room was provided, and the card index system and upright filing -of records were substituted for the old methods in vogue at this -date in most official departments. In addition to the investigation -of cases, some of the more remarkable of which will be mentioned -hereafter, the department made confidential inquiries, often of a -delicate character, into political, religious and social movements; -it scrutinized plays for performance licenses, amending or rejecting -those that were objectionable; it took vigorous action under the Press -Act, confiscating on occasions as many as twenty-one thousand copies of -proscribed books; it maintained a constant watch upon the arrivals and -departures of steamers, assisted the Excise authorities, collaborated -with the police of other districts and provinces, supervised and, if -necessary, prohibited the songs sung by the _melas_ at the annual Ganpati -celebration, and performed an immense amount of confidential work in -connexion with the Muharram. It also assisted or secured the repatriation -of all manner of destitute persons stranded in Bombay, including English -theatrical artistes, Arabs belonging to French territories, ladies from -Mauritius, Bengali seamen, Pathan labourers expelled from Ceylon, and -deportees from the Transvaal. - -The establishment at the beginning of 1911 of a “Police Gazette”, -appearing thrice in the twenty-four hours and containing full details of -all reported crimes, persons wanted, property stolen or lost, etc., was -a further step in the direction of increased efficiency. Prior to this -date, when a case of theft occurred, the first duty of the Inspector, in -whose jurisdiction it took place, was to prepare with his own hand thirty -or forty notices for dispatch to other police-stations in the City. -Much valuable time was thus wasted; and when the notices were ready, -several constables had to be released from their proper duties to act as -messengers. Under the system introduced in 1911 the duty of the sectional -officer consisted simply in telephoning full details to the Deputy -Commissioner C. I. D., who arranged for their insertion in the next issue -of the “Gazette”, copies of which were delivered at every police station -within a few hours of the occurrence. The arrangements were adapted from -the system followed in London and effected a great saving of time and -trouble in the divisions. In 1915 the Police Notice Office, composed of a -European Inspector and an Indian head constable, circulated in this way -nearly 10,000 paragraphs and 67 supplements dealing with murders, thefts, -deserters and persons wanted, and also published and circulated to the -divisions forty pages of special orders concerned with daily routine. - -Another salient feature of the reorganization, as mentioned above, was -the creation of a special agency for the divisional investigation of -crime. This was dependent upon the provision of properly-equipped police -stations of a definite type, recommended by Mr. Edwardes, comprising -the necessary offices, charge-room, cells, quarters for the European -and Indian staff, and barracks for the constabulary. The scheme, as -sanctioned, contemplated the provision of 17 stations of this character. -At the date when Mr. Edwardes was appointed Commissioner, none of the -existing police-stations fulfilled these requirements, and in some -divisions paucity of accommodation directly hampered the daily work of -the police. In 1911, for example, the station of the Khetwadi section -of the D division was described as practically non-existent. The lease -of a building having expired, and no alternative accommodation being -available, the Inspector was holding his office in the dressing-room -of an Indian theatre in Grant road, the station-stores and constables’ -kit-boxes were temporarily placed in a tea-shop in Falkland road, and -the two European officers of the section were forced to reside in very -poor quarters in an adjoining section. Most of the older stations were -very inconvenient and insanitary. The only office consisted of one of -the sectional Inspector’s dwelling-rooms or of a portion of a verandah -screened off; prisoners and witnesses were herded together on the stairs -or in the street; the residence was surrounded by old-fashioned and -odoriferous latrines; and every odd corner was choked with kit-boxes and -with the recumbent forms of constables taking a rest before going on duty. - -By the end of 1910, however, a complete programme for new stations had -been prepared, and sanctioned by Government, and a commencement had been -made in Colaba, Nagpada and Agripada, where the newer police-stations -erected by the Improvement Trust were subjected to structural alterations -and additions, in order to make them conform with the plan adapted -from the London model. Each of these stations was equipped with a -staff composed of one Inspector, one Deputy Inspector, three Indian -Sub-Inspectors for criminal investigation, plain-clothes constables -and a clerical staff; the first information sheet, case-diary and -other records used by the District Police were so adapted to urban -requirements as to secure a complete record of every case taken up by -the police; and the time-table of duties was arranged so that at any -moment during the twenty-four hours an English-knowing officer, with -power to record complaints and commence inquiries, would be found in the -general charge-room of the station. At the outset most of the Indian -Sub-Inspectors were chosen from among the few English-knowing Jemadars -and Havildars, already in the force; but from 1910 onwards a regular -supply of such officers was secured by choosing young Indians of good -middle-class standing and deputing them to the Provincial Police Training -School at Nasik for an eighteen months’ course of tuition in law and -police-work. - -At the beginning of 1913 the Commissioner opened two more stations on the -new model at Princess Street—a building erected by the Improvement Trust -in 1910, and at Maharbaudi: and two more in 1914 in the new buildings of -the Harbour and Dock police at Mody Bay and Frere road respectively, -which were completed and occupied in January. At the beginning -of January, 1916, three more stations were established under the -reorganization scheme at Khetwadi, Hughes road, and the Esplanade, while -at the close of the same year similar stations were organized in the -new buildings erected at Gamdevi, Lamington road and Palton road. Thus, -by the end of 1916 thirteen out of the seventeen model police-stations, -originally proposed by the Commissioner, had been opened with a full -complement of officers and men, while plans had been approved for similar -accommodation in Mahim, Parel and other places in the northern portion -of the Island of Bombay. Where it was found impossible to build full -residential accommodation for both officers and men on the site allotted -for these new stations, ancillary accommodation schemes were prepared, -which, when completed, would ensure the proper housing of the majority of -the force as it existed at the date of Mr. Edwardes’ departure. - -A sustained effort was made during these years to teach English to the -Indian constabulary, with the object of giving the men themselves a -better chance of promotion and enabling them to hold their own more -confidently with the large English-speaking population. In 1910 the -number of officers, exclusive of Europeans, able to read and write was -127, of whom only 36 were literate in English, while literate constables, -of whom only one or two knew English, numbered 584. In July 1911 the -Commissioner commenced sending a chosen number of Muhammadan and Hindu -constables to two free night-schools for instruction in English and -one vernacular language. The success attending this experiment led the -Bombay Government to sanction a proposal to open an English school for -constables at the Head Police Office, under a qualified teacher from -one of the official training-schools maintained by the Educational -Department. This school was attended by 150 constables from the various -branches of the force, who were given a three years’ course of tuition -in English, and on Saturdays attended lectures on their duty to the -public, their powers under the Police Act, and matters of simple hygiene. -In 1913 the number of men attending the school had risen to 200, and the -master had been forced to obtain gratuitous assistance in teaching the -various classes. The question of accommodation also became urgent, and -during 1915 and 1916 the classes had to be assembled in the Elphinstone -Middle School, which the educational authorities allowed the police -to use during the early morning and evening hours. The men, who were -encouraged to study by the grant of small rewards and occasionally of -promotion, if they were successful in the periodical examinations, -derived distinct advantage from the school-course, and the number of -constables literate in the English language showed a steady increase -between 1911 and 1916. In the latter year 846 constables were reported -to be able to read and write, and 72 of them were literate in English. -Connected with the subject of education was the foundation of a fund -in the name of the Commissioner—the S. M. E. Memorial Fund—subscribed -by Hindu and Muhammadan residents, with the object of assisting Indian -constables of the force to educate their sons. The proposal was made in -the first instance by Mr. Kazi Kabiruddin, a barrister and Justice of the -Peace, and at his instance sufficient funds were subsequently provided -to admit of the grant of monthly scholarships and stipends to the sons -of constables attending primary schools maintained by the Municipal -Corporation. - -A large amount of routine work devolved upon the police under the Arms, -Explosives, Petroleum and Poisons Acts. Under the Arms Act licenses of -various kinds were granted or cancelled, the shops and store-rooms of -licensed dealers were regularly inspected and their stocks checked, -and constant inquiries, numbering several thousand annually, were made -to verify purchases from local dealers and trace the whereabouts of -fire-arms. In 1911, just before the arrival of Their Majesties the King -and Queen, five revolvers were stolen from a licensed dealer’s shop. -The C. I. D. were successful in recovering the arms and in obtaining -the conviction of the thieves: but in consideration of the approach of -the Royal Visit, the Commissioner decided to take charge of the entire -stock of arms and ammunition held by five Indian dealers, and kept it -in deposit in the Head Police Office until after the departure of Their -Majesties. Under the Explosives Act licenses were issued for manufacture, -possession and sale; and magazines for the storage of explosives were -regularly inspected by the special branch maintained for this purpose -at headquarters. Similar duties were carried out under the Petroleum -Act; while from April 1st, 1909, the Police became responsible for -licensing the sale of poisons and checking stocks,—duties which up to -that date had been performed by the Municipality. The task of licensing -theatres and granting performance licenses, which was transferred to -the Arms department at the close of 1909, imposed a heavy additional -burden on the special staff. Most of the theatres at this date were -devoid of proper exits and of means of protection against fire, and these -seven years witnessed a continuous struggle to secure the erection of -fire-proof staircases etc. and the provision of fire-proof drop-curtains. -Fortunately the Police were able to obtain the help of the Chief of the -Fire-brigade and of the Government engineering and electrical experts, -in deciding what improvements were essential in each case, and it was -chiefly due to this collaboration that a better fire-service had been -installed by 1913 in each of the thirteen theatres of the City, and that -many important structural alterations in both theatres and cinematographs -had been introduced by the close of 1916. Perhaps the most notable -achievement of the headquarters staff under Chief Inspector M. J. -Giles was the preparation of a set of theatre rules, applicable to all -structures used for public performances, which were brought into force -in August 1914, and gave the police power to insist upon the provision -of fire-appliances, water supply, exits, and fire-proof materials. As -mentioned in a previous paragraph, the C. I. D. was made responsible for -the scrutiny of plays, for which a performance license was required, -and licenses were granted only to such plays as were declared by that -department to be unobjectionable on political, moral or general grounds. - -The growth in the number of motor-vehicles continued unchecked and -ultimately necessitated the promulgation of new rules under the Motor -Vehicles Act in 1915. In 1909, the total number of motor-vehicles -registered since 1905 was 1,295, while in 1915 this figure had increased -to 4,947. But a good many of these gradually disappeared in the course -of ten years, and the actual number estimated to be on the roads in -1915 was 2,482 as compared with only 814 in 1909. Heavy motor-vehicles -of the lorry type also appeared during this period and numbered 70 in -1915. This increase of motor-traffic synchronized with, and was partly -responsible for, a steady increase in the number of street accidents. -While reckless driving was unquestionably the cause of many accidents, -despite energetic action in several directions to prevent it, the large -majority of the casualties reported from year to year were the outcome -of that carelessness and lack of alertness on the part of the average -Indian pedestrian, with which all who have driven cars or carriages in -Bombay are only too well acquainted. Accustomed as they are to the peace -of a sequestered country life, many of the foot-passengers in the streets -of the city seem totally unable to exercise any caution or to acquire -the habit of keeping to the side of the road, while in the case of the -mill-workers, whom one meets in Parel and elsewhere, the sense of hearing -seems to have been permanently dulled by the constant rattle and clatter -of the machinery at which they labour during the greater part of the day. - -The Haj traffic continued to expand between 1909 and 1911, the total -number of pilgrims who left Bombay for Jeddah in those years being -19,748 and 21,965 respectively. From 1912 the numbers commenced to -decline until the year after the outbreak of the War, when the traffic -virtually ceased altogether. The period witnessed a struggle on the -part of a British shipping-firm to secure the monopoly of the Red Sea -trade, including the pilgrim traffic, by ousting the few Muhammadan-owned -vessels which had hitherto catered for the pilgrims. The firm in question -was unquestionably in a position to offer better vessels and a better -organization for the return journey than the Indian ship-owners: but -one or two of the latter resented the effort to drive them out of the -traffic, with the result that the Commissioner of Police and the Pilgrim -department, who endeavoured to act in a strictly neutral manner, ran -the risk of blame from both parties for showing undue preference to -their rivals. At the moment of the Declaration of War all the vessels -engaged in the traffic were owned by the British firm, except one or at -most two which belonged to a well-known Muhammadan resident. It might -have been supposed that, considering the wholly Islamic character of -the pilgrimage, a British firm would have acquiesced in the continued -presence of a Muhammadan-owned vessel, and have trusted to time and the -ordinary economic law for its ultimate disappearance from the Jeddah -route. Such, however, was not the case; and at the instance of the local -manager of the firm, a pushing Scot from Aberdeen, the Bombay Government -was asked practically to insist upon the Commissioner and the Pilgrim -department refusing all facilities to the Muhammadan ship-owner to sell -his tickets and dispatch his vessel. The outbreak of War in 1914, and the -consequent cessation of the traffic to and from Jeddah, solved a dispute -which for some time imposed additional work upon the Police and Pilgrim -authorities. - -The Finger Print Bureau steadily maintained its efficiency and had -compiled a record of more than 45,000 slips by the end of 1915. At the -request of the municipal authorities, it commenced about 1912 to take the -finger-impressions of hundreds of candidates for employment as sweepers -in the Health department, and was able to prove annually from its records -that a certain proportion of these people had previous convictions under -the Penal Code. In another direction—revolver-practice by the European -police—a considerable improvement was effected. Up to 1914 it was -customary to arrange for the practice in a field at the back of the China -Mill at Sewri, which was sufficiently remote and secluded to obviate -danger to the public. But the distance of the site from the centre of -the City rendered the regular attendance of all officers practically -impossible, and in consequence, on the rare occasions when the European -police were called upon to use their revolvers at disturbances, their -shooting was inclined to be a trifle erratic. In the Muharram riots -of 1908, for example, when Mr. Gell ordered the European officers to -fire on the mob in Bhendy Bazar, a Parsi who was watching the rioting -from the window of a third upper-storey was unfortunately killed by -a revolver-shot, directed at the crowd in the street. To ensure more -regular practice by all officers, therefore, the Commissioner obtained -the approval of Government to the erection of a safety revolver range in -the compound of the Head Police Office, which was opened in September, -1914. - -Before dealing with the record of crime, a brief reference is desirable -to the extraordinary volume of miscellaneous work performed under the -orders of the Commissioner. Derelict children were constantly being -picked up in the streets by the divisional police and forwarded to the -Head Office, when the Commissioner had to make the best arrangements he -could for their maintenance and welfare; penniless women and children -were repatriated to various parts of India, to Persia, Mauritius, -Egypt, South Africa and Singapore, with funds collected by the Police -Office for each individual case from charitable townspeople; penurious -women were assisted to get their daughters married, and on one occasion -a Muhammadan and his wife, who desired a divorce and applied for -police assistance, were granted facilities for the ceremony at police -headquarters. On another occasion the Commissioner was asked to assist in -the rebuilding of a mosque belonging to the Sidis or African Musalmans -of Tandel Street, and was able to obtain the necessary funds from -several well-to-do Muhammadans in the city. The Police dealt also with -a large number of lunatics; they traced deserters from the Army and -Navy; they made inquiries into the condition of second-class hotels and -drinking bars in the European quarter and took action, when necessary, in -consultation with the Excise authorities; they dealt with a very large -number of prostitutes under the Police Act. The number of summonses which -they were called upon to serve annually on behalf of magisterial courts -in Bombay and other Provinces was enormous, and their work in connexion -with the grant of certificates of identity to persons proceeding to -Europe, with the grant of passes for processions and for playing music in -the streets, and of permits to enter the Ballard Pier on the arrival and -departure of the English mail-steamer, was heavy and continuous. Appeals -for unofficial assistance from private individuals and from societies -like the League of Mercy, engaged in rescue-work among women, were also -never refused. Miscellaneous activities of this varied type formed no -small portion of the annual task of the force and were rendered effective -by the close collaboration of the staff at headquarters, the C. I. D., -and the divisional police. - -The difficulty of providing suitable shelter and guardianship for the -many derelict girls of tender age found wandering in the streets by -the police led directly to the foundation by the Commissioner of the -Abdulla Haji Daud Bavla Muhammadan Girls’ Orphanage. With the possible -exception of one or two Christian missionary institutions, to which it -would have been impolitic on political and religious grounds to send -children, no organization or society existed in 1909, which was prepared -to take charge of homeless girls. Consequently, many little waifs -gravitated into the brothels of the city or were gradually absorbed in -the floating criminal population. Moreover, when a child was found in -the streets, homeless and friendless, the police had no shelter to offer -her except the cells at the sectional police-station; and these, being -regularly filled with the dregs of the criminal population, were a most -undesirable environment for girls of tender years. As caste-prejudices -offered peculiar obstacles to any scheme for the benefit of Hindu girls -belonging to the Shudra class, the Commissioner determined to concentrate -his attention upon a home for Muhammadan girls, and accordingly drew up -a scheme and issued an appeal, which was widely circulated among the -Muhammadan community. The appeal was favourably received, and about 2 -lakhs of rupees were collected within a few weeks. To this sum were -added more than 3 lakhs from the estate of the late Abdulla Haji Daud -Bavla, whose executors offered the amount on condition that the orphanage -should bear his name, that his trustees should be represented on the -managing committee of the orphanage, and that the objects, constitution -and maintenance etc. of the orphanage should be embodied in a legal deed -of trust. At the request of the Commissioner, the Bombay Government -agreed to become a party to the deed and bound themselves to appoint -the Commissioner of Police, or any other of their officers resident for -the time being in Bombay, as chairman of the board of trustees of the -orphanage. The legal preliminaries having been completed and the funds -duly invested in gilt-edged securities, a suitable building was taken -on a lease, and furnished at the expense of a philanthropic Muhammadan -merchant, and in December, 1910, the orphanage was formally opened by -Sir George Clarke (now Lord Sydenham) and Lady Clarke. The institution -soon justified its existence; the number of girl-inmates steadily -increased, their physical health and welfare being under the general -supervision of a trustworthy Englishwoman, and their religious exercises -and elementary lessons being given by a Mullani and her assistants. The -problem of the girls’ future was solved in the only feasible way by -arranging for their marriage with Muhammadans of their own class, as -soon as they reached the age of maturity. These hymeneal arrangements -were made by a chosen officer of the C. I. D., Khan Saheb M. F. Taki, -in consultation with the _jamats_ and leaders of the various Musalman -sections. Experience has proved that the establishment of institutions -like this Muhammadan Girls’ Orphanage is an essential preliminary to any -serious effort to combat the deplorable traffic in children, which still -flourishes in India and constitutes the chief means of recruitment for -the brothels of the larger towns and cities. - -This period witnessed a steady increase in crime up to 1915, when the -stringent measures taken during the pendency of the War to clear the -City of undesirables imposed a notable check upon the normal increase -in reported crime. Previous to that date the rapid increase in recorded -crime was the natural result of the changes which took place in the -force after 1909, and particularly of the improvement in registration -which followed the introduction of the new divisional police-stations. -Not only did these stations offer increased facilities for the reporting -and detection of crime, but it was also impossible under the new system -for cases to escape registration and final inclusion in the returns. -The improvement in the registration of cases was manifested also in a -marked diminution of the number of complaints classed as made under a -misapprehension of law or fact. By 1916 the sanctioned strength of the -police force had been augmented by one-third since 1906, and this fact -by itself would have sufficed to account for a large increase in the -amount of crime brought to light. When coupled with the reorganization of -the various police-stations, each of which was furnished with a strong -registering and investigating staff, the increase in recorded crime -became inevitable. It was likewise due to more accurate estimates of the -value of property stolen that the percentage of recovery declined from 56 -in 1908 to about 40 in succeeding years. - -Murder and attempts at murder were still deplorably frequent, including -cases of infanticide which are extremely difficult to detect in an -Oriental city. The number of murder cases varied from 16 in 1909 to 31 in -1910, 25 in 1911, 31 in 1912, and 24 in both 1913 and 1915. The largest -number, 35, occurred in 1914. The most notable murder was that of a -young and wealthy Bhattia widow, residing in her own house on Malabar -Hill. Her husband, Lakhmidas Khimji, who had died some time previously -in circumstances which gave rise to ill-founded rumour, had been a -well-known figure in Indian commercial circles. His widow Jamnabai, was -brutally strangled by a gang of six men from northern India, two of whom -belonged to well-known criminal tribes in the United Provinces and a -third was a night-watchman in the employ of a Jain resident on Malabar -Hill. At first there appeared to be no clue whatever to the crime; but -a few days after its occurrence the commissioner received an anonymous -letter in Hindi, which was translated for him by the Subehdar of the -Armed Police, who happened to be a north-Indian Brahman conversant with -that language. The letter, which was written by one of the criminals -in revenge for not receiving what he regarded as a fair share of the -ornaments stolen from the widow’s house, gave sufficient details to -enable the Police to arrest five of the gang the same evening. The sixth -accused was subsequently arrested at Bassein. All of them were placed on -trial for murder and convicted. - -By the year 1909, the vice of cocaine-eating had attained an -extraordinary hold upon the lower classes of the population. Women and -even children had fallen victims to a habit which plainly exercised a -deplorable effect upon their health and morals. The supplies of the drug -came in the first instance from Germany in packets bearing the name -of Merk, and were frequently smuggled into India in ways that defied -detection. Moreover the traffic in the drug, which was international in -character, was so cleverly organized that it was practically impossible -to trace and prosecute the importers and distributors. Action was -therefore confined to prosecuting the smaller fry for the offences of -illicit sale and possession, and the majority of such cases occurred -in the notorious Nal Bazar area of the C division, which for the last -thirty or forty years has sheltered a large population of disreputables. -The Police were not held primarily responsible for the control of the -cocaine-traffic. This duty devolved upon the Collector of Bombay, who -maintained a large and well-paid excise staff for the purpose.[115] -But the obligation which rested on the police to assist the excise -authorities as far as possible, and the direct stimulus to crime provided -by the cocaine-habit, rendered the question of combating the traffic of -more than ordinary importance. With this in view, the Commissioner in -1909 put a special police-cordon on the area devoted to the traffic for -about six weeks. This produced satisfactory results for the time being, -but had to be abandoned, to allow of the men reverting to their regular -duties which suffered by their absence. In 1911 a second attempt was -made to restrict the evil by placing a European Inspector and a staff of -constables on special duty in the C division for a period of about two -months, during which nearly 600 individuals were caught and convicted -by the courts. These incursions into the area of the retail-traffic were -not the only successes achieved by the police. In 1911 the Dock Police -arrested an Austrian steward of the S. S. _Africa_ with 300 grains of -cocaine concealed in the soles of his boots; in 1912 the Superintendent -of the Harbour Police secured the arrest of a fireman from a German -merchant-ship with 40 lbs. of the drug, valued at Rs. 45,500, in his -possession; another large consignment, valued at Rs. 17,000 was traced -by Khan Saheb M. H. Taki and Khan Saheb F. M. Taki of the C. I. D. to a -house in Doctor Street in 1913; and on two occasions Indian constables on -duty in the Docks arrested on suspicion persons belonging to vessels in -the harbour, with large quantities of the drug concealed on their person. -It cannot be asserted, however, that these arrests and prosecutions -secured any real diminution of the traffic from abroad. They did upset -the local market for the drug, and interfered temporarily with the supply -of the tiny paper packets sold in the darker corners of the C division. -The traffickers were not thereby daunted, for when the real article was -difficult to procure, they palmed off powdered magnesia and Epsom salts -on their unfortunate victims, who were naturally unable to complain of -the deception. The first real check to the traffic was provided by the -drastic restrictions on imports and exports imposed after the declaration -of War in 1914, and by the sudden cessation of the continental steamship -companies’ traffic between Europe and the East. At a comparatively recent -date the question of the traffic in cocaine has been discussed at Geneva -under the auspices of the League of Nations, and the view seems to be -generally accepted that the evil can only be adequately countered by -stringent supervision of the primary sources of supply and joint action -on the part of all the States concerned. - -Of the many important criminal cases successfully investigated by the -Police during these seven years, a few deserve special mention. In -1910 and 1911 some very seditious books were brought to the notice of -the Bombay Government by certain persons to whom they had been sent -anonymously. In the course of their inquiries the Police discovered a -large store of these books at Navsari in the Baroda State, and also -secured proof that the books were printed at Mehsana in the same -territory. A prominent Indian pleader of Kaira, who was concerned in -their distribution, was prosecuted and duly convicted. H. H. the Gaekwar -of Baroda was in England at the time of the inquiry; but on his return -he deported the author of the books, who was one of his own subjects, -for a period of five years. In 1912 the police successfully dealt with -a swindler named Amratlal, who had victimised a firm of jewellers in -Germany to the extent of nearly 2 lakhs of rupees, and they also detected -the perpetrator of a series of thefts on board the P. and O. Company’s -ships, including a case of tampering with the mails. In the following -year the premises of the well-known firm of Messrs Ewart, Latham and -Company were destroyed by fire. Immediately after the fire, a stolen -cheque filled in for Rs. 10,826 and bearing a forged signature, was -presented at a bank for payment and cashed. One of the firm’s employés -was eventually arrested and charged with the offences of theft, cheating -and forgery, the police investigation establishing also the moral -certainty that the accused had set fire to the office in the hope of -obliterating all trace of his crime. The accused was committed to the -Sessions, where a peculiarly stupid jury, failing to appreciate the -evidence, brought in a verdict of “not guilty.” The presiding Judge -discharged the accused and passed severe comments on the perversity -displayed by the jury. A case, which contained elements of both tragedy -and comedy, concerned the marriage of a Koli girl, about 9 years old, to -a sexagenarian Bania. Three Hindus, acting on the principle that love is -blind, falsely represented that the girl was a Bania, and thereby induced -the elderly Lothario to pay Rs. 1,500 for the privilege of wedding the -girl. After the marriage the old gentleman discovered the deception -practised upon him, and made a formal complaint to the police, who traced -the three culprits and secured the conviction of two of them. - -In 1914 the embezzlement of Rs. 1,000, representing the fees paid by -students at the Government Law School, led to the arrest and conviction -of a clerk on the school staff, who was proved in the course of the -police-inquiry to have embezzled no less than Rs. 12,000 between -the years 1902 and 1912. At the request of the police of the United -Provinces, two charges of filing false civil suits, with the object of -avoiding payment of sums due by them, were successfully proved against -natives of upper India; and these were followed by an equally long and -intricate inquiry into a case of cheating, in which three Hindus, one -of whom had a local reputation as a palmist and astrologer, persuaded -two Bhandaris of Bombay to pay them Rs. 4,000, on condition that they -would use their supposed influence with the excise authorities to -obtain two liquor-licenses for their dupes. In 1915 the Bohra thief and -house-breaker, Tyebali, whose conviction during Mr. Gell’s _régime_ -has already been mentioned, completed his term of imprisonment and -recommenced his thieving exploits. After committing several thefts from -houses in Nepean Sea road he was caught, convicted and sentenced to -a fresh term of six years’ imprisonment. All the stolen property was -recovered from a Bohra receiver, who worked with Tyebali. In September -of the same year information was received from the Director of Criminal -Intelligence, Delhi, that three valuable Persian manuscripts had been -stolen from the library of Nawab Sir Salar Jung Bahadur at Hyderabad. -After a lengthy inquiry the Bombay police traced one of the manuscripts, -a _Shahnama_, with illuminated headings and illustrations in colours and -gold, which was declared by experts to be an artistic treasure of immense -value. A chance remark furnished a clue to the whereabouts of the -manuscript, which was in due course returned to its owner in Hyderabad. - -Anonymous communications are exceedingly common in India, and as a rule -it is practically impossible to trace their authorship. A case of this -type, which presented unusual features, was successfully investigated by -the police in 1915. For more than two years a series of objectionable and -defamatory postcards and letters had been received by high officials, -prominent Indians, and clubs. Any event of public interest during that -period resulted in a shower of these typed communications, which were -always very scurrilous and occasionally flagrantly indecent. They were -addressed not only to residents of Bombay, but to officials in other -parts of India also, to the Governor, the Viceroy and even to members of -the Royal Family in England. The C.I.D. had been able to establish the -fact that all the cards and letters were typed on a single machine of a -particular and well-known make; and having done that, they proceeded, -with the approval of the postal authorities, to subject all the postcards -received in the General Post Office to close scrutiny throughout a -period of several weeks. At length their patience was rewarded. A card -was found, which on careful scrutiny was seen to have been typed on the -missing machine, and as it was an ordinary and _bona fide_ business -communication it was not difficult to locate the machine. It proved to -be the property of a well-known Indian merchant, and further inquiry -rendered it certain that he was the author of the anonymous cards. He was -therefore arrested and released on bail. While the Police were collecting -further evidence to support the charge against him, the accused, who had -many influential friends, confessed his guilt to one of them and asked -his advice. The friend advised him to make a clean breast of the whole -matter to the Commissioner of Police and throw himself on his mercy. This -he agreed at the moment, but in the end failed, to do and a few days -later, while ostensibly endeavouring to light a gas-stove with a bottle -of methylated spirit, he was so severely burned about the body that he -died in a few hours. The case caused some commotion in the community, to -which the accused belonged, and the Commissioner was urged to refrain at -the inquest on the deceased from any allusion to the criminal inquiry -into the authorship of the postcards. But this the Commissioner refused -to do, in view of the wild rumours about the case which were being -spread about the City, some of which placed the police in a false and -undesirable position. It was doubtless satisfactory to the friends of the -deceased that the Coroner’s jury found themselves able to pronounce a -verdict of accidental death. It only remains to add that after the arrest -of the accused the plague of anonymous postcards entirely ceased. - -The criminal record of these years would be incomplete without a -reference to the collapse in 1913 of a number of Indian banks. The most -notable of all, the Indian Specie Bank, was never made the subject -of a criminal investigation, though the apathy of its Directors was -unquestionable, and its manager, who had set out to “corner” silver -against the Indian Government with the monies of the bank’s depositors, -found it desirable, when the crash came, to die suddenly at Bandora. -Orders were issued by the Bombay Government to the Police to investigate -the transactions of several lesser banks and bring the guilty to trial; -and accordingly a protracted and intricate inquiry was commenced by -Inspector Morris of the C. I. D. into the accounts and balance-sheets of -the Credit Bank, the Bombay Banking Company and the Cosmopolitan Bank. -In the case of the first-named bank, charges of criminal breach of trust -and falsification of accounts were proved against the manager, who was -sentenced in 1914 to ten years’ rigorous imprisonment, while the manager -of the Bombay Banking Company and his nephew were likewise convicted of -criminal breach of trust and cheating and sentenced to varying terms -of imprisonment with hard labour. In the third case the police proved -clearly that the bank was not a bank at all, and had neither funds, -business nor influence; but the manager and the “bank’s” broker, who -were charged by the police with cheating, were eventually discharged -by the trying magistrate. These bank-failures were not confined to -Bombay, but took place in other Provinces also, notably in the Punjab. -When the collapse commenced, an attempt was made to draw some of the -European-managed banks into the vortex, with the object of showing that -the failures were due rather to general economic conditions than to bad -management. The attempt failed; for the Scotchmen, who form ninety per -cent of the European banking community in India, were too cautious and -too solidly entrenched to succumb to any artificial panic, and despite -the assertion