diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/65337-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/65337-0.txt | 14545 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 14545 deletions
diff --git a/old/65337-0.txt b/old/65337-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0844264..0000000 --- a/old/65337-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14545 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Age of Justinian and Theodora, Volume 1 -(of 2), by William Gordon Holmes - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Age of Justinian and Theodora, Volume 1 (of 2) - A History of the Sixth Century A.D. - -Author: William Gordon Holmes - -Release Date: May 16, 2021 [eBook #65337] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA, -VOLUME 1 (OF 2) *** - - Transcriber’s Notes - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations -in hyphenation and accents have been standardised but all other -spelling and punctuation remains unchanged. - -The Errata and Additional Corrections have been incorporated, apart from -those indicated by {} which could not be unambiguously identified. - -Italics are represented thus _italic_, bold thus =bold= and -superscripts thus y^{en}. - - - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND - THEODORA - - - LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS - PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN’S INN, W.C. - CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. - BOMBAY: A. H. WHEELER & CO. - - - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN - AND THEODORA - - A HISTORY OF THE SIXTH CENTURY A.D. - - - BY - WILLIAM GORDON HOLMES - - - VOL. I - - - _SECOND EDITION_ - - - LONDON - G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. - 1912 - - - - - CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. - TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. - - - - - PREFACE - - -Although the age of Justinian is the most interesting and important in -the whole series of the Byzantine annals, no comprehensive work has -hitherto been devoted to the subject. The valuable and erudite “Vita -Justiniani” of Ludewig is more of a law book than of a biography, and -less of a circumstantial history than of either. The somewhat strange -medley published by Isambert under the title “Vie de Justinien” is -scarcely a complete chronology of the events, and might be called a -manual of the sources rather than a history of the times.[1] Excellent -accounts, however, of Justinian are to be found in some general -histories of the Byzantine Empire as well as in several biographical -dictionaries, whilst monographs of greater or lesser extent exist -under the names of Perrinus, Invernizi, and Padovani, etc., but any -student of the period would decide that it deserves to be treated at -much greater length than has been devoted to it in any of these books. -In the present work the design has been to place before the reader -not only a record of events, but a presentment of the people amongst -whom, and of the stage upon which those events occurred. I have also -attempted to correlate the aspects of the ancient and the modern world -in relation to science and progress. - - W. G. H. - - LONDON, - _February, 1905_. - - - - - PREFATORY NOTE TO SECOND EDITION - - -This work has now been carefully revised and slightly enlarged. I am -indebted to suggestions from various reviewers of the first edition for -several of the improvements introduced. Occasionally, however, they are -in error and at variance among themselves on some of the points noted. -A few of my critics have accused me of being too discursive, especially -in my notes, an impression which is the natural result of my not having -expressed it definitely anywhere that my object was to present not -merely the sociology and events of a particular period, but also to -illustrate, in an abridged sense, the history of all time. - - W. G. H. - - LONDON, - _August, 1912_. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - PROEM ix - - CHAP. I. CONSTANTINOPLE IN THE SIXTH CENTURY 1 - - I. History 2 - - II. Topography 23 - - III. Sociology 83 - - II. THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER ANASTASIUS: - THE INHERITANCE OF JUSTINIAN 127 - - I. Political 134 - - II. Educational 204 - - III. Religious 233 - - III. BIRTH AND FORTUNES OF THE ELDER - JUSTIN: THE ORIGINS OF JUSTINIAN 295 - - IV. PRE-IMPERIAL CAREER OF THEODORA: - THE CONSORT OF JUSTINIAN 321 - - INDEX 351 - - CORRECTIONS 360 - - ADDITIONS 361 - - - MAPS - - DIAGRAM OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN SIXTH CENTURY 80 - - ROMAN EMPIRE AND VICINITY, _c._ 500 A.D. 144 - - - - - PROEM - - -The birth and death of worlds are ephemeral events in a cycle of -astronomical time. In the life history of a stellar system, of a -planet, of an animal, parallel periods of origin, exuberance, and of -extinction are exhibited to our experience, or to our understanding. -Man, in his material existence confined to a point, by continuity of -effort and perpetuity of thought, becomes coequal and coextensive -with the infinities of time and space. The intellectual store of ages -has evolved the supremacy of the human race, but the zenith of its -ascendancy may still be far off, and the aspiration after progress -has been entailed on the heirs of all preceding generations. The -advancement of humanity is the sum of the progress of its component -members, and the individual who raises his own life to the highest -attainable eminence becomes a factor in the elevation of the whole -race. Familiarity with history dispels the darkness of the past, -which is so prolific in the myths that feed credulity and foster -superstition, the frequent parents of the most stubborn obstacles which -have lain in the path of progress. The history of the past comprises -the lessons of the future; and the successes and failures of former -times are a pre-vision of the struggles to come and the errors to be -avoided. The stream of human life having once issued from its sources, -may be equal in endurance to a planet, to a stellar system, or even to -the universe itself. The mind of the universe may be man, who may be -the confluence of universal intelligence. The eternity of the past, the -infinity of the present, may be peopled with races like our own, but -whether they die out with the worlds they occupy, or enjoy a perpetual -existence, transcends the present limits of our knowledge. From century -to century the solid ground of science gains on the illimitable ocean -of the unknown, but we are ignorant as to whether we exist in the dawn -or in the noonday of enlightenment. The conceptions of one age become -the achievements of the next; and the philosopher may question whether -this world be not some remote, unaffiliated tract, which remains to be -annexed to the empire of universal civilization. The discoveries of the -future may be as undreamt of as those of the past,[2] and the ultimate -destiny of our race is hidden from existing generations. - -In the period I have chosen to bring before the reader, civilization -was on the decline, and progress imperceptible, but the germs of a -riper growth were still existent, concealed within the spreading -darkness of mediaevalism. When Grecian science and philosophy seemed to -stand on the threshold of modern enlightenment the pall of despotism -and superstition descended on the earth and stifled every impulse of -progress for more than fifteen centuries. The Yggdrasil of Christian -superstition spread its roots throughout the Roman Empire, strangling -alike the nascent ethics of Christendom, and the germinating science -of the ancient world. Had the leading minds of that epoch, instead -of expending their zeal and acumen on theological inanities, applied -themselves to the study of nature, they might have forestalled the -march of the centuries, and advanced us a thousand years beyond the -present time. But the atmosphere of the period was charged with a -metaphysical mysticism whereby all philosophic thought and material -research were arrested. The records of a millennium comprise little -more than the rise, the progress, and the triumph of superstition -and barbarism. The degenerate Greeks became the serfs and slaves -of the land in which they were formerly the masters, and retreated -gradually to a vanishing point in the vast district from the Adriatic -to the Indus, over which the eagle-wing of Alexander had swept in -uninterrupted conquest. Unable to oppose their political solidarity -and martial science to the fanaticism of the half-armed Saracens, -they yielded up to them insensibly their faith and their empire, and -their place was filled by a host of unprogressive Mohammedans, who -brought with them a newer religion more sensuous in its conceptions, -but less gross in its practice, than the Christianity of that day. -But the hardy barbarians of the North, drinking at the fountain of -knowledge, had achieved some political organization, and became the -natural and irresistible barriers against which the waves of Moslem -enthusiasm dashed themselves in vain. The term of Asiatic encroachment -was fixed at the Pyrenees in the west, and at the Danube in the -east by the valorous Franks and Hungarians; and on the brink of the -turning tide stand the heroic figures of Charles Martel and Matthias -Corvinus. Civilization has now included almost the whole globe in -its comprehensive embrace; both the old world and the new have been -overrun by the intellectual heirs of the Greeks; in every land the -extinction of retrograde races proceeds with measured certainty, and we -appear to be safer from a returning flood of barbarism than from some -astronomical catastrophe. The mediaeval order of things is reversed, -the ravages of Attila reappear under a new aspect, and the descendants -of the Han and the Hun alike are raised by the hand, or crushed under -the foot of aggressive civilization. - -In the infancy of human reason intelligence outstrips knowledge, -and the mature, but vacant, mind soon loses itself in the dark and -trackless wilderness of natural phenomena. An imaginative system of -cosmogony, baseless as the fabric of a dream, is the creation of a -moment; to dissipate it the work of ages in study and investigation. -Less than a century ago philosophic scepticism could only vent itself -in a sneer at the credibility of a tradition, or the fidelity of a -manuscript; and the folklore of peasants, encrusted with the hoar -of antiquity, was accepted by erudite mystics as the solution of -cosmogony and the proof of our communion with the supernatural. An -illegible line, a misinterpreted phrase, a suspected interpolation, in -some decaying document, the proof or the refutation, was often hailed -triumphantly by ardent disputants as announcing the establishment -or the overthrow of revelation. But the most signal achievements -of historic research or criticism were powerless to elucidate -the mysteries of the universe; and the inquirer had to fall back -perpetually on the current mythology for the interpretation of his -objective environment. In the hands of science alone were the keys -which could unlock the book of nature, and open the gates of knowledge -as to the enigmas of visible life. A flood of light has been thrown -on the order of natural phenomena, our vision has been prolonged from -the dawn of history to the dawn of terrestrial life, an intelligible -hypothesis of existence has been deduced from observation and -experiment, idealism and dogma have been recognized as the offspring -of phantasy and fallacy, and the mystical elements of Christianity -have been dismissed by philosophy to that limbo of folly which long -ago engulfed the theogonies of Greece and Rome. The sapless trunk of -revelation lies rotting on the ground, but the undiscerning masses, too -credulous to inquire, too careless to think, have allowed it to become -invested with the weeds of superstition and ignorance; and the progeny -of hierophants, who once sheltered beneath the green and flourishing -tree, still find a cover in the rank growth. In the turn of the ages -we are confronted by new Pagans who adhere to an obsolete religion; -and the philosopher can only hope for an era when every one will have -sufficient sense and science to think according to the laws of nature -and civilization. - -The history of the disintegrating and moribund Byzantine Empire has -been explored by modern scholars with untiring assiduity; and the -exposition of that debased political system will always reflect more -credit on their brilliant researches than on the chequered annals of -mankind. - - - - - ADDITIONAL CORRECTIONS - - -P. 127, n. 1, legends and hearsay; p. 133, n. 3, καρξιμάδες; p. 141, -n. 2, i; p. 165, regions,^1 own,^2 other^3 (to n. 1 next page); p. -166, soldiers, arms,^2 etc.; p. 169, n. 6, Marcellinus; p. 188, herd; -{_ib._, n. 1, _c._ 530}; p. 191, n. 1, XII, not xii; p. 220, judgment; -p. 225, n. 1, cadavérique; p. 232, n. 1, add, on its way to resolution -into the formless protyle or ether; p. 283, the outposts; p. 300, n. -6, add, cf. Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 490; p. 309, n. 2, add, cf. Chron. -Paschal., an. 605; {p. 316, mood}; p. 330, n. 2, Strabo, VIII, vi, -20; p. 344, near the district of Hormisdas, not Palace; _ib._, n. 2, -read, which stood on the Propontis to the east of the Theodosian Port; -see Notitia, reg. ix and Ducange _sb. Homonoea_. The suburban St. P. -is said to be indicated by ruins still existing at the foot of the -“Giant’s Grave,” on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; see Gyllius, De -Bosp., iii, 6; Procop., etc., p. 346, n. 1, insert, Jn. Malala, xviii, -p. 430; _ib._, an. 6020; {p. 362, read, This question and the _Yeri_, -etc.} - - - - - THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA - - - - - CHAPTER I - - CONSTANTINOPLE IN THE SIXTH CENTURY[3] - - -The Byzantine peninsula has been regarded from a very early date as an -ideal situation for a capital city. Placed at the junction of two great -seas which wash the shores of three continents, and possessed of a safe -and extensive anchorage for shipping, it might become the centre of -empire and commerce for the whole Eastern hemisphere. Yet, owing to an -adverse fate, the full realization of this splendid conception remains -a problem of the future. Byzantium as an independent city was little -more than an outpost of civilization; as a provincial town of the Roman -Empire its political position allowed it no scope for development; as -the metropolis of the same Empire in its age of decadence its fitful -splendour is an unsubstantial pageant without moral or political -stability. Lastly, in the hands of the Turk its growth has been -fettered by the prejudices of a nation unable to free itself from the -bondage of an effete civilization. - - - I. HISTORY - -The first peopling of the site of Constantinople is a question in -prehistoric research, which has not yet been elucidated by the -palaeontologist. Unlike the Roman area, no relics of an age of stone -or bronze have been discovered here;[4] do not, perhaps, exist, but -doubtless the opportunities, if not the men, have been wanting for -such investigations.[5] That the region seemed to the primitive -Greeks to be a wild and desolate one, we learn from the tradition -of the Argonautic expedition;[6] and the epithet of “Axine,”[7] or -inhospitable, applied in the earliest times to the Euxine or Black -Sea. By the beginning, however, of the seventh century before the -Christian era these seas and maritime channels had been explored, and -several colonies[8] had been planted by the adventurous Greeks who -issued from the Ionian seaport of Miletus. Later than the Milesians, -a band of Dorians from Megara penetrated into these parts and, by a -strange choice, as it was afterwards considered, selected a point at -the mouth of the Bosphorus on the Asiatic shore for a settlement, which -they called Chalcedon.[9] Seventeen years later[10] a second party -from Megara fixed themselves on the European headland, previously -known as Lygos,[11] nearly opposite their first colony. The leader -of this expedition was Byzas,[12] and from him the town they built -was named Byzantium.[13] The actual limits of the original city are -now quite unknown, but doubtless they were small at first and were -gradually extended according as the community increased in wealth and -prosperity.[14] During the classic period of Greek history the town -rose to considerable importance, as its commanding position enabled -it to impose a toll on ships sailing to and from the Euxine sea; a -power of which, however, it made a very sparing use.[15] It was also -enriched by the countless shoals of fish[16] which, when the north -winds blew, descended from the Euxine and thronged the narrow but -elongated gulf called, most probably for that reason, _Chrysoceras_ -or Golden Horn.[17] Ultimately Byzantium became the largest city in -Thrace, having expanded itself over an area which measured four and a -half miles in circumference, including, probably, the suburbs.[18] It -exercised a suzerainty over Chalcedon and Perinthus,[19] and reduced -the aboriginal Bithynians to a state of servitude comparable to that -of the Spartan Helots.[20] Notwithstanding its natural advantages, -the town never won any pre-eminence among the Hellenic communities, -and nothing more unstable than its political position is presented to -us in the restless concourse of Grecian nationalities. In the wars of -Persians with Greeks, and of Greeks with Greeks, it always became the -sport of the contending parties; and during a century and a half (about -506 B.C. to 350 B.C.) it was taken and re-taken at least six times -by Medes, Spartans, Athenians, and Thebans, a change of constitution -following, of course, each change of political connection.[21] In 340 -B.C., however, the Byzantines, with the aid of the Athenians, withstood -a siege successfully, an occurrence the more remarkable as they were -attacked by the greatest general of the age, Philip of Macedon. In -the course of this beleaguerment, it is related, on a certain wet and -moonless night the enemy attempted a surprise, but were foiled by -reason of a bright light which, appearing suddenly in the heavens, -startled all the dogs in the town and thus roused the garrison to a -sense of their danger.