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diff --git a/old/63574-0.txt b/old/63574-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5685f68..0000000 --- a/old/63574-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3018 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Rise of Universities, by Charles Homer -Haskins - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this ebook. - -Title: The Rise of Universities - -Author: Charles Homer Haskins - -Release Date: October 29, 2020 [EBook #63574] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES *** - - - - - THE COLVER LECTURES - IN BROWN UNIVERSITY - - 1923 - - THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES - - BY - - CHARLES H. HASKINS - - - - - COLVER LECTURES - - HUMAN LIFE AS THE BIOLOGIST - SEES IT - - BY VERNON KELLOGG - - - Published by - HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY - - - - - BROWN UNIVERSITY. THE COLVER LECTURES, 1923 - - THE - RISE OF UNIVERSITIES - - - BY - CHARLES HOMER HASKINS - - GURNEY PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE - DEAN OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES - HARVARD UNIVERSITY - - [Illustration] - - - NEW YORK - HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY - 1923 - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1923 - BY BROWN UNIVERSITY - - - PRINTED IN - UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - - - - - TO MY STUDENTS - IN THREE UNIVERSITIES - 1888-1923 - - - - -The Colver lectureship is provided by a fund of $10,000 presented to -the University by Mr. and Mrs. Jesse L. Rosenberger of Chicago in -memory of Mrs. Rosenberger’s father, Charles K. Colver of the class of -1842. The following sentences from the letter accompanying the gift -explain the purposes of the foundation:-- - -“It is desired that, so far as possible, for these lectures only -subjects of particular importance and lecturers eminent in scholarship -or of other marked qualifications shall be chosen. It is desired that -the lectures shall be distinctive and valuable contributions to human -knowledge, known for their quality rather than their number. Income, -or portions of income, not used for lectures may be used for the -publication of any of the lectures deemed desirable to be so published.” - -Charles Kendrick Colver (1821-1896) was a graduate of Brown University -of the class of 1842. The necrologist of the University wrote of him: -“He was distinguished for his broad and accurate scholarship, his -unswerving personal integrity, championship of truth, and obedience -to God in his daily life. He was severely simple and unworldly in -character.” - -The lectures now published in this series are:-- - -1916 - - _The American Conception of Liberty and Government_, by Frank Johnson - Goodnow, LL.D., President of Johns Hopkins University. - -1917 - - _Medical Research and Human Welfare_, by W. W. Keen, M.D., LL.D. - (Brown), Emeritus Professor of Surgery, Jefferson Medical College, - Philadelphia. - -1918 - - _The Responsible State: A Reëxamination of Fundamental Political - Doctrines in the Light of World War and the Menace of Anarchism_, - by Franklin Henry Giddings, LL.D., Professor of Sociology and the - History of Civilization in Columbia University; sometime Professor - of Political Science in Bryn Mawr College. - -1919 - - _Democracy: Discipline: Peace_, by William Roscoe Thayer. - -1920 - - _Plymouth and the Pilgrims_, by Arthur Lord. - -1921 - - _Human Life as the Biologist Sees It_, by Vernon Kellogg, Sc.D., - LL.D., Secretary, National Research Council; sometime Professor in - Stanford University. - -1922 - - _The Rise of Universities_, by Charles H. Haskins, Ph.D., LL.D., - Litt.D., Gurney Professor of History and Political Science, Dean of - the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, in Harvard University. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGES - - I. THE EARLIEST UNIVERSITIES 3-36 - Introduction 3 - Bologna and the South 10 - Paris and the North 19 - The mediaeval inheritance 31 - - II. THE MEDIAEVAL PROFESSOR 37-78 - Studies and textbooks 37 - Teaching and examinations 54 - Academic status and freedom 68 - - III. THE MEDIAEVAL STUDENT 79-126 - Sources of information 79 - Student manuals 89 - Student letters 102 - Student poetry 111 - Conclusion 120 - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 127-130 - - INDEX 131-134 - - - - -THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES - - - - -THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES - - -I - -THE EARLIEST UNIVERSITIES - - -Universities, like cathedrals and parliaments, are a product of the -Middle Ages. The Greeks and the Romans, strange as it may seem, had -no universities in the sense in which the word has been used for the -past seven or eight centuries. They had higher education, but the terms -are not synonymous. Much of their instruction in law, rhetoric, and -philosophy it would be hard to surpass, but it was not organized into -the form of permanent institutions of learning. A great teacher like -Socrates gave no diplomas; if a modern student sat at his feet for -three months, he would demand a certificate, something tangible and -external to show for it--an excellent theme, by the way, for a Socratic -dialogue. Only in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries do there -emerge in the world those features of organized education with which -we are most familiar, all that machinery of instruction represented -by faculties and colleges and courses of study, examinations and -commencements and academic degrees. In all these matters we are the -heirs and successors, not of Athens and Alexandria, but of Paris and -Bologna. - -The contrast between these earliest universities and those of today -is of course broad and striking. Throughout the period of its origins -the mediaeval university had no libraries, laboratories, or museums, -no endowment or buildings of its own; it could not possibly have met -the requirements of the Carnegie Foundation! As an historical textbook -from one of the youngest of American universities tells us, with an -unconscious touch of local color, it had “none of the attributes -of the material existence which with us are so self-evident.” The -mediaeval university was, in the fine old phrase of Pasquier, “built -of men”--_bâtie en hommes_. Such a university had no board of trustees -and published no catalogue; it had no student societies--except so far -as the university itself was fundamentally a society of students--no -college journalism, no dramatics, no athletics, none of those “outside -activities” which are the chief excuse for inside inactivity in the -American college. - -And yet, great as these differences are, the fact remains that the -university of the twentieth century is the lineal descendant of -mediaeval Paris and Bologna. They are the rock whence we were hewn, the -hole of the pit whence we were digged. The fundamental organization -is the same, the historic continuity is unbroken. They created the -university tradition of the modern world, that common tradition which -belongs to all our institutions of higher learning, the newest as well -as the oldest, and which all college and university men should know -and cherish. The origin and nature of these earliest universities -is the subject of these three lectures. The first will deal with -university institutions, the second with university instruction, the -third with the life of university students. - - * * * * * - -In recent years the early history of universities has begun to -attract the serious attention of historical scholars, and mediaeval -institutions of learning have at last been lifted out of the region -of myth and fable where they long lay obscured. We now know that the -foundation of the University of Oxford was not one of the many virtues -which the millennial celebration could properly ascribe to King Alfred; -that Bologna did not go back to the Emperor Theodosius; that the -University of Paris did not exist in the time of Charlemagne, or for -nearly four centuries afterward. It is hard, even for the modern world, -to realize that many things had no founder or fixed date of beginning -but instead “just grew,” arising slowly and silently without definite -record. This explains why, in spite of all the researches of Father -Denifle and Dean Rashdall and the local antiquaries, the beginnings of -the oldest universities are obscure and often uncertain, so that we -must content ourselves sometimes with very general statements. - -The occasion for the rise of universities was a great revival of -learning, not that revival of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to -which the term is usually applied, but an earlier revival, less known -though in its way quite as significant, which historians now call the -renaissance of the twelfth century. So long as knowledge was limited -to the seven liberal arts of the early Middle Ages, there could be no -universities, for there was nothing to teach beyond the bare elements -of grammar, rhetoric, logic, and the still barer notions of arithmetic, -astronomy, geometry, and music, which did duty for an academic -curriculum. Between 1100 and 1200, however, there came a great influx -of new knowledge into western Europe, partly through Italy and Sicily, -but chiefly through the Arab scholars of Spain--the works of Aristotle, -Euclid, Ptolemy, and the Greek physicians, the new arithmetic, and -those texts of the Roman law which had lain hidden through the Dark -Ages. In addition to the elementary propositions of triangle and -circle, Europe now had those books of plane and solid geometry which -have done duty in schools and colleges ever since; instead of the -painful operations with Roman numerals--how painful one can readily see -by trying a simple problem of multiplication or division with these -characters--it was now possible to work readily with Arabic figures; in -the place of Boethius the “Master of them that know” became the teacher -of Europe in logic, metaphysics, and ethics. In law and medicine men -now possessed the fulness of ancient learning. This new knowledge burst -the bonds of the cathedral and monastery schools and created the -learned professions; it drew over mountains and across the narrow seas -eager youths who, like Chaucer’s Oxford clerk of a later day, ‘would -gladly learn and gladly teach,’ to form in Paris and Bologna those -academic gilds which have given us our first and our best definition of -a university, a society of masters and scholars. - -To this general statement concerning the twelfth century there is one -partial exception, the medical university of Salerno. Here, a day’s -journey to the south of Naples, in territory at first Lombard and later -Norman, but still in close contact with the Greek East, a school of -medicine had existed as early as the middle of the eleventh century, -and for perhaps two hundred years thereafter it was the most renowned -medical centre in Europe. In this “city of Hippocrates” the medical -writings of the ancient Greeks were expounded and even developed on the -side of anatomy and surgery, while its teachings were condensed into -pithy maxims of hygiene which have not yet lost their vogue--“after -dinner walk a mile,” etc. Of the academic organization of Salerno we -know nothing before 1231, and when in this year the standardizing -hand of Frederick II regulated its degrees Salerno had already been -distanced by newer universities farther north. Important in the -history of medicine, it had no influence on the growth of university -institutions. - -If the University of Salerno is older in time, that of Bologna has -a much larger place in the development of higher education. And -while Salerno was known only as a school of medicine, Bologna was a -many-sided institution, though most noteworthy as the centre of the -revival of the Roman law. Contrary to a common impression, the Roman -law did not disappear from the West in the early Middle Ages, but its -influence was greatly diminished as a result of the Germanic invasions. -Side by side with the Germanic codes, Roman law survived as the -customary law of the Roman population, known no longer through the -great law books of Justinian but in elementary manuals and form-books -which grew thinner and more jejune as time went on. The _Digest_, -the most important part of the _Corpus Juris Civilis_, disappears -from view between 603 and 1076; only two manuscripts survived; in -Maitland’s phrase, it “barely escaped with its life.” Legal study -persisted, if at all, merely as an apprenticeship in the drafting of -documents, a form of applied rhetoric. Then, late in the eleventh -century, and closely connected with the revival of trade and town -life, came a revival of law, foreshadowing the renaissance of the -century which followed. This revival can be traced at more than one -point in Italy, perhaps not first at Bologna, but here it soon found -its centre for the geographical reasons which, then as now, made this -city the meeting-point of the chief routes of communication in northern -Italy. Some time before 1100 we hear of a professor named Pepo, “the -bright and shining light of Bologna”; by 1119 we meet with the phrase -_Bononia docta_. At Bologna, as at Paris, a great teacher stands at -the beginning of university development. The teacher who gave Bologna -its reputation was one Irnerius, perhaps the most famous of the many -great professors of law in the Middle Ages. Just what he wrote and -what he taught are still subjects of dispute among scholars, but he -seems to have fixed the method of ‘glossing’ the law texts upon the -basis of a comprehensive use of the whole _Corpus Juris_, as contrasted -with the meagre epitomes of the preceding centuries, fully and finally -separating the Roman law from rhetoric and establishing it firmly as -a subject of professional study. Then, about 1140, Gratian, a monk of -San Felice, composed the _Decretum_ which became the standard text -in canon law, thus marked off from theology as a distinct subject of -higher study; and the preëminence of Bologna as a law school was fully -assured. - -A student class had now appeared, expressing itself in correspondence -and in poetry, and by 1158 it was sufficiently important in Italy to -receive a formal grant of rights and privileges from Emperor Frederick -Barbarossa, though no particular town or university is mentioned. By -this time Bologna had become the resort of some hundreds of students, -not only from Italy but from beyond the Alps. Far from home and -undefended, they united for mutual protection and assistance, and this -organization of foreign, or Transmontane, students was the beginning of -the university. In this union they seem to have followed the example of -the gilds already common in Italian cities. Indeed, the word university -means originally such a group or corporation in general, and only -in time did it come to be limited to gilds of masters and students, -_universitas societas magistrorum discipulorumque_. Historically, the -word university has no connection with the universe or the universality -of learning; it denotes only the totality of a group, whether of -barbers, carpenters, or students did not matter. The students of -Bologna organized such a university first as a means of protection -against the townspeople, for the price of rooms and necessaries rose -rapidly with the crowd of new tenants and consumers, and the individual -student was helpless against such profiteering. United, the students -could bring the town to terms by the threat of departure as a body, -secession, for the university, having no buildings, was free to move, -and there are many historic examples of such migrations. Better rent -one’s rooms for less than not rent them at all, and so the student -organizations secured the power to fix the prices of lodgings and books -through their representatives. - -Victorious over the townsmen, the students turned on ‘their other -enemies, the professors.’ Here the threat was a collective boycott, -and as the masters lived at first wholly from the fees of their pupils, -this threat was equally effective. The professor was put under bond to -live up to a minute set of regulations which guaranteed his students -the worth of the money paid by each. We read in the earliest statutes -(1317) that a professor might not be absent without leave, even a -single day, and if he desired to leave town he had to make a deposit -to ensure his return. If he failed to secure an audience of five for -a regular lecture, he was fined as if absent--a poor lecture indeed -which could not secure five hearers! He must begin with the bell and -quit within one minute after the next bell. He was not allowed to skip -a chapter in his commentary, or postpone a difficulty to the end of the -hour, and he was obliged to cover ground systematically, so much in -each specific term of the year. No one might spend the whole year on -introduction and bibliography! Coercion of this sort presupposes an -effective organization of the student body, and we hear of two and even -four universities of students, each composed of ‘nations’ and presided -over by a rector. Emphatically Bologna was a student university, and -Italian students are still quite apt to demand a voice in university -affairs. When I first visited the University of Palermo I found it -just recovering from a riot in which the students had broken the front -windows in a demand for more frequent, and thus less comprehensive, -examinations. At Padua’s seventh centenary last May the students -practically took over the town, with a programme of processions and -ceremonies quite their own and an amount of noise and tumult which -almost broke up the most solemn occasions and did break the windows of -the greatest hall in the city. - -Excluded from the ‘universities’ of students, the professors also -formed a gild or ‘college,’ requiring for admission thereto certain -qualifications which were ascertained by examination, so that no -student could enter save by the gild’s consent. And, inasmuch as -ability to teach a subject is a good test of knowing it, the student -came to seek the professor’s license as a certificate of attainment, -regardless of his future career. This certificate, the license to -teach (_licentia docendi_), thus became the earliest form of academic -degree. Our higher degrees still preserve this tradition in the words -master (_magister_) and doctor, originally synonymous, while the French -even have a _licence_. A Master of Arts was one qualified to teach the -liberal arts; a Doctor of Laws, a certified teacher of law. And the -ambitious student sought the degree and gave an inaugural lecture, -even when he expressly disclaimed all intention of continuing in the -teaching profession. Already we recognize at Bologna the standard -academic degrees as well as the university organization and well-known -officials like the rector. - -Other subjects of study appeared in course of time, arts, medicine, -and theology, but Bologna was preëminently a school of civil law, and -as such it became the model of university organization for Italy, -Spain, and southern France, countries where the study of law has always -had political and social as well as merely academic significance. Some -of these universities became Bologna’s competitors, like Montpellier -and Orleans as well as the Italian schools nearer home. Frederick II -founded the University of Naples in 1224 so that the students of his -Sicilian kingdom could go to a Ghibelline school at home instead of the -Guelfic centre in the North. Rival Padua was founded two years earlier -as a secession from Bologna, and only last year, on the occasion of -Padua’s seven-hundredth anniversary, I saw the ancient feud healed by -the kiss of peace bestowed on Bologna’s rector amid the encores of -ten thousand spectators. Padua, however, scarcely equalled Bologna in -our period, even though at a later age Portia sent thither for legal -authority, and though the university still shines with the glory of -Galileo. - - * * * * * - -In northern Europe the origin of universities must be sought at Paris, -in the cathedral school of Notre-Dame. By the beginning of the twelfth -century in France and the Low Countries learning was no longer confined -to monasteries but had its most active centres in the schools attached -to cathedrals, of which the most famous were those of Liège, Rheims, -Laon, Paris, Orleans, and Chartres. The most notable of these schools -of the liberal arts was probably Chartres, distinguished by a canonist -like St. Ives and by famous teachers of classics and philosophy -like Bernard and Thierry. As early as 991 a monk of Rheims, Richer, -describes the hardships of his journey to Chartres in order to study -the _Aphorisms_ of Hippocrates of Cos; while from the twelfth century -John of Salisbury, the leading northern humanist of the age, has left -us an account of the masters which we shall later have occasion to -cite. Nowhere else today can we drop back more easily into a cathedral -city of the twelfth century, the peaceful town still dominated by its -church and sharing, now as then, - - the minster’s vast repose. - Silent and gray as forest-leaguered cliff - Left inland by the ocean’s slow retreat, - ... patiently remote - From the great tides of life it breasted once, - Hearing the noise of men as in a dream. - -By the time the cathedral stood complete, with its “dedicated shapes of -saints and kings,” it had ceased to be an intellectual centre of the -first importance, over-shadowed by Paris fifty-odd miles away, so that -Chartres never became a university. - -The advantages of Paris were partly geographical, partly political -as the capital of the new French monarchy, but something must be set -down to the influence of a great teacher in the person of Abelard. -This brilliant young radical, with his persistent questioning and his -scant respect for titled authority, drew students in large numbers -wherever he taught, whether at Paris or in the wilderness. At Paris -he was connected with the church of Mont-Sainte-Geneviève longer than -with the cathedral school, but resort to Paris became a habit in his -time, and in this way he had a significant influence on the rise of -the university. In an institutional sense the university was a direct -outgrowth of the school of Notre-Dame, whose chancellor alone had -authority to license teaching in the diocese and thus kept his control -over the granting of university degrees, which here as at Bologna -were originally teachers’ certificates. The early schools were within -the cathedral precincts on the Ile de la Cité, that tangled quarter -about Notre-Dame pictured by Victor Hugo which has long since been -demolished. A little later we find masters and scholars living on the -Little Bridge (Petit-Pont) which connected the island with the Left -Bank of the Seine--this bridge gave its name to a whole school of -philosophers, the Parvipontani--but by the thirteenth century they have -over-run the Left Bank, thenceforth the Latin Quarter of Paris. - -At what date Paris ceased to be a cathedral school and became a -university, no one can say, though it was certainly before the end of -the twelfth century. Universities, however, like to have precise dates -to celebrate, and the University of Paris has chosen 1200, the year of -its first royal charter. In that year, after certain students had been -killed in a town and gown altercation, King Philip Augustus issued a -formal privilege which punished his prévôt and recognized the exemption -of the students and their servants from lay jurisdiction, thus creating -that special position of students before the courts which has not yet -wholly disappeared from the world’s practice, though generally from -its law. More specific was the first papal privilege, the bull _Parens -scientiarum_ of 1231, issued after a two years’ cessation of lectures -growing out of a riot in which a band of students, having found “wine -that was good and sweet to drink,” beat up the tavern keeper and his -friends till they in turn suffered from the prévôt and his men, a -dissension in which the thirteenth century clearly saw the hand of the -devil. Confirming the existing exemptions, the Pope goes on to regulate -the discretion of the chancellor in conferring the license, at the -same time that he recognizes the right of the masters and students -“to make constitutions and ordinances regulating the manner and time -of lectures and disputations, the costume to be worn,” attendance at -masters’ funerals, the lectures of bachelors, necessarily more limited -than those of fully fledged masters, the price of lodgings, and the -coercion of members. Students must not carry arms, and only those who -frequent the schools regularly are to enjoy the exemptions of students, -the interpretation in practice being attendance at not less than two -lectures a week. - -While the word university does not appear in these documents, it is -taken for granted. A university in the sense of an organized body -of masters existed already in the twelfth century; by 1231 it had -developed into a corporation, for Paris, in contrast to Bologna, was -a university of masters. There were now four faculties, each under a -dean: arts, canon law (civil law was forbidden at Paris after 1219), -medicine, and theology. The masters of arts, much more numerous than -the others, were grouped into four ‘nations:’ the French, including -the Latin peoples; the Norman; the Picard, including also the Low -Countries; and the English, comprising England, Germany, and the -North and East of Europe. These four nations chose the head of the -university, the rector, as he is still generally styled on the -Continent, whose term, however, was short, being later only three -months. If we may judge from such minutes as have survived, much of the -time of the nations was devoted to consuming the fees collected from -new members and new officers, or, as it was called, drinking up the -surplus--at the Two Swords near the Petit-Pont, at the sign of Our Lady -in the Rue S.-Jacques, at the Swan, the Falcon, the Arms of France, -and scores of similar places. A learned monograph on the taverns of -mediaeval Paris has been written from the records of the English -nation alone. The artificial constitution of the nations seems to have -encouraged rather than diminished the feuds and rivalries between the -various regions represented at Paris, of which Jacques de Vitry has -left a classic description:[1] - -“They wrangled and disputed not merely about the various sects or -about some discussions; but the differences between the countries also -caused dissensions, hatreds, and virulent animosities among them, and -they impudently uttered all kinds of affronts and insults against -one another. They affirmed that the English were drunkards and had -tails; the sons of France proud, effeminate, and carefully adorned -like women. They said that the Germans were furious and obscene at -their feasts; the Normans, vain and boastful; the Poitevins, traitors -and always adventurers. The Burgundians they considered vulgar and -stupid. The Bretons were reputed to be fickle and changeable, and were -often reproached for the death of Arthur. The Lombards were called -avaricious, vicious, and cowardly; the Romans, seditious, turbulent, -and slanderous; the Sicilians, tyrannical and cruel; the inhabitants -of Brabant, men of blood, incendiaries, brigands, and ravishers; -the Flemish, fickle, prodigal, gluttonous, yielding as butter, and -slothful. After such insults, from words they often came to blows.” - -Another university institution which goes back to twelfth-century -Paris is the college. Originally merely an endowed hospice or hall of -residence, the college early became an established unit of academic -life at many universities. “The object of the earliest college-founders -was simply to secure board and lodging for poor scholars who could -not pay for it themselves;” but in course of time the colleges became -normal centres of life and teaching, absorbing into themselves much -of the activity of the university. The colleges had buildings and -endowments, if the university had not. There was a college at Paris as -early as 1180; there were sixty-eight by 1500, and the system survived -until the Revolution, to leave behind it only fragments of buildings or -local names like the Sorbonne of today, sole memento of that Collège -de la Sorbonne founded for theologians by a confessor of St. Louis in -the thirteenth century. Many other continental universities had their -colleges, one of which, the ancient College of Spain at Bologna, still -survives for the delectation of the few Spanish youths who reach its -quiet courtyard. But of course the ultimate home of the college was -Oxford and Cambridge, where it came to be the most characteristic -feature of university life, arrogating to itself practically all -teaching as well as direction of social life, until the university -became merely an examining and degree-conferring body. Here the older -colleges like Balliol, Merton, and Peterhouse date from the thirteenth -century. - -Paris was preëminent in the Middle Ages as a school of theology, and, -as theology was the supreme subject of mediaeval study, “Madame la -haute science” it was called, this means that it was preëminent as a -university. “The Italians have the Papacy, the Germans have the Empire, -and the French have Learning,” ran the old saying; and the chosen abode -of learning was Paris. Quite naturally Paris became the source and the -model for northern universities. Oxford branched off from this parent -stem late in the twelfth century, likewise with no definite date of -foundation; Cambridge began somewhat later. The German universities, -none of them older than the fourteenth century, were confessed -imitations of Paris. Thus the Elector Palatine, Ruprecht, in founding -the University of Heidelberg in 1386--for these later universities were -founded at specific dates--provides that it “shall be ruled, disposed, -and regulated according to the modes and matters accustomed to be -observed in the University of Paris, and that as a handmaid of Paris--a -worthy one let us hope--it shall imitate the steps of Paris in every -way possible, so that there shall be four faculties,” four nations and -a rector, exemptions for students and their servants, and even caps and -gowns for the several faculties “as has been observed at Paris.”[2] - -By the end of the Middle Ages at least eighty universities had -been founded in different parts of Europe.[3] Some of these were -short-lived, many were of only local importance, others like Salerno -flourished only to die, but some like Paris and Montpellier, Bologna -and Padua, Oxford and Cambridge, Vienna and Prague and Leipzig, Coimbra -and Salamanca, Cracow and Louvain, have an unbroken history of many -centuries of distinction. And the great European universities of more -recent foundation, like Berlin, Strasbourg, Edinburgh, Manchester, and -London, follow in their organization the ancient models. In America -the earliest institutions of higher learning reproduced the type of -the contemporary English college at a time when the university in -England was eclipsed by its constituent colleges; but in the creation -of universities in the later nineteenth century, America turned to -the universities of the Continent and thus entered once more into the -ancient inheritance. Even in the colonial period a sense of the general -university tradition survived, for the charter of Rhode Island College -in 1764 grants “the same privileges, dignities, and immunities enjoyed -by the American colleges, and European universities.” - - * * * * * - -What then is our inheritance from the oldest of universities? In the -first place it is not buildings or a type of architecture, for the -early universities had no buildings of their own, but on occasion used -private halls and neighboring churches. After all, as late as 1775 the -First Baptist Church in Providence was built “for the publick worship -of Almighty God, and also for holding Commencement in”! Indeed one -who seeks to reconstruct the life of ancient universities will find -little aid in their existing remains. Salerno retains no monuments of -its university, though its rare old cathedral, where Hildebrand lies -buried, must have seen the passing of many generations of would-be -physicians. In the halls and coats of arms of “many-domed Padua proud” -we behold the Renaissance, not the Middle Ages. Even Bologna, _Bononia -docta_, with its leaning towers and cool arcades, has no remains of -university architecture earlier than the fourteenth century, from -which date the oldest monuments of its professors of law gathered now -into the municipal museum. Montpellier and Orleans preserve nothing -from this period. Paris, too often careless of its storied past, can -show today only the ancient church of Saint-Julien-le-Pauvre, where -university meetings were often held, unless we count, as we should, the -great cathedral in the Cité whence the university originally sprang. -The oldest Cambridge college, Peterhouse, has only a fragment of its -earliest buildings; the finest Cambridge monument, King’s College -chapel, is of the late fifteenth century. More than all others Oxford -gives the deepest impression of continuity with an ancient past, -Matthew Arnold’s Oxford, “so venerable, so lovely ... steeped in -sentiment as she lies, spreading her gardens to the moon-light, and -whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Age;” -yet so far as the actual college buildings are concerned they have much -more of sentiment than of the Middle