of some Indian politicians that the European-managed banks, -by withholding assistance from these mushroom Indian concerns, had -deliberately precipitated the crisis, the general conclusion was that the -failures were primarily due to careless or fraudulent management. This -view found confirmation in the verdicts delivered in the Courts. - -The collapse of at least one bank was due to the uncontrolled habit -of speculation which has always distinguished the City of Bombay. Few -persons now remain who can remember the famous Share Mania of the early -’sixties: but the spirit of gambling which underlay that colossal -financial fiasco is still alive and manifests itself from time to time in -wild speculation in the cotton and share markets. The abnormal readiness -of the average Indian to follow the lead of any man of outstanding -personality, and the ease with which credit is obtained and renewed -in Indian circles only serve to aggravate the evil. The suicide of -Mr. Dwarkadas Dharamsey, a leading Bhattia mill-agent and merchant, -in September, 1909, provided an example of the latitude allowed to -one whose financial position had for several years been very unsound. -Dwarkadas Dharamsey was a man of great mental capacity, but devoid of -scruple. He occupied a leading position in the mercantile and social -world, was well-known on the race-course as an owner of horses, was a -member of the Municipal Corporation and of the Board of the Improvement -Trust, and had been appointed Sheriff of Bombay two or three years before -his death. Yet in the very heyday of his prosperity he was spending more -than he possessed, staving off importunate demands by all manner of -temporary expedients, and juggling with the funds of the mills of which -he was director and agent. Faced at last with almost complete insolvency -and unable to raise further funds, he shot himself with a revolver -at his house in the Fort. He left a kind of confession behind him in -which he explained the reason for his action and referred in ambiguous -language to some greater crime that he had committed. Though various -conjectures were made as to the nature of this act, no definite solution -was ever forthcoming. His secret died with him. Immediately after his -death, the police discovered that the operatives of his four mills had -not been paid their wages for two months, and owing to the closing of -the mills they were left stranded and unemployed. With the assistance -of Mr. R. D. Sethna, the Official Receiver, the Commissioner was able -to get the mill-hands’ wages treated as a first charge on the estate -of the deceased, and within a short time the wages due to the men were -liquidated under Mr. Sethna’s orders. - -On several occasions Indian constables distinguished themselves by -acts of bravery and examples of professional acumen. The detection of -a burglary in the showroom of an English firm was due entirely to the -action of a Hindu constable, who noticed on a piece of furniture the -mark of a foot possessing certain peculiarities, which he remembered -having seen before in the foot of an ex-convict. Another Hindu constable -grappled with a European who had stabbed a townsman, and though severely -wounded in the stomach and bleeding profusely, managed to pursue the -offender and hold him down till help came. On three other occasions -Indian constables sustained severe wounds, when grappling single-handed -with armed Pathans and others, and on each occasion they clung to the -prisoner until his arrest was secured. Several instances occurred of -women and children being saved from drowning, and in two cases the men -were rewarded with the bronze medal of the Royal Humane Society. The -action of a young Hindu constable, who had been only three months in -the force, deserves more detailed description. About 3 a.m. one morning -in August, 1912, a Punjab Muhammadan murdered his comrade in a room in -Bapty road. The murder was not discovered till some time afterwards. At -4 a.m. the constable on duty at the junction of Falkland and Foras roads -saw a man hurrying in a suspicious manner through the shadows towards -Gilder street. He stopped and questioned him; and, his suspicions being -aroused, decided to search the man. The fugitive offered the constable -a bribe of Rs. 5, Rs. 10 and finally Rs. 30 to let him go; but the -constable arrested him and marched him to the Nagpada police station, -where a report of the murder had by that time been received. It was then -found that the arrested fugitive was the murderer, and that the money -with which he had tried to bribe the constable was stained with blood -and formed part of the sum which he had stolen from his victim. Further -investigation proved beyond doubt that the murdered man had himself -stolen the money from an Englishman in Mussoorie. A unique case, in -which an accused asked permission of the Magistrate to pay a reward to -the constable who arrested him, occurred in 1914. The prisoner, on being -questioned, explained that, owing to his timely arrest, he had managed to -retain possession of a sum of money, of which he would certainly have -been robbed by the disorderly persons with whom he was consorting at the -time the constable locked him up. - -Among the special events of these years which imposed extra work for the -time being on the Police were the Nasik murder and conspiracy trials in -the High Court in 1910, the visit of Lord Minto in 1909, the arrival of -Lord Hardinge and the visit of the ex-German Crown Prince in 1910, and -the arrival of Lord Chelmsford in 1916. For the first time on record, -the Mounted Police under their European officers were permitted to form -part of the escort both of Lord Minto and the German Crown Prince, and, -riding grey Arabs in their handsome full-dress uniform, they provided not -the least showy part of the spectacle. These Viceregal progresses from -the railway terminus or the Apollo Bandar to Malabar Hill had changed -in character since the beginning of the twentieth century. Formerly the -route chosen for the arrival of a new Viceroy or the departure of his -predecessor lay as a matter of course through Kalbadevi road and Bhendy -Bazaar, and thence by way of Grant road, or later Sandhurst road, to -Chaupati and Walkeshwar. No particular precautions were taken, for none -were deemed necessary; the people were well-disposed and always ready to -welcome the King’s representative as he was driven through the heart of -the Indian quarters. But as the anarchical and revolutionary movement -spread and attempts were made upon the lives even of Viceroys, the old -route through the city was, except for very special reasons, gradually -abandoned, and the incoming and departing potentates were escorted along -the safer route of Queen’s road. The distance of this thoroughfare from -the heart of the City, and the growing nonchalance of the majority of the -inhabitants in regard to Viceregal appearances in public, were naturally -responsible for an absence of sight-seers on the processional route, and -at times there were few persons to be seen except the foot-police lining -the sides of the road. On the occasion of Lord Chelmsford’s arrival in -April, 1916, one of the Superintendents, through whose division a portion -of the route passed, determined to keep up appearances of loyal welcome, -by collecting the necessary crowd at Sandhurst Bridge and instructing -them beforehand in the art of hand-clapping and other manifestations -of popular satisfaction. As it was obviously impossible to impress -respectable householders and others for this duty, the sectional officers -were instructed to shepherd their bad characters of both sexes to the -fixed point, after arranging that they all donned clean clothes and were -paid 2 annas apiece for their trouble. The plan worked well. As the new -Viceroy’s carriage swept out of Queen’s road on to the bridge, the signal -was given and a hearty burst of hand-clapping, punctured with cries of -_shabash_, rose from the little crowd of disreputables at the corner. -No one knew who they were, except the police who had hunted them out -of their haunts a few hours previously: and the Viceroy was doubtless -gratified at this signal expression of welcome. When the last of the -escort had passed, the unfortunates were taken back to their quarter and -there set free to resume their ordinary and less harmless avocations. - -There was no need of artificial welcomes of this character when Their -Majesties visited Bombay in 1911, or at their final departure in -1912. They drove through the heart of the City; and both in the wide -thoroughfares of the European business-quarter and in the narrower -streets of the Indian city they were affectionately greeted and welcomed -by thousands of their subjects of all castes and creeds. Their progress -was, indeed, a triumph. The choice of the route had not been settled -without some doubt and misgiving. The authorities in England declared -that the royal procession must not pass along any road of less than -a certain width: the Commissioner of Police pointed out that this -restriction would entirely debar Their Majesties from entering the City -north of Carnac road. The restriction was therefore waived, on condition -that the Police adopted all possible measures to render the route -completely secure. This by no means easy task was achieved by the C. I. -D. and the divisional police, of whom the former spent the three months -preceding the Royal Visit in mapping out the houses on the route, making -themselves acquainted with all the inmates, posting plain-clothes men and -agents in the upper-storeys, and keeping a daily register of arrivals -and departures. In one or two cases the divisional police, whose duties -lay in holding the route and directing traffic, imposed even stricter -conditions than the C. I. D., as the following incident proves. Three -or four days before Their Majesties’ arrival, an elderly Muhammadan -woman of the lower class visited the Head Police Office and asked for an -interview with the Commissioner. Her request was granted; and on being -shown in, she informed the Commissioner that she occupied a room in the -upper-storey of a house near the junction of Sandhurst and Parel roads, -and that she desired permission to look out of her window at the royal -procession. “But,” said the Commissioner, “you need no permission for -that.” “Yes, Huzur, I do”, she answered; “the section-wala (_i.e._ the -officer in charge of a police-station) says that unless I obtain a permit -I must keep my window shut on the day”. It was clearly useless to argue -with the old lady, who was honestly bent upon obtaining _darshan_ of the -_Padshah_. The Commissioner, therefore, wrote out the following pass in -his own hand, signed it, and sent her away satisfied:— - - “To all Police Officers and those whom it may concern. - - This is to certify that Aminabai, living in House No. —— ———— - street, second floor, is hereby granted permission to look - out of her own window at His Majesty the King-Emperor, on the - occasion of the Royal Progress through Bombay on December 2nd. - 1911. - - S. M. Edwardes, - _Commissioner of Police_.” - -As an additional precaution the Commissioner of Police asked the Bombay -Government to invest him with special magisterial powers, which would -enable him to deal summarily with persons of bad character, whose liberty -it might be necessary to curtail during the period of the Royal Visit. -The request having been granted, the Commissioner proceeded to remand -to jail the majority of the well-known hooligans and bad characters, -to the number of 400. Fully another three hundred persons with guilty -consciences decided to leave Bombay for a holiday up-country, in the -belief that they would be sent to jail if they stayed in the City. In -this way the City was cleared of seven or eight hundred of its worst -characters, and the daily crime returns subsequently proved that the -action thus taken produced a very marked diminution of crime during the -period of the Royal Visit. Moreover, respectable townspeople, learning -of the incarceration of the criminal classes, were able to leave their -houses freely at night to visit the illuminations, without fear of -burglaries occurring in their absence or of having their pockets picked -in the crowd. Political offenders, who usually belonged to a higher -stratum of society, were treated differently. In one or two cases they -were remanded to jail for treatment as first-class misdemeanants: but -the majority were given the option of spending a fortnight in some -place chosen by themselves, the police of that place being warned of -their arrival and of the need of keeping them under surveillance. In -one instance a _détenu_ asked to be allowed to visit Ceylon, which he -had never seen, and he was accordingly sent there in company with a -plain-clothes officer of the C. I. D., who duly escorted him back again -at the end of fifteen days. The entire absence of any protest on the -part of the public or the Indian press against the Commissioner’s action -shows that the powers were wielded cautiously and that special measures -of this kind were generally accepted as appropriate to the occasion. The -wholesale disappearance for the time being of the criminal and hooligan -element certainly contributed to the peaceful and orderly progress of -the Visit, and produced an immediate and marked decline of crime, which -enabled the police to concentrate all their attention on the special -arrangements for the functions held during Their Majesties’ stay. - -Both before and during the Royal Visit, the Police received much help -from the public. There was scarcely a householder who did not willingly -undertake to carry out the suggestions of the police, and a large number -of people, drawn from various classes and communities, volunteered to -serve as special constables during the Visit. As to the manner in which -the police force itself performed its heavy work, it will suffice to -quote the words of the Governor-in-Council, who was “commanded to express -to the Police of the City of Bombay His Imperial Majesty’s ‘entire -satisfaction with the admirable police arrangements made during His -Imperial Majesty’s recent visit to Bombay and with the manner in which -they were carried out’”. In recognition of the exemplary performance -of heavy additional duties, all ranks of the force, from inspectors -downwards, received a special bonus, equivalent to ten days’ pay. Four -Superintendents and three Inspectors received the medal of the Royal -Victorian Order from the King-Emperor himself. - -The subject of cotton-fires at the Colaba Green was revived by the -disastrous epidemic of fires in the cold weather of 1913-14. As -previously mentioned, a special committee was appointed by Government, -with the Commissioner of Police as chairman, to enquire into the origin -of the fires and suggest precautions for the future. The report of this -committee, which found that the weight of evidence pointed to wholesale -incendiarism, was submitted only a few weeks before the outbreak of -War in 1914, and consequently received early burial in the records of -the Secretariat. The deductions of the Committee were strengthened to -some extent by the inquiries carried out by the C. I. D. during 1914. -A thorough examination of the books of various companies established -beyond a shadow of doubt that large fortunes had been made over the -fires by persons in the cotton trade, as a result of fraudulent dealing, -mixing and classification of cotton. This system of dishonesty had been -facilitated by slack methods of insurance, which in turn were rendered -profitable by clever underwriting. It is doubtful whether these little -‘idiosyncrasies’ of the Bombay cotton market will ever be wholly -eradicated. - -It is possible that long after the details of the reorganization of -the police force have passed into oblivion, Mr. Edwardes’ tenure of -office will be remembered for the abolition of the dangerous and rowdy -side of the annual Muharram celebration. At the time he was appointed -Commissioner, the Muharram, which had been a cause of excitement and -anxiety from the days of Forjett, had degenerated into an annual scandal -and become a menace to the peace of the city. No respectable Musalman -took part in the annual procession of _tabuts_, nor would permit his -family to visit the _tazias_ and _tabuts_ during the ten days of the -festival, for fear of insult and annoyance from the _badmashes_ and -hooligans, who chose the sites of the _tabuts_ in the various _mohollas_ -as their gathering-ground. The cost of building and decorating each -_tazia_ and _tabut_ was defrayed by a public subscription, which -had degenerated into pure and simple blackmail, levied by the less -respectable denizens of each _moholla_ upon the general public. The -Marwadi and other Hindu merchants suffered particularly from this -practice; at times they were threatened with physical injury if they did -not subscribe; on other occasions the collecting-party, composed of four -or five Muhammadan roughs, would visit the shops of the Jain merchants, -carrying a dead rat, and threaten to drop it into the heaps of grain and -sugar if the shop-owner did not forthwith hand out a fair sum. By the -exercise of pressure and threats, some _mohollas_ contrived to raise -comparatively large sums, aggregating several hundred rupees, and as -only a fractional portion of this money was required to defray the cost -of the _tabut_ and the paraphernalia of the final procession, the balance -was devoted to the support of the hooligans of the _mohollas_ during -the following few months. Attached to each _tabut_, and accompanying -it whenever it was carried out in procession, was a _toli_ or band of -attendants, usually varying in numbers from 50 to 200 and composed of -the riff-raff of the lower quarters. In some cases these _tolis_ had -been gradually allowed to assume a gigantic size, as for example that -of the Julhai weavers of Ripon road (Madanpura), which comprised from -two to three thousand men, all armed with _lathis_ tipped with brass or -lead. Similarly the notorious Rangari _moholla_ (Abdul Rehman street), -Halai Memon _moholla_, Kolsa _moholla_ and Chuna Batti _moholla_, could -count upon turning out several thousand followers, armed with sticks and -staves, who could be trusted to render a good account of themselves if -there was a breach of the public peace. - -The time-honoured sectarian enmity between Sunni and Shia usually showed -itself by the second day of the festival, in the form of insults hurled -at the Bohras (Shias) by the Sunni rag-tag and bobtail in the various -streets occupied by the former. The most notorious of these centres of -disturbance was Doctor Street, which debouched into Grant road opposite -Sulliman _chauki_; but none of the Bohra quarters were safe from -disturbance; and year after year Bohra merchants had to leave Bombay -during the festival, or had to secure special protection, and even had to -disguise their women in male attire, in the hope of thereby minimising -the chance of insult by the lower-class Sunnis. Muharram rioting, which -had become much too frequent during the first decade of this century, -usually commenced with a fracas of some sort between Sunnis and Bohras, -in which the former were generally the aggressors; and when the Police -intervened to restore order, the mob on one pretext or another declared -war against them with the inevitable result. The Sunni hooligans would -never have reached the pitch of insolence which marked their behaviour in -1910, had they not felt assured that they had the support of the leading -Sunnis residing in the _mohollas_, many of whom, though comparatively -wealthy, were almost illiterate and totally