[22] To commemorate this timely phenomenon, which -was attributed to Hecate, they erected a public statue to that goddess -and, as it is supposed, assumed the crescent for their chief national -device. For several centuries after this event the city enjoyed a -nominal autonomy, but it appears to have been in perpetual conflict -with its civilized or barbarous neighbours; and in 279 B.C. it was even -laid under tribute[23] by the horde of Gauls who penetrated into Asia -and established themselves permanently in Galatia. After the appearance -of the Roman legionaries in the East the Byzantines were always the -faithful friends of the Republic, while it was engaged in suppressing -the independent potentates of Macedonia and Asia Minor. For its -services Byzantium was permitted to retain the rank of a free city,[24] -and its claim to indulgence was allowed by more than one of the Roman -emperors,[25] even after A.D. 70, when Vespasian limited its rights to -those of a provincial town.[26] - -Of all the ancient historians one only has left us a description -capable of giving some visual impression as to the appearance of old -Byzantium. “This city,” says Dion Cassius,[27] “is most favourably -situated, being built upon an eminence, which juts out into the sea. -The waters, like a torrent, rushing downwards from the Pontus impinge -against the promontory and flow partly to the right, so as to form the -bay and harbours, but the main stream runs swiftly alongside the city -into the Propontis. The town is also extremely well fortified, for -the wall is faced with great square stones joined together by brazen -clamps, and it is further strengthened on the inside through mounds -and houses being built up against it. This wall seems to consist of -a solid mass of stone,[28] and it has a covered gallery above, which -is very easily defended. On the outside there are many large towers, -perforated with frequent loopholes and ranged in an irregular line, so -that an attacking party is surrounded by them and exposed on all sides -at once. Toward the land the fortifications are very lofty, but less so -on the side of the water, as the rocks on which they are founded and -the dangers of the Bosphorus render them almost unassailable. There are -two harbours within the walls,[29] guarded by chains, and at the ends -of the moles inclosing them towers facing each other make the passage -impracticable to an enemy. I have seen the walls standing and have -also heard them speaking; for there are seven vocal towers stretching -from the Thracian gates to the sea. If one shouts or drops a pebble in -the first it not only resounds itself or repeats the syllables, but -it transmits the power for the next in order to do the same; and thus -the voice or echo is carried in regular succession through the whole -series.”[30] - -At the end of the second century the Byzantines were afflicted by the -severest trial which had ever come within their experience. In the -tripartite struggle between the Emperor Severus and his competitors -of Gaul and Asia, the city unfortunately threw in its lot with Niger, -the Proconsul of Syria. Niger soon fell, but Byzantium held out with -inflexible obstinacy for three years and, through the ingenuity of an -engineer named Priscus, defied all the efforts of the victor. During -this time the inhabitants suffered progressively every kind of hardship -and horror which has been put on record in connection with sieges of -the most desperate character. Stones torn from the public buildings -were used as projectiles, statues of men and horses, in brass and -marble, were hurled on the heads of the besiegers, women gave their -hair to be twisted into cords and ropes, leather soaked in water was -eaten, and finally they fell on one another and fed on human flesh. At -last the city yielded, but Severus was exasperated, and his impulse of -hostility only ceased with the destruction of the prize he had won at -such a cost in blood and treasure. The garrison and all who had borne -any public office, with the exception of Priscus, were put to death, -the chief buildings were razed,[31] the municipality was abolished, -property was confiscated, and the town was given over to the previously -subject Perinthians, to be treated as a dependent village. With immense -labour the impregnable fortifications were levelled with the ground, -and the ruins of the first bulwark of the Empire against the barbarians -of Scythia attested the wisdom and temperance of the master of the East -and West.[32] - -But the memory of Byzantium dwelt in the mind of Severus and he was -attracted to revisit the spot. In cooler moments he surveyed the -wreck; the citizens, bearing olive branches in their hands, approached -him in a solemn and suppliant procession; he determined to rebuild, -and at his mandate new edifices were reared to supply the place of -those which had been ruined. He even purchased ground, which had -been previously occupied by private gardens, for the laying out of a -hippodrome,[33] a public luxury with which the town had never before -been adorned. But the hateful name of Byzantium was abolished and the -new city was called Antonina[34] by Severus, in honour of his eldest -son; a change, however, which scarcely survived the life of its author. -Through Caracalla,[35] or some rational statesman acting in the name -of that reprobate, the city regained its political privileges, but the -fortifications were not restored, and for more than half a century -it remained defenceless against the barbarians, and even against -the turbulent soldiery of the Empire. Beginning from about 250 the -Goths ravaged the vicinity of the Bosphorus and plundered most of the -towns, holding their own against Decius and several other short-lived -emperors. Under Gallienus a mutinous legion is said to have massacred -most of the inhabitants, but shortly afterwards the same emperor gave -a commission to two Byzantine engineers to fortify the district, and -henceforward Byzantium again appears as a stronghold, which was made -a centre of operations against the Goths, in the repulse of whom the -natives and their generals even played an important part.[36] In 323 -Licinius, the sole remaining rival of Constantine, after his defeat in -a great battle near Adrianople, took refuge in Byzantium, and the town -again became the scene of a contest memorable in history, not for the -magnitude of the siege, but for the importance of the events which it -inaugurated. Licinius soon yielded, and a new era dawned for Byzantium, -which in a few years became lastingly known to the nations as the City -of Constantine. - -The tongue of land on which Constantinople is built is essentially -a low mountainous ridge, rising on three sides by irregular slopes -from the sea. Trending almost directly eastward from the continent -of Europe, it terminates abruptly in a rounded headland opposite the -Asiatic shore, from which it is separated by the entrance of the -Bosphorus, at this point a little more than a mile in width. This -diminutive peninsula, which is bounded on the north by the inland -extension of the Bosphorus, called the Golden Horn, and on the south -by the Propontis or Sea of Marmora, has a length of between three and -four miles. At its eastern extremity it is about a mile broad and it -gradually expands until, in the region where it may be said to join -the mainland, its measurement has increased to more than four times -that distance. The unlevel nature of the ground and reminiscences of -the seven hills of classical Rome have always caused a parallel to be -drawn between the sites of the two capitals of the Empire, but the -resemblance is remote and the historic import of the Roman hills is -totally wanting in the case of those of Constantinople. The hills of -the elder city were mostly distinct mounts, which had borne suggestive -names in the earliest annals of the district. Every citizen had learned -to associate the Palatine with the Roma Quadrata of Romulus, the -Aventine with the ill-omened auspices of Remus, the Quirinal with -the rape of the Sabine women, the Esquiline with the murder of King -Servius, the Capitol with the repulse of the Gauls by Manlius; and knew -that when the standard was raised on the Janiculum the comitia were -assembled to transact the business of the Republic. But the Byzantine -hills are little more than variations in the face of the slope as -it declines on each side from the central dorsum to the water, and -have always been nameless unless in the numerical descriptions of the -topographer. On the north five depressions constitute as many valleys -and give rise to six hills, which are numbered in succession from the -narrow end of the promontory to the west. Thus the first hill is that -on which stood the acropolis of Byzantium. Two of the valleys, the -third and fifth, can be traced across the dorsum of the peninsular from -sea to sea. A rivulet, called the Lycus, running from the mainland, -joins the peninsula near its centre and then turns in a south-easterly -direction so as to fall into the Propontis. The valley through which -this stream passes, the sixth, bounds the seventh hill, an elevation -known as the Xerolophos or Dry-mount, which, lying in the south-west, -occupies more than a third of the whole area comprised within the -city walls.[37] From every high point of the promontory the eye may -range over seas and mountains often celebrated in classic story—the -Trojan Ida and Olympus, the Hellespont, Athos and Olympus of Zeus, -and the Thracian Bosphorus embraced by wooded hills up to the “blue -Symplegades” and the Euxine, so suggestive of heroic tradition to the -Greek mind. The Golden Horn itself describes a curve to the north-west -of more than six miles in length, and at its extremity, where it turns -upon itself, becomes fused with the estuary of two small rivers named -Cydarus and Barbyses.[38] Throughout the greater part of its course -it is about a quarter of a mile in width, but at one point below its -centre, it is dilated into a bay of nearly double that capacity. This -inlet was not formerly, in the same sense as it is now, the port of -Constantinople; to the ancients it was still the sea, a moat on a -large scale, which added the safety of water to the mural defences of -the city; and the small shipping of the period was accommodated in -artificial harbours formed by excavations within the walls or by moles -thrown out from the shore.[39] The climate of this locality is very -changeable, exposed as it is to north winds chilled by transit over the -Russian steppes, and to warm breezes which originate in the tropical -expanses of Africa and Arabia. The temperature may range through twenty -degrees in a single day, and winters of such arctic severity that -the Golden Horn and even the Bosphorus are seen covered with ice are -not unknown to the inhabitants.[40] Variations of landscape due to -vegetation are found chiefly in the abundance of plane, pine, chestnut, -and other trees, but more especially of the cypress. Earthquakes -are a permanent source of annoyance, and have sometimes been very -destructive. Such in brief are the geographical features of this -region, which the caprice of a prince, in a higher degree, perhaps, -than its natural endowments, appointed to contain the metropolis of the -East. - -When Constantine determined to supplant the ancient capital on the -Tiber by building a new city in a place of his own choice,[41] he -does not appear to have been more acute in discerning the advantages -of Byzantium than were the first colonists from Megara. It is said -that Thessalonica first fixed his attention; it is certain that he -began to build in the Troad, near the site of Homeric Ilios; and it is -even suggested that when he shifted his ground from thence he next -commenced operations at Chalcedon.[42] By 328,[43] however, he had -come to a final decision, and Byzantium was exalted to be the actual -rival of Rome. This event, occurring at so advanced a date and under -the eye of civilization, yet became a source of legend, so as to excel -even in that respect the original foundation by Byzas. The oracles had -long been lapsing into silence,[44] but their place had been gradually -usurped by Christian visions, and every zealot who thought upon the -subject conceived of Constantine as acting under a special inspiration -from the Deity. More than a score of writers in verse and prose -have described the circumstances under which he received the divine -injunctions, and some have presented to us in detail the person and -words of the beatific visitant.[45] On the faith of an ecclesiastical -historian[46] we are asked to believe that an angelic guide even -directed the Emperor as he marked out the boundaries of his future -capital. When Constantine, on foot with a spear in his hand, seemed to -his ministers to move onwards for an inordinate distance, one of them -exclaimed: “How far, O Master?” “Until he who precedes me stands,” was -the reply by which the inspired surveyor indicated that he followed an -unseen conductor. Whether Constantine was a superstitious man is an -indeterminate question, but that he was a shrewd and politic one is -self-evident from his career, and, if we believe that he gave currency -to this and similar marvellous tales, we can perceive that he could not -have acted more judiciously with the view of gaining adherents during -the flush of early Christian enthusiasm.[47] - -The area of the city was more than quadrupled by the wall of -Constantine, which extended right across the peninsula in the form of -a bow, distant at the widest part about a mile and three-quarters from -the old fortifications.[48] This space, by comparison enormous, and -which yet included only four of the hills with part of the Xerolophos, -was hastily filled by the Emperor with buildings and adornments of -every description. Many cities of the Empire, notably Rome, Athens, -Ephesus, and Antioch, were stripped of some of their most precious -objects of art for the embellishment of the new capital.[49] Wherever -statues, sculptured columns, or metal castings were to be found, there -the agents of Constantine were busily engaged in arranging for their -transfer to the Bosphorus. Resolved that no fanatic spirit should mar -the cosmopolitan expectation of his capital the princely architect -subdued his Christian zeal, and three temples[50] to mythological -divinities arose in regular conformity with pagan custom. Thus the -“Fortune of the City” took her place as the goddess Anthusa[51] in a -handsome fane, and adherents of the old religion could not declare that -the ambitious foundation was begun under unfavourable auspices. In -another temple a statue of Rhea, or Cybele, was erected in an abnormal -posture, deprived of her lions and with her hands raised as if in the -act of praying over the city. On this travesty of the mother of the -Olympians, we may conjecture, was founded the belief which prevailed -in a later age that the capital at its birth had been dedicated to -the Virgin.[52] That a city permanently distinguished by the presence -of an Imperial court should remain deficient in population is opposed -to common experience of the laws which govern the evolution of a -metropolis. But Constantine could not wait, and various artificial -methods were adopted in order to provide inhabitants for the vacant -inclosure. Patricians were induced to abandon Rome by grants of lands -and houses, and it is even said that several were persuaded to settle -at Constantinople by means of an ingenious deception. Commanding the -attendance in the East of a number of senators during the Persian war, -the Emperor privately commissioned architects to build counterparts of -their Roman dwellings on the Golden Horn. To these were transferred -the families and households of the absent ministers, who were then -invited by Constantine to meet him in his new capital. There they -were conducted to homes in which to their astonishment they seemed to -revisit Rome in a dream, and henceforth they became permanent residents -in obedience to a prince who urged his wishes with such unanswerable -arguments.[53] As to the common herd we have no precise information, -but it is asserted by credible authority that they were raked together -from diverse parts, the rabble of the Empire who derived their -maintenance from the founder and repaid him with servile adulation in -the streets and in the theatre.[54] - -By the spring of 330[55] the works were sufficiently advanced for the -new capital to begin its political existence, and Constantine decreed -that a grand inaugural festival should take place on the 11th of -May. The “Fortune of the City” was consecrated by a pagan ceremony -in which Praetextatus, a priest, and Sopater, a philosopher, played -the principal parts;[56] largess was distributed to the populace, and -magnificent games were exhibited in the Hippodrome, where the Emperor -presided, conspicuous with a costly diadem decked with pearls and -precious stones, which he wore for the first time.[57] On this occasion -the celebration is said to have lasted forty days,[58] and at the -same time Constantine instituted the permanent “Encaenia,” an annual -commemoration, which he enjoined on succeeding emperors for the same -date. A gilded statue of himself, bearing a figure of Anthusa in one -hand, was to be conducted round the city in a chariot, escorted by a -military guard, dressed in a definite attire,[59] and carrying wax -tapers in their hands. Finally, the procession was to make the circuit -of the Hippodrome and, when it paused before the cathisma, the emperor -was to descend from his throne and adore the effigy.[60] We are further -told that an astrologer named Valens was employed to draw the horoscope -of the city, with the result that he predicted for it an existence of -696 years.[61] - -After the fall of Licinius it appears most probable that Constantine, -as a memorial of his accession to undivided power, gave Byzantium the -name of Constantinople.[62] When, however, he transformed that town -into a metropolis, in order to express clearly the magnitude of his -views as to the future, he renamed it Second, or New Rome. At the -same time he endowed it with special privileges, known in the legal -phraseology of the period as the “right of Italy and prerogative of -Rome”;[63] and to keep these facts in the public eye he had them -inscribed on a stone pillar, which he set up in a forum, or square, -called the Strategium, adjacent to an equestrian statue of himself.[64] -To render it in all respects the image of Rome, Constantinople was -provided with a Senate,[65] a national council known only at that date -in the artificial form which owes its existence to despots. After his -choice of Byzantium for the eastern capital Constantine never dwelt -at Rome, and in all his acts seems to have aimed at extinguishing the -prestige of the old city by the grandeur of the new one, a policy which -he initiated so effectively that in the century after his death the -Roman Empire ceased to be Roman.