Ages. Only at Merton, which fixed -the college type at Oxford, do any of the present structures carry us -back of 1300, and nowhere is there much of the fourteenth century. -Those venerable glories of Oxford, the Bodleian library, the tower of -Magdalen, and the hall of Christ Church, belong to a much later age, -the period of the Tudors, and thus by ordinary reckoning to modern -times. When we say how very mediaeval, we often mean how very Tudor! - -Neither does the continuity lie in academic form and ceremony, in -spite of occasional survivals, like the conferring of degrees by the -ring or the kiss of peace, or the timing of examinations by the hour -glass as I have seen it at Portuguese Coimbra. Academic costume has in -it some element of tradition where it is a daily dress as at Oxford, -Cambridge, and Coimbra, but in America the tradition was broken by our -ancestors, and the formal cap and gown current in the United States -today are a product of modern Albany rather than of mediaeval Paris -and Bologna. Even in their ancient homes the costumes have changed. -“It is probable,” says Rashdall, “that no gown now worn in Oxford has -much resemblance to its mediaeval ancestor.” A student of mediaeval -Padua would not recognize the variegated procession which wound through -its streets last summer; Robert de Sorbon would rub his eyes at the -non-mediaeval styles of the gorgeous gowns which were massed on the -stage of the great hall of the Sorbonne when President Wilson received -his honorary degree in 1918. - -It is, then, in institutions that the university tradition is most -direct. First, the very name university, as an association of masters -and scholars leading the common life of learning. Characteristic -of the Middle Ages as such a corporation is, the individualistic -modern world has found nothing to take its place. Next, the notion -of a curriculum of study, definitely laid down as regards time and -subjects, tested by an examination and leading to a degree, as well -as many of the degrees themselves--bachelor, as a stage toward the -mastership, master, doctor, in arts, law, medicine, and theology. Then -the faculties, four or more, with their deans, and the higher officers -such as chancellors and rectors, not to mention the college, wherever -the residential college still survives. The essentials of university -organization are clear and unmistakable, and they have been handed -down in unbroken continuity. They have lasted more than seven hundred -years--what form of government has lasted so long? Very likely all this -is not final--nothing is in this world of flux--but it is singularly -tough and persistent, suited to use and also to abuse, like Bryce’s -university with a faculty “consisting of Mrs. Johnson and myself,” -or the “eleven leading universities” of a certain state of the Middle -West! Universities are at times criticised for their aloofness or -their devotion to vocationalism, for being too easy or too severe, and -drastic efforts have been made to reform them by abolishing entrance -requirements or eliminating all that does not lead directly to bread -and butter; but no substitute has been found for the university in its -main business, the training of scholars and the maintenance of the -tradition of learning and investigation. The glory of the mediaeval -university, says Rashdall, was “the consecration of Learning,” and -the glory and the vision have not yet perished from the earth. “The -mediaeval university,” it has been said, “was the school of the modern -spirit.” How the early universities performed this task will be the -theme of the next lecture. - - - - -II - -THE MEDIAEVAL PROFESSOR - - -In the last lecture we considered the mediaeval university as an -institution. We come now to examine it as an intellectual centre. This -involves some account of its course of study, its methods of teaching, -and the status and freedom of its teachers. The element of continuity, -so clear in institutions, is often less evident in the content of -learning, but even here the thread is unbroken, the contrast with -modern conditions less sharp than is often supposed. - -The basis of education in the early Middle Ages consisted, as we have -seen, of the so-called seven liberal arts. Three of these, grammar, -rhetoric, and logic, were grouped as the trivium; the remaining four, -arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music, made up the quadrivium. -The first group was the more rudimentary, but the second was -rudimentary enough. The number was fixed and the content standardized -during the decadence of ancient learning, and the whole conception -reached the Middle Ages chiefly in the book of a certain Martianus -Capella, written in the early fifth century. These later ages of -classical antiquity, in condensing and desiccating knowledge for their -own more limited intelligence, were also unconsciously preparing for -later times those small and convenient packages which alone could be -carried as a _viaticum_ through the stormy times of the Dark Ages. -It was almost wholly as formulated in a few standard texts that the -learning of the ancient world was transmitted to mediaeval times, and -the authority of these manuals was so great that a list of those in use -in any period affords an accurate index of the extent of its knowledge -and the nature of its instruction. It was a bookish age, with great -reverence for standard authorities, and its instruction followed -closely the written word. - -In the monastic and cathedral schools of the earlier period the -textbooks were few and simple, chiefly the Latin grammars of Donatus -and Priscian with some elementary reading-books, the logical manuals of -Boethius, as well as his arithmetic and music, a manual of rhetoric, -the most elementary propositions of geometry, and an outline of -practical astronomy such as that of the Venerable Bede. Of Greek, -of course, there was none. This slender curriculum in arts was much -enlarged by the renaissance of the twelfth century, which added to -the store of western knowledge the astronomy of Ptolemy, the complete -works of Euclid, and the Aristotelian logic, while at the same time -under the head of grammar great stimulus was given to the study and -reading of the Latin classics. This classical revival, which is -noteworthy and comparatively little known, centred in such cathedral -schools as Chartres and Orleans, where the spirit of a real humanism -showed itself in an enthusiastic study of ancient authors and in the -production of Latin verse of a really remarkable quality. Certain -writings of one of these poets, Bishop Hildebert of Le Mans, were even -mistaken for “real antiques” by later humanists. Nevertheless, though -brilliant, this classical movement was short-lived, crushed in its -early youth by the triumph of logic and the more practical studies -of law and rhetoric. In the later twelfth century John of Salisbury -inveighs against the logicians of his day, with their superficial -knowledge of literature; in the university curriculum of the thirteenth -century, literary studies have quite disappeared. Toward 1250, when a -French poet, Henri d’Andeli, wrote his _Battle of the Seven Arts_, the -classics are already the ancients, fighting a losing battle against the -moderns: - - Logic has the students, - Whereas Grammar is reduced in numbers. - - * * * * * - - Civil Law rode gorgeously - And Canon Law rode haughtily - Ahead of all the other arts. - -If the absence of the ancient classics and of vernacular literature is -a striking feature of the university curriculum in arts, an equally -striking fact is the amount of emphasis placed on logic or dialectic. -The earliest university statutes, those of Paris in 1215, require the -whole of Aristotle’s logical works, and throughout the Middle Ages -these remain the backbone of the arts course, so that Chaucer can speak -of the study of logic as synonymous with attendance at a university-- - - That un-to logik hadde longe y-go. - -In a sense this is perfectly just, for logic was not only a major -subject of study itself, it pervaded every other subject as a method -and gave tone and character to the mediaeval mind. Syllogism, -disputation, the orderly marshalling of arguments for and against -specific theses, these became the intellectual habit of the age in -law and medicine as well as in philosophy and theology. The logic, -of course, was Aristotle’s, and the other works of the philosopher -soon followed, so that in the Paris course of 1254 we find also the -_Ethics_, the _Metaphysics_, and the various treatises on natural -science which had at first been forbidden to students. To Dante -Aristotle had become “the Master of them that know,” by virtue of the -universality of his method no less than of his all-embracing learning. -“The father of book knowledge and the grandfather of the commentator,” -no other writer appealed so strongly as Aristotle to the mediaeval -reverence for the textbook and the mediaeval habit of formal thought. -Doctrines like the eternity of matter which seemed dangerous to faith -were explained away, and great and authoritative systems of theology -were built up by the methods of the pagan philosopher. And all idea of -literary form disappeared when everything depended on argument alone. - -If the study of the classics became confined to examples and -excerpts designed to illustrate the rules of grammar, rhetoric had -a somewhat different fate by reason of its practical applications. -The intellectual life of the Middle Ages was not characterized by -spontaneous or widely diffused power of literary expression. Few -were able to write, still fewer could compose a letter, and the -professional scribes and notaries on whom devolved the greater part of -the labor of mediaeval correspondence fastened upon the letter-writing -of the period the stereotyped formalism of a conventional rhetoric. -Regular instruction in the composition of letters and official acts -was given in the schools and chanceries, and numerous professors, -called _dictatores_, went about from place to place teaching this -valuable art--“often and exceeding necessary for the clergy, for -monks suitable, and for laymen honorable,” as one rhetorician tells -us. By the thirteenth century such masters had found a place in -certain universities, especially in Italy and Southern France, and -they advertised their wares in a way that has been compared to the -claims of a modern business course--short and practical, with no time -wasted on outgrown classical authors but everything fresh and snappy -and up-to-date, ready to be applied the same day if need be! Thus one -professor at Bologna derides the study of Cicero, whom he cannot recall -having read, and promises to train his students in writing every sort -of letter and official document which was demanded of the notaries and -secretaries of his day. Since, as we shall see in the next lecture, -such teachers specialized in the composition of student letters, -chiefly skilful appeals to the parental purse, their practical utility -was at once apparent. “Let us,” says one writer, “take as our theme -today that a poor and diligent student at Paris is to write his mother -for necessary expenses.” Would not every listener be sure that here at -least he had found “the real thing”? The professor of rhetoric might -also be called in to draft a university prospectus, like the circular -issued in 1229 by the masters of the new University of Toulouse setting -forth its superiority to Paris--theologians teaching in the pulpits -and preaching at the street corners, lawyers magnifying Justinian -and physicians Galen, professors of grammar and logic, and musicians -with their organs, lectures on the books of natural philosophy then -forbidden at Paris, low prices, a friendly populace, the way now -prepared by the extirpation of the thorns of heresy, a land flowing -with milk and honey, Bacchus reigning in the vineyards and Ceres in the -fields under the mild climate desired by the philosophers of old, with -plenary indulgence for all masters and students. Who could resist such -an appeal from the South? - -With grammar and rhetoric reduced to a subordinate position and the -studies of the quadrivium receiving but scant attention, the arts -course was mainly a course in logic and philosophy, plus so much of the -natural sciences as could be apprehended by the scholastic study of the -“natural books” of Aristotle. Laboratories there were none until long -after the Middle Ages were past, and of history and the social sciences -nothing was heard in universities until still later. Hard, close drill -on a few well-thumbed books was the rule. The course in arts led -normally to the master’s degree in six years, with the baccalaureate -somewhere on the way. Graduation in arts was the common preparation for -professional study, being regularly required for theology and usual -for intending lawyers and physicians. A sound tradition, to which the -American world has given too little attention! - -Contrary to a common impression, there were relatively few students -of theology in mediaeval universities, for a prescribed theological -training for the priesthood came in only with the Counter-Reformation. -The requirements for admission were high; the course in theology itself -was long; the books were costly. True, these books were commonly only -the Bible and the _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard, but the Bible in the -Middle Ages might run into several volumes, especially when accompanied -by gloss and commentary, and the copying of these by hand was a tedious -and costly business. An ambitious student at Orleans who asks for money -to buy a Bible and begin theology is advised by his father to turn -rather to some lucrative profession. At the best, complain the Paris -chancellors, students come late to theology, which should be the wife -of their youth. - -Medicine likewise was studied in books, chiefly Galen and Hippocrates -with their Arabic translators and commentators, among whom Avicenna -held the first place after the thirteenth century. Indeed Avicenna -was still more firmly intrenched in the East, for as late as 1887 a -majority of the native physicians in the Persian capital “knew no -medicine but that of Avicenna.”[4] Except for some advance in anatomy -and surgery at certain southern schools, like Bologna and Montpellier, -the mediaeval universities made no contributions to medical knowledge, -for no subject was less adapted to their prevailing method of verbal -and syllogistic dogmatism. - -In law the basis of all instruction was inevitably the _Corpus Juris -Civilis_ of Justinian, for the customary law of mediaeval Europe was -never a subject of university study. The central book was the _Digest_, -summarizing the ripest fruits of Roman legal science, and it was -their mastery of the _Digest_ that gives preëminence to the mediaeval -civilians. They brought the resources of the whole _Corpus_ to bear -on each passage in an elaborate gloss, and they showed refinement -and subtlety of legal thought analogous to that of the scholastic -philosophers. After all, “law is a form of scholasticism.” But whereas -the scholastic method in philosophy has lost hold on much of the modern -world, the work of the glossators still survives. “In many respects,” -says Rashdall,[5] “the work of the School of Bologna represents the -most brilliant achievement of the intellect of mediaeval Europe. The -mediaeval mind had, indeed, a certain natural affinity for the study -and development of an already existing body of Law. The limitations -of its knowledge of the past and of the material Universe were not, -to any appreciable extent, a bar to the mastery of a Science which -concerns itself simply with the business and the relations of every-day -life. The Jurist received his Justinian on authority as the Theologian -received the Canonical and Patristic writings, or the Philosopher his -Aristotle, while he had the advantage of receiving it in the original -language. It had only to be understood, to be interpreted, developed, -and applied.... The works of these men are, perhaps, the only -productions of mediaeval learning to which the modern Professor of any -science whatever may turn, not merely for the sake of their historical -interest, not merely in the hope of finding ideas of a suggestive -value, but with some possibility of finding a solution of the doubts, -difficulties and problems which still beset the modern student.” - -The canon law was closely associated with the civil, indeed for -many purposes it was desirable to graduate in both these subjects -as a _Doctor utriusque juris_, or as we say a J.U.D. or an LL. D. -Canon law was condemned by the theologians as a “lucrative” subject, -which drew students away from pure learning toward the path of -ecclesiastical preferment. By the thirteenth century the mediaeval -church was a vast administrative machine which needed lawyers to run -it, and a well-trained canonist had a good chance of rising to the -highest dignities.