uncultured; and the latter -in turn were prompted to foster the more rowdy and disreputable aspects -of the festival by the belief that the Moslem community thereby acquired -more importance, even though of a sinister character, in the eyes of -Government, and that the possibility of disturbance could be occasionally -used as a lever to secure consideration or concessions in other -directions. - -This belief was partly confirmed by the attitude of the authorities, -who persisted in attaching undue weight to the religious character of -the festival,—a character which had practically ceased to have any -influence on the celebrants, and in accordance with the time-honoured -principle of strict religious neutrality showed great reluctance to -impose any restrictions upon the celebration. The Police, who in times -of disturbance often reaped a fair harvest of tips and presents from -timorous townspeople who desired protection from mob-violence, and who -also discovered in the aftermath of rioting an easy means of paying off -old scores, had never troubled to explain to Government the precise -character and danger of the annual Muharram. The old doctrine of “the -safety-valve” was still in favour, with the result that during the -concluding days of the festival Bombay used to witness the spectacle -of police officers of the upper ranks urging the most uncompromising -rascals to lift the _tabuts_ and form the processions, regardless of the -fact that at any other season of the year they would not have hesitated -to lock up most of these disreputables at sight. In short, under the -cloak of religion, the worst elements in the bazaar were permitted to -burst their bounds for ten days and flow over the central portion of -the City in a current of excessive turbulence, to terrorize the peaceful -householder and to play intolerable mischief in the streets. If the -leaders and wire-pullers decided that there should be a disturbance, -culminating in a conflict with the police, all they had to do was to -pass the order to the various _mohollas_ not to “lift” their _tabuts_ on -the tenth day and to the Bara Imam shrine in Khoja street not to send -out the _sandal_-procession on the ninth night. This latter procession -was, so to speak, the barometer of the Muharram, and its non-appearance -in the streets invariably indicated storm. Once it had been decided not -to “lift” the _tabuts_, the huge _tolis_, which should have accompanied -them to their final immersion in the sea, were let loose in the streets -with nothing to do, and a breach of the peace was rendered practically -inevitable. When this point was reached on the last day, it was customary -for the Afghans and Pathans, residing in the B division, to collect in -groups in the lanes behind Parel road (Bhendy Bazar), and at the right -moment to commence looting and setting fire to shops. In the Muharram -riots of 1908 it was these people who set fire to a shop on Parel road -and threw a Hindu constable into the middle of the flames. The only -unobjectionable feature of the old Muharram was the _Waaz_ or religious -discourse, which was delivered nightly in each of the leading _mohollas_ -by a chosen _Maulvi_ or _Mulla_. Unfortunately these were very little -patronized by the hooligans and damaged characters, who composed the -_tolis_ and monopolized the celebration of the festival in the streets. - -Mr. Edwardes’ first Muharram in 1910 ended without an actual breach of -the peace: but the behaviour of the _mohollas_ was so insolent, and -the license and obscenity displayed by the mob were so intolerable, -particularly in the Bohra quarter of the C division, that he determined -to impose restrictions at the Muharram of January, 1911. Accordingly -in December, 1910, he issued a notification closing Doctor Street and -the neighbouring lanes running parallel with it to all processionists -throughout the period of the festival, and from the first night he -placed a strong cordon of police round the prohibited area, to prevent -any attempt by the mob to break the order. Practically the whole police -force was on continuous duty for ten days and nights in the streets, and -commissariat arrangements for both European and Indian police had to be -made on the spot. Though no serious trouble occurred during the first -few days of the festival, there were several indications of trouble -brewing, and the Commissioner therefore arranged with Brigadier-General -John Swann to hold garrison troops in readiness. On the tenth night -or _Katal-ki-rat_ a serious disturbance broke out in Bhendy Bazar -about 3 a.m., in connexion with the procession of the Rangari _moholla -tabut_. Free fighting between the processionists and the mob from other -_mohollas_ took place all the way from Grant road to Pydhoni, and it was -due solely to the efforts of Mr. Vincent, the Deputy Commissioner, and a -handful of police who were escorting the procession, that the _tabut_ was -eventually brought back to its resting-place. The mob by this time had -tasted blood and displayed so truculent an attitude that the Commissioner -decided to telephone for the troops and picket them throughout the danger -zone. By 4 a.m. on January 12th the troops had taken their places, and -the mob, for the moment deeming discretion the better part of valour, -melted away in the darkness. About 5 p.m., however, in the afternoon -of the same day, the mob, which declined to carry out the _tabuts_ in -procession, collected on Parel road and Memonwada road and commenced -stoning the troops and police. They also stopped all traffic, stoned -tram-cars and private carriages, and roughly handled several harmless -pedestrians. The police made several charges upon them from Pydhoni, -but were unable permanently to disperse the rioters. At length the -Commissioner, seeing that the two mobs refused to disperse and were -practically out of hand, and that the Pathans were on the point of -breaking loose, called Rao Bahadur Chunilal H. Setalwad, one of the -Presidency Magistrates, who was on duty at Sulliman Chauki, and asked him -to give the order to the troops (the Warwickshire Regiment) picketed at -Pydhoni to fire on the mob. The order was given at once and the rioting -ceased.[116] - -Like Napoleon’s famous “whiff of grapeshot”, the firing of the Warwicks -may be said to have blown the old Muharram into the limbo of oblivion. -From that date, January 1911, the processional part of the Muharram, with -its _tolis_, its blackmail, its terrorism and its obscenities, ceased -to exist and has not up to the present 1922 been revived. Before the -succeeding Muharram drew near, the Commissioner had framed new rules -for the celebration, of which the deposit by _tabut_-license holders -of ample security for good behaviour and a complete revision of the -processional route for each _tabut_ were two of the main features. He had -also contrived to persuade the leaders of the various Muhammadan sections -and _mohollas_ that the orgiastic method of celebrating the festival -was an anachronism, not countenanced by Islamic teaching and gravely -injurious to the City. In thus securing the obliteration of the customs -and practices, which for more than fifty years had been responsible for -periodical outbreaks of disorder, the Commissioner was greatly assisted -by some of the leading men of the Sunni _jamats_, of whom the most -conspicuous and most helpful was Sirdar Saheb Sulliman Cassum Haji Mitha, -C. I. E., of Kolsa _Moholla_. He led the way at succeeding Muharrams in -popularizing the _waaz_ or nightly religious discourses and in spending -upon them, and upon illuminations and charitable distribution of food to -the poorer classes, the money which was formerly wasted on irreverent -and turbulent processions. For this fundamental change in the character -of the festival none perhaps were more grateful than the _Maulvis_ and -_Mullas_ who presided over the _waaz_; for with the disappearance of -the _tolis_ and their paraphernalia their audiences were enormously -increased. But respectable Moslems and the general public also breathed a -sigh of relief, on realizing that the longstanding annual menace to law -and order had been exorcised. In December, 1914, on the conclusion of the -fourth Muharram celebrated in the new manner, the Bombay Government wrote -to Mr. Edwardes, expressing their thanks for his unremitting efforts and -skilful management of the festival. “The result”, they remarked, “is -in large measure due to the excellent relations which you established -between the Muhammadan leaders and yourself, thus rendering it possible -to relegate to the past the disreputable ceremonies which used to -disfigure the Muharram. It is now possible to regard the new regulations -as having become permanently established”. - -Such, very briefly, is the history of the purification of the Bombay -Muharram. The old days, when the police were on continuous duty for -ten days and nights, when the Bohras were subjected to volleys of the -vilest and most obscene abuse and to open assault, when the lowest and -most turbulent portion of the population was permitted to take charge of -the central portion of the city, and when rioting with its complement -of drastic repression was liable to recur in any year—those days have -passed, and one hopes that a weak administration will never permit them -to recur. The present puritanical and more reverent method of celebration -was firmly established during Mr. Edwardes’ Commissionership with the -help and approval of leading Muhammadans, who realized at length that the -annual orgy in the streets was a disgrace to Islam. - -It remains only to notice the effect upon the police of the outbreak of -the Great War in August, 1914. The day after War was declared, local -shopkeepers, particularly the dealers in foodstuffs, commenced to raise -their prices to famine level, and large numbers of the poorer classes -appealed to the police for assistance. Government having decided to -appoint a food-price committee, the Commissioner ordered a _battaki_ -to be beaten throughout the City for three days; several shopkeepers -who were disposed to be recalcitrant were called up to the Head Police -Office and warned; and in several cases constables were posted at shops -to see that prices were not unduly raised. Excess amounts received by -shopkeepers from mill-hands and others were in many cases recovered and -paid back to the purchasers, and a series of judiciously-fabricated -reports were spread by chosen agents, describing the imaginary fate which -had overtaken certain shopkeepers, who had extorted fancy prices from the -public. Somewhat similar action was taken with excellent effect in the -case of retail-dealers, who refused to accept currency-notes of small -denominations from the poorer classes. Within a few days these measures -produced the required effect, and trade again became normal. The police -were on constant duty day and night at the Government Dockyard, at the -various military camps erected for the Indian Expeditionary Force, and -during the economic disturbance in the early days of the War at the -banks and Currency Office. They assisted the military authorities to -find Dhobis, Bhistis and other camp-followers for enrolment, they traced -absentee followers and native seamen, and during the heavy rain-storms of -October, 1914, they found accommodation in permanent buildings for the -troops under canvas. They took charge of coal-stacks for the Director, R. -I. M., and did much extra duty at the Wadi Bandar railway goods-sheds. -They displayed great tact in their management of the crowds which used -to collect in the streets to hear the special editions of the vernacular -newspapers read out during the early months of the War; and during the -aeroplane scare, they were equally successful in dealing with the mobs -which used to scan the skies for airships. While the _Emden_ was seizing -vessels in the Bay of Bengal and bombarding Madras, there was again a -scare in the City and some of the more timorous merchants, taking their -cash and jewellery with them, fled to their homes in Native States, where -in several cases the local police kindly relieved them of most of their -valuables. Others, equally timorous but more reasonable, applied to the -Police Commissioner for advice, and were satisfied with his assurance -that if it should become necessary to vacate Bombay, he would give them -ample warning beforehand. Trusting to this promise, many Hindu merchants -remained in the City, who would otherwise have fled. - -During the movement of the Expeditionary Forces, the scenes in certain -quarters of the bazar, which were heavily patronized by soldiers and -sailors, both European and Indian, beggared description. The Japanese -quarter appeared to offer special attractions to fighting-men of -Mongolian type, and the divisional police had a hard task to settle -disputes and maintain order in these areas. In the mill-district there -was unrest for some little time; but this was at length discounted by the -labours of three Hindu gentlemen, Messrs. H. A. Talcherkar, S. K. Bole, -and K. R. Koregaonkar, who volunteered their services as intermediaries -between the Police Commissioner and the industrial population, and by -means of lectures on the war, social gatherings and so forth, helped to -keep the police in touch with popular feeling and to minimise panic. Very -arduous work fell upon the Harbour police in connexion with the patrol of -the various bandars and wharves, the boarding of all vessels entering the -harbour, and the many miscellaneous and emergent requisitions entailed by -war conditions. The old police launch which at its best was never very -seaworthy, broke down under the strain and had to be docked for repairs -to her machinery; but the Harbour police continued to carry on their -duties by borrowing launches from other departments. The desertion of -lascar crews at the beginning of the submarine scare caused much trouble -to the Shipping Master and to the steamship-companies, and on several -occasions _serangs_ and other Indian seamen were brought to the Head -Police Office to have their apprehensions allayed. When Turkey entered -the war, the Divisional police took a census and compiled a register of -all Turkish subjects in the City, excluding certain wealthy Arabs of the -upper class, who were visited by Muhammadan police officers specially -deputed for this duty by the Commissioner. - -The bulk of the confidential war work fell naturally upon the Criminal -Investigation Department. Before the organization of the Postal Censor’s -office, and in some cases also afterwards, the department scrutinized -letters addressed to enemy subjects; it studied closely the daily and -weekly newspapers in all languages, and prepared a daily report for the -military authorities on the publication of war-news; it carried out -requests for information and assistance from the Brigade Office, the -Customs Department, and the Controller of Hostile Trading Concerns. It -prepared lists for Government of hostile, allied and neutral foreigners -resident in Bombay; it mustered all German and Austrian males, numbering -respectively 189 and 37, at the Head Police Office, confiscated their -fire-arms, and eventually dispatched them under arrest to the Ahmadnagar -Detention Camp, whither were also sent many enemy foreigners subsequently -removed from enemy ships in the harbour. It also kept under surveillance -a certain number of persons who were permitted to remain on parole -in Bombay; it kept under observation and deported a large number of -transfrontier Pathans and tribesmen, under special powers granted for -this purpose to the Commissioner; it arrested the officers and crew of -a captured Turkish vessel and placed them in detention, and deported -many Turkish subjects to Jeddah. The department also housed and fed for -two months two hundred and sixty Chinese, who were removed from German -prize vessels. One of the more amusing features of their arrival was the -disgust shown by the Muhammadan police-officer, told off to arrange for -their supply of food, when they begged him in a body to buy up all the -pork he could find in the bazaar. Military prisoners from Mesopotamia -were taken over and placed in charge of the proper authorities; constant -inquiries were made about firms suspected of trading with the enemy; and -from the end of 1915 the department had to organize a system of passes -for all persons desiring to land at Basra or Mohammerah. - -The process of clearing Bombay of hostile aliens of both sexes was -finally completed in 1915. Among them were six ladies, a few children, -one or two Jesuit priests, and eighteen prostitutes, who were sent to -Calcutta for repatriation to Holland by the S. S. _Golconda_. This -party left Bombay by special train, the respectable women and children -being placed in the front carriages, the priests and the police-escort -in the centre, and the unfortunate denizens of the brothels in the -rear-compartments. The moment of departure was enlivened by a gentleman, -belonging to the priestly class of a well-known community, who had -been keeping one of the Austrian harlots. He came to see the lady off -and burst into floods of tears and loud groans, as the train steamed -out of the station. One of the most ticklish duties entrusted to the -police occurred during the Muharram of 1915. A regiment composed of -north-country Muhammadans was on the point of embarking for Mesopotamia, -when one of the men murdered their English major. He was court-martialled -without delay and sentenced to be hanged; and the military authorities, -who handed him over to the police pending his execution, were very -anxious that his punishment should be witnessed by the rest of the -regiment. There was a general undercurrent of unrest at the time in the -Muhammadan quarter, owing to sympathy with Turkey, and the Muharram -festival was in progress. Any undue publicity given to the execution, and -the overt movement of troops through the City, might have brought about -an outbreak. Arrangements were therefore made by the Police to hang the -culprit at the Byculla jail before daybreak and to march the regiment to -the spot by a circuitous route, with a British regiment in attendance to -prevent any attempt at mutiny. The execution was carried out without a -hitch, and the regiment was back at its temporary quarters in the docks -before the City was properly awake. - -In conclusion it may be added that the whole police force, and the -clerical staff of the Commissioner, subscribed one day’s pay apiece to -the Bombay Presidency Branch of the Imperial War Relief Fund. This sum -was augmented to a total of Rs. 15,000 by subscriptions received by the -Commissioner from a motley assortment of local characters, among whom may -be mentioned the leading Hindu dancing-girls, the Sadhus and Bairagis in -Bai Jankibai’s _dharamshala_, the local Pathans working in the Docks, the -Sidis or African Muhammadans, the Persian Zoroastrians or Iranis, who -are mostly tea-shop keepers, and a Parsi amateur theatrical company. It -says something for the good relations subsisting between the police and -the general public that classes such as these voluntarily offered their -contributions as soon as the general appeal for funds was issued under -the auspices of Lord Willingdon, the Governor. - -In two respects the Commissioner’s _régime_ was fortunate. He had an -excellent and very hardworking clerical staff; and the relations between -the Magistracy and the Police were uniformly cordial. Shortly after -Mr. Edwardes joined the appointment in 1909, the old head-clerk, Mr. -Ramchandra Dharadhar, retired, and his place was taken by Mr. Vinayakrao -Dinanath, whose early service dated back to the days of Sir Frank -Souter. Under him and the