[66] - -Constantine is credited with the erection of many churches[67] in and -around Constantinople, but, with the exception of St. Irene,[68] the -Holy Cross,[69] and the Twelve Apostles,[70] their identification -rests with late and untrustworthy writers. One, St. Mocius,[71] is -said to have been built with the materials of a temple of Zeus, which -previously stood in the same place, the summit of the Xerolophos, -outside the walls. Another, St. Mena, occupied the site of the temple -of Poseidon founded by Byzas.[72] Paganism was tolerated as a religion -of the Empire until the last decade of the fourth century, when it was -finally overthrown by the preponderance of Christianity. Laws for its -total suppression were enacted by Theodosius I, destruction of temples -was legalized, and at the beginning of the fifth century it is probable -that few traces remained of the sacred edifices which had adorned old -Byzantium.[73] - -After the age of Constantine the progress of New Rome as metropolis -of the east was extremely rapid,[74] the suburbs became densely -populous, and in 413 Theodosius II gave a commission to Anthemius,[75] -the Praetorian Prefect, to build a new wall in advance of the old -one nearly a mile further down the peninsula. The intramural space -was thus increased by an area more than equal to half its former -dimensions; and, with the exception of some small additions on the -Propontis and the Golden Horn, this wall marked the utmost limit -of Constantinople in ancient or modern times. In 447 a series of -earthquakes, which lasted for three months, laid the greater part of -the new wall in ruins, fifty-seven of the towers, according to one -account,[76] having collapsed during the period of commotion. This -was the age of Attila and the Huns, to whom Theodosius, sooner than -offer a military resistance, had already agreed to pay an annual -tribute of seven hundred pounds of gold.[77] With the rumour that -the barbarians were approaching the undefended capital the public -alarm rose to fever-heat, and the Praetorian Prefect of the time, -Cyrus Constantine, by an extraordinary effort, not only restored the -fortifications of Anthemius, but added externally a second wall on a -smaller scale, together with a wide and deep fosse,[78] in the short -space of sixty days. To the modern observer it might appear incredible -that such a prodigious mass of masonry, extending over a distance of -four miles, could be reared within two months, but the fact is attested -by two inscriptions still existing on the gates,[79] by the Byzantine -historians,[80] and by the practice of antiquity in times of impending -hostility.[81] - - - II. TOPOGRAPHY - -Having now traced the growth of the city on the Golden Horn from -its origin in the dawn of Grecian history until its expansion into -the capital of the greatest empire of the past, I have reached the -threshold of my actual task—to place before the reader a picture -of Constantinople at the beginning of the sixth century in its -topographical and sociological aspects. The literary materials, -though abundant, are in great part unreliable and are often devoid of -information which would be found in the most unpretentious guide-book -of modern times.[82] On the other hand the monumental remains are -unusually scanty, insignificant indeed compared with those of Rome, and -few cities, which have been continuously occupied, have suffered so -much during the lapse of a few centuries as Constantinople. Political -revolution has been less destructive than that of religion, and -Moslem fanaticism, much more than time or war, has achieved the ruin -of the Christian capital. On this ground, the same calamities which -Christianity inflicted on paganism in the fourth century, she suffered -herself at the hands of Islam in the fifteenth. - -The modern visitor, who approaches Constantinople, is at once -impressed by the imposing vista of gilded domes and minarets, which -are the chief objective feature of the Ottoman capital. It is scarcely -necessary to say that in the sixth century the minaret, uniquely -characteristic as it is of a Mohammedan city, would be absent, but -the statement must also be extended to the dome, the most distinctive -element in Byzantine architecture, which at the date of my description -scarcely yet existed even in the conception of the builder.[83] If -we draw near from the Sea of Marmora (the Propontis) at the time -of this history, we shall observe, extending by land and sea from -the southernmost point, the same ranges of lofty walls and towers, -now falling into universal ruin, but then in a state of perfect -repair. Within appear numerous great houses and several tall columns -interspersed among a myriad of small red-roofed dwellings, densely -packed; and here and there the eye is caught by a gleam of gilded tiles -from the roof of a church or a palace. In order to inspect the defences -on the land side, the aspect of the city most strongly fortified, -we must disembark near the south-west corner of the Xerolophos, the -locality now known as the Seven Towers. Without the city, towards -the west, the ground consists of flowery meadows diversified by -fruit-gardens and by groves of cypress and plane trees.[84] Almost -at the water’s edge is an imposing bastion, which from its circular -form is called the Cyclobion.[85] Proceeding inland we shall not at -this date find a road winding over hill and dale from sea to sea as -at the present day.[86] Most of the country is occupied by walled -_philopatia_ or pleasaunces in which landscape gardening has been -developed with considerable art, suburban residences of the Byzantine -aristocracy.[87] In a grove about a mile from the shore we come upon a -certain well, which is regarded as sacred and frequented by sufferers -from various diseases on account of the healing virtue attributed to -its waters.[88] Northwards the extramural district abutting on the -Golden Horn is called Blachernae from the chief of a Thracian tribe, -which formerly occupied this quarter.[89] Here, contiguous to the wall, -we may notice a small summer palace on two floors, built of brick with -rows of stone-framed, arched windows, now undergoing restoration and -extension by the Emperor Anastasius.[90] A few paces further on is a -Christian chapel dedicated to the Theotokos or Mother of God, founded -by Pulcheria,[91] the pious but imperious sister of Theodosius II, and -finally the maiden wife of the Emperor Marcian. Hard by is a natural -well,[92] which from its interesting associations is now beginning to -ripen into sanctity. - -The scheme of fortification consists of three main defences: (1) a -foss, (2) an outer wall with frequent towers, and (3) an inner wall, -similar, but of much greater proportions. - -(1) Since the moat necessarily follows the trend of the ground as it -rises on either side from the beach to the dorsum of the peninsula, -this canal, instead of maintaining a uniform level, consists of a -number of sections divided by cross-walls, the distances between which -are determined by the exigences of ascent or descent. In its course -it outlines the contour of the walls, which advance on the peninsula -from each end in the form of a bow. The average width of this foss is -about sixty, and its depth about thirty feet. It is lined on both sides -from the bottom with substantial stone walls, but, whilst that on the -outside only reaches the level of the ground, the wall next the city, -with a crenellated top, rises for several feet,[93] so as to convey -the impression of a triple wall of defence. In peace time the water is -allowed to run low, but if an assault is apprehended the trench can be -quickly flooded by means of earthenware pipes concealed within the -partition walls. From these conduits the city also derives a secret -supply of water not likely to be tampered with by a besieging army.[94] - -(2) At a distance of about twenty yards from the inner edge of the -moat, rising to a height of nearly thirty feet, with dentated parapets, -stands the lesser wall. Towers of various shapes, square, round, and -octagonal, project from its external face at intervals of about fifty -yards. Each tower overtops the wall and possesses small front and -lateral windows, which overlook the level tract[95] stretching from -the foss. High up in each tower is a floorway having an exit on the -intramural space behind, and they have also steps outside which lead -to the roof. The vacant interval between the walls is about fifty feet -wide, usually called the _peribolos_.[96] It has been artificially -raised to within a few feet of the top of the wall by pouring into it -the earth recovered in excavating the moat.[97] This is the special -vantage-ground of the defenders of the city during a siege: from hence -mainly they launch their missiles against the enemy or engage them -in a hand-to-hand fight should they succeed in crossing the moat and -planting their scaling-ladders against the wall.[98] - -(3) Bounding the _peribolos_ posteriorly lies the main land-wall of -Constantinople, the great and indisputable work of Theodosius II. In -architectural configuration it is almost similar to the outer wall, but -its height is much greater, and its towers, placed so as to alternate -with the smaller ones in front, occupy more than four times as much -ground. Built as separate structures, but adherent to the wall behind, -they rise above it and project forwards into the interspace for more -than half its breadth. Most of the towers are square, but those of -circular or octagonal shape are not infrequent. In level places -offering facilities for attack the wall has a general height of seventy -feet, but in less accessible situations, on rising or rugged ground, it -attains to little more than half that elevation.[99] As in the case of -the outer defences, the wall and towers are crested by an uninterrupted -series of crenellated battlements. - -The towers are entered from the city at the back, and within each -one is a winding stone staircase leading to the top. Here, sheltered -by the parapet, there is room for sixty or seventy men to assail an -enemy with darts or engines of war. There is also a lower floor from -which a further body of soldiers can act on the offensive by means -of front and side windows or loopholes. At intervals certain of the -towers have an exit on the _peribolos_ for the use of those militants -who have their station on that rampart. In time of peace these towers -serve as guard-houses, and the sentries are enjoined to maintain their -vigilance by passing the word of each successive hour from post to post -during the night.[100] The usual thickness of this wall is about eight -feet, but no regular rampart has been prepared along the summit, the -defensive value of such an area being superseded by the _peribolos_. -Hence the top, the width of which is limited to less than five feet -by the encroachment of the parapet, has no systematic means of access -from the ground or from the towers. Hewn stone, worked in the vicinity, -has been used for the construction of these fortifications,[101] -and in some places close to the city the ground may be seen to have -been quarried into hills and hollows[102] for the supply of the -builders.[103] - -At about every half mile of their length these walls are pierced -by main gateways for the passing to and fro of the inhabitants. In -these situations the inner wall is increased to more than treble -its ordinary thickness, and the passage is flanked by a pair of the -greater towers, which here approximate at much less than their usual -distance. The thoroughfare consists of a deep and lofty archway, which -on occasion can be closed by ponderous doors revolving on huge iron -hinges. Opposite each gate the moat is crossed by wooden drawbridges -easily removable in case of a siege. The most southerly entrance, being -opposite the holy well, is called the Gate of the Fountain; next comes -the Gate of Rhegium, then that of St. Romanus, fourthly the Charsios or -oblique Gate,[104] and lastly the Xylokerkos Gate—that of the wooden -circus. Between the third and fourth gates the moat is deficient -and the walls are tunnelled for the transit of the streamlet Lycus, -which, though almost dry in summer, swells to a considerable volume -in winter. The second and last portals bear metrical inscriptions, -differing verbally, but each declaring the fact that the Prefect, Cyrus -Constantine, built the wall in two months.[105] On the second gate, -that of Rhegium, the circumstance is recorded in a Latin tristich as -well as in a Greek distich.[106] - -Besides these popular approaches there is another series of five gates, -architecturally similar, but designed only for military or strategic -purposes. About intermediate in position and in line with neither -roads nor bridges, they are closed to the general public and named -merely in numerical succession from south to north.[107] Just above the -third gate, that is, about half way between the Golden Horn and the -Propontis, the walls dip inwards for a distance of nearly one hundred -yards, forming a crescent or, as the Greeks call it, Sigma.[108] - -The first strategic gate, first also of the land-wall, being scarcely -a furlong from the Propontis, offers a notable exception to the -constructive plainness of all the other entries. Intended only as -a state entry to the capital for the display of Imperial pomp, it -has been built and adorned with the object of rendering it the most -splendid object in this part of the city. A pair of massive towers, -each one hundred feet high, advance from a façade of equal altitude, -which is traversed by three arched portals, that in the centre being -elevated to sixty feet. The whole is constructed in white marble, -and this chaste and imposing foundation is made resplendent by the -addition of gilded statues, bas-reliefs, and mouldings. From a central -pedestal above rises a figure of Victory[109] with flowing draperies, -her hand extended offering a laurel crown. At her feet stands an -equestrian statue of Theodosius the Great,[110] and from the extremity -of each tower springs the two-headed Byzantine eagle.[111] Below, the -surfaces of the monument are ensculptured all round with mythological -designs,[112] among which we may recognize Prometheus the Fire-giver, -Pegasus, Endymion, the labours of Hercules and many others. Corinthian -columns of green-veined marble[113] bound the main portal, within which -is erected a great cross.[114] In the fore area are placed a pair of -marble elephants, recalling those used by Theodosius in his triumphal -procession after the defeat of Maximus of Gaul; and behind these his -grandson,[115] the builder of the gate, has raised a column bearing a -statue of himself. Profusely gilded, this elaborate pile is popularly -and officially known as the Golden Gate.[116] - -To proceed with our survey we may re-embark on the Propontis and skirt -the promontory by water from end to end of the land-wall, passing -through the mouth of the Bosphorus between Europe and Asia and -finishing our circuit in the upper reaches of the Golden Horn. The -single south wall, rising from the brink of the sea, is similar to that -of Anthemius, and the towers exhibit the same diversity of form.[117] -Courses of rough stones immersed in the water lie along its base and -form a kind of primitive breakwater, which saves its foundations from -being sapped by the waves in tempestuous weather. These are said to -have been quarried from the tops of the hills during the process of -levelling the ground for the extension of the city, and then, at the -suggestion of Constantine, sent rolling down the slopes until they -became lodged in their present position.[118] - -Several gates in this wall give access to the water, but they possess -no architectural distinction. Westerly is the Porta Psamathia or -Sand-gate, so called because an area of new ground has been formed -here by silting up of sand outside the wall.[119] Near the opposite -extremity is the Porta Ferrea or Iron-gate, thus designated from the -unstable beach having been guarded by rails of iron to enable it to -sustain the ponderous burdens imported by Constantine.[120] Towards the -centre of this shore is situated the Gate of St. Aemilian, named from -its proximity to a church sacred to that martyr.[121] More noticeable -in this range of wall are the entrances to two excavated harbours, -each closed by a chain stretching between a pair of containing towers. -The first, at the foot of the Xerolophos, dates from the time of -Constantine, who called it the Port of Eleutherius[122] after his -master of the works. Remade by Theodosius I, it has since been most -commonly associated with the name of that emperor.[123] Paved at the -bottom and surrounded by a stone quay,[124] it is about a Roman mile -in circuit,[125] and is divided centrally by a dike into an inner and -outer basin.[126] More easterly is another similar but smaller harbour, -having only one basin, designated Port Julian[127] from its Imperial -founder, but it is more often spoken of as the New Port.[128] Owing, -however, to the exceptional suitability for shipping of the north side -of the city, both these harbours have gradually fallen into disuse -and, becoming choked with sand, have been looked on merely as fit -receptacles for the rubble accumulated in clearing building sites.[129] -But the Port of Julian is soon to be reopened, for, at the direction -of Anastasius, rotatory pumps have been fixed to empty it of its water -and dredging operations are in progress.[130] To insure its continued -patency a mole is even in course of construction in the Propontis over -against its mouth.[131] Passing the Porta Ferrea, as we begin to round -the headland, a large mansion or palace comes into view, substituted -apparently for the wall in about fifty feet of its length. Fronted -along its base with slabs of white marble, the edifice presents a -lofty stone balcony overhanging the water,[132] and opening on to it, -a central group of three rectangular windows or doors with jambs and -lintels of sculptured stone. Above, a row of seven nearly semicircular -windows indicates the uppermost floor of the building, which is known -as the palace of the Boukoleon. Contiguous, to the west, we observe a -small but very ornate harbour, formed on quite a different plan from -those previously seen. Curved piers of masonry, enriched with marbles, -extending from the land, inclose about an acre of water, which is -approached from the city by flights of white marble steps.