[6] No wonder canon law attracted the ambitious, -the wealthy, even the idle, for at Paris we are told that the lazy -students frequented the lectures of the canonists in the middle of the -morning, rather than the other courses which began at six. The standard -textbook in canon law was the _Decretum_ of Gratian, supplemented by -the decretals of subsequent popes, especially the great collection -which Gregory IX in 1234 distributed to the principal universities. -The methods of studying these texts were the same as in the civil law, -giving rise to the rich canonistic literature of the later Middle Ages -and the marginal glosses for which, according to Dante, “the Gospel and -the great doctors are deserted.” - -Of the textbooks needed in all these subjects the university undertook -to secure a supply at once sufficient, correct, and cheap, for the -regulation of the book trade was one of the earliest and most valued -of university privileges. As books were costly they were commonly -rented, at a fixed price per quire, rather than owned; indeed the -sale of books was hedged in by close restrictions designed to curb -monopoly prices and to prevent their removal from town. The earliest -Paris tariff, ca. 1286, lists for rent copies of one hundred and -thirty-eight different books. In course of time many students came to -have books of their own--a Bible, or at least some part of it, a piece -of the _Digest_, perhaps even the “twenty bokes clad in blak or reed” -of Chaucer’s Oxford clerk. Whether rented or owned, the supply was not -inconsiderable; on the Bolognese monuments each student has a book -before him. So long as each copy had to be made by hand, accuracy was a -matter of much importance, and the university had its supervisors and -correctors who inspected periodically all the books for sale in the -town. Moreover, at Bologna a constant supply of new books was secured -by the requirement that every professor should turn over a copy of -his repetitions and disputations to the stationers for publication. -The principal books of law and theology were the natural outgrowth of -university lectures. With demand and supply so largely concentrated in -the universities, it is not surprising that these should have become -the chief centres of the book trade and, as we should say, of the -publishing business. So long as students could rent the books they -required, there was less need for libraries than we might at first -suppose, and it was quite natural that for long the university as -such should have no library. In course of time, however, books were -given for the use of students, chiefly in the form of bequests to -the colleges, where they could be borrowed or consulted on the spot. -By 1338 the oldest extant catalogue of the Sorbonne, the chief Paris -library, lists 1722 volumes, many of them still to be seen in the -Bibliothèque Nationale, while many an Oxford college still preserves -codices which belonged to its library in the Middle Ages. - -Turning from books to professors, we should note at the outset that -the Middle Ages produced many excellent and renowned teachers. The -mechanism of learning was still comparatively simple, its content not -yet overwhelming, and, in spite of the close adherence to texts, there -was a large scope for the personality of the instructor. Thus, long -before the days of universities, Alcuin was the moving spirit in the -revival of education at the court of Charlemagne and the monastery -school of Tours, and two centuries later Gerbert of Rheims roused the -wonder of contemporaries by his skilful use of the classics in the -study of rhetoric and by devices for the teaching of astronomy so -ingenious that they seemed in some way “divine.”[7] From the period -of university origins we get a fairly clear impression of Abelard -as a teacher and ‘class-room entertainer,’ bold, original, lucid, -sharply polemical, always fresh and stimulating, and withal “able to -move to laughter the minds of serious men.” His procedure as exhibited -in his _Sic et non_ was to marshal authorities and arguments for and -against specific propositions, a method which was soon imitated in -Gratian’s _Concord of Discordant Canons_, and, reënforced by the _New -Logic_ of Aristotle, was to culminate in the scholastic method of St. -Thomas Aquinas and stamp itself upon the thought of many generations. -Sharpening to the wits as this method was in the hands of Abelard and -his successors, the very antagonism of yes or no as he formulated it -left no room for intermediate positions, for those _nuances_ of thought -in which, as Renan pointed out, truth is usually to be found. - -For a contemporary impression of the teachers of the twelfth century, -nothing is so good as the oft-quoted passages in which John of -Salisbury describes his _Wanderjahre_ in France from 1136 to 1147, -chiefly at Paris and Chartres.[8] Learning the rudiments of dialectic -from Abelard, he continued under two other teachers of this art, one -over-scrupulous in detail, perspicuous, brief, and to the point, the -other subtle and profuse, showing that simple answers could not be -given. “Afterward one of them went to Bologna and unlearned what he had -taught, so that on his return he also untaught it.” John then passed -on to Chartres to study grammar under William of Conches and Bernard. -The humane yet thorough teaching of literature here excited his warm -admiration--close study, memorizing choice extracts, grammar taught -by composition, imitation of excellent models but merciless exposure -of borrowed finery, qualities which made Bernard “the most copious -source of letters in Gaul in modern times.” Returning to Paris after -twelve years’ absence, John found his old companions “as before, and -where they were before; nor did they appear to have reached the goal -in unravelling the old questions, nor had they added one jot of a -proposition. The aims that once inspired them, inspired them still: -they had progressed in one point only: they had unlearned moderation, -they knew not modesty; in such wise that one might despair of their -recovery. And thus experience taught me a manifest conclusion, that, -whereas dialectic furthers other studies, so if it remain by itself it -lies bloodless and barren, nor does it quicken the soul to yield fruit -of philosophy, except the same conceive from elsewhere.” - -The teachers of the thirteenth century who talk most about themselves -are the professors of grammar and rhetoric like Buoncompagno at -Bologna, John of Garlande at Paris, Ponce of Provence at Orleans, and -Lorenzo of Aquileia at Naples and almost everywhere, but we shall -make sufficient acquaintance with their inflated writings in other -connections. More significant is the account which Odofredus gives of -his lectures on the _Old Digest_ at Bologna: - -“Concerning the method of teaching the following order was kept by -ancient and modern doctors and especially by my own master, which -method I shall observe: First, I shall give you summaries of each title -before I proceed to the text; second, I shall give you as clear and -explicit a statement as I can of the purport of each law [included in -the title]; third, I shall read the text with a view to correcting it; -fourth, I shall briefly repeat the contents of the law; fifth, I shall -solve apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of law -[to be extracted from the passage], commonly called ‘Brocardica,’ and -any distinctions or subtle and useful problems (_quaestiones_) arising -out of the law with their solutions, as far as the Divine Providence -shall enable me. And if any law shall seem deserving, by reason of -its celebrity or difficulty, of a repetition, I shall reserve it for -an evening repetition, for I shall dispute at least twice a year, once -before Christmas and once before Easter, if you like. - -“I shall always begin the _Old Digest_ on or about the octave of -Michaelmas [6 October] and finish it entirely, by God’s help, with -everything ordinary and extraordinary, about the middle of August. The -_Code_ I shall always begin about a fortnight after Michaelmas and by -God’s help complete it, with everything ordinary and extraordinary, -about the first of August. Formerly the doctors did not lecture on the -extraordinary portions; but with me all students can have profit, even -the ignorant and the new-comers, for they will hear the whole book, nor -will anything be omitted as was once the common practice here. For the -ignorant can profit by the statement of the case and the exposition of -the text, the more advanced can become more adept in the subtleties -of questions and opposing opinions. And I shall read all the glosses, -which was not the practice before my time.” Then comes certain general -advice as to the choice of teachers and the methods of study, followed -by some general account of the _Digest_. - -This course closed as follows: “Now gentlemen, we have begun and -finished and gone through this book as you know who have been in the -class, for which we thank God and His Virgin Mother and all His saints. -It is an ancient custom in this city that when a book is finished -mass should be sung to the Holy Ghost, and it is a good custom and -hence should be observed. But since it is the practice that doctors on -finishing a book should say something of their plans, I will tell you -something but not much. Next year I expect to give ordinary lectures -well and lawfully as I always have, but no extraordinary lectures, -for students are not good payers, wishing to learn but not to pay, as -the saying is: All desire to know but none to pay the price. I have -nothing more to say to you beyond dismissing you with God’s blessing -and begging you to attend the mass.”[9] - -Important as was the formal lecture in those days of few books and no -laboratories, it was by no means the sole vehicle of instruction. A -comprehensive survey of university teaching would need also to take -account of the less formal ‘cursory’ or ‘extraordinary’ lectures, -many of them given by mere bachelors; the reviews and ‘repetitions,’ -which were often given in hospices or colleges in the evenings; and -the disputations which prepared for the final ordeal of maintaining -publicly the graduation thesis. - -The class-rooms in which these lectures were given have long since -disappeared. If the master’s house had no suitable room, he literally -hired a hall in some convenient neighborhood. At Paris such halls -were mostly in a single street on the Left Bank, the Vicus Stramineus -or Rue du Fouarre celebrated by Dante, apparently so-called from the -straw-covered floor on which the students sat as they took notes. At -Bologna the class-rooms were rather more ambitious. Here Buoncompagno, -writing in 1235, has described an ideal lecture hall, quiet and clean, -with a fair prospect from its windows, its walls painted green but -with no pictures or statues to distract attention, the lecturer’s -seat elevated so that he may see and be seen by all, the seats of the -students permanently assigned by nations and according to individual -rank and fame; but he adds significantly, “I never had such a house -myself and do not believe any of this sort was ever built.” Our -knowledge of the realities of the Bolognese class-room is derived -chiefly from the monuments and miniatures of the professors of the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in which the master is regularly -seated at a desk under a canopy on a raised platform, while the -students have flat or inclined desks on which their books lie open. The -professors, in medicine as in law, regularly have an open volume before -them. - -The nature of the final examination is best illustrated at Paris, -where it is described in the _De conscientia_ of that genial moralist, -Robert de Sorbon, founder of the Sorbonne, by means of a suggestive -parallel with the Last Judgment. Taking as his text Job’s desire that -his “adversary had written a book,” and outlining his headings in the -approved fashion of his time, Robert begins with the statement that -if any one decides to seek the _licentia legendi_ at Paris and cannot -be excused from examination--as many of the great, by special favor, -are--he would much like to be told by the chancellor, or by some one -in his confidence, on what book he would be examined. Just as he would -be a crazy student indeed, who, having found out which book this was, -should neglect it and spend his time on others, even so is he mad who -fails to study the book of his own conscience, in which we shall all, -without exception, be examined at the great day. Moreover, if any one -is rejected by the chancellor, he may be reëxamined after a year, or -it may be that, through the intercession of friends or by suitable -gifts or services to the chancellor’s relatives or other examiners, -the chancellor can be induced to change his decision; whereas at the -Last Judgment the sentence will be final and there will be no help -from wealth or influence or stout assertion of ability as canonist or -civilian or of familiarity with all arguments and all fallacies. Then, -if one fails before the chancellor of Paris, the fact is known to but -five or six and the mortification passes away in time, while the Great -Chancellor, God, will refute the sinner ‘in full university’ before -the whole world. The chancellor, too, does not flog the candidate, -but in the Last Judgment the guilty will be beaten with a rod of iron -from the valley of Jehosaphat through the length of hell, nor can we -reckon, like idle boys in the grammar-schools, on escaping Saturday’s -punishment by feigning illness, playing truant, or being stronger -than the master, or like them solace ourselves with the thought -that after all our fun is well worth a whipping. The chancellor’s -examination, too, is voluntary; he does not force any one to seek the -degree, but waits as long as the scholars wish, and is even burdened -with their insistent demands for examinations. In studying the book -of our conscience we should imitate the candidates for the license, -who eat and drink sparingly, conning steadily the one book they are -preparing, searching out all the authorities that pertain to this, -and hearing only the professors that lecture on this subject, so that -they have difficulty in concealing from their fellows the fact that -they are preparing for examination. Such preparation is not the work -of five or ten days--though there are many who will not meditate a day -or an hour on their sins--but of many years. At the examination the -chancellor asks, “Brother, what do you say to this question, what do -you say to this one and this one?” The chancellor is not satisfied with -a verbal knowledge of books without an understanding of their sense, -but unlike the Great Judge, who will hear the book of our conscience -from beginning to end and suffer no mistakes, he requires only seven -or eight passages in a book and passes the candidate if he answers -three questions out of four. Still another difference lies in the -fact that the chancellor does not always conduct the examination in -person, so that the student who would be terrified in the presence of -so much learning often answers well before the masters who act in the -chancellor’s place. Nothing is here said of the public maintenance of -a thesis against all comers, an important final exercise which still -survives as a form in German universities. - -At Bologna there was first a “rigorous and tremendous examination” -before doctors, each sworn to treat the candidate “as he would his own -son.” Then followed a public examination and inception which a letter -home described as follows: “‘Sing unto the Lord a new song, praise him -with stringed instruments and organs, rejoice upon the high-sounding -cymbals,’ for your son has held a glorious disputation, which was -attended by a great multitude of teachers and scholars. He answered -all questions without a mistake, and no one could prevail against his -arguments. Moreover he celebrated a famous banquet, at which both rich -and poor were honored as never before, and he has duly begun to give -lectures which are already so popular that others’ class-rooms are -deserted and his own are filled.” The same rhetorician also tells of an -unsuccessful candidate who could do nothing in the disputation but sat -in his chair like a goat while the spectators in derision called him -rabbi; his guests at the banquet had such eating that they had no will -to drink, and he must needs hire students to attend his classes. - -The social position of mediaeval professors must be seen against the -background of the social system of a different age from ours. We come -perhaps nearest to modern conditions in the cities of Italy, where -there is evidence in the Middle Ages as now of the distinguished -position of many professors of medicine and civil law. Many theologians -and teachers of canon law reached high places in the church such as -bishoprics and cardinalates. Among the theologians and philosophers -those of highest distinction were regularly university professors: -Thomas Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, all the great array -of doctors angelic, invincible, irrefragable, seraphic, subtle, and -universal. That these were also Dominicans or Franciscans withdrew them -only partially from the world. - -If, as some reformers maintain, the social position and self-respect -of professors involve their management of university affairs, the -Middle Ages were the great age of professorial control. The university -itself was a society of masters when it was not a society of students. -As there were no endowments of importance there were no boards of -trustees, nor was there any such system of state control as exists on -the Continent or in many parts of the United States. Administration in -the modern sense was strikingly absent, but much time was consumed in -various sorts of university meetings. In a quite remarkable degree the -university was self-governing as well as self-respecting, escaping some -of the abuses of a system which occasionally allows trustees or regents -to speak of professors as their “hired men.” Whether the individual -professor was freer under such a system is another question, for the -corporation of masters was apt to exercise a pretty close control over -action if not over opinion, and the tyranny of colleagues is a form of -that “tyranny of one’s next-door neighbor” from which the world seems -unable to escape. - -There remains the question of the professor’s intellectual liberty, -the right to teach truth as he sees it, which we have come to call -academic freedom. It is plain that much depends here, as with Pilate, -on our conception of truth. If it is something to be discovered by -search, the search must be free and untrammelled. If, however, truth -is something which has already been revealed to us by authority, then -it has only to be expounded, and the expositor must be faithful to the -authoritative doctrine. Needless to say, the latter was the mediaeval -conception of truth and its teaching. “Faith,” it was held, “precedes -science, fixes its boundaries, and prescribes its conditions.”