second clerk, Mr. Chhaganlal M. Tijoriwala, -I.S.O., who has since succeeded to the head-clerk’s post with the title -of “Superintendent of the Commissioner’s office,” an immense volume of -correspondence was dealt with, which was often of so urgent a character -that the staff was obliged to work on Sundays and to give up the public -and sectional holidays allowed to all departments of Government. - -Throughout this period the appointment of Chief Presidency Magistrate -was held by Mr. A.H.S. Aston, whose transparent honesty of thought and -purpose would have been an asset to any Bench; and he was ably seconded -by Rao Bahadur Chunilal H. Setalwad, C.I.E., Mr. Oliveira, and Mr. -Gulamhussein R. Khairaz. Mr. Setalwad combined with wide legal experience -a valuable knowledge of the customs and idiosyncrasies of the many -classes resident in Bombay, and in seasons of unrest and disturbance he -was among the first to offer his services to the Police Commissioner -towards the restoration of order. While he and his colleagues gave the -police every support from the Bench, they never hesitated to inform -the Commissioner personally of cases in which, in their opinion, the -subordinate police had acted in error or exceeded their powers—a course -of action which was most helpful to the head of the police force. - -By the end of 1915 the strain of nearly seven years’ work and the -additional burden imposed by war conditions had told so heavily upon Mr. -Edwardes’ health that he asked the Bombay Government to transfer him to -another appointment. He was offered and accepted the post of Municipal -Commissioner, and bade a final adieu to the Police force on April 15th, -1916. But he was not destined to serve long in the Municipality. An old -pulmonary complaint, which was seriously aggravated by the constant -strain of police duty, developed so rapidly that he was obliged to take -furlough to England in the following October and eventually to retire -from the service on medical certificate in April, 1918. A few months -after his final retirement, the Governor of Bombay, Lord Willingdon, -unveiled at the Head Police Office a marble bust of the ex-Commissioner, -which, in the words engraved on the pedestal, was “erected by -subscriptions from all ranks of the Bombay City Police in appreciation of -many and valued services rendered to the Force”. - - - - -APPENDIX - -MR. EDWARDES’ REPORT ON THE FINAL MOHARRAM RIOT OF 1911 AND THE BOMBAY -GOVERNMENT’S ORDER THEREON - - -No. 1431 - -_Bombay Castle, 8th March, 1911_ - -_Disturbances in Bombay during the Moharram of 1911_ - -No. 545—C, dated 20th January, 1911 - - From—S.M. Edwardes, Esquire, I.C.S., - Commissioner of Police, Bombay; - - To—The Secretary to Government, - Judicial Department, Bombay. - -I have the honour to state with regret that a serious outbreak took place -in the City on the early morning of the 12th January in connection with -the Moharram Tabut procession and that it was followed on the afternoon -of the same day by a violent disturbance of such a character that I was -forced to send for a magistrate to give an order to the troops on duty at -the scene of disturbance, to fire on the mob. I submit hereunder a full -account of the circumstances which rendered this order necessary. - -2. The Moharram of 1911 commenced on the 2nd January. As Government -are aware, I had with their approval issued a notification, dated 8th -December 1910, closing Pakmodia Street, Dhabu Street, Doctor Street, -Chimna Butcher Street and Mutton Street to all processionists throughout -the Moharram. This order was rendered necessary by the behaviour of -the Mahommedan Mohollas at the Moharram of 1910 and by the intolerable -rowdiness and obscene license which for the last 6 or 7 years have -characterized the progress of the procession through the Shia Borah -locality of Doctor Street and neighbouring lanes. - -3. The notification was not favourably received by the lower classes who -take part in the Bombay Moharram, but was welcomed both by the Shias -and respectable Sunnis as a step in the right direction. Till about a -week before the first night of the festival it was generally understood -that the various Mohollas would not apply for licenses and that they -would sulk as they did last year. This in itself constitutes a serious -menace to public peace and order, as the non-appearance of the tabuts -and tazias in the streets lets loose the gangs or _tolis_ (numbering -several thousands and composed of the riff-raff of the Musalman quarter) -which usually accompany the mimic tombs to the water-side. However, -after considerable vacillation, the leading Mohollas, Rangari, Kolsa, -Chuna Batti and others, held a meeting at which it was decided openly -to apply for licenses to me and to celebrate the festival in the usual -manner. Shortly after this meeting it transpired that one of those who -advocated most strongly the application for licenses and the observance -of the police orders regarding Doctor Street was one Badlu, who lives in -Madanpura and controls a tabut supported by the Julhai weavers of that -locality. It appears that his action was part of a settled policy between -himself and the notorious Rangari Moholla, the nature of which will -be disclosed a little further on. It also transpired that the Konkani -Mahomedan Mohollas were up in arms both against my order and against -Rangari Moholla and its leader, Latiff, the tea shop-keeper, and that -they found strong sympathisers among the Mohollas of the E division, and -Bengalpura, Teli Gali, Bapu Hajam and Kasai Mohollas in the B division. -The bone of contention was the closing of Doctor Street. The Konkani -Mahomedans declared that the behaviour of the Mohollas at the Moharram -of 1910 had obliged the Police Commissioner to take action in regard -to Doctor Street, which was perfectly true, and secondly that that -behaviour had been dictated and forced upon all the Mohollas in 1910 by -Latiff and the Memons of Rangari Moholla, which was equally undeniable. -They were incensed to find Latiff now advocating the observance of the -festival and obedience to the Police Order, and declared that _they_ -would not lift their tabuts and would not have anything further to do -with Rangari Moholla. Nevertheless, while thus secretly determined not to -go out in procession and nursing violent hostility to Rangari Moholla, -they declared openly that there was nothing amiss and applied for tabut -licenses as soon as Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas applied for -theirs. - -4. The policy of Badlu and Latiff of Rangari Moholla became apparent as -soon as Latiff applied for his tabut-license. He asked me personally to -grant the Julhais a pass for the procession. For, finding that there was -considerable feeling against him among the Konkanis and the Mohollas who -sympathised with them, he foresaw that, unless he commanded a strong -following from some other quarter, the Rangari Moholla procession would -be rather a poor one. He therefore without doubt arranged with Badlu that -if he (Latiff) could squeeze a pass out of the Police, the Julhais were -to amalgamate with his Moholla and make a brave display in front of the -recalcitrant Mohollas. - -I refused absolutely to give a pass, after consulting all persons who -were in a position to give an opinion on the point. Government are aware -that the Julhais are an extremely illiterate and fanatical population. -When once an individual gets influence over them, they will do anything -that he asks; and it has always been the policy of the police to forbid -their bringing their tabut out in the ordinary procession and to prevent -them coming anywhere south of the Parsi Statue on the _Katal-ki-rat_ and -the last day. The Julhais can, if they obtain a pass, bring out a _toli_ -of about 3,000 men, all armed with _lathis_, many of which are knobbed -and tipped with brass or iron. I have had something to do with them, in -the matter of getting them re-employed after a strike and obtaining their -back wages from their employers: and in view of the gratitude which they -professed for this help, I decided to send for Badlu myself and explain -to him that it was impossible for me to grant them a pass, much as I -regretted my inability to do so. Badlu after 20 minutes’ talk with me was -quite reasonable and undertook not to worry any more about a pass and to -keep his following cool. Apparently Latiff and Rangari Moholla were not -very pleased at my having checkmated them, and from that moment Latiff -began to talk somewhat ambiguously about the possible failure of the -procession. Badlu, however, stuck to his promise to me, and the Julhais -in a body took their tabut out and immersed it in the usual way in the -area north of the Parsi Statue. - -5. The next symptom of possible trouble concerned the _ugaráni_ or -collection of funds for the tabut and procession, which each Moholla -levies on the general public. Government are possibly not aware that it -costs a Moholla anything from Rs. 100 to 400 to erect a Tabut and carry -it out, and there are 105 Mohollas in the city which usually do so. The -bulk of this money is extorted—there is no other word for it—from Marwadi -and Bania merchants, who are threatened with physical injury unless they -subscribe liberally. Just prior to the commencement of the Moharram, -certain Marwadi merchants came and made a complaint at the Paidhuni -Police Station that they were being harassed and assaulted by Bengalpura -Moholla. The Divisional Police very properly made an enquiry into the -complaint and finding it to be true, sent for the leaders of that Moholla -and gave them a strict warning not to extort any more money from Hindu -merchants. This was treated as a grievance, and Latiff himself had the -impertinence to come to the Head Police Office and complain that “the -police were not assisting the collection of funds”. - -Added to these alleged grievances, rumour was also rife that the Bohras -had been openly boasting that they had got Doctor Street closed and -that they had won a victory over the Sunnis. I believe there is some -foundation for this report, and that some of the lower-class Bohras, who -number amongst them several very bad characters, did inflame the minds of -individual Sunnis by talking and acting in a very indiscreet manner. - -6. Such was the position at the opening of the Moharram on the 2nd -January. In view of the notification alluded to above and in order to -prevent any attempt to rush Doctor Street, I had to place a permanent -cordon round the prohibited area from the first night, consisting of 324 -native police and 30 European officers. In addition to this I had strong -guards at Paidhuni, Sulliman Chowkey, the J.J. Hospital corner and Nall -Bazaar, which were strengthened from the 6th night of the Moharram with -pickets of armed police and mounted police. The men on the cordon and at -the places mentioned were on practically continuous duty for ten nights -and days, a few only being allowed off duty as opportunity offered to get -their meals. I bring to the notice of Government that the strain on these -men was very great, and that in consequence of the disturbance on the -last day I had to retain them for three days and nights after their duty -should in ordinary circumstances have ceased. - -7. Nothing of any importance happened on the first night, except a -little scuffle at the Shia Imambara on Jail Road, when a Sunni _toli_ -was passing with music. The care-taker dashed out and abused the _toli_, -which retorted by flinging a few stones at the Imambara and playing more -loudly than before. This trouble was however allayed and no serious -consequences ensued. On the 2nd night (following the first day) nothing -of importance occurred, and the same was the case up to the 5th January. -On that day I personally interviewed the leaders of the Pathans, Sidis -and Panjabis and asked them to warn their respective class-fellows -against going out and joining any _toli_. This they promised to do. -No Sidis or Panjabis came out: but on the last day when the trouble -commenced, the Pathans and Peshawaris were out in considerable force, -throwing stones at the tram-cars and the Police, in spite of the fact -that Samad Khan, one of the Pathan headmen, tried his best to hold his -branch in check. - -On the same day (5th January) I received a report from the D division -that, according to rumour, the only Mohollas that intended to go out -with their tabuts were Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas, and that -if they actually did go out there would be trouble in Nagpada. Other -rumours of an equally disquieting nature were abroad, which obliged -the C.I.D. and Inspector Khan Bahadur Shaikh Ibrahim to redouble their -efforts to smooth away spurious grievances and bring about a feeling of -tranquillity. Nevertheless we hoped for the best and watched the _panjas_ -and the _pethis_ come out on the 5th night (6th January) and pass down -Grant Road, without making any serious attempt to break away down Doctor -Street. - -8. On the 7th night of Moharram (Sunday the 8th January) the Rangari -Moholla _toli_ and the Halai Memon Moholla _toli_ turned out in force -at a very late hour. In spite of the Police order that they should be -back in their Mohollas by 2 a.m., it was 4 a.m. before they reached home -and it was 4-30 a.m. before the Deputy Commissioners and I were able to -leave the City. Before they started a reminder was sent to them about the -carrying of “lathis” and bludgeons, and, so far as I can gather, out of -the two to three thousand persons composing each _toli_, a considerable -number were unarmed when they left their Mohollas. They wandered out of -the B division into the C division, and thence gradually up Khoja Street -to Grant Road. When they arrived at Sulliman Chowkey, Superintendent -Priestley, who had been with them on their peregrinations for 2 hours -and 20 minutes, reported that they had collected sticks on the route and -had even torn down and armed themselves with the poles which support -the awnings over the shops. As they passed me they appeared to be in a -condition of considerable exaltation, and I was able to note the scum -of which the _tolis_ were composed. There is no question of religion or -religious fervour here. The _tolis_ are irreligious rascality, let loose -for five days and nights to play intolerable mischief in the streets and -terrorize the peaceful householder. - -On their way out from their Moholla the Rangari _toli_ took a new route. -Instead of coming direct up Abdul Rehman Street, as it always has done, -it turned off into the Koka Bazaar, where many Bohras live and where -there is a Bohra mosque, and there it drummed and played and hurled -obscene abuse at the Bohras in the same way as it has done in Doctor -Street. In fact, it passed the word round that though Doctor Street had -been closed by the Police, it had found a new Doctor Street and had -checkmated the Commissioner. - -9. The action of these two _tolis_ produced the inevitable result. Some -of the others, who were hesitating about coming out, got their blood -up and turned out in great force on the following night (Monday the -9th). They were Kolsa Moholla, Kasai Moholla (the beef-butchers), the -Bapty Road Chilli-chors or hack victoria drivers, and Teli Gali. These -_tolis_ also were fully armed. We held a consultation as to whether -it was advisable to rush in and disarm the crowds; but in view of the -enormous size of the _tolis_, and the fact that most of our police were -locked up in the cordoned area, and further that any show of force would -have inevitably led to a disturbance of a serious character, I let the -question of sticks slide and confined the police to urging the _tolis_ -home as quickly as possible. From the 6th night we had to exercise the -greatest caution in order not to precipitate a conflict, and in doing so -we were obliged to wink at certain things which with a stronger police -force we might have forcibly put down. We kept Doctor Street and the -other streets hermetically closed from the beginning to the end, but this -was only achieved by denuding our main posts and a considerable portion -of the city of both European and Native police. - -Two points deserve notice in connection with the _toli_ procession of -the 9th January. First, Kasai Moholla on its way home turned into Koka -Bazaar, assaulted one or two Bohras, and looted a few shops. On hearing -this I drew off my armed police guard at Paidhuni and placed it in Koka -Bazaar, and also placed 5 armed native police at each end. Secondly, -Teli Moholla took the ominous step of coming out a short distance and -then going back to its quarters. This is invariably a dangerous sign; -and there is little doubt that Teli Moholla did this as a signal to the -Konkani Mohollas, Bengalpura, and the Mohollas of the E division that the -Moharram was to be wrecked, partly as a protest against the closing of -Doctor Street and partly out of enmity to Rangari Moholla. Once more the -C. I. D. and Khan Bahadur Shaikh Ibrahim did their best to smooth away -difficulties, and once more we looked forward with slightly diminished -hopes to the next day (10th January). When one left for home at 5 a.m. on -the 10th January, one could not help feeling that the odds were slightly -against our getting through the festival without trouble, but I still -hoped that if Rangari, Kolsa and Chuna Batti Mohollas came out properly -on the 10th night or _Katal-ki-rat_, the others would lift their tabuts -on the last day, and all would be well. - -10. On the 9th night (10th January) we exerted all our influence to -keep the various Mohollas in a good temper. Mr. Vincent went with his -most trusted C. I. D. officers to the E division Mohollas, spoke with -the crowd, listened to their _Waaz_ or nightly discourse, subscribed to -their funds and finally left them apparently happy and determined to -carry out their tabuts properly. Meanwhile Mr. Gadney and I visited the B -division tabuts, talked with the tabut wallas, and endeavoured to allay -the tension, which was obviously spreading through the Musalman quarter. -At the four chief Mohollas we visited we were received in friendly style; -but I was made to understand secretly that none of them would lift -their tabuts unless Rangari Moholla gave the lead, and that the Konkani -Mohollas were absolutely obdurate and hostile. - -The latter fact was sufficiently proved by the non-appearance of the -Bara Imam Sandal procession, which usually starts from Khoja Street -on the 9th night. It serves as the barometer of the Moharram and its -non-appearance in the streets usually indicates storm. Every form of -persuasion was used to make the licensee start out, as soon as the news -of his recalcitrance reached me. But to no avail. Whether the licensee -was a member of the cabal bent upon creating disturbance or whether he -was, as he stated, afraid to move out, I cannot exactly say. But it is -tolerably certain that the recalcitrant faction, including Bengalpura -and Teli Gali, sent him a secret message that if he dared to leave Khoja -Street, he and his processionists would be mobbed and hurt. - -In spite of this we persuaded Chuna Batti Moholla to issue, and they were -followed by old and new Bengalpura who were playing a double game, and -by Kasar Gali and Wadi Bandar, whom Mr. Vincent had screwed up to the -starting-point by his diplomatic visit. Nothing of note occurred during -this procession of several thousand persons, except that they started -late and kept us in the streets till 4-45 a.m. - -11. Thus we reached the 10th night or _Katal-ki-rat_, which precedes the -last or Immersion Day (January 12th). On the night of the 11th January I -reached Paidhuni at 10 p.m. and there met Rao Bahadur Chunilal