[133] On -the intervening quay rests a handsome group of statuary representing -a lion and a bull in the agonies of a death struggle.[134] This is -the exclusive port of the Imperial Palace,[135] an important segment -of which adjoins the wall at this point. Both palace and harbour have -taken the name of Boukoleon from the piece of sculpture which so -conspicuously marks the site.[136] In this vicinity, behind the wall -on the city level, is the palace of the once famous Persian refugee, -Prince Hormisdas.[137] - -Farther on is a small entry from the water leading to a chapel sacred -to the Theotokos, surnamed the Conductress, another foundation of -the devout Pulcheria.[138] Here are preserved a portrait of the -Virgin painted by St. Luke, the swaddling-clothes of Jesus, and other -recondite memorials of Gospel history[139] grafted by imposture on the -credulity of the age. This Conductress,[140] by virtue of a holy fount, -is credited with being able to point out the way for the blind to -receive their sight;[141] and a retreat for the blind, therefore, has -been established on the spot.[142] - -As soon as we turn the north-east point, which marks the beginning of -the Golden Horn, we exchange the inhospitable aspect of a fortified -coast for a busy scene of maritime life. The wall recedes gradually -to some distance from the waterline and forms an inconspicuous -background to the impressive spectacle, which indicates the port -of entry of a vast city. In the course of over a mile the shore -has been fashioned into wharves from which three sets of stairs of -ample width descend to the water’s edge to facilitate the unloading -of vessels. The first stair, named from its constructor, is that of -Timasius;[143] next comes that of Chalcedon;[144] and lastly the -stairs of Sycae,[145] a region of the city on the opposite side of -the gulf. Alternating with the stairs are placed the entrances of -two excavated harbours: the Prosphorian Port[146] for the landing of -all kinds of imported provisions, and the Neorian Port, used chiefly -as a naval station and for ship-building. The quays of the latter -port, which are distinguished by the brazen statue of an ox, are also -habitually frequented by the merchants of Constantinople, who make it -their principal Exchange.[147] Similarly the vacant spaces about the -Prosphorian Port are set apart for a cattle market.[148] - -The first issue from the city on this side is called the Gate of -Eugenius,[149] and is situated in the retreating portion of the wall. -More remarkable is the Tower of Eugenius, called also the Centenarian -Tower,[150] a massive pile closer to the bank, which corresponds to a -similar erection across the water. These structures are the work of -Constantine, who raised them to serve as the points of attachment of -a ponderous iron chain, which should close the Golden Horn against -the attack of a hostile fleet. So far, however, no enemy has been -encountered so adventurous as to necessitate the practical application -of this means of defence.[151] - -Beyond the stairs of Sycae the locality is called the Zeugma.[152] This -tract is reserved for the storage of wood, which, coal being unknown, -is the only fuel available for cooking, heating of baths, and all other -purposes. Immense quantities have, therefore, to be brought down by sea -from the wild countries bordering on the Euxine[153] and deposited here -for the use of the Constantinopolitans. At this point we have reached -the limits of the wall of Byzantium and henceforth to the end of the -land-wall at Blachernae this side of the city lies open to the water. -Deeming it improbable that the town should ever be assaulted from this -sequestered inlet, Constantine and his successors have omitted to -fortify this bank. Originally this shore was indented by a number of -small creeks,[154] but the teeming population, overflowing into every -available space, has now so crowded the strand with houses that the -outer rank, founded on piles, extends beyond the water’s edge.[155] -In the further part of this district the stream becomes narrower, and -from a projecting point a wooden bridge has been thrown across to the -opposite shore.[156] In its vicinity a brazen dragon commemorates -or suggests a legend of virgins ravished and devoured until the -destruction of the monster by St. Hypatius.[157] A slight expansion of -the Golden Horn at Blachernae is called the Silver Bay.[158] - -Having inspected the outside of Constantinople, it now remains for us -to enter the city and pass in review its principal streets, buildings, -and open spaces, whence we shall be led to make some acquaintance -with the manners and customs of its inhabitants. From the Gate of -Eugenius we can proceed directly to the most aristocratic quarter, -where a majority of the public buildings are clustered round the -Imperial Palace. Inside we shall find that thoroughfares of three -kinds intersect the city for the purposes of general traffic: (1) main -or business streets; (2) squares or market-places; and (3) lanes or -side-streets for private residents. - -(1) A main street consists of an open paved road, not more than -fifteen feet wide, bounded on each side by a colonnade or portico. -More than fifty of such porticoes are in existence at this date, so -that a pedestrian can traverse almost the whole city under shelter -from sun or rain.[159] Many of them have an upper floor, approached by -wooden or stone steps, which is used as an _ambulacrum_ or promenade. -They are plentifully adorned with statuary of all kinds, especially -above,[160] and amongst these presentments of the reigning emperor -are not infrequent. The latter may be seen in busts of brass and -marble, in brazen masks, and even in painted tablets.[161] Such -images are consecrated and are sometimes surreptitiously adored -by the populace with religious rites.[162] They are also endowed -with the legal attribute of sanctuary, and slaves not uncommonly -fly to them for refuge as a protest against ill-treatment by their -masters.[163] Portraits of popular actors, actresses, and charioteers -may also be observed, but they are liable to be torn down if posted -close to the Imperial images or in any position too reputable for -their pretensions.[164] On the inside the porticoes are lined for the -most part by shops and workshops.[165] Opening on to them in certain -positions are public halls or auditoriums, architecturally decorative -and furnished with seats, where meetings can be held and professors -can lecture to classes on various topics.[166] Between the pillars of -the colonnades next the thoroughfare we find stalls and tables for -the sale of all kinds of wares. In the finer parts of the city such -stalls or booths must by law be ornamentally constructed and encrusted -outside with marbles so as not to mar the beauty of the piazza.[167] -At the tables especially are seated the money-changers or bankers, who -lend money at usury, receive it at interest, and act generally as the -pawnbrokers of the capital.[168] Such pleasant arcades have naturally -become the habitual resort of courtezans,[169] and they are recognized -as the legitimate place of shelter for the houseless poor.[170] - -(2) The open spaces, to which the Latin name of _forum_ is applied -more often than the Greek word _agora_, are expansions of the main -streets, and, like them, are surrounded on all sides by porticoes. They -are not, however, very numerous and about a dozen will comprise all -that have been constructed within the capital. They originate in the -necessity of preserving portions of the ground unoccupied for use as -market-places, but the vacant area is always more or less decorative -and contains one or more monuments of ornament or utility. Each one -is named distinctively either from the nature of the traffic carried -on therein or in honour of its founder, and most of them will deserve -special attention during our itinerary of the city. - -(3) The greater part of the ground area of Constantinople is, of -course, occupied by residential streets, and these are usually, -according to modern ideas, of quite preposterous narrowness.[171] -Few of them are more than ten feet wide, and this scanty space is -still more contracted above by projecting floors and balconies. In -many places also the public way is encroached upon by _solaria_ or -sun-stages, that is to say by balconies supported on pillars of wood -or marble, and often furnished with a flight of stairs leading to the -pavement below. In such alleys low windows, affording a view of the -street, or facile to lean out of,[172] are considered unseemly by the -inmates of opposite houses. Hence mere light-giving apertures, placed -six feet above the flooring, are the regular means of illumination. -Transparent glass is sometimes used for the closure of windows, but -more often we find thin plates of marble or alabaster with ornamental -designs figured on the translucent substance.[173] Simple wooden -shutters, however, are seen commonly enough in houses of the poorer -class.[174] - -Impatient to see the immense vacant area which he added to Byzantium -covered with houses Constantine exercised little or no supervision over -private builders; necessary thoroughfares became more or less blocked, -walls of public edifices were appropriated as buttresses for hastily -erected tenements, and the task of evolving order out of the resulting -chaos was imposed on succeeding rulers.[175] On Constantinople becoming -the seat of empire, as a resident of the period remarks, “such a -multitude of people flocked hither from all parts, allured by military -or mercantile pursuits, that the citizens out of doors and even at home -are endangered by the unprecedented crush of men and animals.”[176] In -447 Zeno, taking advantage of an extensive fire, promulgated a very -stringent building act, contravention of which renders the offending -structure liable to demolition, and inflicts a fine of ten pounds of -gold on the owner. The architect also becomes liable in a similar -amount, and is even subjected to banishment if unable to pay.[177] By -this act, which remains permanently in force throughout the Empire, -the not very ample width of twelve feet is fixed for private streets, -_solaria_ and balconies must be at least ten feet distant from -similar projections on the opposite side, and not less than fifteen -feet above the pavement; whilst stairs connecting them directly -with the thoroughfare are entirely abolished. Prospective windows -also are forbidden in streets narrower than the statutory allowance -of twelve feet. These enactments, however, too restricted in their -practical application, have done but little to relieve the congested -thoroughfares. Thus, long afterwards, another resident complains that -every spot of ground is occupied by contiguous dwellings to such an -extent that “scarcely can an open space be discovered, which affords a -clear view of the sky without raising the eyes aloft.”[178] - -These by-streets, of which there are more than four hundred[179] in -the capital, consist chiefly of houses suitable for single families of -the middle or lower classes. There are also, however, a large number -of dwellings for collective habitation, which cover a greater area and -rise by successive stories to an unusual height; but by law they are -not allowed to exceed an altitude of one hundred feet.[180] When one -side of such buildings is situated next a portico the adjacent part of -the ground floor is usually fitted up as a range of shops.[181] - -Besides the ordinary domiciles, which constitute the bulk of the -city, there are the mansions or palaces of the wealthy, situated in -various choice and open positions throughout the town. Such residences -are generally two-storied, and have ornamental façades on which -sculptured pillars both above and below are conspicuous. The windows, -arched or rectangular, are divided by a central pilaster, and the -roof, usually slanting, is covered with wood or thin slabs of stone. -Within, a lofty hall is supported on tall columns surmounted by gilded -capitals, and the walls are inlaid with polished marbles of various -colours and textures. Throughout the house the principal apartments -are similarly decorated, and even bedrooms are not destitute of the -columnar adornments so dear to luxurious Byzantines. Ceilings are -almost invariably fretted and liberally gilt. In houses of this class -a central court, contained by a colonnade, giving air and light to -the whole building, is considered a necessity. Much wealth is often -expended in order to give this space the appearance of a landscape in -miniature. Trees wave, fountains play, and artificial streams roll over -counterfeited cliffs into pools stocked with tame fish.[182] - -Within the gate of Eugenius we are on the northern slopes of the -first hill, whereon was placed the citadel of Byzantium. Rounding -it to the east we soon approach a tall Corinthian column of white -marble, bearing on its summit a statue of Byzas,[183] a memorial of the -victories by land and sea of Venerianus or other Byzantine generals -over the marauding Goths about 266.[184] “Fortune has returned to the -city,” so runs the inscription on the base, “since the Goths have -been overcome.”[185] But these events have now passed into oblivion, -and the vicinity is given up to low taverns, whilst in the popular -mind the monument is associated with the more signal exploits of -Pompey the Great in his Mithridatic wars.[186] To the south of this -pillar, and close to the eastern wall, is situated the Imperial -arsenal or Manganon, founded by Constantine, a repertory of weapons of -all descriptions, and of machines used in the attack and defence of -fortifications.[187] It contains, besides, a military library.[188] - -Passing the Cynegium, a deserted amphitheatre of pre-Constantinian -date,[189] and a small theatre, we may make the circuit of the first -hill on the south side and enter the chief square of the city. This -area, the ancient market-place of Byzantium,[190] is called the -Augusteum,[191] that is the Imperial Forum; and it forms a court to -those edifices which are particularly frequented by the Emperor. -Around it are situated his Palace, his church, his Senate-House, and -a vast Circus or Hippodrome, where the populace and their ruler are -accustomed to meet face to face. Almost all the public buildings at -this date, which aspire to architectural beauty, are constructed more -or less exactly after the model of the classical Greek temple; that -is, they are oblong, and have at each end a pediment corresponding to -the extremities of a slanting roof. The eaves, projecting widely and -supported on pillars, form a portico round the body of the building, -which, in the most decorative examples, is excavated externally by a -series of niches for the reception of statues.[192] The vestibule of -the Palace, which opens on the southern portico of the Augusteum, is a -handsome pillared hall named Chalke, or the Brazen House, from being -roofed with tiles of gilded brass.[193] An image of Christ, devoutly -placed over the brazen gates which close the entrance, dates back -to Constantine,[194] but the remainder of the building has lately -been restored by Anastasius.[195] This vestibule leads to several -spacious chambers or courts which are rather of an official than of a -residential character. Amongst these most room is given to the quarters -of the Imperial guards, which are divided into four companies called -Scholars, Excubitors, Protectors, and Candidates respectively.[196] -The latter are distinguished by wearing white robes when in personal -attendance on the Emperor.[197] Here also we find a state prison, the -Noumera, a great banqueting hall, the Triclinium of Nineteen Couches, -and a Consistorium or Throne-room.[198] Three porphyry steps at one -end of this apartment lead to the throne itself, which consists of -an elaborately carved chair adorned with ivory, jewels, and precious -metals. It is placed beneath a silver _ciborium_, that is, a small -dome raised on four pillars just sufficiently elevated to permit of -the occupant standing upright. The whole is ornamentally moulded, a -pair of silver eagles spread their wings on the top of the dome, and -the interior can be shut in by drawing rich curtains hung between the -columns.[199] - -Beyond Chalke, the term includes its dependencies, we enter a court, -colonnaded as usual, which leads on the right to a small church -dedicated to St. Stephen,[200] the upper galleries of which overlook -the Hippodrome. On the left, that is on the east of this court, is -an octagonal hall, the first chamber in a more secluded section of -the palace called Daphne.[201] It derives its name from a notable -statue of Daphne, so well known in Greek fable as the maiden who -withstood Apollo.[202] On the domed roof of this second vestibule -stands a figure, representing the Fortune of the City, erected by -Constantine.[203] The palace of Daphne contains the private reception -rooms of the Emperor and Empress, whose chief personal attendants are -a band of nobles entitled Silentiaries. The duty of these officers, -amongst whom Anastasius was included before his elevation to the -purple,[204] is to keep order in the Imperial chambers.[205] The -terraces and balconies of Daphne, which face the west, overlook the -Hippodrome. Adjoining the Palace on the south is an area fitted up as -a private circus, which is used by members of the Court for equestrian -exercises.[206] - -Passing through Daphne to the east we enter a further court, and find -ourselves opposite a third vestibule which, being of a semi-elliptical -form, is called the Sigma of the Palace.[207] The division of the -Imperial residence to which this hall introduces us is specially -the Sacred or “God-guarded” Palace, because it contains the “sacred -cubicle” or sleeping apartment of the Emperor.[208] In this quarter -a numerous band of cubicularies or eunuchs of the bed-chamber have -their principal station, controlled by the Praepositus of the sacred -cubicle.[209] Here also are a crowd of vestiaries or dressers who are -occupied with the royal apparel, including females of various grades -with similar titles for the service of the Empress. At the eastern -limit of the Palace stands the Pharos, a beacon tower afterwards, if -not now, the first of a series throughout Asia Minor by which signals -were flashed to and from the capital.