[10] “I -believe in order that I may know, I do not know in order to believe,” -said Anselm. If reason has its bounds thus set, it befits reason to be -humble. Let not the masters and students of Paris, says Gregory IX, -“show themselves philosophers, but let them strive to become God’s -learned.” The dangers of intellectual pride and reliance upon reason -alone are illustrated by many characteristic stories of masters struck -dumb in the midst of their boasting, like Étienne de Tournay, who, -having proved the doctrine of the Trinity “so lucidly, so elegantly, so -catholically,” asserted that he could just as easily demolish his own -proof. Mediaeval orthodoxy looked askance at mere cleverness, partly -because much of the discussion of the schools led nowhere, partly -because a mind that played too freely about a proposition might easily -fall into heresy. And for the detection and punishment of heresy the -mediaeval church organized a special system of courts known as the -Inquisition. - -Such being the general conditions, what was the actual situation? In -practice freedom was general, save in philosophy and theology. In -law, in medicine, in grammar and mathematics, men were normally free -to lecture and dispute as they would. As there was no social problem -in the modern sense and no teaching of the social sciences as such, -a fruitful source of difficulty was absent. So far as I know, no -mediaeval professor was condemned for preaching free trade or free -silver or socialism or non-resistance. Moreover, while individual -treatises might be publicly burnt, as in the later Roman Empire, there -was no organized censorship of books before the sixteenth century. - -Now as to philosophy and theology. The trouble lies of course with -theology, for philosophy was free save when it touched theological -questions. But then, philosophy is very apt to touch theological -questions, and all through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries -there was an intermittent fight between Christian theology and pagan -philosophy as represented by the works of Aristotle. It began with -Abelard when he tried to apply his logical method of inquiry to -theology, and it went on when his contemporary, Gilbert de la Porrée, -directed still more of the Aristotelian logic toward theological -speculation. By the end of the twelfth century, the _New Logic_ was -pretty well assimilated, but then came Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_ and -natural philosophy, with their Arabic commentators, the study of which -at Paris was formally forbidden in 1210 and 1215. In 1231 the Pope -requires them to be “examined and purged of all suspicion of error,” -but by 1254 they are a fixed part of the curriculum in arts, not -expurgated but reconciled by interpretation to the Christian faith. A -generation later there is a recrudescence of Averroism, emphasizing the -doctrine of the eternity of matter and the determination of earthly -acts by the heavenly bodies; and two hundred and nineteen errors of -this party were condemned in 1277 by the bishop of Paris, who took -occasion to lament incursions into theology on the part of students -of arts. Throughout this period the whole of Aristotle was taught and -studied at Paris, and his method was used by Thomas Aquinas to rear his -vast structure of scholastic theology. Others reserved for themselves -a wide range of philosophic speculation, and in case of trouble they -could save themselves by falling back on the doctrine that what was -true in philosophy might be false in theology, and _vice versa_. - -With an eye to this question of freedom of teaching, I have gone -through all the documents of the thirteenth century in the Paris -_Chartularium_. Outside of the great controversies just mentioned the -result is meagre. In 1241 a series of ten errors was examined and -condemned by the chancellor and the professors of theology, a very -abstract series of propositions dealing with the visibility of the -divine essence, angels, and the exact abiding-place of glorified souls -in the next world, whether in the empyrean or the crystalline heaven. -In 1247 it appears that a certain Master Raymond had been imprisoned -for his errors by the advice of the masters of theology, and one -John de Brescain had been deprived of his right to teach because of -certain errors in logic “which seemed to come near Arian heresy,” thus -confusing the subjects of the two faculties, whose bounds had been -set by the fathers. In and about 1255 Paris was in a ferment over the -so-called ‘Eternal Gospel,’ an apocalyptic treatise which foretold a -new era of the Spirit, beginning in 1260, in which the New Testament, -the Pope, and the hierarchy should be superseded. Accepted by certain -advanced Franciscans, these doctrines became the occasion of a long -conflict with the Mendicant orders, but with no very decisive results. -In 1277 Paris received notice of thirty errors in arts condemned at -Oxford, not as heretical but as sufficient to cause the deposition of -the master teaching them; but when we find among them the abolition -of the cases of Latin nouns and the personal endings of verbs (_ego -currit_, _tu currit_, etc.), we are likely to sympathize more with -their unfortunate students than with the deposed masters. One is -reminded of the modern definition of academic freedom as “the right to -say what one thinks without thinking what one says!” - -With these as the only notable examples of interference with free -teaching at the storm centre of theological speculation in the most -active period of its history, we must infer that there was a large -amount of actual freedom. Trouble arose almost entirely out of what was -deemed theological heresy, or undue meddling with theological subjects -by those who lacked theological training. Those who stuck to their -job seem generally to have been let alone. As the great jurist Cujas -replied in the sixteenth century when asked whether he was Protestant -or Catholic, _Nihil hoc ad edictum praetoris_. Even within the more -carefully guarded field of theology and philosophy, it is doubtful -whether many found themselves cramped. Accepting the principle of -authority as their starting-point, men did not feel its limitations as -we should feel them now. A fence is no obstacle to those who do not -desire to go outside, and many barriers that would seem intolerable to -a more sceptical age were not felt as barriers by the schoolmen. He is -free who feels himself free. - -Furthermore, for those accustomed to the wide diversities of the -modern world, it is easy to form a false impression of the uniformity -and sameness of mediaeval thought. Scholasticism was not one thing -but many, as its historians constantly remind us, and the contests -between different schools and shades of opinion were as keen as -among the Greeks or in our own day. And if the differences often -seem minute or unreal to our distant eye, we can make them modern -enough by turning, for example, to the old question of the nature of -universal conceptions, which divided the Nominalists and Realists -of the Middle Ages. Are universals mere names, or have they a real -existence, independent of their individual embodiments? A bit arid -it all sounds if we make it merely a matter of logic, but exciting -enough as soon as it becomes a question of life. The essence of the -Reformation lies implicit in whether we take a nominalist or a realist -view of the church; the central problem of politics depends largely -upon a nominalist or a realist view of the state. Upon the two sides -of this last question millions of men have “all uncouthly died,” all -unconsciously too, no doubt, in the majority of cases, unaware of the -ultimate issues of political authority for which they fought, but yet -able to comprehend them when expressed in the concrete form of putting -the interest of the state above the interest of its members. - -In his own time and his own way the mediaeval professor often dealt -with permanent human interests as he sharpened men’s wits and kept -alive the continuous tradition of learning. - - - - -III - -THE MEDIAEVAL STUDENT - - -“A University,” it has more than once been remarked by professors, -“would be a very comfortable place were it not for the students.” So -far we have been considering universities from the point of view of -professors; it is now the turn of the students, for whether these be -regarded as a necessary evil or as the main reason for the university’s -existence, they certainly cannot be ignored. A mediaeval university -was no regiment of colonels but “a society of masters _and scholars_,” -and to this second and more numerous element we must now direct our -attention. - -The mediaeval student is a more elusive figure than his teachers, for -he is individually less conspicuous and must generally be seen in -the mass. Moreover the mass is much diversified in time and space, -so that generalization is difficult, what is true of one age and one -university being quite untrue of other times and places. Even within -the briefer span of American universities there are wide differences -among the students of, let us say, Harvard in the seventeenth -century, William and Mary in the eighteenth century, California in -the nineteenth century, and Columbia in the twentieth century; and -it would be impossible to make a true picture out of elements drawn -indiscriminately from such disparate sources. Until the conditions -at each university of the Middle Ages shall have been studied -chronologically, no sound account of student life in general can be -written, and this preliminary labor has nowhere been systematically -attempted. At present we can do no more than indicate the principal -sources of our information and the kind of light they throw upon -student life. - -Fortunately, out of the scattered remains of mediaeval times, there -has come down to us a considerable body of material which deals, more -or less directly, with student affairs. There are, for one thing, the -records of the courts of law, which, amid the monotonous detail of -petty disorders and oft-repeated offences, preserve now and then a -vivid bit of mediaeval life--like the case of the Bolognese student who -was attacked with a cutlass in a class-room, to the great damage and -loss of those assembled to hear the lecture of a noble and egregious -doctor of laws; or the student in 1289 who was set upon in the street -in front of a lecture-room by a certain scribe, “who wounded him on -the head with a stone, so that much blood gushed forth,” while two -companions gave aid and counsel, saying, “Give it to him, hit him,” -and when the offence had been committed ran away. So the coroners’ -rolls of Oxford record many a fatal issue of town and gown riots, while -a recently published register of 1265 and 1266 shows the students -of Bologna actively engaged in raising money by loans and by the -sale of textbooks. There are of course the university and college -statutes, with their prohibitions and fines, regulating the subjects -of conversation, the shape and color of caps and gowns, that academic -dress which looks to us so mediaeval and is, especially in its American -form, so very modern; careful also of the weightier matters of the law, -like the enactment of New College against throwing stones in chapel, or -the graded penalties at Leipzig for him who picks up a missile to throw -at a professor, him who throws and misses, and him who accomplishes -his fell purpose to the master’s hurt. The chroniclers, too, sometimes -interrupt their narrative of the affairs of kings and princes to tell -of students and their doings, although their attention, like that -of their modern successors, the newspapers, is apt to be caught by -outbreaks of student lawlessness rather than by the wholesome routine -of academic life. - -Then we have the preachers of the time, many of them also professors, -whose sermons contain frequent allusions to student customs; indeed -if further evidence were needed to dispel the illusion that the -mediaeval university was devoted to biblical study and religious -nurture, the Paris preachers of the period would offer sufficient -proof. “The student’s heart is in the mire,” says one of them, “fixed -on prebends and things temporal and how to satisfy his desires.” “They -are so litigious and quarrelsome that there is no peace with them; -wherever they go, be it Paris or Orleans, they disturb the country, -their associates, even the whole university.” Many of them go about -the streets armed, attacking the citizens, breaking into houses, and -abusing women. They quarrel among themselves over dogs, women, or -what-not, slashing off one another’s fingers with their swords, or, -with only knives in their hands and nothing to protect their tonsured -pates, rush into conflicts from which armed knights would hold back. -Their compatriots come to their aid, and soon whole nations of -students may be involved in the fray. These Paris preachers take us -into the very atmosphere of the Latin quarter and show us much of its -varied activity. We hear the cries and songs of the streets-- - - Li tens s’en veit, - Et je n’ei riens fait; - Li tens revient, - Et je ne fais riens-- - -the students’ tambourines and guitars, their “light and scurrilous -words,” their hisses and handclappings and loud shouts of applause at -sermons and disputations. We watch them as they mock a neighbor for her -false hair or stick out their tongues and make faces at the passers-by. -We see the student studying by his window, talking over his future with -his room-mate, receiving visits from his parents, nursed by friends -when he is ill, singing psalms at a student’s funeral, or visiting a -fellow-student and asking him to visit him--“I have been to see you, -now come to our hospice.” - -All types are represented. There is the poor student, with no friend -but St. Nicholas, seeking such charity as he can find or earning a -pittance by carrying holy water or copying for others, in a fair but -none too accurate hand, sometimes too poor to buy books or afford -the expense of a course in theology, yet usually surpassing his more -prosperous fellows who have an abundance of books at which they never -look. There is the well-to-do student, who besides his books and desk -will be sure to have a candle in his room and a comfortable bed with a -soft