Setalvad, -who had heard conflicting rumours and had offered his services to me in -case I required them. We determined to wait there until the processions -of the B division began to move out round the City, which should have -happened about 11-45 p.m. By midnight the streets were crowded, but -there was no sign of a procession. At 12-30 a.m. I received information -that Latiff and Rangari Moholla had started out. In order to make quite -certain I went down Abdul Rehman Street to find out where they were -and give them a lead forward. I could not find them for some time, but -finally caught sight of their torches moving down the south end of Koka -Bazaar towards Carnac Road, in other words in the opposite direction -to which they ought to have been moving. The next thing I heard was -that they had turned back, placed their tabut down in its _mándwa_ and -declined to go any further. Knowing that this in itself spelt trouble, -and having been told that unless Rangari Moholla lifted its tabut none -of the others would, I sent the divisional police to fetch Latiff, and -told him that if he did not take out his tabut in procession along the -proper route I would leave no stone unturned to punish him. Latiff was -genuinely afraid and promised to start out again. So at length, about -1-45 a.m., the Rangari Moholla tabut moved up Abdul Rehman Street towards -Paidhuni, with drums, band, torches, and a bullock cart containing -oil and wood to replenish the torches. On arrival at Paidhuni, Latiff -implored police protection for his procession, in view of the anger -of Teli Gali, Bengalpura and the Konkani Mohollas. I therefore sent 4 -sowars, several foot police and 4 European officers with the procession, -while Mr. Vincent and some C. I. D. men undertook to walk ahead and see -them safely into the C division limits. - -Having thus started Rangari Moholla, I went down to Kolsa Moholla, Chuna -Batti and Halai Moholla to get them to start out. Kolsa Moholla had -already set forth once, but had retreated on hearing that Rangari Moholla -had also done so. After immense delay, caused by these Mohollas making -excuses that they had no coolies to carry the tabuts and that their -bandsmen had run away, we managed to get all three into one long line -containing several thousand persons and brought them out to the junction -of Memonwada Road and Bhendy Bazaar. It was now about 3-30 a.m. At the -moment that the front ranks turned the corner I looked up Bhendy Bazaar -and saw in the far distance the lights and flares of Rangari Moholla -returning. Knowing the hereditary animosity between Kolsa and Rangari -Mohollas, and believing that if they met face to face in Bhendy Bazaar -there would be a free fight, I managed with the help of Khan Bahadur -Shaikh Ibrahim and the B division police to push the whole procession -into Goghari Moholla, on its way up to the Nall Bazaar and Khoja Street, -before Rangari Moholla had had time to get as far south. I sent two -European police officers and some native police with the procession to -see it safely through the C and E divisions. - -Meanwhile I had received information from Mr. Gadney, who was at Sulliman -Chowkey, that a very ugly-looking crowd was following behind the Rangari -Moholla _toli_; and having got rid of the three other Mohollas, I -determined to await the arrival of Rangari Moholla at Paidhuni and see -what happened. About 3-45 a.m. it reached me in very sorry plight. It -appears that having seen the tabut and _toli_ safely into the C division, -Mr. Vincent walked by a side street to Nall Bazaar and escorted it -thence to Sulliman Chowkey. By that time the _toli_ was being followed -by an obviously hostile crowd, whistling and shouting “Huriya, Huriya”, -the usual signal for disorder. Four more European officers from Sulliman -Chowkey and the Doctor Street guard were therefore sent with the -procession, while Mr. Vincent and a few C. I. D. officers walked behind -the procession and between it and the crowd. Thus they left Sulliman -Chowkey. After rounding the J.J. Hospital corner into Bhendy Bazaar the -trouble began. The crowd, which was strengthened every minute by swarms -of malcontents from the side _galis_, practically mobbed the police -and the tabut procession all the way down Bhendy Bazaar. They shouted, -whistled and used the filthiest language: they stoned the police and -Rangari Moholla unceasingly; they beat the sowars and their horses with -_lathis_, bringing one down; they carried on a hand-to-hand conflict as -far as Paidhuni. The torch-bearers of Rangari Moholla put down their -lights and fled, and the mob threw the lighted wood at the police. The -tabut was within an ace of being abandoned when the Police seized the -bearers and forced them to carry it on. Latiff was quivering with fear. -Several times the European police begged Mr. Vincent to give orders to -fire on the mob, which it was increasingly difficult to ward off, and -each time Mr. Vincent refused, telling them to use their batons only and -force the tabut and procession into the safer lanes of the B division. -So they gradually arrived, fighting with the mob the whole way and being -continuously stoned. A European officer and 2 native constables had to be -sent to hospital to get their wounds dressed. At one point of the route -a Pathan ranged himself on the side of the police and did remarkable -execution on the mob with a _lathi_. - -12. On hearing from Mr. Vincent at Paidhuni what had happened, and seeing -that the crowd was increasing round the police station, I decided (_a_) -to call for military assistance in picketing the streets and (_b_) to -have a baton-charge on the mob. By this time it was quite obvious that -the mob was composed of the worst elements in the recalcitrant Konkani -Mohollas, Bengalpura and Teli Gali, aided, I believe, by the Kasai -Moholla and Babu Hajam Moholla _badmashes_, who had definitely declined -to lift their tabut. Since the 6th night I had, with the approval and -assistance of General Swann, quartered 2 companies of the Warwickshire -Regiment in the Head Police office as a precautionary measure. For -eighty of these I at once telephoned and they arrived within 7 minutes. -I ordered them to be stationed at Paidhuni, Koka Bazaar, Nawab’s Masjid, -the junction of Erskine and Sandhurst roads, the J. J. Hospital corner, -the Nall Bazaar and Doctor Street. - -Having telephoned for the troops, I ordered the police to charge and -disperse the mob. This they did with very good will and considerable -success, though it was very difficult in the darkness to see what damage -was done. Anyhow the mob dashed up the darker lanes and streets leading -off Bhendy Bazaar and Paidhuni, and before they could collect again in -force the troops had arrived. The sight of these put a check upon the -mob’s intentions and they gradually melted away for the time being. - -Meanwhile, fearing that Kolsa Moholla, Chuna Batti and Halai Moholla -would be subjected to a similar attack, I sent police to call them back -at once to their Mohollas from the C division. The police discovered -Kolsa Moholla and Halai Moholla and turned them back, but Chuna Batti -had gone far ahead and was lost for the time being in the north of the C -division. By the time, however, that it reached the Bhendy Bazaar I had -posted the troops and the procession had therefore a comparatively quiet -passage back to its Moholla. - -I append a copy of Mr. Vincent’s report to me on the disturbance in the -early hours of Thursday morning. - -13. In view of the rather serious situation created by the above -circumstances I decided to leave the city for rest for 3 hours only. Mr. -Vincent and I left at 6 a.m. and returned at 9 a.m., while Mr. Gadney -stayed on till 9 a.m. and then went off on relief till 12 noon (on -Thursday the 12th January). I also warned Rangari Moholla, Kolsa Moholla, -Chuna Batti and Halai Moholla that if they wished to immerse their tabuts -in the afternoon at Carnac Bandar, they must go straight down from their -Mohollas to Carnac Road and not attempt to move up to and north of -Paidhuni, They, however, refused to lift their tabuts or go out at all. - -14. By 1 p.m. on Thursday it was fairly obvious that we were in for -trouble. Huge crowds paraded the streets, and about 2 p.m. I received -news that there was a certain amount of spasmodic stone-throwing at -Paidhuni. I had definite information that not a single Moholla would -lift its tabut. Believing that there was likely to be trouble in the -neighbourhood of Doctor Street, I remained on duty at Sulliman Chowkey, -where I was joined by General Swann and Major Capper. About 4-40 p.m., as -no further news had come from Paidhuni, I decided to go and lie down for -a short time, as I had had only 4 hours’ sleep on the morning of the 11th -and none since. I went down Doctor Street to see that all was well and -inspected the position there, and was making my way outside the Musalman -quarter, when I was overtaken by the Commandant, Mounted Police, who -told me that a message had just been received at Sulliman Chowkey to the -effect that the situation at Paidhuni was very serious. I therefore rode -straight back to Paidhuni. - -On arrival there I found the road littered with new road-metal which was -being flung at the police and the tram-cars and the military pickets -by two large mobs situated, the one in Bhendy Bazaar and the other in -Memonwada which debouches on Paidhuni. It was reported to me that about -4 p.m. the mob began to be very troublesome and the Paidhuni police went -out with some mounted police to move them, but were forced to retire. -At 4-15 the police again made a sally on the mob, but were stoned back -again to Paidhuni. At about 4-30 p.m. the tram-traffic between the J. J. -Hospital and Paidhuni came to a standstill. A European in a motor-car was -stoned. The police then rushed out again and the mob retreated a little -distance up Banian Row and Paidhuni Road and stoned them from there. -Meanwhile a gang of Mahomedans at the junction of Chuna Batti was stoning -carriages and trams. A tram-car in which a lady was seated was stopped -by another gang and stones were thrown at the lady, who was hit on the -left cheek. Then a number of Musalman youths got hold of the lady’s -skirts, and as far as Sub-Inspector Butterfield (who was coming up to her -rescue) could see, tried to pull the lady out of the car. Sub-Inspector -Butterfield and 3 privates of the Warwicks with 6 constables then -appeared on the spot. They were met by a shower of road-metal, but forced -the mob some 20 or 25 paces up Chuna Batti, whence they were continuously -stoned. Each time that they retired the crowd pressed forward again. At -about 5 p.m. their retreat was cut off by another mob, which commenced -throwing stones from the opposite side in Banian Cross Road and Pinjrapur -Road. At 5-10 Sub-Inspector Butterfield saw the military officer at -Paidhuni signal to him and the soldiers to get away from the danger zone, -and as their retreat was cut off and they were unable to fight their -way through, they ensconced themselves behind a municipal urinal at the -junction of Chuna Batti and held the crowd off until firing commenced. -While in this position they were continuously stoned both from the street -and from the houses. Among those injured by the stoning of the trams was -a Hindu solicitor, whose companion reports that there was a group of -Pathans with stones at Nawab’s Masjid, and that the car in which he and -his friend were sitting was stoned by bodies of rioters on both sides of -Bhendy Bazaar from Nawab’s Masjid to Paidhuni. Mr. Paton of Messrs. W. -and A. Graham and Company, who had come down with his wife to see the -tabut procession and occupied an upper room in a house at the corner of -Memonwada and Bhendy Bazaar, reports that he had to close the windows of -the room in the side and rear against stones that were flung from the -street. In referring to a group of Pathans who halted under the verandah -of the house he writes:— - - “In my twenty years’ experience of this country I never before - witnessed behaviour which so impressed me with a sense of - sinister intentions.” - -Such was the position when I arrived about 5 p.m. The first thing I did -was to ride forward a little way and have a look at both crowds. This -produced a volley of road-metal. In the Memonwada crowd I observed 3 -Pathans throwing stones and urging on the rest, and that established -my conviction that the Pathans were on the war-path. My experience of -previous disturbances shows that the Pathans at the very first sign of -trouble begin to collect in small gangs at various points, and if the -crowd once gets out of hand, they turn out in force and begin setting -fire to shops and looting. This is unquestionably what they were -preparing to do when I saw them. - -I then looked at the Bhendy Bazaar mob, which completely covered the -street as far as the eye could reach. In the front of it I noticed -several boys throwing stones. I had already made up my mind that firing -would have to be resorted to, as we had exhausted all attempts at -pacific methods by Thursday morning at 3 a.m., and as also there was -every possibility of the mob rising at Nall Bazaar, Two Tanks and -Sulliman Chowkey, if the Bhendy Bazaar mob was not given a proper lesson. -But I wanted to get rid of the boys first. Therefore about 5-10 p.m. I -called the officer (Lieutenant Davies) in charge of the military picket -and asked him to line up his men across both roads and place them in -position to fire, but _not_ to fire until they received the order to do -so. I hoped that the appearance of the soldiers would (_a_) frighten -the boys in the Bhendy Bazaar mob away and (_b_) induce the mob to -cease throwing stones and disperse. As regards (_a_) the movement had -the desired effect and the small boys bolted; as regards (_b_) the mob -retreated for a minute and then came forward again within 30 or 40 yards’ -distance of the soldiers and recommenced stoning them. I was standing -immediately behind the soldiers and saw them dodging the metal, while -a stone hit Lieutenant Davies, near whom I was standing. At about 5-17 -p.m. Rao Bahadur Setalvad, 4th Presidency Magistrate, for whom I had -telephoned at 5-10 p.m., arrived on the scene and I pointed out the -general position to him and told him that I thought we should have to -fire. He saw both mobs, he saw the troops being stoned, and he saw the -condition of the road. At roughly 5-20 p.m. he gave the order to fire. - -The troops fired 72 rounds and put an end to the disturbance. As a -result of the firing, 14 persons were killed, 6 persons were injured and -subsequently died in the hospital, and 27 were injured, of whom 6 were -treated and discharged immediately. Of the dead, 7 were Hindus who were -mixed up in the mob and the rest were Mahomedans; and of the 27 injured, -19 were Mahomedans, 7 were Hindus and one was a Christian. - -15. I greatly regret that we had to resort to extreme measures: but -considering that the mob had been out at 3 a.m. and had had to be -repulsed by the police, that the temper of the _badmash_ element had -been getting steadily worse, and that the mob collected again in the -afternoon in spite of the presence of the troops; considering also that -stone-throwing had been going on for fully an hour before I arrived at -Paidhuni, that all traffic was stopped, that the police at Paidhuni -had three times tried to clear the mob, that the Pathans were bent on -mischief, and that I was very apprehensive of trouble in other parts -of the city if the disorder at Bhendy Bazaar was not put down very -sharply, I am of opinion that by resorting to firing on the two mobs at -Paidhuni we probably saved firing in other parts of the Musalman quarter -and therefore greater loss of life. Government are aware how rapidly the -spirit of tumult spreads, particularly among a populace like that of -the Moharram celebrants, who belong to the lowest classes and actually -regard the Mohorram, not as an opportunity for religious emotion but -as the one chance vouchsafed them during the year of letting loose the -forces of rascality and disorder and attacking the police and the public -in more or less organised gangs. The information which I received from -the _Katal-ki-rat_ onwards showed that there was a definite intention to -create disorder, and the fact that new road-metal had been collected in -the lanes leading off Bhendy Bazaar clearly shows that an outbreak was -contemplated. I believe firmly that, had we not taken extreme measures at -Paidhuni, we should have had to face rioting throughout the whole area -bounded by Two Tanks, Falkland Road and Bhendy Bazaar. - -16. I also regret greatly the presence of Hindus amongst the killed and -wounded. It is impossible on such occasions to protect the innocent; but -considering that the crowd had collected and been throwing stones for -fully an hour before firing took place and that the divisional police -had warned them to disperse, it is a matter of great regret that the -Hindus, if they were innocent, did not disappear. I do not think the -firing of the troops was in any way haphazard or open to censure, for had -it been so, they must have killed an old beggar woman who was sitting -on the pavement of Bhendy Bazaar with rioters on both sides of her. On -either side of her a man was shot, but she was left untouched, and was -subsequently led into Paidhuni by the police. - -On the other hand it is an undeniable fact that Hindus, and particularly -the sectional bad characters amongst them, take a prominent part in the -Moharram _tolis_ and mob. Mr. Paton, who was an eye-witness of the whole -outbreak, writes:— - -“Under our eyes, and we were between the mob and troops all the while, -the troops and police were murderously stoned, happily without any -serious mishap, for close upon three-quarters of an hour. No law-abiding -citizen had therefore any right to have been in either of the mobs and -most certainly not at the late moment when the firing took place. If any -were there at the outset of the stone-throwing he had most ample time and -warning in which to get away, and if any stayed out of curiosity he had -only himself to blame if he suffered along with the _badmashes_ with whom -he chose to herd.” - -17. Just after the firing ceased and both mobs had disappeared, General -Swann arrived at Paidhuni; and at his suggestion I called up from the -Head Police Office the balance of the Warwickshire Regiment, and from -Marine Lines 4 companies of the 96th Berár Infantry. These were posted -at once throughout the disturbed area. The measures taken at Paidhuni, -however, had such an effect that by 10 p.m. I was able to draw off some -of the military from each picket. By 12 midnight on Thursday I was able -to send all British troops back to barracks, and by 12 midnight on Sunday -the 15th January I was able to send back all the native infantry and -reduce the police guard. This was partly due to the action of the police -on Friday and Saturday in arresting a large number of persons who were -identified as having played a prominent part in the disturbances of -Thursday morning and Thursday afternoon. All those persons against whom -definite evidence is forthcoming are being placed before the magistracy. -By Friday morning all was outwardly quiet and the City had resumed its -normal aspect. Since then there has been nothing to record beyond the -fact that the bad characters of a particular type, who signalize their -mode of life by wearing their hair long in front and curled, have had -their locks cropped by the barber for fear of being arrested by the -police as participants in the _toli_ disturbances. - -18. There are certain points in this sorry business of the Moharram of -1911, which give