[210] The Tzykanisterion,[211] -Imperial Gardens, large enough to be called a park, occupies a -great part of the south-eastern corner of the peninsula.[212] It is -surrounded, or rather fortified, by substantial walls which join the -sea walls of the city on the east and south.[213] The western section, -which terminates on the south near the palace of Hormisdas and Port -Julian, is surmounted by a covered terrace named the Gallery of -Marcian,[214] the emperor who caused it to be constructed. A detached -edifice within this inclosure, close to the Bucoleon Port, possesses -considerable historical interest. It is called the Porphyry Palace, -and Constantine is said to have enjoined on his successors that each -empress at her lying-in should occupy a chamber in this building.[215] -Hence the royal children are distinguished by the epithet of -Porphyrogeniti or “born in the purple.” The edifice is square, and the -roof rises to a point like a pyramid. The walls and floors are covered -with a rare species of speckled purple marble imported from Rome.[216] -Hence its name. All parts of the Imperial palace are profusely adorned -with statues, some mythological, others historical, representing rulers -of the Empire, their families, or prominent statesmen and generals. -Chapels or oratories dedicated to various saints are attached to every -important section of the building.[217] - -The north side of the Augusteum, opposite the vestibule of Chalke, -is occupied by an oblong edifice with an arched wooden roof,[218] the -basilica of St. Sophia,[219] commonly called the Great Church. The -entrance faces the east,[220] and leads from a cloistered forecourt -to a narrow hall, named the _narthex_, which extends across the whole -width of the church. The interior consists of a wide nave separated -from lateral aisles by rows of Corinthian columns, which support a -gallery on each side. At the end of the nave stands the pulpit or -_ambo_,[221] approached by a double flight of steps, one on each side. -Behind the _ambo_ the body of the church is divided from the _Bema_ -or chancel by a lofty carved screen, decorated with figures of sacred -personages, called later the _Iconostasis_ or image-stand. Three doors -in the _Iconostasis_ lead to the _Bema_, which contains the altar,[222] -a table of costly construction enriched with gold and gems, and covered -by a large and handsome _ciborium_. The edifice is terminated by an -apse furnished with an elevated seat, which forms the throne of the -Patriarch or Archbishop of Constantinople.[223] Light enters through -mullioned windows glazed with plates of translucent marble. Every -available space in the church is adorned with statues to the number of -several hundreds, the majority of them representing pagan divinities -and personifications of the celestial signs. Among them is a nearly -complete series of the Roman emperors, whilst Helena, the mother of -Constantine, appears thrice over in different materials, porphyry, -silver, and ivory.[224] Close to St. Sophia on the north is the church -of St. Irene, one of the earliest buildings erected for Christian -worship by Constantine. It is usually called the Old Church.[225] -Between these two sacred piles stands a charitable foundation, -Sampson’s Hospital, practically a refuge for incurables reduced by -disease to a state of destitution.[226] Yet a third place of worship in -this locality to the north-west of the Great Church may be mentioned, -Our Lady (Theotokos) of the Brassworkers, built in a tract previously -devoted to Jewish artisans of that class.[227] - -On the east side of the Augusteum are situated two important public -buildings, viz., the Senate-house, and, to the south of it, a palatial -hall, the grand triclinium of Magnaura.[228] The latter stands -back some distance from the square in an open space planted with -trees,[229] and consists of a pillared façade, from whence we pass into -a vast chamber supported on marble columns. It is the largest of the -State reception rooms, and is the established rendezvous of Imperial -pageantry whenever it is desirable to overawe the mind of foreign -ambassadors.[230] - -Next to Chalke on the west is placed the handsomest public bath in the -city, that of Zeuxippus, the most ambitious work of Severus during his -efforts at restoration.[231] It is compassed by ample colonnades which -are conjoined with those of the Palace,[232] and are especially notable -for their wealth of statuary in bronze and marble, dating from the best -period of Grecian art. Within and without, in the palatial halls and -chambers encrusted with marble and mosaic work, and in the niches of -the porticoes, are to be found almost all the gods and goddesses, the -poets, politicians, and philosophers of Greece and Rome, as celebrated -by the Coptic poet Christodorus in a century of epigrams.[233] Amongst -these a draped full-length figure of Homer is particularly admired: -with his arms crossed upon his breast, his hair and beard unkempt, his -brows bent in deep thought, his eyes fixed and expressionless in token -of blindness, the bard is represented as he lived, absorbed in the -creation of some sublime epic.[234] The bath, or institution,[235] -as it may properly be called, is brilliantly illuminated during the -dark hours of night and morning on an improved system devised by the -Praefect Cyrus Constantine.[236] - -On the west side of the Augusteum the ground is chiefly taken up by -a large covered bazaar, in which dress fabrics of the most expensive -kind, silks, and cloth of gold, are warehoused for sale to the -Byzantine aristocracy. It is known as the House of Lamps, on account -of the multitude of lights which are here ignited for the display of -the goods after nightfall.[237] Close by is the Octagon, an edifice -bordered by eight porticoes. It contains a library and a lecture -theatre, and is the meeting-place of a faculty of erudite monks, who -constitute a species of privy council frequently consulted by the -Emperor.[238] Preferment to the highest ecclesiastical dignities is the -recognized destiny of its members. In the same vicinity is a basilica -named the Royal Porch, wherein is preserved a library founded by the -Emperor Julian.[239] Here principally judicial causes are heard, and -its colonnades have become the habitual resort of advocates, who for -the greater part of each day frequent the place in expectation of, or -consulting with, clients.[240] - -In the open area of the Augusteum we may notice several important -monuments. South of St. Sophia are two silver statues raised on -pedestals, one on the west representing the great Theodosius,[241] -and another on the east opposite the Senate-house, a female figure -in a trailing robe, the Empress Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius. This is -the famous statue round which the populace used to dance and sing so -as to disturb the church service in the time of Chrysostom, whose -invectives against the custom were deemed an insult by the Court, and -made the occasion of his deposition and banishment.[242] Adjoining is -a third statue, that of Leo Macella, elevated by means of a succession -of steps, whereon popular suitors for Imperial justice are wont to -deposit their petitions. These are regularly collected and submitted -to the Emperor for his decision, whence the monument is called the -Pittakia or petition-stone.[243] Near the same spot is a fountain -known as the Geranium.[244] The most important structure, however, -is the Golden Milestone or Milion,[245] situated in the south-west -corner of the square. This is merely a gilded column to mark the -starting-point of the official measurement of distances, which are -registered systematically on mile-stones fixed along all the main -roads of the Empire. But, in order to signalize its position, a grand -triumphal arch, quadrilateral, with equal sides, and four entries, has -been erected above it. The arch is surmounted by figures of Constantine -and his mother holding a great cross between them. This group is -of such magnitude that it is not dwarfed by equestrian statues of -Trajan and Hadrian, which are placed behind it.[246] Beneath the arch -a flying group, representing the chariot of the Sun, drawn by four -flame-coloured horses, is elevated upon two lofty pillars.[247] - -The Hippodrome or Circus commences near the Milion, whence it stretches -southwards towards the sea and terminates in the vicinity of the -Sigma of Julian,[248] a crescentic portico verging on the harbour -of that name. It is an artificially constructed racecourse having -an external length of about a quarter of a mile, and a breadth of -nearly half that distance. This elongated space, straight on the north -and round at the opposite end, is contained within a corniced wall -decorated outside with engaged Corinthian columns, thirty feet in -height.[249] Owing to the declivity of the ground as it sinks towards -the shore, the circular portion of the architectural boundary is -supported on arcades which gradually diminish in altitude on each -side as they approach the centre of the inclosure.[250] Interiorly, -except at the straight end, a sloping series of marble benches[251] -runs continuously round the arena, the level of which is maintained -in the _sphendone_ or rounded part by the vaulted substructions based -on the incline of the hill.[252] The northern extremity is flanked -by a pair of towers, between which, on the ground level, lies the -Manganon,[253] offices for the accommodation of horses, chariots, and -charioteers. Above the Manganon is placed the Kathisma,[254] the name -given to the seat occupied in state by the Emperor, when viewing the -races. It is situated in a covered balcony or lodge fronted by a low -balustrade, and is surrounded by an ample space for the reception of -guards and attendant courtiers. In advance of the Kathisma, but on a -lower level, is a square platform sustained by marble columns called -the Stama, which is the station of a company of Imperial guards with -standard-bearers.[255] Behind the Kathisma is a suite of retiring -rooms, from whence a winding staircase[256] leads, by the gallery of -St. Stephen’s chapel, to the colonnades of Daphne. This is the royal -route to the Circus.[257] The whole of the edifice superimposed on the -Manganon is named the Palace of the Kathisma or of the Hippodrome.[258] -A narrow terrace constructed in masonry, about three feet high, -extends along the centre of the arena equidistant from all parts of -the peripheral boundary. This Spine, as it was called in the old Roman -nomenclature, but now renamed the Euripus,[259] serves to divide the -track of departure from that of return. It is adorned from end to end -with a range of monuments of great diversity. In the middle stands -an Egyptian obelisk, inscribed with the usual hieroglyphs, resting -on four balls sustained in turn by a square pedestal. An inscription -at the bottom of the pedestal, illustrated by diagrams, exhibits the -engineering methods adopted under the great Theodosius for the erection -of the monolith on its present site; higher up elaborate sculptures -show the Emperor in his seat presiding at the games.[260] Farther to -the south is a still loftier column of the same shape, covered with -brass plates, called the Colossus.[261] Intermediately is the brazen -pillar, ravished from the temple of Delphi, composed of the twisted -bodies of three serpents, whose heads formerly supported the golden -tripod dedicated to Apollo by the Grecian states in memory of the -defeat of the Persians at Plateia.[262] The names of the subscribing -communities can still be read engraved on the folds of the snakes. -Adjacent is a lofty pillar bearing the figure of a nymph with flowing -robes, who holds forth a mail-clad knight mounted on horseback with -one hand.[263] Near the south end is a fountain or bath with a central -statue, known as the Phial of the Hippodrome.[264] Contiguous is an -aedicule raised on four pillars, in which is displayed the laurelled -bust of the reigning Emperor.[265] Above the obelisk, on a column, is -a celebrated statue of Hercules Trihesperus by Lysippus; the hero of -colossal size, in a downcast mood seated on his lion’s hide.[266] There -are also several pyramids in various positions along the Spine as well -as numerous figures of famous charioteers interspersed among the other -ornaments.[267] To these are to be added the necessary furniture of -the Spine of a Roman Circus, viz., the narrow stages raised on a pair -of pillars at each end, the one supporting seven ovoid bodies, by the -removal or replacing of which the spectators at both extremities are -enabled to see how many laps of the course have been travelled over by -the chariots; the other, seven dolphins,[268] ornamental waterspouts -through which water is pumped into the Phial beneath.[269] At each -end of the Euripus are the usual triple cones,[270] figured with -various devices, the “goals” designed to make the turning-points of -the arena conspicuous. Over the Manganon, on each side external to the -Kathisma, are a pair of gilded horses removed by Theodosius II from -the Isle of Chios.[271] The Podium, or lower boundary of the marble -benches, is elevated about twelve feet above the floor of the arena -by a columnar wall;[272] at the upper limit of these seats a level -terrace or promenade is carried completely round the Circus. This walk -is crowded with statues in brass and stone, many of them inscribed with -their place of origin, from whence they have been carried off.[273] A -number of them are deserving of special mention: a bronze eagle with -expanded pinions rending a viper with its talons, and engraved with -mystic symbols beneath the wings, said to have been erected by the -arch-charlatan or illusionist, Apollonius Tyaneus, as a charm against -the serpents which infested Byzantium;[274] a group representing the -semi-piscine Scylla devouring the companions of Ulysses, who had -been engulfed by Charybdis;[275] the figure of a eunuch named Plato, -formerly a Grand Chamberlain, removed from a church notwithstanding a -prohibition cut on the breast: “May he who moves me be strangled”;[276] -a man driving an ass, set up by Augustus at Actium in memory of his -having met, the night before that battle, a wayfarer thus engaged, -who, on being questioned, replied, “I am named Victor, my ass is -Victoria, and I am going to Caesar’s camp;”[277] the infants Romulus -and Remus with their foster-mother the wolf;[278] a Helen of the -rarest beauty, her charms enhanced by the most captivating dress and -ornaments; a factitious basilisk crushing an asp between its teeth; -a hippopotamus, a man grappling with a lion, several sphinxes,[279] -a well-known hunchback in a comic attitude,[280] statues of emperors -on foot and on horseback, and various subjects from pagan mythology, -the whole representing the spoliation of more than a score of cities -looted in time of peace at the caprice of a despot.[281] Four handsome -arched gateways, two on each side, with containing towers,[282] give -the public access to the interior of the Hippodrome.[283] That on the -south-east is named the Gate of the Dead,[284] a term which originated -at the time when a special entry was reserved for removing the bodies -of those slain in the fatal, but now obsolete, combats of gladiators. -The Sphendone, however, is now frequently used for the execution of -offenders of rank, not always criminal, and this portal has still, -therefore, some practical right to its name.[285] When necessary, the -Circus can be covered with an awning as a protection against the sun or -bad weather.[286] - -From the western arch of the Milion we enter the Mese, that is, the -Middle, Main, or High Street of the city, which traverses the whole -town from east to west with a southerly inclination between the -Augusteum and the Golden Gate. It is bounded in almost all of its -course by porticoes said to have been constructed by Eubulus, one -of the wealthy Romans who were induced to migrate by Constantine. -The same patrician gifted the city with two other colonnades which -extend for a considerable distance along the eastern portion of the -north and south shores.[287] The Mese proceeds at first between the -north of the Hippodrome and the Judicial or Royal Basilica with -the adjacent buildings already mentioned. Contiguous to the Royal -Porch is a life-size statue of an elephant with his keeper, erected -by Severus to commemorate the fact that the animal had killed a -money-changer, who was afterwards proved dishonest, to avenge the -death of his master.[288] Near the western flank of the Circus is the -Palace of Lausus, said to be one of those reared by Constantine to -allure some of the Roman magnates to reside permanently in his new -capital.[289] Subsequently, however, it was transformed into an inn -for the public entertainment of strangers.[290] In its vestibule and -galleries were collected many gems of Grecian statuary, but most of -these have been destroyed by the great fire which raged in this quarter -under Zeno.[291] Amongst them were the celebrated Venus of Cnidos in -white marble, a nude work of Praxiteles;[292] the Lindian Athene in -smaragdite; the Samian Hera of Lysippus; a chryselephantine, or ivory -and gold statue of Zeus by Phidias, which Pericles placed in the temple -at Olympia;[293] an allegorical figure of Time by Lysippus, having hair -on the frontal part of the head, but with the back bald; and also many -figures of animals, including a cameleopard.[294] - -Proceeding onwards for about a quarter of a mile we pass on our -right the Argyropratia, that is, the abode of the silversmiths,[295] -and arrive at the Forum of Constantine, which presents itself as an -expansion of the Mese. This open space, the most signal ornament of -Constantinople, is called prescriptively the Forum; and sometimes, -from its finished marble floor, “The Pavement.” Two lofty arches of -white Proconnesian marble, opposed to each other from east to west, -are connected by curvilinear porticoes so as to inclose a circular -area.[296] From its centre rises a tall porphyry column bound at -intervals with brazen laurel wreaths. This pillar is surmounted by -a figure of Constantine with the attributes of the Sun-god, his -head resplendent with a halo of gilded rays.[297] The mystic Trojan -Palladium, furtively abstracted from Rome, is buried beneath the -monument, on the base of which an inscription piously invokes Christ -to become the guardian of the city.