mattress and luxurious coverings, and will be tempted to indulge -the mediaeval fondness for fine raiment beyond the gown and hood and -simple wardrobe prescribed by the statutes. Then there are the idle -and aimless, drifting about from master to master and from school to -school, and never hearing full courses or regular lectures. Some, who -care only for the name of scholar and the income which they receive -while attending the university, go to class but once or twice a week, -choosing by preference the lectures on canon law, which leave them -plenty of time for sleep in the morning. Many eat cakes when they -ought to be at study, or go to sleep in the class-rooms, spending the -rest of their time drinking in taverns or building castles in Spain -(_castella in Hispania_); and when it is time to leave Paris, in order -to make some show of learning such students get together huge volumes -of calfskin, with wide margins and fine red bindings, and so with wise -sack and empty mind they go back to their parents. “What knowledge -is this,” asks the preacher, “which thieves may steal, mice or moths -eat up, fire or water destroy?” and he cites an instance where the -student’s horse fell into a river, carrying all his books with him. -Some never go home, but continue to enjoy in idleness the fruits of -their benefices. Even in vacation time, when the rich ride off with -their servants and the poor trudge home under the burning sun, many -idlers remain in Paris to their own and the city’s harm. Mediaeval -Paris, we should remember, was not only the incomparable “parent of -the sciences,” but also a place of good cheer and good fellowship and -varied delights, a favorite resort not only of the studious but of -country priests on a holiday; and it would not be strange if sometimes -scholars prolonged their stay unduly and lamented their departure in -phrases which are something more than rhetorical commonplace. - -Then the student is not unknown to the poets of the period, among whom -Rutebeuf gives a picture of thirteenth-century Paris not unlike that -of the sermonizers, while in the preceding century Jean de Hauteville -shows the misery of the poor and diligent scholar falling asleep over -his books, and Nigel “Wireker” satirizes the English students at Paris -in the person of an ass, Brunellus,--“Daun Burnell” in Chaucer--who -studies there seven years without learning a word, braying at the end -as at the beginning of his course, and leaving at last with the resolve -to become a monk or a bishop. Best of all is Chaucer’s incomparable -portrait of the clerk of Oxenford, hollow, threadbare, unworldly-- - - For him was lever have at his beddes heed - Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed, - Of Aristotle and his philosophye, - Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrye. - - * * * * * - - Souninge in moral vertu was his speche, - And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche. - -But after all, no one knows so much about student life as the students -themselves, and it is particularly from what was written by and for -them, the student literature of the Middle Ages, that I wish to draw -more at length. Such remains of the academic past fall into three chief -classes: student manuals, student letters, and student poetry. Let us -consider them in this order. - -The manuals of general advice and counsel addressed to the mediaeval -scholar do not call for extended consideration. Formal treatises on the -whole duty of students are characteristic of the didactic habit of mind -of the Middle Ages, but the advice which they contain is apt to be of a -very general sort, applicable to one age as well as another and lacking -in those concrete illustrations which enliven the sermons of the period -into useful sources for university life. - -A more interesting type of student manual, the student dictionary, -owes its existence to the position of Latin as the universal language -of mediaeval education. Textbooks were in Latin, lectures were in -Latin, and, what is more, the use of Latin was compulsory in all forms -of student intercourse. This rule may have been designed as a check -on conversation, as well as an incentive to learning, but it was -enforced by penalties and informers (called wolves), and the freshman, -or yellow-beak, as he was termed in mediaeval parlance, might find -himself but ill equipped for making himself understood in his new -community. For his convenience a master in the University of Paris -in the thirteenth century, John of Garlande, prepared a descriptive -vocabulary, topically arranged and devoting a large amount of space -to the objects to be seen in the course of a walk through the streets -of Paris. The reader is conducted from quarter to quarter and from -trade to trade, from the book-stalls of the Parvis Notre-Dame and the -fowl-market of the adjoining Rue Neuve to the money-changers’ tables -and goldsmiths’ shops on the Grand-Pont and the bow-makers of the Porte -S.-Lazare, not omitting the classes of _ouvrières_ whose acquaintance -the student was most likely to make. Saddlers and glovers, furriers, -cobblers, and apothecaries, the clerk might have use for the wares of -all of them, as well as the desk and candle and writing-materials which -were the special tools of his calling; but his most frequent relations -were with the purveyors of food and drink, whose agents plied their -trade vigorously through the streets and lanes of the Latin quarter and -worked off their poorer goods on scholars and their servants. There -were the hawkers of wine, crying their samples of different qualities -from the taverns; the fruit-sellers, deceiving clerks with lettuce and -cress, cherries, pears, and green apples; and at night the vendors of -light pastry, with their carefully covered baskets of wafers, waffles, -and rissoles--a frequent stake at the games of dice among students, -who had a custom of hanging from their windows the baskets gained by -lucky throws of the six. The _pâtissiers_ had also more substantial -wares suited to the clerical taste, tarts filled with eggs and cheese -and well-peppered pies of pork, chicken, and eels. To the _rôtissiers_ -scholars’ servants resorted, not only for the pigeons, geese, and -other fowl roasted on their spits, but also for uncooked beef, pork, -and mutton, seasoned with garlic and other strong sauces. Such fare, -however, was not for the poorer students, whose slender purses limited -them to tripe and various kinds of sausage, over which a quarrel -might easily arise and “the butchers be themselves butchered by angry -scholars.” - -A dictionary of this sort easily passes into another type of treatise, -the manual of conversation. This method of studying foreign languages -is old, as survivals from ancient Egypt testify, and it still spreads -its snares for the unwary traveller who prepares to conquer Europe _à -la_ Ollendorff. To the writers of the later Middle Ages it seemed to -offer an exceptional opportunity for combining Instruction in Latin -with sound academic discipline, and from both school and university -it left its monuments for our perusal. The most interesting of these -handbooks is entitled a “Manual of Scholars who propose to attend -universities of students and to profit therein,” and while in its -most common form it is designed for the students of Heidelberg about -the year 1480, it could be adapted with slight changes to any of the -German universities. “Rollo at Heidelberg,” we might call it. Its -eighteen chapters conduct the student from his matriculation to his -degree, and inform him by the way on many subjects quite unnecessary -for either. When the young man arrives he registers from Ulm; his -parents are in moderate circumstances; he has come to study. He is -then duly hazed after the German fashion, which treats the candidate -as an unclean beast with horns and tusks which must be removed by -officious fellow-students, who also hear his confession of sin and -fix as the penance a good dinner for the crowd. He begins his studies -by attending three lectures a day, and learns to champion nominalism -against realism and the comedies of Terence against the law, and to -discuss the advantages of various universities and the price of food -and the quality of the beer in university towns. Then we find him and -his room-mate quarrelling over a mislaid book; rushing at the first -sound of the bell to dinner, where they debate the relative merits of -veal and beans; or walking in the fields beyond the Neckar, perhaps by -the famous Philosophers’ Road which has charmed so many generations -of Heidelberg youth, and exchanging Latin remarks on the birds and -fish as they go. Then there are shorter dialogues: the scholar breaks -the statutes; he borrows money, and gets it back; he falls in love -and recovers; he goes to hear a fat Italian monk preach or to see the -jugglers and the jousting in the market-place; he knows the dog-days -are coming--he can feel them in his head! Finally our student is told -by his parents that it is high time for him to take his degree and -come home. At this he is much disturbed; he has gone to few lectures, -and he will have to swear that he has attended regularly; he has not -worked much and has incurred the enmity of many professors; his master -discourages him from trying the examination; he fears the disgrace of -failure. But his interlocutor reassures him by a pertinent quotation -from Ovid and suggests that a judicious distribution of gifts may do -much--a few florins will win him the favor of all. Let him write home -for more money and give a great feast for his professors; if he treats -them well, he need not fear the outcome. This advice throws a curious -light upon the educational standards of the time; it appears to have -been followed, for the manual closes with a set of forms inviting the -masters to the banquet and the free bath by which it was preceded. - -If university students had need of such elementary compends of morals -and manners, there was obviously plenty of room for them in the lower -schools as well, where they were apt to take the form of Latin couplets -which could be readily impressed upon the pupil’s memory. Such _statuta -vel precepta scolarium_ seem to have been especially popular in -the later fifteenth century in those city schools of Germany whose -importance has been so clearly brought out by recent historians of -secondary education. Wandering often from town to town, like the roving -scholars of an earlier age, these German boys had good need to observe -the moral maxims thus purveyed. The beginning of wisdom was to remember -God and obey the master, but the student had also to watch his behavior -in church and lift up his voice in the choir--compulsory attendance -at church and singing in the choir being a regular feature of these -schools--keep his books clean, and pay his school bills promptly. Face -and hands should be washed in the morning, but the baths should not be -visited without permission, nor should boys run on the ice or throw -snowballs. Sunday was the day for play, but this could be only in the -churchyard, where boys must be careful not to play with dice or break -stones from the wall or throw anything over the church. And whether at -play or at home, Latin should always be spoken. - -More systematic is a manual of the fifteenth century preserved in a -manuscript of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris.[11] “Since by reason -of imbecility youths cannot advance to a knowledge of the Latin tongue -by theory alone,” the author has for their assistance prepared a set -of forms which contain the expressions most frequently employed by -clerks. Beginning with the courtesies of school life, for obedience -and due reverence for the master are the beginning of wisdom, the -boy learns how to greet his master and to take leave, how to excuse -himself for wrong-doing, how to invite the master to dine or sup with -his parents--there are half a dozen forms for this! He is also taught -how to give proper answers to those who seek to test his knowledge, -“that he may not appear an idiot in the sight of his parents.” “If the -master asks, ‘Where have you been so long?’” he must be ready, not -only to plead the inevitable headache or failure to wake up, but also -to express the causes of delay well known to any village boy. He had -to look after the house or feed the cattle or water the horse; he was -detained by a wedding, by picking grapes, or making out bills, or--for -these were German boys--by helping with the brew, fetching beer, or -serving drink to guests. - -In school after the “spiritual refection” of the morning singing-lesson -comes refection of the body, which is placed after study hours because -“the imaginative virtue is generally impeded in those who are freshly -sated.” In their talk at luncheon or on the playground “clerks are -apt to fall from the Latin idiom into the mother tongue,” and for -him who speaks German the discretion of the master has invented a -dunce’s symbol called an ass, which the holder tries hard to pass on -to another. “Wer wel ein Griffel kouffe[n]?” “Ich wel ein Griffel -kouffen.” “Tecum sit asinus.” “Ach, quam falsus es tu!” Sometimes -the victim offers to meet his deceiver after vespers, with the usual -schoolboy brag on both sides. As it is forbidden to come to blows in -school, the boys are taught to work off their enmities and formulate -their complaints in Latin dialogue. “You were outside the town after -dark. You played with laymen Sunday. You went swimming Monday. You -stayed away from matins. You slept through mass.” “Reverend master, -he has soiled my book, he shouts after me wherever I go, he calls me -names.” Besides the formal disputations the scholars discuss such -current events as a street fight, a cousin’s wedding, the coming war -with the duke of Saxony, or the means of getting to Erfurt, whither -one of them is going when he is sixteen to study at the university. -The great ordeal of the day was the master’s quiz on Latin grammar, -when every one was questioned in turn (_auditio circuli_). The pupils -rehearse their declensions and conjugations and the idle begin to -tremble as the hour draws near. There is some hope that the master may -not come. “He has guests.” “But they will leave in time.” “He may go to -the baths.” “But it is not yet a whole week since he was there last.” -“There he comes. Name the wolf, and he forthwith appears.” Finally -the shaky scholar falls back on his only hope, a place near one who -promises to prompt him. - -“When the recitation is over and the lesson given out, rejoicing -begins among the youth at the approach of the hour for going home,” -and they indulge in much idle talk “which is here omitted, lest it -furnish the means of offending.” Joy is, however, tempered by the -contest which precedes dismissal, “a serious and furious disputation -for the _palmiterium_,” until one secures the prize and another has the -_asinus_ to keep till next day. - -After school the boys go to play in the churchyard, the sports -mentioned being hoops, marbles (apparently), ball (during Lent), and a -kind of counting game. The author distinguishes hoops for throwing and -for rolling, spheres of wood and of stone, but the subject soon becomes -too deep for his Latin, and in the midst of this topic the treatise -comes to an abrupt conclusion. - -In some of its forms the student manual touches on territory already -occupied by another type of mediaeval handbook, the manual of manners, -which under such titles as “The Book of Urbanity,” “The Courtesies of -the Table,” etc., enjoyed much popularity from the thirteenth century -onward. Such manuals have, however, none of the polish of Castiglione’s -_Courtier_ or the elaborateness of the modern book of etiquette. Those -who have not mastered the use of knife and fork have little use for the -finer points of social intercourse, and the readers of the mediaeval -manuals were still at their a b c’s in the matter of behavior. Wash -your hands in the morning and, if you have time, your face; use your -napkin and handkerchief; eat with three fingers, and don’t gorge; -don’t be boisterous or quarrelsome at table; don’t stare at your -neighbor or his plate; don’t criticise the food; don’t pick your teeth -with your knife--such, with others still more elementary, are the -maxims which meet us in this period, in Latin and French, in English, -German, and Italian, but regularly in verse. Now and then there is a -further touch of the age: scrape bones with your knife but don’t gnaw -them; when you have done with them, put them in a bowl or on the floor! - - * * * * * - -If the correspondence of mediaeval students were preserved for us in -casual and unaffected detail, nothing could give a more vivid picture -of university conditions. Unfortunately in some respects for us, -the Middle Ages