some cause for satisfaction:— - -_First._—The police carried out their orders regarding Doctor Street to -the very letter and kept it hermetically closed from the first to the -last day. - -_Secondly._—The self-restraint shewn by Mr. Vincent, the European -officers, the 4 sowars and the native foot police, who accompanied the -Rangari Moholla tabut from the J. J. Hospital to Paidhuni in the early -hours of the 12th under a continuous attack with stones, lighted wood and -_làthis_, is worthy of commendation. - -_Thirdly._—The material support which was received from General Swann -and his staff went far towards recompensing the Police Commissioner for -the anxiety of a ten days’ struggle to checkmate the forces of disorder. -General Swann himself spent the 6th night with me at Sulliman Chowkey up -to 4 a.m., with the sole object of shewing the public that he and I were -working together. And many must have recognized him and drawn their own -conclusions. General Swann was also present at Sulliman Chowkey on the -last day and also at Paidhuni. I cannot sufficiently express my thanks -for his help, and for the ready assistance afforded by Lieut-Colonel H. -R. Vaughan and his regiment, and subsequently by Colonel Powys Lane and -the 96th Berár Infantry. - -_Fourthly._—I must express my thanks to Inspector Khan Bahadur Shaikh -Ibrahim and the Mahomedan officers of the Criminal Investigation -Department for their continuous efforts throughout a period of nearly -three weeks to smooth away all difficulties and keep the Mohollas in a -good temper. That their efforts ultimately proved fruitless was no fault -of theirs, but was due to circumstances beyond their control. I have a -lively sense of their unremitting efforts to ensure a peaceful Moharram. - -_Fifthly._—Mr. Ardeshir Umrigar deserves special mention in that for -a period of a week he supplied free of all cost at Paidhuni, Sulliman -Chowkey and Nall Bazaar mineral waters, tea, coffee, sandwiches and light -refreshments for the use of the European police officers who were on -continuous duty at and near those points both by day and night. For the -native constables who were in the streets for ten days and nights and who -had no time to go to their homes, I provided 2 annas _per diem_ apiece to -enable them to buy a meal and tea. A portion, if not the whole of the sum -thus involved, has been offered to me by Rao Bahadur Keshavji N. Sailor, -so that possibly I may not have to ask Government to sanction this extra -but necessary expenditure. - -_Sixthly._—Credit is due to Badlu and the Madanpura Julhais for accepting -the position, keeping their promise to me, and performing their Moharram -and tabut immersion in the regular way without giving the smallest -trouble to the police. - -_Seventhly._—Great credit is due to the divisional police of all ranks -for the manner in which they performed a vigil of ten days and nights -and for the self-restraint which they shewed in dealing with the mob. - -19. In conclusion, I must raise the question as to what should be -our policy for the future in regard to the Moharram. As matters are -at present, there is no vestige of religion or religious fervour in -the _toli_-processions and the tabut-processions. On the contrary the -Moharram has become, and is utilized as merely an excuse for rascality -to burst its usual barriers and flow over the city in a current of -excessive turbulence. For ten days every year the Hindu merchants are -blackmailed and harassed until they pay a contribution to the cost of -the processions; the police, who are not half numerous enough to guard -the whole area involved, are kept in the streets for ten days and nights -and ordinary police work simply disappears, as there is no officer at -the police-stations to record complaints and no native police to take up -an enquiry; a large portion of the Shia population has to evacuate its -houses and take refuge in Sálsette for fear of insult and assault; and in -the end, if the police hold fast and insist upon rascality keeping within -certain limits, the city has to face the distressing spectacle of open -disorder and its complement of drastic repression. - -The only unobjectionable features of the ten days’ celebration are -the nightly _Waaz_ or religious discourses by chosen preachers. But, -unfortunately, these are little patronized by those to whom they would do -most good, namely, the bad characters in the _tolis_. - - _Statement made by Mr. N. J. Paton, J. P., partner in the firm - of Messrs. W. & A. Graham & Co._ - - On Thursday, 12th January, at 2 p.m., at the invitation of a - Mahomedan friend I went with Mrs. Paton to the house at the - junction of Parel Road and Kolsa Moholla (otherwise Memonwada) - with a view to witnessing the Moharram procession. - - The house, on the first floor where we were, has windows at the - back and on the Kolsa Moholla side and a verandah on the Parel - Road side, the latter affording a clear view down the Parel - Road and of the open space in front of the Paidhuni Police - Station. - - The crowd came and went without much incident until about 3, - when two Mahomedans were brought up under arrest amid a good - deal of apparently sympathetic shouting on the part of the - on-lookers. - - After that the temper of the crowd seemed to change; but, - although several carriages with European ladies drove past, - they were suffered to do so without molestation. - - I was not myself then anxious, but my Mahomedan friend at - about 4 o’clock warned me that the crowd was now anything but - peaceably disposed. Shortly thereafter I became apprehensive - of coming trouble on noting the overt truculent bearing of the - Pathans, of whom there were many, and notably of a group which - halted for some time under our verandah. In my twenty years’ - experience of the country I never before witnessed behaviour - which so impressed me with a sense of sinister intentions. - - At about 4-30 the police made a systematic attempt to clear the - pavements and street in front of the Police Station down to - opposite our verandah. - - This the crowd resented and there was considerable hooting. - - A few minutes later one stone was thrown from the crowd in - Kolsa Moholla, and almost immediately stone-throwing of a very - serious and dangerous kind commenced on both sides of us. - - We were obliged to close our windows at the back and Kolsa - Moholla side; but, although numerous stones fell on our house, - none entered and no one was injured. - - From the verandah it was possible to see not only what was - going on in Parel Road but also to note the fusillade of stones - that came from Kolsa Moholla. - - The trams were still running in Parel Road; and, as each passed - the end of Goghari Moholla, it was met by murderous volleys - of stones, which by pure luck alone failed to result in most - serious consequences to the passengers. - - Occasionally the police endeavoured to keep the crowd at a - distance by themselves throwing stones. - - In this way half an hour passed, when about 5 o’clock or - thereabouts Mr. Edwardes arrived and took charge. - - Under his direction the detachment of the Warwicks, which - had been standing under arms in the neighbourhood all the - afternoon, was drawn in line across Parel Road and Kolsa - Moholla and knelt down in readiness to fire. - - The officer in charge waved his handkerchief in the hope that - any law-abiding persons who might still be in the crowd would - clear away. - - About 5-15 Mr. Setalwad and Mr. Vincent arrived; and, as the - stone-throwing was then proceeding as vigorously as ever, Mr. - Setalwad gave the order to fire, an order that was immediately - carried out. After two or three volleys, occupying about a - minute, “cease firing” was ordered. - - The mob had by this time cleared off, leaving between thirty - and forty dead and wounded. - - It is said some innocent Hindus have suffered. I hardly think - this is possible. - - If the troops had fired hurriedly it might have been so, but - they did not fire without the most ample warning. - - Under our eyes, and we were between the mob and the troops - all the while, the troops and Police were murderously - stoned, happily without any serious mishap, for close upon - three-quarters of an hour. - - No law-abiding citizen had, therefore, any right to have been - in either of the mobs and most certainly not at the late moment - when the firing took place. If any were there at the outset of - the stone-throwing he had most ample time and warning in which - to get away, and if any stayed out of curiosity he had only - himself to blame if he suffered along with the _badmashes_ with - whom he chose to herd. - - It is impossible to under-estimate the seriousness of what - might have occurred if the drastic lesson that was administered - had been longer delayed, and it is puerile for those who were - not present to presume to criticise it. - - The two mobs numbered many thousands of the most lawless - and fanatical men in the city, and the manner in which the - fusillade of stones was started and kept up indicates clearly - that stones must have been purposely brought to the ground in - readiness for the fight and in very considerable quantity. - - Viewing the situation as a whole, I consider that the mob - without doubt was given more leniency than it had any right to - expect, and that to have postponed the firing any longer, or to - have restricted the firing to a single volley, must inevitably - have seriously imperilled the safety of a large section of - the city and would have involved much greater bloodshed than - unhappily occurred, before order could have been restored. - - Those who were eye-witnesses like myself can hold but one - opinion as to the judgment, restraint and patience with which, - in circumstances of intolerable and protracted provocation, - Mr. Edwardes dealt with a situation of extreme gravity and - difficulty. - -RESOLUTION.—The Governor-in-Council has given careful consideration to -the reports of the disturbance which took place in the city of Bombay -on 12th January, 1911 on the occasion of the Moharram festival. He is -of opinion that the police acted throughout with great discretion and -restraint and that the final appeal to military force was necessary -for the public security. The loss of life which occurred is much to be -regretted, but the military do not appear to have done more than was -consistent with dispersing the mob. The Governor-in-Council desires to -express his thanks to the military authorities for the prompt assistance -rendered by them and to Mr. Edwardes, Commissioner of Police, and the -force under his charge, for their great exertions throughout the whole -period of the Moharram. - -2. It now remains to consider the measures to be taken for the future. -Government have done all that lay within their power to enable the -Moharram processions to be held with due regard to the safety of the -law-abiding mass of the community, but without success. In 1909 and -1910 there were no processions; but this year, as in 1908, in spite of -every precaution there were scenes of disorder and violence which had -ultimately to be quelled by military force with considerable loss of -life. Government cannot allow the recurrence of such disturbances, and -it has become necessary to consider whether the procession of tabuts, -with their attendant _tolis_, should not be prohibited next year. Before -arriving at any final decision, however, Government trust that the -Mahomedan community will, through their leaders or otherwise, endeavour -to concert effective measures to secure that, while the religious -character of the observance of the Moharram is retained, there may be a -reasonable guarantee that it shall not again degenerate into lawlessness, -discreditable to all concerned and gravely injurious to the interests of -Bombay. The Governor-in-Council will be ready to give the most careful -consideration to any such proposals, but it will be possible to adopt -them only if they seem to provide a reasonable guarantee against any -future disturbance of the peace. - -3. In this connection the leaders of the Mahomedan community could do -much to assist the cause of law and order by explaining to the people -that the tabut processions and _tolis_ are in no way necessary to -the religious celebration of the Moharram. Government have received -information that for many years Kâzis in Sind have been issuing _fatwâs_ -inveighing against the degradation of the mourning ceremony into -processions of jesters and mountebanks, and that in the town of Sujāwal -the people have themselves put a stop to all tabut processions. - -_By order of His Excellency the Honourable the Governor-in-Council_, - - C. A. KINCAID, - Secretary to Government. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Charles II transferred Bombay to the E.I. Company in 1668. - -[2] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II. 238. - -[3] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, pp. 65 ff. - -[4] R. and O. Strachey, _Keigwin’s Rebellion_, p. 19 and App. E. - -[5] The letter of December 15, 1673, from Aungier and Council mentions -these as some of the chief classes of Hindus in Bombay. - -[6] R. and O. Strachey, _Keigwin’s Rebellion_, p. 41. - -[7] Ibid. p. 68. - -[8] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI. (Materials), Part III, p. 8. - -[9] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii, p. 8. - -[10] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 238. - -[11] Rev. F. Ovington, _Voyage to Suratt in 1689_. London, 1696. - -[12] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 437. - -[13] Ibid. p. 465. _Vereador_ means procurator or attorney. The -_Vereador_ wore a gown as Vereador da Camera or member of a town council -(Da Cunha). - -[14] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 212. - -[15] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii, pp. 8 ff. - -[16] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 287. - -[17] Warden’s Report in W. H. Morley, _Analytical Digest of Cases decided -in the Supreme Court of Judicature_ (London, 1849), Vol. II, p. 458. - -[18] W. H. Morley, _Digest etc._, Vol. II (Warden’s Report); Bombay -Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, iii. - -[19] General Wedderburn was killed at the storming of Broach in November, -1772. - -[20] The fact that it was called the Bhandari militia implies that the -Native Christian element had largely disappeared, and that Bhandaris and -other Hindus of the lower classes formed the bulk of the force. - -[21] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI (Materials), Part iii. - -[22] Morley _Digest_ etc. (Warden’s Report). - -[23] Ibid. - -[24] Ibid. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXVI, Part iii. - -[25] At that date the office of Superintendent of Police existed at -Calcutta. - -[26] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 241 (note) Morley, -_Digest etc._ - -[27] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report) Vol. II; Bombay Gazetteer, -Vol. XXVI, Part III, 67. - -[28] Sir J. Mackintosh’s letter in Morley, _Digest etc._, Vol. II, p. 513. - -[29] It is not clear whether this post is identical with “Pilaji Ramji’s -Naka” of the twentieth century, which is the name familiarly applied to -the junction of Grant Road and Duncan Road near the Northbrook Gardens. -Here some years ago one Pilaji Ramji occupied a corner house, in which -he used to place an enormous figure of the god Ganesh during the annual -Ganpati festival. Large crowds of Hindus used to visit the house to see -the idol, and hence gave the name “Pilaji’s post” to the locality. It -is quite possible that the name first came into use in the eighteenth -century. - -[30] Published in 1816, with illustrations by Rowlandson. - -[31] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report), Vol. II, p. 492. - -[32] _Bombay Courier_, February 4th, 1797. - -[33] Sir J. Mackintosh’s letter of October, 1811, in Morley, _Digest -etc._ Vol. II. - -[34] Warden’s Report in Morley, _Digest etc._ Vol. II, pp. 482 ff. - -[35] The Third Magistrate was not appointed until 1830. The other two -were appointed in 1812, and the Second exercised jurisdiction over the -whole Island, excluding the Fort and Harbour. - -[36] Morley, _Digest etc._ (Warden’s Report), Vol. II. - -[37] Hobson-Jobson, 1903, s. v. Cauzee. - -[38] The Kazis of the Bene-Israel officiated at all festivals of the -community until the latter half of the nineteenth century, when, as -education advanced, the office gradually became extinct. One Samuel -Nissim was Kazi in 1800 (Gazetteer of Bombay City & Island, Vol I, pp. -250 ff.) - -[39] One of the most notorious gangs was that of a certain Ali Paru, -described in the _Times of India_ of July 27, 1872. - -[40] _Bombay Courier_, March 3rd, 1827. - -[41] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 143. - -[42] One Thomas Holloway appears in the Annual Register as “High -Constable” in 1827. - -[43] The Supreme Court supplanted the Recorder’s Court in 1823, and was -opened in 1824. - -[44] F. D. Drewitt, _Bombay in the days of George IV_. - -[45] P. B. Malabari, _Bombay in the Making_, p. 283. - -[46] _Times of India_, September 22, 1894. - -[47] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 224 (note 2.) - -[48] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 146-7. - -[49] S. T. Sheppard, _The Byculla Club_, p. 5. - -[50] Mrs. Postans, _Western India_ in 1838, Vol. I, p. 27. The _Pagis_ -received about Rs. 7 a month for prowling about the compounds of houses -by night. - -[51] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 222. - -[52] Mrs. Postans, _Western India in 1838_, Vol. I, p. 92. - -[53] Mrs. Postans, _Western India in 1838_, Vol. I, p. 27. - -[54] _Bombay Times_, Feb. 22, 1845. - -[55] Ibid., July 31, 1844. - -[56] Report of Bombay Chamber of Commerce, 1854-55, pp. 11, 12. - -[57] _Bombay Times_, December 14th, 1850. - -[58] _Bombay Times_, October 18, 1851. - -[59] _Report on the Administration of Public Affairs in the Bombay -Presidency for 1855-56._ “During the year 1855 great reforms have been -effected in the Police within the jurisdiction of His Majesty’s Supreme -Court. Complaints were made by the Chamber of Commerce of the venality -of the European constables and of the inefficiency of the general force. -These complaints, and other circumstances which induced suspicion, -determined Government to place in immediate command of the Police, Mr. -Forjett, the most active and efficient of the Mofussil Superintendents, -a gentleman who had once been a Foujdar, and who had risen to high and -responsible appointments, solely through his own remarkable energy, -acuteness and ability. An enquiry by this gentleman soon showed the -existence of corruption among the European Constables, a corruption -which impaired the efficiency of the whole force. A considerable number -were summarily dismissed, and a thorough reform in Police arrangements -throughout the Island was commenced by the new Superintendent. These are -still in progress: but the Government has been assured that a feeling of -entire security as to life and property is now entertained by all classes -of the community.” - -[60] Mr. B. Aitken in _Old and New Bombay_ states that Forjett was partly -of French descent, and that the family name was originally Forget. Owing -to constant mispronunciation, Forjett eventually anglicised the name in -the form now familiar to students of Bombay history. - -[61] See General Adm. Report, Bombay, 1855-56 and 1858-59. - -[62] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 244. - -[63] The Annual Adm. Rep. Bombay Pres. for 1858-59 mentions that only -one case of burglary had occurred in that year and that “robberies with -violence have