[298] The sculptural decorations of -this Forum are very numerous: the Fortune of the City, called Anthusa, -was originally set up here, and adored with bloodless sacrifices;[299] -a pair of great crosses inscribed with words of the Creed and Doxology -are erected on opposite sides; Constantine with his mother Helena, and -a pair of winged angels form a group about the one, whilst the sons of -the same emperor surround the other.[300] Here also may be seen Athene, -her neck encircled by snakes emanating from the Gorgon’s head fixed -in her aegis; Amphitrite distinguished by a crown of crab’s claws; a -dozen statues of porphyry ranged in one portico, and an equal number of -gilded sirens or sea-horses in the other; and lastly the bronze gates -bestowed by Trajan on the temple of Diana at Ephesus, embossed with -a series of subjects illustrating the theogonies of Greece and Rome. -These latter adorn the entrance to the original Senate-house which is -situated on the south side of the Forum.[301] - -If we diverge from the Mese slightly to the north-east of the Pavement, -we shall enter a large square named the Strategium, from its forming -a parade-ground to the barracks of the Palatine troops.[302] Amongst -several monuments a Theban obelisk conspicuously occupies the middle -place,[303] but the most striking object is an equestrian figure of -Constantine with the pillar alongside it by which Constantinople -is officially declared to be a second Rome.[304] This locality is -associated in historic tradition with Alexander the Great, of whom it -contains a commemorative statue.[305] From hence he is said to have -started on his expedition against Darius after holding a final review -of his forces. On this account it was chosen by Severus as a permanent -site for military quarters.[306] The public prison is also located in -this square.[307] - -Continuing our way beneath the piazzas of the Mese beyond the Forum -of Constantine we reach the district known as the Artopolia or public -bakeries which lie to the north of the main street. A strange group -of statuary, allegorizing the fecundity of nature, is collocated in -this region, viz., a many-headed figure in which the faces of a dozen -animals are seen in conjunction; amongst them are those of a lion, an -eagle, a peacock, a ram, a bull, a crow, a mouse, a hare, a cat, and -a weasel. This eccentric presentment is flanked by a pair of marble -Gorgons.[308] Adjacent we may also observe a paved area in which a -cross stands conspicuously on a pillar, another record of the hybrid -piety of Constantine.[309] - -Farther on by a couple of furlongs is the great square of Taurus, also -called the Forum of Theodosius, through its being specially devoted to -memorials of that prince. It covers an oblong space, extending from -level ground on the south up the slope of the third hill, the summit -of which it includes in its northern limit.[310] This eminence, in -accordance with the conception of making Constantinople a counterpart -of Rome, is called the Capitol, and is occupied by an equivalent of -the Tabularium, that is, by a building which contains the Imperial -archives.[311] Similarly, this site has been chosen for an edifice -composed of halls and a lecture-theatre assigned to a faculty of thirty -professors appointed by government to direct the liberal studies of -the youth of the capital—in short, for the University, as we may call -it, of Constantinople.[312] The principal monument in Taurus is the -column of Theodosius I, the sculptural shaft of which illustrates in -an ascending spiral the Gothic victories of that Emperor.[313] But the -equestrian statue which originally crowned this pictured record of his -achievements, having been overthrown by an earthquake, has lately been -replaced by a figure of the unwarlike Anastasius.[314] To the north -of this column, on a tetrapyle or duplex arch, Theodosius the Less -presides over the titular Forum of his grandfather.[315] But in the -fading memory of the populace the figure of this Emperor is already -confounded with a horseman said to have been abstracted from Antioch, -whom some imagine to be Jesus Nava,[316] and others Bellerophon.[317] -Facing each other from east to west on opposite sides of the square -are arches supporting figures of those degenerate representatives of -the Theodosian dynasty, Arcadius and Honorius.[318] To the western of -these arches we may observe that an assortment of troublesome insects, -counterfeited in brass, have been carefully affixed—another charm -of Apollonius Tyaneus intended to protect the inhabitants against -such diminutive pests.[319] In this vicinity is also a palace, built -by Constantine, in which strangers from all parts are hospitably -entertained without expense or question.[320] - -From the west side of Taurus we may perceive the great aqueduct -of Valens, which crosses the third valley, and is here conjoined -with the chief _Nymphaeum_, a decorative public hall built around a -fountain.[321] Several of these _Nymphaea_ exist in the city, and they -are often made use of for private entertainments, especially nuptial -festivals, by citizens who have not sufficient space for such purposes -in their own homes.[322] The water supply of the town is under the -care of a special Consul, and very stringent laws are in force to -prevent waste or injury to the structures necessary for its storage -and distribution.[323] With the exception, however, of that of Valens, -aerial aqueducts (so conspicuous at Rome) have not been carried near -to, or within, the walls of Constantinople; and subterranean pipes -of lead or earthenware are the usual means of conveying the precious -liquid from place to place.[324] The public cisterns are in themselves -a striking architectural feature of the city. Some of these are open -basins, but many of them possess vaulted roofs, upborne by hundreds of -columns whose capitals are sculptured in the varied styles of Byzantine -art.[325] Most of these receptacles for water are distinguished by -special names; thus, beneath the Sphendone of the Hippodrome, we have -the Cold cistern,[326] and near to the palace or _hospice_ of Lausus -the Philoxenus, or Travellers’ Friend.[327] By a law of Theodosius II, -the wharf dues, paid for the use of the various stairs on the Golden -Horn, are applied to the repair of the aqueducts, the supply of water -from which is free to the public.[328] In connection with the cisterns -a group of three storks in white marble is pointed out as a further -result of the fruitful visit of Apollonius Tyaneus to Byzantium; owing -to the district becoming infested by serpents, flocks of these birds -were attracted hither, and caused a terrible nuisance through having -contracted a habit of casting the dead bodies of the reptiles into the -water reservoirs; but the erection of this monument speedily achieved -their perpetual banishment from the city.[329] - -If we step aside a short distance from Taurus, both on the north and -south sides, we shall in each case come upon an interesting monument. -1. On the far side of the Capitol, overlooking the Zeugma, on a marble -pillar, is a noted statue of Venus, which marks the site of the only -_lupanar_ permitted by Constantine to exist in his new capital.[330] -Around, each secluded within its curtained lattice, are a series -of bowers consecrated to the illicit, or rather mercenary, amours -of the town. The goddess, however, who presides here is credited -with a remarkable leaning towards chastity; for, it is believed, -that if a wife or maid suspected of incontinence be brought to this -statue, instead of denying her guilt, she will by an irresistible -impulse cast off her garments so as to give an ocular proof of her -shamelessness.[331] 2. To the south, elevated on four pillars, is a -lofty pyramid of bronze, the apex of which sustains a female figure -pivoted so as to turn with every breath of wind. The surfaces of the -pyramid are decorated with a set of much admired bas-reliefs; on one -side a sylvan scene peopled with birds depicted in flight or song; on -another a pastoral idyl representing shepherds piping to their flocks, -whilst the lambs are seen gambolling over the green; again, a marine -view with fishers casting their nets amid shoals of fish startled and -darting in all directions; lastly, a mimic battle in which mirthful -bands of Cupids assault each other with apples and pomegranates. This -elaborate vane, which is visible over a wide area, is known as the -_Anemodulion_, or Slave of the Winds.[332] - -Beyond Taurus the Mese leads us to the _Philadelphium_, a spot -dedicated to brotherly love and embellished by a group representing -the three sons of Constantine in an affectionate attitude. The -monument commemorates the last meeting of these noble youths, who, -on hearing of the death of their father, encountered each other here -prior to assuming the government of their respective divisions of -the Empire.[333] Opposite is another group of the same princes, who -ultimately destroyed each other, erected by Constantine himself with -the usual accompaniment of a large gilt cross.[334] A few paces farther -on, our route is again interrupted by a square, the entrance to which -is marked by a Tetrapyle, or arch of four portals, executed in brass. -Above the first gateway is affixed a significant symbol, namely, a -modius or measure for wheat standing between a pair of severed hands. -It records the punishment by Valentinian I of an unjust dealer who -ignored his law that corn should be sold to the people with the measure -heaped up to overflowing.[335] The Forum on which the Tetrapyle opens -is called the _Amastrianum_, perhaps from a wanderer belonging to -Amastris in Paphlagonia, who was found dead on this spot.[336] It is -the usual place of public execution for the lower classes, whether -capital or by mutilation.[337] This square, which is close to the -streamlet Lycus,[338] is no exception to the rule that such open spaces -should be crowded with statues. Among them we may notice the Sun-god in -a marble chariot, a reclining Hercules, shells with birds resting on -the rim, and nearly a score of dragons.[339] - -Yet two more open spaces on the Mese arrest our progress as we proceed -to the Golden Gate. The first is the Forum of the Ox, which contains a -colossal quadruped of that species brought hither from Pergamus.[340] -This is in reality a brazen furnace for the combustion of malefactors -condemned to perish by fire, and has the credit of having given some -martyrs to the Church, especially under the Emperor Julian.[341] -Farther on is the last square we shall find it necessary to view, the -Forum of Arcadius, founded by that prince.[342] Its distinguishing -monument is a column similar in every way to that in Taurus,[343] -but the silver statue which surmounts it is the figure of Arcadius -himself.[344] We are now on the top of the Xerolophos, and the -colonnades which lead hence to the walls of Theodosius are named the -_Porticus Troadenses_.[345] But about halfway to the present Imperial -portal we pass through the original Golden Gate,[346] a landmark -which has been spared in the course of the old walls of Constantine. -The extensive tract added by Theodosius II to the interior of the -city was formerly the camping ground of the seven bodies of Gothic -auxiliaries, and for that reason was divided into seven districts, -denoted numerically from south to north. The whole of this quarter is -now spoken of as the _Exokionion_, that is, the region outside the -Pillar, in allusion to a well-known statue of Constantine which marks -the border.[347] But, in order to particularize the smaller areas of -this quarter, some of the numbers are still found indispensable, and -we often hear of the Deuteron, Triton, Pempton, and Hebdomon. Adjacent -to the Golden Gate is situated the great monastery of St. John Studii, -which maintains a thousand monks.[348] - -On entering the _Exokionion_ the Mese gives off a branch thoroughfare -which leads to the Gate of the Fountain, skirting on its way the church -of St. Mocius, a place of worship granted to the Arians by Theodosius -I when he established the Nicene faith at Constantinople.[349] By this -route also we arrive at a portico which adorns the interior of the -mural Sigma,[350] and contains a monument to Theodosius II erected by -his Grand Chamberlain, the infamous eunuch Chrysaphius.[351] - -If we now retrace our steps to the Philadelphium and diverge thence -from the Mese in a north-westerly direction, we shall soon reach -the church of the Holy Apostles, the most imposing of the Christian -edifices founded by Constantine. It is contained within an open court -surrounded by cloisters, on which give the numerous offices required -for the guardians of the sacred precincts. This church is one of the -first of those constructed in the form of a cross.[352] Outside it is -covered with variegated marbles, and the roof is composed of tiles of -gilded brass. The interior is elaborately decorated with a panelled -ceiling and walls invested with trellis-work of an intricate pattern, -the whole being profusely gilded. Cenotaphs ranged in order are -consecrated to the honour and glory of the Twelve Apostles, and in the -midst of these is a porphyry sarcophagus wherein repose the remains of -Constantine himself and his mother. The building is in fact a _heroon_ -or mausoleum designed to perpetuate the fulminating flattery of the -period by which Constantine was declared to be the “equal of the -Apostles.”[353] Subsequently, however, this religious pile was adopted -as the customary place of interment of the Imperial families, and many -tombs of royal personages are now to be seen scattered around. Amongst -them lie the sons of Constantine, Theodosius I and II, Arcadius, -Marcian, Pulcheria, Leo I, and Zeno.[354] On leaving this spot, if -we turn to the south for a short distance, we shall be enabled to -examine a tall column with a heavy capital elaborately sculptured in a -Byzantino-Corinthian style. An inscription on the pedestal testifies -to its having been erected by the Praefect Tatian to the memory of the -Emperor Marcian.[355] - -The region of Sycae, built on the steep slope of the hill which rises -almost from the water’s edge to the north of the Golden Horn, is -considered to be an integral part of the city. It is particularly -associated with the brother of Arcadius, the enervated Honorius, who -ruled the Western Empire for more than thirty years, an effigy rather -than the reality of a king. Thus the Forum of Honorius constitutes -its market-place, and its public baths are also distinguished by the -name of the same prince. It possesses, moreover, a dock and a church -with gilded tiles, and is fortified in the usual way by a wall with -towers.[356] - -[Illustration: - _Diagram of =CP.= in 6th century. Latitude 41° N._ (_Nearly level with - Naples and Madrid_)] - -Rome was divided by Augustus into fourteen regions or parishes, to each -of which he appointed a body of public officers whose functions much -resembled those of a modern Vestry.[357] The municipal government of -the new Rome is an almost exact imitation of that instituted by the -founder of the Empire for the old capital. Here are the same number -of regions, named numerically and counted in order from east to west, -beginning at the end of the promontory. The last two of these, however, -are outside the wall of Constantine, that is to say, Blachernae on the -north-west and Sycae over the water. To each division is assigned a -_Curator_ or chief controller, a _Vernaculus_ or beadle, who performs -the duties of a public herald, five _Vicomagistri_, who form a night -patrol for the streets, and a considerable number of _Collegiati_, in -the tenth region as many as ninety, whose duty it is to rush to the -scene of fires with hatchets and water-buckets.[358] At night the main -thoroughfares are well lighted by flaring oil-lamps.[359] - -One remarkable feature of the city, to be encountered by the visitor at -every turn, is an elevated shed which can be approached on all sides -by ranges of steps. These “Steps,” as they are briefly called, are -stations for the gratuitous daily distribution of provisions to the -poorer citizens. Every morning a concourse of the populace repairs to -the Step attached to their district, and each person, on presenting a -wooden _tessera_ or ticket, inscribed with certain amounts, receives -a supply of bread, and also a dole of oil, wine, and flesh.[360] -More than six score of such stations are scattered throughout the -town, and the necessary corn is stored in large granaries which are -for the most part replenished by ships arriving every season from -Alexandria.[361] More than twenty public bakeries furnish daily the -required demand of bread.[362] Besides free grants of food and houses -for the entertainment of strangers, the city contains various other -charities under the direction of state officials, the chief of which -are hospitals for the sick and aged, orphanages, poor-houses, and -institutions for the reception of foundlings.[363] A medical officer, -entitled an arch-physician, with a public stipend, is attached to each -parish to attend gratuitously to the poor.[364] - -The civic authorities are well aware that disease arises from putrid -effluvia, and hence an elaborate system of deep drainage has been -constructed so that all sewage is carried by multiple channels into the -sea.[365] Since the introduction of Christianity, cremation has become -obsolete, and burial in the earth is universally practised.[366] Public -cemeteries, however, are not allowed within the walls, but churches and -monasteries are permitted to devote a portion of their precincts to -the purpose of interment. Such limited space is necessarily reserved -for members of the hierarchy and persons of a certain rank, who have -been beneficiaries of the church or order.