were a period of forms and types in letter-writing -as in other things; and for most men the writing of a letter was -less an expression of individual feeling and experience than it was -the laborious copying of a letter of some one else, altered where -necessary to suit the new conditions. And if something fresh or -individual was produced, there was small chance of preserving it, since -it was on that account all the less likely to be useful to a future -letter-writer--“so careful of the type, so careless of the single” -letter, history seems. The result is that the hundreds of student -letters which have reached us in the manuscripts of the Middle Ages -have come down through the medium of collections of forms or complete -letter-writers, shorn of most of their individuality but for that very -reason reflecting the more faithfully the fundamental and universal -phases of university life. - -By far the largest element in the correspondence of mediaeval students -consists of requests for money; “a student’s first song is a demand for -money,” says a weary father in an Italian letter-writer, “and there -will never be a letter which does not ask for cash.” How to secure -this fundamental necessity of student life was doubtless one of the -most important problems that confronted the mediaeval scholar, and -many were the models which the rhetoricians placed before him in proof -of the practical advantages of their art. The letters are generally -addressed to parents, sometimes to brothers, uncles, or ecclesiastical -patrons; a much copied exercise contained twenty-two different methods -of approaching an archdeacon on this ever-delicate subject. Commonly -the student announces that he is at such and such a centre of learning, -well and happy but in desperate need of money for books and other -necessary expenses. Here is a specimen from Oxford, somewhat more -individual than the average and written in uncommonly bad Latin: - -“B. to his venerable master A., greeting. This is to inform you that -I am studying at Oxford with the greatest diligence, but the matter -of money stands greatly in the way of my promotion, as it is now -two months since I spent the last of what you sent me. The city -is expensive and makes many demands; I have to rent lodgings, buy -necessaries, and provide for many other things which I cannot now -specify. Wherefore I respectfully beg your paternity that by the -promptings of divine pity you may assist me, so that I may be able to -complete what I have well begun. For you must know that without Ceres -and Bacchus Apollo grows cold.” - -If the father was close-fisted, there were special reasons to be urged: -the town was dear--as university towns always are!--the price of living -was exceptionally high owing to a hard winter, a siege, a failure of -crops, or an unusual number of scholars; the last messenger had been -robbed or had absconded with the money; the son could borrow no more of -his fellows or of the Jews; and so on. The student’s woes are depicted -in moving language, with many appeals to paternal vanity and affection. -At Bologna we hear of the terrible mud through which the youth must -beg his way from door to door, crying, “O good masters,” and coming -home empty-handed. In an Austrian formulary a scholar writes from the -lowest depths of prison, where the bread is hard and moldy, the drink -water mixed with tears, the darkness so dense that it can actually be -felt. Another lies on straw with no covering, goes without shoes or -shirt, and eats he will not say what--a tale designed to be addressed -to a sister and to bring in response a hundred _sous tournois_, two -pairs of sheets, and ten ells of fine cloth, all sent without her -husband’s knowledge. “We have made little glosses, we owe money,” is -the terse summary of two students at Chartres. - -To such requests the proper answer was, of course, an affectionate -letter, commending the young man’s industry and studious habits and -remitting the desired amount. Sometimes the student is cautioned -to moderate his expenses--he might have got on longer with what he -had, he should remember the needs of his sisters, he ought to be -supporting his parents instead of trying to extort money from them, -etc. One father--who quotes Horace!--excuses himself because of the -failure of his vineyards. It often happened, too, that the father or -uncle has heard bad reports of the student, who must then be prepared -to deny indignantly all such aspersions as the unfounded fabrications -of his enemies. Here is an example of paternal reproof taken from an -interesting collection relating to Franche-Comté: - -“To his son G. residing at Orleans P. of Besançon sends greetings with -paternal zeal. It is written, ‘He also that is slothful in his work is -brother to him that is a great waster.’ I have recently discovered that -you live dissolutely and slothfully, preferring license to restraint -and play to work and strumming a guitar while the others are at their -studies, whence it happens that you have read but one volume of law -while your more industrious companions have read several. Wherefore I -have decided to exhort you herewith to repent utterly of your dissolute -and careless ways, that you may no longer be called a waster and your -shame may be turned to good repute.” - -In the models of Ponce de Provence we find a teacher writing to a -student’s father that while the young man is doing well in his studies, -he is just a trifle wild and would be helped by judicious admonition. -Naturally the master does not wish it known that the information came -through him, so the father writes his son: - -“I have learned--not from your master, although he ought not to hide -such things from me, but from a certain trustworthy source--that you do -not study in your room or act in the schools as a good student should, -but play and wander about, disobedient to your master and indulging in -sport and in certain other dishonorable practices which I do not now -care to explain by letter.” Then follow the customary exhortations to -reform. - -Two boys at Orleans thus describe their arrival at this centre of -learning: - -“To their dear and respected parents M. Martre, knight, and M. his -wife, M. and S. their sons send greeting and filial obedience. This is -to inform you that, by divine mercy, we are living in good health in -the city of Orleans and are devoting ourselves wholly to study, mindful -of the words of Cato, ‘To know anything is praiseworthy.’ We occupy a -good dwelling, next door but one to the schools and market-place, so -that we can go to school every day without wetting our feet. We have -also good companions in the house with us, well advanced in their -studies and of excellent habits--an advantage which we well appreciate, -for as the Psalmist says, ‘With an upright man thou wilt show thyself -upright.’” - -Such youths were slow to quit academic life. Again and again they ask -permission to have their term of study extended; war might break out, -parents or brothers die, an inheritance have to be divided, but the -student pleads always for delay. He desires to “serve longer in the -camp of Pallas;” in any event he cannot leave before Easter, as his -masters have just begun important courses of lectures. A scholar is -called home from Siena to marry a lady of many attractions; he answers -that he deems it foolish to desert the cause of learning for the sake -of a woman, “for one may always get a wife, but science once lost can -never be recovered.” - -The time to leave, however, must come at last, and then the great -problem is money for the expenses of commencement, or, as it was then -called, inception. Thus a student at Paris asks a friend to explain to -his father, “since the simplicity of the lay mind does not understand -such things,” how at length after much study nothing but lack of -money for the inception banquet stands in the way of his graduation. -From Orleans D. Boterel writes to his dear relatives at Tours that he -is laboring over his last volume of law and on its completion will -be able to pass to his licentiate provided they send him a hundred -_livres_ for the necessary expenses. An account of the inception at -Bologna was quoted in the preceding chapter.[12] - - * * * * * - -Unlike the student letters, which range over the whole of the later -Middle Ages, mediaeval student poetry, or rather the best of it, is -limited to a comparatively short period comprised roughly within the -years 1125 and 1225, and is closely connected with the classical -phase of the twelfth-century renaissance. It is largely the work of -the wandering clerks of the period--students, ex-students, professors -even--moving from town to town in search of learning and still more of -adventure, nominally clerks but leading often very unclerical lives. -“Far from their homes,” says Symonds, “without responsibilities, light -of purse and light of heart, careless and pleasure-seeking, they ran -a free, disreputable course.” “They are wont,” writes a monk of the -twelfth century, “to roam about the world and visit all its cities, -till much learning makes them mad; for in Paris they seek liberal arts, -in Orleans classics, at Salerno medicine, at Toledo magic, but nowhere -manners and morals.” Their chief habitat, however, was northern France, -the center of the new literary renaissance. - -Possibly from some obscure allusion to Goliath the Philistine, -these wandering clerks took the name Goliardi and their verse is -generally known as Goliardic poetry. This literature is for the most -part anonymous, though recent research has individualized certain -writers of the group, notably a Master Hugh, canon of Orleans, ca. -1142, styled the Primate, and the so-called Archpoet. The Primate, -mordant, diabolically clever, thoroughly disreputable, became famous -for generations as “an admirable improviser, who if he had but turned -his heart to the love of God would have had a great place in divine -letters and have proved most useful to God’s church.” The Archpoet is -found chiefly in Italy from 1161 to 1165, going “on his own” in spring -and summer but when autumn comes on turning to beg shirt and cloak -from his patron, the archbishop of Cologne. Ordered to compose an epic -for the emperor in a week, he replies he cannot write on an empty -stomach--the quality of his verse depends on the quality of his wine: - - Tales versus facio quale vinum bibo. - -Good wine he must at times have found, for he composed the masterpiece -of the whole school, the Confession of a Goliard, that unforgettable -description of the burning temptations of Pavia which contains the -famous glorification of the joys of the tavern: - - In the public house to die - Is my resolution; - Let wine to my lips be nigh - At life’s dissolution; - That will make the angels cry, - With glad elocution, - “Grant this toper, God on high, - Grace and absolution!” - -Though written in Latin, the Goliardic verse has abandoned the ancient -metrical system for the rhyme and accent of modern poetry, but even the -best of modern versions, such as those of John Addington Symonds, from -which I am quoting, fail to render the swing, the lilt, the rhythmical -flow of the original. Its authors are familiar with classical mythology -and especially with the writings of Ovid, whose precepts, copied even -in severe Cluny, were freely followed. Most of all is this poetry -classical in its frankly pagan view of life. Its gods are Venus and -Bacchus, also Decius, the god of dice. Love and wine and spring, life -on the open road and under the blue sky, these are the common subjects; -the spirit is that of an intense delight in the world that is, a joy in -mere living, such as one finds in the Greek and Roman poets or in that -sonorous song of a later age which the academic world still cherishes, - - Gaudeamus igitur iuvenes dum sumus. - -In general the Goliardic poetry is of an impersonal sort, giving us -few details from any particular place, but reflecting the gayer, -more jovial, less reputable side of the life of mediaeval clerks. -The worshipful order of vagrants is described, open to men of every -condition and every clime, with its rules which are no rules, -late-risers, gamesters, roysterers, proud that none of its members has -more than one coat to his back, begging their way from town to town -with requests for money which sound like students’ letters in verse: - - I, a wandering scholar lad, - Born for toil and sadness, - Oftentimes am driven by - Poverty to madness. - - Literature and knowledge I - Fain would still be earning, - Were it not that want of pelf - Makes me cease from learning. - - These torn clothes that cover me - Are too thin and rotten; - Oft I have to suffer cold, - By the warmth forgotten. - - Scarce I can attend at church, - Sing God’s praises duly; - Mass and vespers both I miss, - Though I love them truly. - - Oh, thou pride of N----, - By thy worth I pray thee - Give the suppliant help in need, - Heaven will sure repay thee. - - Take a mind unto thee now - Like unto St. Martin; - Clothe the pilgrim’s nakedness, - Wish him well at parting. - - So may God translate your soul - Into peace eternal, - And the bliss of saints be yours - In His realm supernal. - -The brethren greet each other at wayside taverns with songs like this: - - We in our wandering, - Blithesome and squandering, - Tara, tantara, teino! - - Eat to satiety, - Drink with propriety; - Tara, tantara, teino! - - Laugh till our sides we split, - Rags on our hides we fit; - Tara, tantara, teino! - - Jesting eternally, - Quaffing infernally: - Tara, tantara, teino! - etc. - -The assembled topers are described in another poem: - - Some are gaming, some are drinking, - Some are living without thinking; - And of those who make the racket, - Some are stripped of coat and jacket; - Some get clothes of finer feather, - Some are cleaned out altogether; - No one there dreads death’s invasion, - But all drink in emulation. - -Then they sacrilegiously drink once for all prisoners and captives, -three times for the living, a fourth time for the whole body of -Christians, a fifth for those departed in the faith, and so on to -the thirteenth for those who travel by land or water, and a final -and unlimited potation for king and Pope. Such poetry is plainly the -expression of a ‘wet’ age. - -Often bibulous and erotic, the Goliardic verse contains a large amount -of parody and satire. Appealing to a public familiar with scripture and -liturgy, its authors parody anything--the Bible, hymns to the Virgin, -the canon of the mass, as in the “Drinkers’ Mass” and the “Office for -Gamblers.” One of the best-known pieces is a satire on the Papacy under -the caption of “The Gospel according to Mark-s of silver.” This is only -one of many bitter attacks on Rome, while the pride, hardness, and -greed of the higher clergy are portrayed in “Golias the Bishop.” The -point of view in general is that of the lower clergy, especially the -looser, wandering, undisciplined element which frequented the schools -and the roads, the _jongleurs_ of the clerical world, familiar subjects -of ecclesiastical legislation since the ninth century. - -Poetry of this sort is so contrary to conventional conceptions of the -Middle Ages that some writers have denied its mediaeval character. -“It is,” says one, “mediaeval only in the chronological sense,” while -others find in it close affinities with the spirit of the Renaissance -or of the Reformation. It would be more consonant with the spirit of -history to enlarge our ideas of the Middle Ages so as to correspond to -the facts of mediaeval life. The Goliardi were neither humanists before -the Renaissance nor reformers before the Reformation; they were simply -men of the Middle Ages who wrote for their own time. If the writings of -these northern and chiefly French clerks seem to anticipate the Italian -Renaissance, it may be that the Renaissance began earlier and was less -specifically Italian than has been supposed. If the authors are more -secular, even more earthy, than we should expect clerks to be, we must -learn to expect something different. In lyric poetry, as in the epic -and the drama, we are now learning more of the close interpenetration -of the lay and ecclesiastical worlds, no longer separated by the -air-tight partitions which the imagination of a later day interposed. -And whether their spirit was lay or ecclesiastical, the Goliardi were -certainly human; they saw and felt life keenly, and they wrote of what -they knew. - - * * * * * - -It is time to redress the balance with a word about a less obtrusive -element, the good student. “The life of the virtuous student,” says -Dean Rashdall, “has no annals,”[13] and in all ages he has been less -conspicuous than his more dashing fellows. Thus the ideal scholar -of the sermons is a bit colorless but obedient, respectful, eager -to