entirely disappeared”. - -[64] Annual Police Returns, showing state of crime, for 1859-61. (India -Office Records). - -[65] Report of the Maharaja Libel Case, Bombay Gazette Press, 1862. - -[66] Dunlop had been 3rd Assistant to the Master Attendant of the -Government Dockyard, and was appointed head of the Water Police in 1844. -Prior to that year no proper water police force was in existence. - -[67] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. III, 252; _Times of -India_, January 2nd, 1865; Annual Adm. Rep. Bombay Presidency, 1862-63. - -[68] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. III, 49. - -[69] Annual Crime Return, 1860; Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. -II, 244. - -[70] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, p. 157. - -[71] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_, 1877; _Bombay Gazette_, -December 25th, 1907. - -[72] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_, 1877; Holmes, _History of -the Indian Mutiny_. - -[73] Apparently it was customary during the Muharram festival in the -’fifties of last century to post a body of 200 Europeans in “the Bhendy -Bazar stables”. Presumably additional European police were brought -in from Poona and other districts. The Muharram danger was finally -eradicated in 1912. - -[74] The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, 158. - -[75] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India, 1877_. - -[76] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, Vol. II, 158-9. - -[77] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_. - -[78] Douglas, _Bombay and W. India_, I, 211. - -[79] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_. - -[80] The use of the phrase “Deputy Commissioner of Police” is explained -by the fact that, strictly speaking, the Senior Magistrate was at this -date Commissioner of Police, and Forjett as head of the “executive -police” was his Deputy. Forjett in his book speaks of himself as -Commissioner of Police: but this title was not given to the head of the -force till 1865. In the Senior Magistrate’s Annual Crime Return for 1860 -Forjett is styled Superintendent of Police: but in his evidence before -the Supreme Court in the Bhattia Conspiracy Case, Forjett stated, “In my -official capacity as Deputy Commissioner of Police, I received a letter.” - -[81] In earlier days one of the chief haunts of these gangs was a deep -hollow near the site of the present Arthur Crawford Market (J. M. -Maclean, _Guide to Bombay_, 1902, p. 206.) - -[82] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 244; Ann. Adm. Rep. Bombay -Presidency, 1858-59. - -[83] C. Forjett, _Our Real Danger in India_. - -[84] F. H. Forjett joined the 59th Foot in 1865 and in 1870 was -transferred to the Bombay Staff Corps. He served mostly in the 26th -Bombay N. I., which in the “seventies” and “eighties” was known -familiarly as the “Black Watch”, owing to its having no less than -three Eurasian British officers, namely John Miles, the Commandant, a -half-caste of dominating personality, John M. Heath and F. H. Forjett. - -[85] C. E. Buckland, _Dictionary of Indian Biography_. - -[86] J. Douglas, _Bombay and Western India_, I, 211. - -[87] Letter to _Morning Post_, August 30th, 1921. - -[88] Prior to 1865 there appear to have been 26 mounted police. - -[89] First Annual Rep. of the Commissioner of Police, 1884; Gazetteer of -Bombay City and Island, II, 245. - -[90] G. R. J.D. No. 5628 of August 10th, 1883. - -[91] Annual Crime Return, 1872. - -[92] G. R. J. D. 2633 of April 21st, 1877. - -[93] G. R. J. D. 2427 of April 29th, 1873. - -[94] _Times of India_, 1872; Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 179. - -[95] Senior Magistrate’s Report of Crime, 1873. - -[96] _Times of India_, February 14th, 1874; the Annual Register, 1874; J. -M. Maclean, _Guide to Bombay_ (1902) p. 285; Gazetteer Bombay City II, -180. - -[97] Memoir of Sir Dinshaw Petit, Bart. by S. M. Edwardes, 1923. - -[98] Annual Report of Senior Magistrate, 1874. - -[99] Letter from Lord Salisbury to the Governor-General in Council, July -9th, 1874. - -[100] Sir R. Temple, _Men & Events of My Time in India_. - -[101] Annual Report of Senior Magistrate of Police for 1875. - -[102] G. R. J. D., June 24th, 1892. - -[103] G. R. J. D., 5389 of August 28th, 1893. - -[104] Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island, II, 237. A Fourth Presidency -Magistrate was appointed in 1892 and was accommodated in the Esplanade -Police Court. After the occupation of the Nesbit Lane building by the -Second Presidency Magistrate, the Court of the Fourth Magistrate was also -located there. - -[105] Report of Comm. of Police for 1893. - -[106] Mr. Cooper, the Chief Presidency Magistrate, retired in 1893 and -was succeeded by Mr. J. Sanders-Slater. - -[107] Mr. Crummy acted more than once as Deputy Commissioner of Police. - -[108] P. E. Roberts, _Hist. Geography of British Dependencies_, Vol. VII, -p. 508. - -[109] The account which follows is taken, in some passages _verbatim_, -from Sir V. Chirol’s _Indian Unrest_, 1910. - -[110] The Sirdar served for 38 years, having joined the force as a -second-class Jemadar in 1865. Apart from his work as a detective, he -is remembered as the founder of the Maratha Plague Hospital, which he -organised and opened in 1898. - -[111] G.R.J.D. 3051 of June 4th, 1903. - -[112] He received the title of Khan Bahadur in 1904 and the King’s Police -Medal in 1910. - -[113] V. Chirol, _Indian Unrest_, pp. 55, 56. - -[114] V. Chirol, _Indian Unrest_, p. 57. - -[115] Prior to 1913 the Excise authorities were not empowered to -prosecute offenders in the Courts. The Police had to conduct all -prosecutions. From the year mentioned the Excise department was given the -necessary powers. - -[116] A full and detailed report of the disturbance is given in Mr. -Edwardes’ letter to Government, No. 545 C. of January 20th, 1911, printed -below as an Appendix. - - - - -INDEX - - - A - - Acworth, H. A., 102 - - Adultery, 66 - - Aga Khan, H. H. the, 63, 108-9 - - American Civil War, 50-54 - - Andhiyaru (“Andaroo”), 25, 28 - - _Ank Satta_, 84 - - Anonymous Postcards case, 171-2 - - Anthropometry, Bertillon system of, 95 - - Antonio, José, 34, 35 - - Armed Police, 9, 91 - - Arms Act, 61, 158-9 - - Arms traffic, illicit, 82 - - Asna Ashariya Khojas, 108, 109 - - Aston, A. H. S., 193 - - Aungier, Gerald, 1, 2, 5 - - _Aurora_ Conspiracy, 64 - - - B - - Back Bay Company, 51 - - Balloon ascents, 84 - - Bandareens, see Bhandaris - - Bank, Credit, 72 - - Bank, Cosmopolitan, 172, 173 - - Bank, Specie, 172 - - Bank failures, 172, 173 - - Barrow, Major, 49 - - _Barsat ka Satta_, see Gambling, rain - - Baynes, Capt. E., 35, 37 - - Bazar Gate, 41 - - Beggars, 15, 114, 115, 131 - - Bennett, Douglas, 102, 104 - - Bhagoji Naik, 54 - - Bhandari Militia, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9 - - Bhandaris, 2, 7 and _n_, 8, 9, 13, 30, 32 - - Bhat, 25, 27, 28 - - Bhattia Conspiracy Case, 43 - - Bhendy Bazar, 32, 37, 47_n_, 69, 75, 140, 176, 184, 185 and App. - - Bickersteth, J. P., 56 - - Bombay Banking Company, 172, 173 - - Bombay Light Horse, 101, 139 - - Bombay Volunteer Artillery, 101 - - Brewin, Superintendent H., 73, 82, 91, 96, 98 - - Briscoe, Charles, 23, 28 - - Brown, F. L., 56 - - Bruce, Colonel, 55, 56 - - Budgen, General, 101 - - Burrows, Captain, 35 - - - C - - Calcutta _mori_, see Gambling, rain - - Cauzee, see Kazi - - Census (1864), 55; (1901), 119; (1906), 122 - - Chamber of Commerce, 144 - - Cheating cases, 169, 170 - - Chelmsford, arrival of Lord, 176, 177 - - Chhaganlal M. Tijoriwala, 192, 193 - - Child, John, 2, 3 - - Children, murder of, 65, 66, 107 - - Chief of Mahim, 19 - - Chief Presidency Magistrate, 57, 58, 96_n_, 193 - - _Chilli-chors_, 101 and App. - - City Improvement Trust, 113, 147, 156, 174 - - Clarke, Sir George (Lord Sydenham), 144, 145, 165 - - Cocaine, 93, 166-68 - - Colaba, 28, 30, 36, 120 - - Commission of the Peace, 17 - - Commissioner of Police, appointment of, 50_n_, 56, 57 - - Committee, Morison, 123, 146, 148-9 - - Connon, John, 56, 58 - - Constabulary, European, 17, 18, 26, 36, 46, 47_n_, 48, 58, 74, 75, 90, - 125, 134 - - ” Indian, 17, 18, 26, 36, 46, 48, 58, 74, 90 - - ” ” good work of, 137, 138, 174-76 - - Contagious Diseases Act, 61 - - Conveyances, number of, 94, 130 - - Cooper, C. P., 56, 74, 83, 102 - - Cordue, Colonel, 142 - - Corfield, A. K., 35, 37 - - Cotton-fires, 129, 130, 180-81 - - Court of Petty Sessions, 33, 34, 56, 57 - - Crawford, W., 37, 42, 45 - - Crowley Boevey, Mr., 70, 71 - - Crime, 4, 7, 9, 10, 14-16, 20, 21, 28-33, 36-7, 41, 51, 74, 89, 92, - 97, 103, 106-110, 127-8, 165-6, 169 - - Criminal Investigation Department, 109, 137, 146, 148-50, 152-4, 160, - 171, 178, 190 - - Criminal Procedure Code, 70, 92-3, 117 - - Crummy, Superintendent, 96 and _n_, 120 - - Cuffe, Lieut., 101 - - Cursetji Suklaji Street, 86, 87 - - Curtis, Capt. W., 35 - - - D - - Dacoity, 31, 107 - - Daji Gangaji Subehdar, 133 - - Danvers, E. F., 35 - - Dastur, Pheroze H., 103, 123 - - De Ga case, 62, 63, 72 - - Deputy-Superintendent (Mahim), 19, 20 - - Detective Police, 62, 71-73, 81, 89, 92, 146 - - de Vitré, J. D., 30, 35 - - Dinanath N. Dandekar, 144 - - Dockyard police, 55, 59, 126, 150, 152, 168 - - Doctor Street, 138, 168, 182, 184 - - “Dongri and the Woods”, 7, 17, 18, 19 - - Dosabhai F. Karaka, 56 - - Dunlop, Mr., 43, 44_n_ - - Dwarkadas Dharamsey, 173, 174 - - - E - - Edginton, Mr., 48, 62, 73 - - Edwardes, S. M., 123, 129, 137, 148-194 and App. - - _Eki-beki_, 83 - - Elphinstone, Lord, 37, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 53 - - Elphinstone Circle, 44 - - Embezzlement case, 170 - - Enthoven, R. E., 119 - - Erskine, W., 28 - - European offenders, 42, 64, 65, 66, 67 - - Ewart, Latham & Co., fraud on, 169 - - Explosives, 158, 159 - - - F - - False complaints, 108, 170 - - False evidence, 64, 72 - - Famine, effects of, 107, 108, 127 - - Farrant, G. L., 35 - - _Fazendars_, 7, 9 - - Finger-Print Bureau, 95, 96, 131, 132, 161, 162 - - Fire-brigade, 44, 56, 71, 73 - - Fisher, James, 19 - - Foreigners Act, 85, 86, 88, 115 - - Forgery, 64, 82, 128, 129 - - Forjett, Charles, 37, 38 and _n_, 39-53, 72, 73, 96, 118 - - Forjett, F. H. (Colonel), 52 and _n_, 101 - - Forjett Street, 53 - - Framji Bhikaji, Inspector, 73 - - Fraser, Lovat G., 119 - - Frere, Sir Bartle, 44, 55 - - - G - - Gambling Act, 83, 114 - - Gambling, rain, 82, 83 - - ” ordinary, 83, 84, 113, 114 - - Ganga Prasad, 49 - - Ganpati celebrations, 90, 104-106, 154 - - Gayer, Sir John, 4 - - Gell, H. G., 73, 79, 120-147, 149, 162 - - Gentus (Hindus), 2 - - Giles, Chief Inspector M. J., 159 - - _Golconda_, S. S., 191 - - Goodwin, Richard, 28 - - Grant, G., 35 - - Grant, Sir J. P., 28, 29 - - Grant Road, 41, 86, 100, 102, 103, 140, 155, 176, 182, 185 - - Gray, H., 35 - - Grennan, Superintendent, 96, 134 - - Griffith, F. C., 150 - - _Gurakhi_, 110 - - - H - - Haj Committee, 136 - - Haj Traffic, 61, 62, 89, 98, 110, 134-6, 150, 161 - - Halliday, Simon, 17, 19, 22, 23 - - Harbour police, 26, 27, 36, 44, 55, 59, 91, 126, 150, 168, 189 - - Harker, O. A., 150 - - Henry, Sir E., 95, 149 - - Hewitt, B. H., 130 - - High Constable, 13, 17, 20, 26, 34 - - Hill-Trevor, A., 142 - - Holloway, Thomas, 28_n_, 34 - - Humfrey, Major, 79 - - - I - - Ingram, Superintendent, 96 - - Intemperance, 32, 64, 65, 89, 93 - - - J - - Jacob’s Circle, 142, 143, 144 - - Jagannath Shankarshet, 45, 46 - - Julhais, 101, 103, 182 and App. - - Justices of the Peace, 5, 6, 10, 11, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 32, - 34, 44 - - - K - - Kabraji, K. N., 41 - - Kazi, 25, 27 - - ” of Bombay, 47, 48 - - Kazi Kabiruddin, 158 - - Keigwin, Richard, 3 - - Kennedy, H., 107-19, 127 - - Kennedy, M., 120 - - Khairaz, G. R., 193 - - Kidnapping, 115, 116, 117 - - Kirtikar, Mr., 132 - - Koregaonkar, K. R., 189 - - - L - - _Lakdi Satta_, see Gambling, rain - - Lambert, R. P., 120 - - Lamington, Lord, 137 - - Law and Justice (1700), 5, 6 - - ” ” (1800), 29, 30 - - Le Geyt, P. W., 35 - - Leslie, A., 142 - - “Lieutenant of Police”, 10, 12, 13 - - - M - - Macdonald, James, 142 - - Mackintosh, Sir J., 15, 22, 23, 25, 33 - - Magistrates of Police, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 33, 37, 44, 56, 57 - - Mansfield, Lieut., 84 - - Manslaughter, 43 - - Mayor’s Court, 5 - - McDermott, Superintendent, 96, 134 - - Memorial Fund, S. M. E., 158 - - Messent, P., 142 - - Mills, Superintendent, 63 - - Mir Abdul Ali, Sirdar, 63, 64, 72, 82, 92, 96, 119, 129 and _n_ - - Mir Akbar Ali, 62, 63, 72 - - Moors, 2 - - Morison, Sir W., 123 - - Morley, James, 19 - - Morris, Inspector, 172 - - Motor-vehicles, 130, 160 - - Mounted Police, 46, 90, 91, 112, 136, 176 - - Moharram, 36, 37, 46-8, 67-8, 72, 105, 181-84, 186-7, 191 and App. - (See also “Riots, Moharram”) - - _Mukadams_, 24 - - Municipal Commissioner, 44, 51, 56, 102, 193 - - Municipal Corporation, 56, 59, 77, 126, 174 - - Murder, Khoja Street, 62 - - ” Roonan’s, 63 - - ” Khoja (1), 63, (2), 108-9 - - ” Pakmodie Street, 63, 64 - - ” Dadar triple, 81 - - ” Clerk Road, 81 - - ” Khambekar Street, 81 - - ” Rajabai Tower, 81, 82 - - ” Walkeshwar (1), 91, (2), 166 - - ” Duarte’s, 92 - - ” Bapty Road, 175 - - ” Regimental, 191-2 - - _Musafirkhana_, 62, 135 - - Mutiny days, 39, 45-50, 54 - - - N - - Nall Bazaar, 167 - - Nanabhai Dinshaw, 128 - - Narayan T. Vaidya, 144 - - Nasik murder trial, 176 - - Nolan, Superintendent, 96, 134 - - Northcote, Lord, 137 - - - O - - Oliveira, Mr., 193 - - Oliver, N. W., 37 - - Opium-dens, 93 - - Oriental spinning and weaving mill, 71 - - Orphanage, Abdulla H. D. Bavla, 163-5 - - - P - - _Pagi_, 31 and _n_ - - Parsi hooligans, 41 - - Pawnbrokers, 21 - - Petit, Sir Dinshaw, 43, 77 - - Petit, John, 2 - - Petroleum Act, 158, 159 - - Phillips, R. M., 120, 150 - - Pilaji Ramji’s naka, 18 and _n_ - - Pilgrim Brokers, 62, 135 - - Pilgrim Department, 62, 89, 98, 135, 137 - - Pillory, 29, 30 - - Pimps, foreign, 85, 86, 87, 88, 115, 131 - - Piracy, 28, 43 - - Plague, 97, 98, 107, 122, 127 - - ” effect on police of, 90, 97, 98, 99, 106 - - Poisoning, 42, 91, 92, 108 - - Poisons Act, 158, 159 - - Police, corruption among, 15, 23, 33, 36, 37, 40, 41 - - ” health of, 60, 74, 79, 80, 89, 98, 99 - - ” literacy of, 60, 73, 133, 134, 157, 158 - - ” pay of, 13, 14, 60, 124, 125, 126 - - Police buildings and housing, 74, 75, 76, 80, 112, 113, 132, 136, 155, - 156, 157 - - Police Charges Act, 111, 126, 127 - - Police Commission, 91, 122, 123 - - Police Court, Esplanade, 75, 80, 132 - - Police ” Mazagon, 80, 132 - - Police Divisions, 7, 9, 17, 18, 111, 153 - - Police force, cost of, (1812), 26, 27, (1885), 59, (1888), 60, 79, - (1892), 79, (1893), 90, (1894), 91, (1900), 110, (1902), 122, - (1908), 126, (1911), 152, (1913), 152, (1915), 152 - - Police force, strength of (1793) 18, (1812), 26, 27, (1865), 55, - 56, (1871), 58, (1879), 58, (1881), 58, (1885), 58-60, (1888), - 60, 79, (1892), 79, (1893), 90, (1894), 90, 91, (1900), 110, - (1902), 122, (1909), 152, (1911), 152, (1913), 152, (1915), 152 - - Police Gazette, 154-5 - - Police Hospital, 137 - - Police Office (Fort), 33; - (Byculla), 75, 80; - (Hornby Road), 75, 80, 112, 137, 162, 188, 190 - - Police precautions (Royal Visit), 177-80 - - Police Regulations and Acts, 6, 7, 11, 12, 22, 25, 37, 45, 71, 88, - 96, 127 - - Police reorganization, 7, 8, 9, 10, 16, 17, 18, 19, 23, 25, 26, 31, - 38, 54-6, 80, 90, 91, 123, 145-6, 148-9, 151-7 - - Police Stations, Agripada, 113, 156 - - ” ” Bazar Gate, 75, 112 - - ” ” Colaba, 113, 156 - - ” ” Esplanade, 75, 80, 157 - - ” ” Frere Road, 157 - - ” ” Gamdevi, 157 - - ” ” Hughes Road, 157 - - ” ” Khetwadi, 157 - - ” ” Lamington Rd., 157 - - ” ” Maharbaudi, 75, 80, 81, 156 - - ” ” Mahim, 157 - - ” ” Mody Bay, 156 - - ” ” Nagpada, 113, 136, 156, 175 - - ” ” Paidhoni, 75, 112 - - ” ” Palton Road, 157 - - ” ” Parel, 157 - - ” ” Princess Street, 113, 156 - - ” ” Sussex Road, 136 - - ” ” Wodehouse Road, 136 - - Police work, growth of, 60, 61, 65, 66, 96, 108, 110, 121, 165, 166 - - ” ” miscellaneous, 154, 162, 163 - - ” ” during War, 187-92 - - Port Trust, 59, 126 - - Powell, Dr. A., 136 - - Presidency Magistrates, 57, 70, 80_n_, 81_n_, 83, 101, 102, 132 - - ” ” Honorary, 132 - - Presidency Magistrates Act, 34, 57, 70 - - Property stolen and recovered, value of, 42, 89, 92, 127, 166 - - Prostitution, 61, 85-9, 93, 94, 115, 116, 117, 118, 131 - - Punishments and penalties, 29, 30 - - - R - - Ramchandra Dharadhar, 192 - - Ramchandra, Subehdar, 133 - - Ramoshis, 99, 111, 125 - - Rangari _moholla_, 138, 182, 185 and App. - - Receivers of stolen property, 21, 89 - - Recorder’s Court, 21, 23, 28, 33 - - Regulation I of 1812, 25, 28 - - ” ” ” 1834, 33, 34 - - Reinold, Mr., 120 - - Revolutionary movement, Indian, 104, 106, 121, 145, 148 - - Revolver-practice, 162 - - Revolvers, theft of, 159 - - Riots, Hindu-Muhammadan, 52, 99-103, 104 - - ” Khoja, 36 - - ” Moharram, 36, 67, 68, 121, 138-40, 146, 162, 184-6 and App. - - ” Parsi, 68 - - ” Parsi-Hindu, 30, 31 - - ” Parsi-Muhammadan, 36, 37, 68, 69 - - ” Plague, 103-4 - - ” Tilak, 121, 123, 140-5, 146 - - Rivett, L. C. C., 35 - - Roshan Ali, Khan Saheb, 73, 97 - - Roughton, Major, 101 - - Royal Visits, 73, 74, 89, 121, 146, 177-180 - - Ryley, Colonel, 101 - - - S - - _Safed gali_, see Cursetji Suklaji Street - - Sanders-Slater, J., 96_n_, 132 - - School, Constables’, 157-8 - - Seditious books case, 169 - - Setalwad, Rao Bahadur C. H., 186, 193 and App. - - Sethna, R. D., 174 - - Share Mania, 173 - - Sheehy, Inspector, 91 - - Sheikh Ibrahim, Khan Bahadur, 97, 133 and App. - - Sheriff, 6 - - Shortt, Brig.-General, 46, 49 - - Shortt, Capt., 35 - - Shortland, Colonel, 101 - - Sitaram K. Bole, 189 - - Sloane, Superintendent, 110, 129, 134, 150 - - Snow, J., 28 - - _Sonari toli_, 92 - - Souter, Sir Frank, 54-78, 79, 86, 192 - - Souter, W. L. B., 120, 124 - - Special Magistrates, 101, 142, 143 - - Spens, A., 35, 37 - - Street Accidents, 94, 160 - - Street Lighting, 32, 76 - - Strikes, industrial, 85, 99, 107, 121 - - Strike, Police, 121, 124, 125 - - Strike, Postal, 121 - - _Subehdars_ (of militia), 1, 4 - - Sub-Inspectors, Indian, 156 - - Sulliman Cassum Haji Mitha, Sirdar Saheb, 186 - - Sulliman _chauki_, 102, 182, 186 - - “Superintendent of Police”, 12, 17, 20, 23, 35 - - ” ” ” powers of, 20, 21, 22, 24 - - Superintendents of Police, European, 73, 96, 131 - - Superintendent-General of Police, 24, 26, 33 - - Supreme Court, 28 and _n_, 33 - - Swann, General John, 185 and App. - - Sweeney, Superintendent, 96 - - - T - - Taki, Khan Saheb F. M., 165, 168 - - ” ” ” M. H., 168 - - Talcherkar, H. A., 189 - - Tatya Lakshman, Rao Saheb, 96-7 - - _Teji-mundi_, 84 - - Temple, Sir Richard, 74, 77 - - Textile Industry, 107 - - Theatres, licensing of, 159, 160 - - ” rules for, 159, 160 - - Thornton, T., 35, 37 - - Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, 104, 105, 106, 121, 140-2, 143, 145 - - Tod, James, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 23 - - Traffic in Women and Children, 88, 165 - - Traffic-regulation, 94, 95, 130, 131 - - Tyebali Alibhai, 128, 170 - - - U - - Uniform (of constables), 34 - - ” (of European police), 127 - - - V - - Vereadores, 5, 7 - - Viceregal Visits, 73, 146, 176 - - Vinayakrao Dinanath, 192 - - Vincent, F. A. M. H., 137, 150, 153, 185 and App. - - Vincent, R. H., 62, 73, 80, 90-106, 107 - - - W - - Warden, F., 17, 20, 23, 24 - - Warden, J., 35 - - War Relief Fund, 192 - - Webb, Mr., 102 - - Wedderburn, General D., 7, 9 - - Weights and Measures, 61 - - Weir, Dr. T., 102 - - West, Sir E., 28 - - Williamson, Superintendent, 134 - - Willingdon, Lord, 192, 194 - - Willis, H., 35 - - Wilson, G. S., 150 - - Wilson, Lieut.-Col. W. H., 79-89, 112 - - Wise, Colonel, 79 - - Wodehouse, Sir P., 69, 70 - - Wyborne, Sir J., 3 - - Printed by V. P. 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