[367] - -We may here terminate our exploration of the topography of -Constantinople, content to leave a multitude of objects, both -interesting and important, beyond the limits of our survey. Were I to -attempt the description of everything worthy of notice in the city, -my exposition would soon resemble the catalogue of a museum, and -the reader’s attention would expire under the sense of interminable -enumerations. Our picture has been filled in with sufficient detail to -convey the impression of a vast capital laid out in colonnaded squares -and streets, to the adornment of which all that Grecian art could -evolve in architecture and statuary has been applied with a lavishness -attainable only by the fiat of a wide-ruling despot. - - - III. SOCIOLOGY - -To make this chapter fully consonant to its title it now remains for -us to pass in review the sociological condition of the inhabitants, -whilst we try to learn something of their mode of life, their national -characteristics, and their mental aptitudes. We have already seen that -in the case of the Neo-Byzantines or Lesser Greeks,[368] the path of -evolution lay through a series of historical vicissitudes in which -there was more of artificial forcing than of the insensible growth -essential to the formation of a homogeneous people. Owing to its -geographical position it was perhaps inevitable from the first that -Byzantium should become a cosmopolitan town, whose population should -develop little political stability or patriotic coherence. In addition, -however, it happened that the Megareans, their chief progenitors, had -gained an unenviable notoriety throughout Greece; they were generally -esteemed to be gluttonous, slothful, ineffective, and curiously -prolific in courtesans, who, for some reason which now escapes us, -were peculiarly styled “Megarean sphinxes.”[369] Once established on -the Golden Horn the Byzantines seem to have found life very easy; -their fisheries were inexhaustible and facile beyond belief;[370] -whilst the merchants trading in those seas soon flocked thither so -that port dues furnished an unearned and considerable income. As a -consequence the bulk of the populace spent their time idling in the -market-place or about the wharves, each one assured of meeting some -visitor to whom for a valuable consideration he was willing to let his -house and even his wife, whilst he himself took up his abode in the -more congenial wine-shop. So firmly did this dissolute mode of life -gain a footing, that when the town was besieged the citizens could -not be rallied to defend the walls until the municipal authorities -had set up drinking-booths on the ramparts.[371] Law was usually in -abeyance,[372] finance disorganized,[373] and political independence -forfeit to the leading power of the moment, whether Greek or Persian. - -Such was the community whose possession of a matchless site decided -Constantine to select them as the nucleus of population for his new -Rome, the meditated capital of the East. And, in order to fill with -life and movement the streets newly laid out, he engrafted on this -doubtful stock a multitude of servile and penurious immigrants, whom he -allured from their native haunts by the promise of free residence and -rations.[374] Nevertheless a metropolis constituted from such elements -was scarcely below the level of the times, and was destined to prove a -successful rival of the degenerate Rome which Constantine aspired to -supplant. - -The impressions of life and colour which affect a stranger on entering -a new city arise in great part from the costume of its inhabitants. At -Constantinople there prevails in this age a decency in dress foreign -to Rome during the first centuries of the Empire, and even to Greece in -the most classic period. Ladies invested with garments of such tenuity -as to reveal more than they conceal of their physical beauties, to the -confusion of some contemporary Seneca, are not here to be met with in -the streets;[375] the Athenian maiden, with her tunic divided almost -to the hip, or the Spartan virgin displaying her limbs bare to the -middle of the thigh, have no reflection under the piazzas of renascent -Byzantium. A new modesty, born of Christian influences, has cast a -mantle of uniformity over the licence as well as over the simplicity -of the pagan world. In observing the costume of this time a modern eye -would first, perhaps, note the fact that in civil life the garb of men -differs but little from that of women. Loose clothing, which hides -the shape of the body, and in general the whole of the lower limbs, -is common to both sexes. Men usually shave, but a moustache is often -worn; their hair is cropped, but not very close.[376] Head-gear is an -exception, and so, for the lower classes, are coverings for the feet. -A workman, an artisan, or a slave, the latter a numerous class, wears -a simple tunic of undyed wool, short-sleeved, girt round the waist and -reaching to the knees, with probably a hood which can be drawn over -the head as a protection against the weather.[377] This garment is -in fact the foundation dress of all ranks of men, but the rich wear -fine materials, often of silk and of varied hues, have long sleeves, -and use girdles of some costly stuff. They, in addition, are invested -in handsome cloaks reaching to the ankles, which are open for their -whole length on the right side and are secured by a jewelled clasp -over the corresponding shoulder. Shoes often highly ornamented,[378] -and long hose, coloured according to taste, complete the dress of -an ordinary Byzantine gentleman. On less formal occasions a short -sleeveless cloak, fastened at the neck, but open down the front, is -the customary outer vestment. The tunic or gown of women reaches to -the feet, and, in the case of ladies, is embroidered or woven with -designs of various patterns and tints. The latter usually consist of -some small variegated device which is repeated in oblique lines all -over the garment. Shawls, somewhat similar in colour and texture to -the gown, thrown over the back and shoulders or wound round the bust, -are habitually worn at the same time. Gloves, shoes and stockings of -various hues, and a simple form of cap which partly conceals the hair, -are also essential to the attire of a Byzantine lady. As in all ages, -jewellery is much coveted, and women of any social rank are rarely to -be seen without heavy necklaces, earrings of an elaborate spreading -design,[379] and golden girdles.[380] A less numerous class of the -community are male ascetics, celibates of a puritanical cast, who -love to placard themselves by wearing scarlet clothing and binding -their hair with a fillet;[381] also virgins devoted to the service of -the churches, who are known by their sombre dress, black hoods, gray -mantles, and black shoes.[382] Philosophers adopt gray, rhetoricians -crimson, and physicians blue, for the tint of their cloaks.[383] To -these may be added the courtesans who try to usurp the costume of -every grade of women, even that of the sacred sisterhood.[384] Such -is the population who usually crowd the thoroughfares and lend them a -gaudy aspect which is still further heightened by numbers of private -carriages—literally springless carts—bedizened with paint and gilding, -and most fashionable if drawn by a pair of white mules with golden -trappings. Such vehicles are indispensable to the outdoor movements -of matrons of any rank;[385] and in each case a train of eunuchs in -gorgeous liveries, and decked with ornaments of gold, mark the progress -of a great lady.[386] Occasionally we may see the Praefect of the City, -or some other man of signal rank, passing in a silver wagon drawn by -four horses yoked abreast.[387] Often we meet a noble riding a white -horse, his saddle-cloth embroidered in gold; around him a throng of -attendants bearing rods of office with which they rudely scatter all -meaner citizens to make way for their haughty master.[388] A person -of any consequence perambulating the city is followed by at least one -slave bearing a folding seat for incidental rest.[389] In some retired -nook we may encounter a circle of the populace gazing intently at the -performance of a street mountebank; he juggles with cups and goblets; -pipes, dances, and sings a lewd ballad; the bystanders reward him with -a morsel of bread or an obole; he invokes a thousand blessings on their -heads, and departs to resume his display in some other spot.[390] - -The Byzantine Emperor and Empress are distinguished in dress from all -their subjects by the privilege of wearing the Imperial purple.[391] -The Emperor is further denoted by his jewelled shoes or slippers of -a bright scarlet colour, a feature in his apparel which is even more -exclusive than his cloak or his crown. The latter symbol of majesty is -a broad black hoop expanding towards the top, bordered above and below -with a row of pearls, thickly studded with gems all round, and bearing -four great pendent pearls which fall in pairs on the nape of the neck. -His ample purple robe, which falls to his feet, is fastened by a costly -shoulder-clasp of precious stones. Its uniformity is diversified by -two squares or tables of cloth of gold embroidered in various colours, -which approach from the back and front the division on the right side. -Purple hose and a white tunic, sleeved to the wrists and girt with a -crimson scarf, complete the civil attire of the Emperor. When sitting -in state he usually bears a globe surmounted by a cross[392] in his -left hand. His attendant nobles, a new order of patricians who are -styled the Fathers of the Emperor,[393] are garbed all in white, but -the tables of their gowns are of plain purple, their girdles are -red, and their shoes are black. His Protectors or guards wear green -tunics, with red facings, and are shod in black with white hose; a -thick ring of gold, joined to a secondary oval one in front, encircles -the neck of each one; they are armed with a long spear, and carry an -oval shield bordered with blue and widely starred from the centre in -black on a red ground. Their Count or Captain is distinguished by a -red and purple breasted tunic, and by the Christian monogram of his -shield in yellow on a green ground. The dress of the Empress is very -similar to that of her consort, but her crown is more imposing, being -heightened by sprays of jewels, and laden with strings of pearls which -fall over her neck and shoulders.[394] Her purple mantle is without -tables, but is brocaded with gold figures around the skirt; she wears -besides an under-skirt embroidered in bright hues, golden slippers -with green hose, and all jewels proper to ladies of the most costly -description.[395] Two or three patricians usually wait on the Empress, -but her Court is chiefly composed of a bevy of noble matrons or maids, -female patricians who act as her tire-women; the leader[396] of these -is distinguished by her purple gown.[397] - -Every morning at seven o’clock the Grand Janitor of the Palace,[398] -taking his bunch of keys, proceeds with a company of guards and -Silentiaries to open all the doors which lead from the Augusteum to the -Consistorium. After the lapse of an hour the Primicerius or captain -of the watch knocks at the door of the Emperor’s private apartments. -Surrounded by his eunuchs the prince then sallies forth and first, -standing before an image of Christ in a reverential attitude, recites -a formal prayer. On the completion of this pious office he takes -his seat on the throne and calls for the Logothete[399] or steward -of the royal household. Upon this the Janitor, pushing aside the -variegated curtains which close the door leading to the antechamber, -passes out, and in a short time returns with the desired official. -The Logothete first drops on one knee and adores the majesty of the -Emperor, after which he rises and transaction of business for the day -begins. By this time the antechamber of the Throne room has become -crowded with dignitaries of state, patricians, senators, praefects, -and logothetes of various denominations. The Emperor commands the -presence from time to time of such of these as he wishes to confer -with, and all of them at their first entrance salute him with the -same form of submissive obeisance, except those of patrician rank, -who merely bow profoundly, and are greeted by the Emperor with a -kiss.[400] Codicils or commissions for the appointment of officers -of state or rulers of provinces are presented by the Master of the -Rolls,[401] and the Emperor signs the documents in purple ink, the use -of which is forbidden to subjects.[402] Such codicils are illustrated -in colours with various devices symbolical of the dignity or duties -of the office conferred. Those of praefects and proconsuls of the -highest rank display a draped _abacus_ or table on which rests a framed -image of the Emperor lighted by wax tapers; in addition, busts of the -Emperor with his imperial associates or heirs on a pedestal, and a -silver quadriga—insignia of office, which adorn the local vestibule -or denote the vicegerent of the sovereign in his progress through the -public ways. The provinces or districts are indicated by female figures -or busts labelled with various names; in many instances by rivers, -mountains, indigenous animals, and miniature fortresses representing -the chief towns. In the case of rulers of lesser rank—dukes, vicars, -correctors, counts, presidents—a portly volume inscribed with the -initials of a conventional sentence[403] supplants the painted image. -For Masters of the Forces the codicils are illustrated with weapons -of war or with the numerous designs, geometrical or pictorial, which -distinguish the shields of the cohorts under their command. Dignitaries -of civil rank, financial or secretarial, are suitably denoted on -their diplomas by vessels loaded with coin, purses, writing-cases, -and rolls of manuscript.[404] In addition to those assigning -administrative appointments honorary codicils are also issued, by -which the prerogative or precedence only pertaining to various ranks -is conferred. These documents are also called “nude,” as they are not -illustrated with those figures which indicate that the holder is in -authority over particular districts. They are equivalent to patents of -nobility, and are granted for service to the state, general esteem, -and probably also by mere purchase.[405] Among the throng at the -Emperor’s receptions are always a number of officers of a certain -rank, who, on vacating their posts, have the privilege of waiting on -the Emperor in order to adore or kiss his purple.[406] In the absence -of urgent business the audience closes at ten o’clock; at a sign from -the Emperor the Janitor passes into the antechamber with his keys, -which he agitates noisily as a signal of dismissal. The Palace is then -shut up, but at two o’clock it is reopened with the same formalities -for the further transaction of affairs. At five o’clock it is again -closed and the routine of Imperial reception is at an end for the day. -On the _Dominica_ or Sunday the assembly is most numerous, and the -company repairs in procession to one of the adjoining halls to attend -the performance of a brief divine service.[407] As a concession to the -holiness of this day adoration of the Emperor is less formal. When the -Emperor or Empress drives through the streets the carriage is drawn by -four white horses or mules,[408] the vehicle and the trappings of the -animals being ornate in the highest degree.[409] Public processions -on festal days of the Church are regular and frequent; and on these -occasions, as well as on those of national rejoicing, the Emperor -rides a white horse amidst his train of eunuchs, nobles, and guards. -At such times the Praefect of the City enjoins a special cleansing and -decoration of the streets on the prescribed route. The way is adorned -from end to end with myrtle, rosemary, ivy, box, and flowers of all -kinds which are in bloom at the season. The air is filled with the -odour of incense, and from private windows and balconies particoloured -and embroidered fabrics are suspended by the inhabitants. Wherever -the royal cavalcade passes, cries of “Long live the Emperor” rise -from every throat.[410] At night the thoroughfares are illuminated by -frequent lamps displayed from windows and doorways. But on occasions -of public calamity, such as ruinous earthquakes or prolonged drought, -this scene of splendour is reversed; and the Emperor, on foot and -uncrowned, proceeds amidst the clergy and populace, all clad in sombre -garments, to one of the sacred shrines outside the walls to offer -up supplications for a remission of the scourge.[411] And again the -Emperor may be seen as a humble pedestrian, whilst the Patriarch, who -usually rides upon an ass, is seated in the Imperial carriage, on his -way to the consecration of a new church, or holding on his knees the -relics of some saint prior to their deposition in one of the sacred -edifices.[412] - -At this date conventional titles of distinction or adulation have -attained to the stage of full development. The Emperor, in Greek -_Basileus_ or _Autocrator_, the sole Augustus, is also styled Lord -and Master, and is often addressed as “Your Clemency.”[413] His -appointed heir receives the dignity of Caesar and perhaps the title -of _Nobilissimus_, an epithet confined to the nearest associates of -the throne.[414] Below the Imperial eminence and its attachments -the great officers of state are disposed in three ranks, namely, -the _Illustres_, _Spectabiles_, and _Clarissimi_. The Illustrious -dignitaries are termed by the Prince and others “Most Glorious,” -and are variously addressed as “Your Sublimity,” “Magnificence,” -“Eminence,” “Excellence,” “Highness,” “Serenity,” or “Sincerity,” -etc. The two lower ranks are similarly addressed, but only the less -fulsome of such expressions are applied to them. Consonant to the same -scheme the clergy receive the epithets of “Most Holy,” “Blessed,” -“Reverend,” “Beloved of God”; and are addressed as “Your Beatitude,” -“Eminence,” etc., the emphasis being graduated according as they may -happen to be Patriarchs, Archbishops, Metropolitans, Bishops, or simple -clericals.[415] - -In the assemblies of the Hippodrome popular fervour reaches its -highest pitch, whether in times of festive or political excitement. -From Daphne, by the gallery of St. Stephen’s and the Cochlea, the -Emperor, surrounded by courtiers and guards, gains his throne in the -Kathisma.[416] On his entry the Protectors, already assembled in the -Stama or Pi, elevate the Standards which have previously been lying -on the ground.[417] Before seating himself on his throne the Emperor, -advancing to the balustrade of the Kathisma, greets the assembled -populace by making the sign of the cross in the air. As soon as the -answering cries of adulation subside, a set hymn[418] is intoned from -each side of the Circus in alternate responsions by particular bodies -of the people called _Demes_, whose importance, not merely agonistic, -but above all political, renders a special account of them here -necessary. - -The Demes or factionaries of the Hippodrome occupy the benches at the -end of the arena on each side adjacent to the Kathisma,[419] and are -called the _Veneti_ and _Prasini_, that is, the Blues and Greens.