learn, assiduous at lectures, and bold in debate, pondering his -lessons even during his evening promenades by the river. The ideal -student of the manuals is he who practices their precepts. The typical -student of the letters has already described himself as devoted wholly -to study, though somewhat short of money. The good student of the -poems--there is no such person! Student poetry was “not all bacchic -or erotic or profane,”[14] but much of it was, and we must not look -here for the more serious side of academic life. Jean de Hauteville’s -account of the poor and industrious scholar is representative of a -large class of students but not of a large body of poetry. The good -student’s occupations are best reflected in the course of study, his -assiduity best seen in his note-books and disputations. The documents -which concern the educational side of the university are also a source -for student life! It has been observed that the alumni reunions of our -own day are often more prolific in recollections of student escapades -than of the daily performance of the allotted task. The studious lad -of today never breaks into the headlines as such, and no one has seen -fit to produce a play or a film “featuring the good student.” Yet -everyone familiar with contemporary universities knows that the serious -student exists in large numbers, and it has been shown conclusively -that the distinction he there achieves reflects itself in his later -life. So it was in the Middle Ages. The law students of Bologna -insisted on their money’s worth of teaching from their professors. -The examinations described by Robert de Sorbon required serious -preparation. Not only was the vocational motive a strong incentive to -study in the mediaeval university, but there was much enthusiasm for -knowledge and much discussion of intellectual subjects. The greater -universities, at least, were intellectually very much alive, with -something of that ‘religion of learning’ which had earlier called -Abelard’s pupils into the wilderness, there to build themselves huts -that they might feed upon his words. The books of the age were in large -measure written by its professors, and the students had the advantage -of seeing them in the making and thus drinking of learning at its -fountain-head. Then as now, the moral quality of a university depended -on the intensity and seriousness of its intellectual life. - -If we consider the body of student literature as a whole, its most -striking, and its most disappointing, characteristic is its lack of -individuality. The _Manuale Scholarium_ is written for the use of all -scholars who propose to attend universities of students. The letters -are made as general as possible in order to fit the need of any student -who wants money, clothes, or books. Even the poems, where we have -some right to expect personal expression of feeling, have the generic -character of most mediaeval poetry; they are for the most part the -voice of a class, not of individuals. - -At the same time it must be remembered that this characteristic of the -student productions, if it robs them of something of their interest, -increases their historical value. The historian deals with the general -rather than the particular, and his knowledge must be built up by a -painful collection and comparison of individual facts, which are often -too few or too unlike to admit of sound generalization. In the case of -these student records, however, that labor has already been performed -for him; in the form in which they come down to us they have lost, -at the hands of the students themselves, what is local and peculiar -and exceptional, and have become, what in view of the nature of our -information no historian could hope to make them, the generalized -experience of centuries of student life. - -It is this broadly human quality that gives the productions of -the mediaeval student a special interest for the world of today. -In substance, though not in form, many of them are almost as -representative of modern Harvard or Yale as of mediaeval Oxford or -Paris. The Latin dialogue and disputation, the mud of Bologna, and -the money-changers of the Grand-Pont, belong plainly in the Middle -Ages and not in our time; but money and clothing, rooms, teachers, and -books, good cheer and good fellowship, have been subjects of interest -at all times and all places. A professor of history once said that -the greatest difficulty of historical teaching lay in convincing -pupils that the events of the past did not all happen in the moon. -The Middle Ages are very far away, farther from us in some respects -than is classical antiquity, and it is very hard to realize that men -and women, then and now, are after all much the same human beings. We -need constantly to be reminded that the fundamental factors in man’s -development remain much the same from age to age and must so remain -as long as human nature and physical environment continue what they -have been. In his relations to life and learning the mediaeval student -resembled his modern successor far more than is often supposed. If his -environment was different, his problems were much the same; if his -morals were perhaps worse, his ambition was as active, his rivalries as -intense, his desire for learning quite as keen. And for him as for us, -intellectual achievement meant membership in that city of letters not -made with hands, “the ancient and universal company of scholars.” - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE - - -I - -The standard work on mediaeval universities is Hastings Rashdall, -_The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_ (Oxford, 1895; new -edition in preparation), to which my indebtedness will be apparent -throughout. The later literature can be most easily found in L. J. -Paetow, _Guide to the Study of Mediaeval History_ (Berkeley, 1917). -Important materials are conveniently accessible in translation in D. -C. Munro, _The Mediaeval Student_ (Philadelphia, 1895); and A. O. -Norton, _Readings in the History of Education: Mediaeval Universities_ -(Cambridge, Mass., 1909). Bologna now has a cartulary and a special -series of _Studî e Memorie_ (both since 1907); while the municipal -history of the early period has been studied by A. Hessel, _Geschichte -der Stadt Bologna von 1116 bis 1280_ (Berlin, 1910). Light has recently -been thrown on Salerno by the studies of Giacosa and Sudhoff and the -dissertations of Sudhoff’s pupils; its most popular product, _The -School of Salernum_, can be read in the quaint English version of Sir -John Harrington, recently reprinted (London, 1922) with a good note by -F. H. Garrison and a less valuable preface by Francis R. Packard. Paris -still lacks a modern historian; Mullinger is still the standard work on -Cambridge; while Oxford can best be studied in Rashdall, supplemented, -as in the case of Cambridge, by the histories of the several colleges. - - -II - -The most useful general work on the content of mediaeval learning is -Henry Osborn Taylor, _The Mediaeval Mind_ (third edition, New York, -1919). This may be supplemented by R. L. Poole, _Illustrations of the -History of Mediaeval Thought and Learning_ (second edition, London, -1920); M. Grabmann, _Geschichte der scholastischen Methode_ (Freiburg, -1909-11); Sir J. E. Sandys, _History of Classical Scholarship_, I -(third edition, Cambridge, 1921); Lynn Thorndike, _History of Magic and -Experimental Science_ (New York, 1923); Pierre Duhem, _Le système du -monde de Platon à Copernic_, II-V (Paris, 1914-17); Charles H. Haskins, -_Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science_ (in press, Harvard -University Press); the standard histories of philosophy, mathematics, -law, and medicine; and the more special literature in Paetow’s -_Guide_, including his own study of the _Arts Course_ (Urbana, 1910) -and his edition of the _Battle of the Seven Arts_ (Berkeley, 1914). For -a sample of Abelard’s _Sic et Non_, see Norton, _Readings_, pp. 20-25. -Abelard’s method can be followed further in the logical writings edited -for the first time by B. Geyer in Baeumker’s _Beiträge zur Geschichte -der Philosophie des Mittelalters_, XXI (Münster, 1919 ff.). The best -account of the class-rooms of a mediaeval university is F. Cavazza, _Le -scuole dell’antico studio bolognese_ (Milan, 1896). Robert de Sorbon’s -_De conscientia_ is edited by Chambon (Paris, 1903). - - -III - -Brief sketches of student life will be found in the last chapter of -Rashdall and in the little volume of R. S. Rait, _Life in the Mediaeval -University_ (Cambridge, 1912). In the text I have drawn freely from an -article of my own on student letters (_American Historical Review_, -III, pp. 203-229) and from one on the Paris sermons (_ib._, X, pp. -1-27). John of Garlande’s _Dictionary_ will be found most conveniently -in T. Wright, _A Volume of Vocabularies_ (London, 1882), pp. 120-138; -he also wrote a _Morale Scolarium_ of which Paetow is preparing an -edition. The _Manuale Scholarium_ has been translated and annotated by -R. F. Seybolt (Harvard University Press, 1921). _Statuta vel Precepta -Scolarium_ have been edited by M. Weingart (Metten, 1894) and by P. -Bahlmann in _Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für deutsche Erziehungs- und -Schulgeschichte_, III, pp. 129-145 (1893). The latest discussion of -mediaeval manuals of manners is by S. Glixelli, in _Romania_, XLVII, -pp. 1-40 (1921). The best single collection of Goliardic verse is J. -A. Schmeller, _Carmina Burana_ (Breslau, 1894); the best translations -are those of J. A. Symonds, _Wine, Women, and Song_. Two poets have -since been individualized, the Primate by Léopold Delisle and W. Meyer, -the Archpoet by B. Schmeidler and M. Manitius. For an introduction to -the vast literature of Goliardic poetry, see Paetow’s _Guide_, pp. -449 f.; P. S. Allen, in _Modern Philology_, V, VI; and H. Süssmilch, -_Lateinische Vagantenpoesie_ (Leipzig, 1917). On the origin of the word -‘Goliardi,’ see James Westfall Thompson, in the _Studies in Philology_, -published by the University of North Carolina, XX, pp. 83-98 (1923). - - - - -INDEX - - - Abelard, 20, 21, 54-56, 72, 122, 129. - - Albertus Magnus, 68. - - Alcuin, 54. - - Alfred, King, 6. - - Allen, P. S., 130. - - Anselm, 70. - - Arabic learning, 8, 47, 73. - - Archpoet, 112-114, 130. - - Aristotle, 8, 39, 41, 42, 46, 55, 72-74. - - Arnold, Matthew, quoted, 32. - - Arts, seven, 7, 37-46. - - Averroës, 73, 74. - - Avicenna, 47. - - - Bede, 39. - - Berlin, 30. - - Bernard of Chartres, 19, 56. - - Besançon, 107. - - Bible, 47, 52. - - Boethius, 8, 39. - - Bologna, 4-6, 10-18, 24, 27, 30, 32, 34, 44, 48, 49, 52, 56-63, 66, - 67, 81, 105, 111, 122, 127. - - Bonaventura, 68. - - Books, control of, 14, 51-53. - - Brown University, 30, 31. - - Bryce, James, quoted, 35. - - Buoncompagni, 44, 57, 62, 67. - - Cambridge, 28, 30, 32, 34, 128. - - Cathedral schools, 9, 19-21. - - Cavazza, F., 129. - - Chancellor, 21, 23, 47, 63-66, 74. - - Charlemagne, 6, 54. - - Chartres, 19, 20, 39, 56, 57, 106. - - Chaucer, 9, 41, 52, 87, 88. - - Classics, 39-41, 54-56, 112, 114. - - Class-rooms, 61, 62. - - Coimbra, 30, 33, 34. - - Colleges, 26-28, 32-35, 53, 82. - - _Corpus Juris Civilis_, 11, 12, 48, 58-61. - - Cracow, 30. - - Cujas, 76. - - - Dante, quoted, 42, 51, 62. - - Degrees, 17, 35. - - Denifle, H., 7. - - Dominicans, 68. - - Donatus, 39. - - Duhem, P., 128. - - - Edinburgh, 30. - - Erfurt, 99. - - Étienne de Tournay, 71. - - Euclid, 8, 39. - - Examinations, 17, 63-67, 122. - - Franciscans, 68, 75. - - Frederick Barbarossa, 13, 113. - - Frederick II, 10, 18. - - Freedom, academic, 69-78. - - - Galen, 45, 47. - - Galileo, 19. - - Gerbert, 54. - - Germany, universities and schools of, 28-30, 66, 92-101. - - Gilbert de la Porrée, 72. - - Gilds, 13-17. - - Glixelli, S., 130. - - Glossators, 12, 49-51. - - Goliardi, 112-120, 130. - - Grabmann, M., 128. - - Gratian, 12, 50, 51, 55. - - Gregory IX, 22, 51, 70. - - - Haskins, C. H., 128, 129. - - Heidelberg, 29, 92-95. - - Henri d’Andeli, 40, 129. - - Hessel, A., 127. - - Hildebert, 40. - - Hippocrates, 9, 19, 47. - - - Inception, 67, 110, 111. - - Irnerius, 12. - - - Jacques de Vitry, quoted, 25. - - John of Brescain, 74. - - John of Garlande, 57, 90-92, 129, 130. - - John of Hauteville, 87. - - John of Salisbury, 19, 40, 55-57. - - - Laon, 19. - - Latin, use of, 89-102. - - Law, Canon, 12, 19, 24, 41, 50, 51. - - Law, Roman, 8, 10-18, 24, 41, 48-50, 58-61. - - Leipzig, 30, 82. - - Letters, student, 102-111. - - Libraries, 4, 51-53. - - Liège, 19. - - Logic, 41-43, 56, 57. - - London, 30. - - Lorenzo of Aquileia, 57. - - Louvain, 30. - - Lowell, J. R., quoted, 20. - - - Maitland, F. W., quoted, 11. - - Manchester, 30. - - _Manuale Scholarium_, 92-94, 123, 130. - - Manuals of manners, 101, 102, 130. - - Martianus Capella, 38. - - Medicine, 8-10, 19, 24, 47, 48, 127. - - Montpellier, 18, 30, 32, 48. - - Munro, D. C., 25, 127. - - - Naples, 18, 57. - - Nations, 24-26. - - Nigel Wireker, 87. - - Nominalism and realism, 77, 78, 93. - - Norton, A. O., 56, 127, 129. - - Odofredus, 58-61. - - Orleans, 18, 19, 32, 39-41, 57, 83, 107-112. - - Oxford, 6, 9, 28, 30, 32-34, 52, 53, 75, 81, 82, 88, 104, 128. - - - Padua, 16, 18, 30, 31, 34. - - Paetow, L. J., 127, 129, 130. - - Palermo, 16. - - Paris, 4-6, 12, 19-30, 32, 34, 41-45, 52, 53, 56, 57, 63-66, 73-75, - 83-88, 90-92, 97, 112, 128. - - Parody, 118. - - Pavia, 113. - - Pepo, 12. - - Peter Lombard, 47. - - Philip Augustus, 22. - - Poetry, student, 111-120. - - Ponce of Provence, 57, 108. - - Poole, R. L., 56, 128. - - Prague, 30. - - Primate, 112, 130. - - Priscian, 39. - - Professors, 15-17, 54-78. - - Ptolemy, 8, 39. - - - Quadrivium, 7, 37. - - - Rait, R. S., 129. - - Rashdall, H., 7, 127; - quoted, 27, 29, 34, 36, 49, 61, 120, 121. - - Raymond, Master, 74. - - Renaissance, of twelfth century, 7-12, 111, 112. - - Rheims, 19. - - Rhetoric, 40, 43-45, 103. - - Richer, 19, 54. - - Robert de Sorbon, 27, 34, 63-66, 122, 129. - - Ruprecht, 29. - - Rutebeuf, 87. - - - Salamanca, 30. - - Salerno, 9, 10, 30, 31, 112, 127. - - Sandys, J. E., 128. - - Savigny, F. K. von, 61. - - Schools, cathedral, 19-21; - grammar, 95-101. - - Sermons, Paris, 82-87. - - Socrates, 3. - - Sorbonne, 27, 34, 53. - - Spain, 8, 18, 27, 30. - - Strasbourg, 30. - - Students, 13-15, 79-126; - students, letters by, 102-111; - students, manuals for, 89-102; - students, poems concerning, 87, 88, 111-120; - students, sermons concerning, 82-87. - - Sudhoff, K., 127. - - Süssmilch, H., 130. - - Symonds, J. A., 111, 114, 130. - - - Taylor, H. O., 54, 128. - - Textbooks, 37-53. - - Theodosius II, 6. - - Theology, 12, 24, 28, 46, 47, 72-78. - - Thomas Aquinas, 55, 68, 73. - - Thompson. J. W., 130. - - Thorndike, L., 128. - - Toledo, 112. - - Toulouse, 45. - - Tours, 54, 110. - - Trivium, 7, 37. - - - United States, university tradition in, 30-36, 125. - - Universities, characterized and defined, 4, 5, 9, 13, 14; - number of, 29, 30; - origin of, 5-29; - studies of, 37-51; - teaching in, 54-78; - tradition of, 31-36. - - - Vienna, 30. - - - William of Conches, 56. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] As translated by Munro, _The Mediaeval Student_, p. 19. - -[2] Translated in E. F. Henderson, _Select Historical Documents of the -Middle Ages_, pp. 262-266. - -[3] Table in Rashdall, _Universities_, I, p. xxviii; map at beginning -of Vol. II and in Shepherd, _Historical Atlas_ (New York, 1911), p. 100. - -[4] E. G. Browne, _Arabian Medicine_ (1921), p. 93. - -[5] _Universities_, I, pp. 254-255. - -[6] Sic heredes Gratiani - Student fieri decani, - Abbates, pontifices. - -[7] Richer, I, cc. 45-54; extracts translated in Taylor, _Mediaeval -Mind_ (1919), I, pp. 289-293. - -[8] Translated in R. L. Poole, _Illustrations of the History of -Mediaeval Thought_, pp. 203-212; A. O. Norton, _Readings in the History -of Education_, pp. 28-34. What we know of these masters is analyzed by -Poole in the _English Historical Review_, xxxv, pp. 321-342 (1920). - -[9] Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS. Lat. 4489, f. 102; Savigny, -_Geschichte des römischen Rechts im Mittelalter_ (1834), III, pp. 264, -541, 553; cf. Rashdall, I, p. 219. - -[10] Alzog, _Church History_ (1876), II, p. 733. - -[11] MS. Lat. n. a. 619, ff. 28-35. - -[12] Supra, p. 67. - -[13] _Universities_, II, p. 692. - -[14] _Ib._, II, p. 686, note. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES: - - -Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_. - -Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - -Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized. - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES *** - -***** This file should be named 63574-0.txt or 63574-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/5/7/63574/ - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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