[420] -These bodies, which are legally incorporated as guilds,[421] consist -of the contending parties in the chariot races, and of such others -as elect to enroll themselves as their followers, and to wear the -colours of the respective sides. Each Deme has a subdivision, or -rather, a pendant, to which the colours white and red are attached -respectively.[422] The chief or president of each faction is entitled -the Demarch.[423] These two parties form cabals in the state, who -are animated by a fierce rivalry engendering an intensely factious -disposition. Every consideration is subordinated to a strained sense of -personal or party honour, whence is evolved a generally uncompromising -defiance to the restrictions of law and order. Ties of blood and -friendship are habitually set at naught by the insolent clanship of -these factions; even women, although excluded from the spectacles of -the Circus, are liable to become violent partisans of either colour, -and that in opposition sometimes to the affinities of their own -husbands and families. Nor does the Emperor by an equal distribution -of his favours seek to control the intemperate rivalry of the Demes, -but usually becomes the avowed patron of a particular faction.[424] At -the present time the Greens are in the ascendant, and fill the benches -to the left of the Kathisma, a position of honour assigned to them by -the younger Theodosius.[425] Every town of any magnitude has a Circus -with its Blue and Green factions, and these parties are in sympathetic -correspondence throughout the Empire.[426] - -The throng of spectators within the Hippodrome, who can be accommodated -with seats around the arena, amounts to about 40,000, but this number -falls far short of the whole mass of the populace eager to witness -the exhibition. From early dawn men of all ages, even if maimed or -crippled, assault the gates; and when the interior is filled to -repletion the excluded multitude betake themselves to every post of -vantage in the vicinity which overlooks the Circus. Then windows and -roofs of houses, hill-tops and adjacent eminences of all kinds are -seized on by determined pleasure seekers.[427] - -Public entertainments are given regularly in the Hippodrome and the -theatre during the first week of January, in celebration of the -Consul being newly installed for the year. They are given also on the -11th of May, the foundation day of the city, and on other occasions -to celebrate some great national event, such as the accession of an -emperor, the fifth or tenth anniversary of his reign,[428] the birth -or nomination of a Caesar or successor to the throne, or the happy -termination of an important war.[429] Several Praetors, officers who -were formerly the chief oracles of the law, are nominated annually, -their judicial functions being now abrogated in favour of organizing -and paying for the amusements of the people.[430] - -Twelve chariot races take place in the morning, and, after an interval -of retirement, a similar number in the afternoon;[431] between the -races other exhibitions are introduced, especially fights of men with -lions, tigers, and bears,[432] rope walking,[433] and matches of -boxing and wrestling.[434] In the contests between two- or four-horse -chariots, the competitors make the circuit of the arena seven times, -whence the whole length of the course traversed amounts to about a mile -and a half.[435] The start is made from the top of the Euripus on the -right-hand side, where a rope is stretched across to keep the horses in -line after their exit from the Manganon, until the signal is given by -the dropping of a white cloth or _mappa_.[436] The races are run with -great fury, and the charioteers, standing in their vehicles, make every -effort to win, not merely by speed, but by fouling each other so as to -pass in front or gain the inmost position of the circuit. Hence serious -and fatal accidents are of habitual occurrence, and help to stimulate -the popular frenzy to the highest pitch.[437] The antagonists, however, -pay but little attention to the clamours of the spectators, looking -only to the Emperor’s eye for their meed of approval or censure.[438] -At the conclusion of the games, amid the chanting of various -responsions by the factions and the populace, the victors, supported by -delegates from the four Demes bearing crosses woven from fresh flowers, -wait upon the Emperor in the Kathisma, and receive from his hand the -awards of their prowess.[439] - -Less frequently the Circus may be contemplated under a more serious -aspect, as the focus of national agitation. In the year 491, during -Easter week, Constantinople was thrown into a great commotion by a -report that the Emperor Zeno had died somewhat suddenly,[440] and that -no successor had yet been nominated for the throne. The people, the -Demes, and the Imperial guards at once rushed to the Hippodrome, where -all took up the stations allotted to them for viewing the Circensian -games. On all sides an incessant clamour then arose, and the cry, -addressed to those in authority, was vociferously repeated: “Give -an Emperor to the Romans.” Simultaneously the great officers of the -Court, the Senate, and the Patriarch assembled hastily within the -Palace in order to decide on what course to pursue. In this convention -the counsel of the chief eunuch Urbicius, Grand Chamberlain, had most -weight; and, fearing a riot, it was resolved that the Empress Ariadne, -on whose popularity they relied, should proceed immediately to the -Kathisma, and, by a suitable address, attempt to pacify the populace. -On the appearance of the Empress in the Hippodrome, with the retinue -of her supreme rank, the clamours were redoubled. Exclamations arose -from every throat: “Ariadne Augusta, may you be victorious! Lord have -mercy on us! Long live the Augusta! Give an orthodox Emperor to the -Romans, to all the earth!” The widow of Zeno addressed the multitude -at some length, by the mouth of a crier, who read her speech from a -written document. “Every consideration,” said she, “shall be shown to -the majesty of the people. We have referred the matter to the Lords -of the Court, to the Sacred Senate, and to the Heads of the Army; nor -shall the presence of the Holy Patriarch be wanting to render the -election valid. An orthodox Emperor shall be given to you and one of -blameless life. Restrain yourselves for the present and be careful -not to disturb the tranquillity of our choice.” With such promises -and exhortations, often interrupted, Ariadne left the Circus amid the -renewed shouts of the vast assembly. Within the Palace the council was -reformed, and, after some debate, Urbicius carried his proposition -that the election of an Emperor should be referred to the widowed -Empress. Upon this Ariadne put forward a much respected officer of the -Court, the Silentiary Anastasius, a man of about sixty years of age. -Her nominee was about to be accepted unanimously when the Patriarch -interposed his authority and demanded that Anastasius should give him -an engagement to uphold the orthodox faith. The Silentiary was, in -fact, suspected of a strong leaning towards the monophysite heresy, -which declared that Christ was possessed of only one nature.[441] His -proposition was entertained, and thereupon a guard of honour was sent -to summon Anastasius from his house, and to escort him to the Palace; -but before any formal question was put they all set about performing -the obsequies of the deceased Emperor Zeno. The next day Anastasius -presided in the Consistorium to receive the officers of state, all of -whom waited on him clad in white robes. He subscribed the document as -required by the Patriarch, and took an oath to administer the Empire -with a true conscience. He was then conducted to the Hippodrome, where -he appeared in the undress of an emperor, but wearing the red buskins. -Amid the acclamations of the populace he was exalted on a buckler, and -a military officer crowned him with a golden collar removed from his -own person.[442] Anastasius then retired to the antechamber of the -Kathisma to be invested, by the Patriarch himself, with the Imperial -purple, and to have a jewelled crown placed upon his head. Again he -sought the presence of the assembled multitude, whom he addressed -in a set speech which was read out to them by a crier. Finally the -newly-elected Autocrator departed to the Palace amid repeated cries of -“God bless our Christian Emperor! You have lived virtuously, Reign as -you have lived!”[443] - -But the proceedings in the Hippodrome were not always merely -pleasurable or peacefully political. The Circus was also the place -where sedition was carried to the culminating point; and the same -Anastasius, in his long reign of twenty-seven years, had to experience -on more than one occasion the fickle humour of the Byzantine populace. -About 498, during the progress of the games, a cry arose that certain -rioters, who had been committed to prison for throwing stones inside -the arena, should be liberated. The Emperor refused, a tumult arose, -and the Imperial guards were ordered to arrest the apparent instigators -of the disorder. Stones were immediately flung at Anastasius himself, -who only escaped injury or death by his precipitate flight from -the Kathisma. The mob then set fire to the wooden benches of the -Hippodrome, and a conflagration ensued, which consumed part of the -Imperial Palace in one direction, and ravaged a large tract of the city -as far as the Forum of Constantine on the other.[444] Again in 512, -when the Emperor, yielding to his heretical tendencies to confound the -persons of the Trinity, proclaimed that in future the Trisagion[445] -should be chanted with the addition “Who wast crucified for us,” the -populace rose in a fury, set fire to the houses of many persons who -were obnoxious to them, decapitated a monk suspected of suggesting -the heresy, and, marching through the streets with his head upon a -pole, demanded that “another Emperor should be given to the Romans.” -Anastasius, affrighted, rushed into the Hippodrome without his crown, -and protested his willingness to abdicate the purple. The spectacle, -however, of their Emperor in such an abject state appeased the excited -throng, and, on the withdrawal of the offensive phrase, peace was -restored to the community.[446] - -The Byzantine theatre, in which there are usually diurnal -performances,[447] is by no means a lineal descendant of that of the -Greeks and Romans. The names of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and the rest -of those inimitable playwrights, are either altogether unknown, or -are heard with complete indifference. Pantomime, farce, lewd songs, -and dances in which troops of females[448] virtually dispense with -clothing, monopolize the stage to the exclusion of the classic -drama. Ribaldry and obscenity, set off by spectacular displays,[449] -constitute the essence of the entertainment; and women even go through -the form of bathing in a state of nudity for the delectation of -the audience.[450] A contemporary music-hall, without its enforced -decency, would probably convey to a modern reader the most correct -impression of the stage as maintained in Christian Constantinople. -Actress and prostitute are synonymous terms, and all persons engaged -in the theatrical profession are regarded in the eye of the law as -vile and disreputable.[451] Nevertheless, the pastimes of the public -are jealously protected; and the amorous youth who runs away with -an actress,[452] equally with him who withdraws a favourite horse -from the Circensian games for his private use,[453] is subjected to -a heavy fine. A woman, however, who wishes to reform her life on -the plea of religious conviction, is permitted to quit the stage, -but is not afterwards allowed to relapse into her former life of -turpitude.[454] Should she betray any inclination to do so, it is -enacted that she shall be kept in a place of detention until such time -as the decrepitude of age shall afford an involuntary guarantee of her -chastity.[455] The Byzantine aristocracy, from the rank of Clarissimus -upwards is prohibited from marrying an actress or any woman on a level -with that class.[456] - -A particular form of amusement among the Byzantines is the installation -of a Consul every year on the Calends of January in imitation of -the old republican function at Rome. The person nominated assumes a -gorgeous robe decorated with purple stripes and gold embroidery,[457] -grasps a sceptre surmounted with a figure of Victory,[458] and proceeds -in state to the Hippodrome, where he displays his authority by -manumitting a number of slaves specially provided for the purpose.[459] -He presides at the games from the Kathisma, and for the moment, if not -the Emperor himself, as frequently happens, the pretence is made of -regarding him as the sovereign of the Empire.[460] The year is legally -distinguished by his name and that of his colleague of the West,[461] -a series of public spectacles are exhibited for seven days,[462] -he scatters golden coin as largess among the citizens,[463] and -emissaries are dispatched in all directions throughout the provinces -to announce his elevation,[464] and to deposit in the local archives -his diptychs, a pair of ivory plates inscribed with his likeness or -insignia.[465] Immediately afterwards, the office relapses into a -sinecure, and the Consul resumes his ordinary avocations in life. - -On Sunday there is a cessation of business and pleasure throughout the -city, though not of agricultural labour in the rural districts.[466] -At the boom of the great _semantron_,[467] a sonorous board suspended -in the porch of each church, and beaten with mallets by a deacon, -the various congregations issue forth to attend their respective -places of worship. In the forecourt they are met by a crowd of -mendicants, exemplifying every degree of poverty and every form of -bodily infirmity, who enjoy a prescriptive right to solicit alms at -this time and place. This practice has, in fact, been encouraged -by the early Fathers of the Church, in order that the heart may be -melted to pity and philanthropy at the sight of so much human misery -as the most fitting preparation for the order of divine service.[468] -The centre of the same inclosure is occupied by a fountain of pure -water, in which it is customary to wash the hands before entering the -sacred edifice.[469] In the narthex or vestibule, in a state of abject -contrition, are found the various penitents, who, for some offence, -have been cut off from the communion of the faithful, condemned to -advance no farther than this part for a term of years proportionate to -the heinousness of their sin.[470] The males of the congregation make -use of the central or Beautiful Gate of the church, in order to gain -their station in the nave, whilst the females, passing through the -doors on each side, ascend to the galleries which are set apart for -their special accommodation.[471] The liturgy consists of reading from -the Scriptures, of prayers, and of hymns sung in responses;[472] after -which the Patriarch, coming forward from his throne in the apse to -the ambo,[473] preaches a homily based on some portion of the Bible. -Finally the Eucharist is administered to the whole congregation, a -spoon being used to give a portion of wine to each person.[474] Ladies, -to attend public worship, bedeck themselves with all their jewels and -finery,[475] whence female thieves, mingling amongst them, often take -the opportunity to reap their harvest.[476] Men, in the most obvious -manner, betray their admiration for the women placed within their -range of vision.[477] The general behaviour of the audience is more -suggestive of a place of amusement than of a holy temple; chattering -and laughter go on continually, especially among the females; and, -as a popular preacher makes his points, dealing didactically or -reprehensively with topics of the day, the whole congregation is from -time to time agitated with polemical murmurs, shaken with laughter, -or bursts into uproarious applause.[478] Contiguous to each church -is a small building called the Baptistery, for the performance of -the ceremonial entailed on those who wish to be received among the -Christian elect. The practice of the period is to subject the body -to complete immersion in pure water, but separate chambers or times -are set apart for the convenience of the two sexes. Here on certain -occasions nude females of all ages and ranks descend by steps into -the baptismal font, whilst the ecclesiastics coldly pronounce the -formulas of the mystic rite,[479] a triumph of superstition[480] over -concupiscence pretended more often perhaps than real.[481] - -The luxury of the rich, especially in the use of the precious metals -and ivory, is in this age maintained at the maximum. Practically -all the furniture in the house of a wealthy man, as far at least -as the visible parts are concerned, is constructed of those costly -materials. Gilding or plates of gold or silver are applied to every -available surface—to tables, chairs, footstools, and bedsteads; even -silver night-urns are essential to the comfort of the fastidious -plutocracy.[482] For banqueting the Byzantines make use of a large -semicircular table,[483] on the convex side of which they recline -at meals, still adhering to the custom of the earlier Greeks and -Romans.[484] By this table is set a ponderous gold vase with goblets of -the same metal for mixing and serving out the wine. Rich carpets are -strewn over the mosaic pavement; and troops of servants, either eunuchs -or of barbarian origin, permeate the mansion.[485] These domestics -are costumed and adorned as expensively as are their masters, and in -the largest establishments are retained to the number of one or two -thousand.[486] Like animals they are bought and sold; and, male and -female alike, are as much the property of their owner as his ordinary -goods and chattels; their life is virtually in his hands, but the -growth of humanity under the Empire, and the tenets of Stoicism,[487] -have considerably ameliorated their condition since the time of the -old Republic.[488] In this, as in every other age, the artificial -forms of politeness, which spring up as the inseparable concomitant -of every aspect of civilization, have developed in social circles; and -the various formalities and affectations of manners and speech familiar -to the modern observer as characteristic of the different grades of -society may be noted among the Constantinopolitans.[489] - -The Byzantine wife is in possession of complete liberty of action, -and is entirely the mistress in her own household. She is, as a rule, -devoted to enervating luxury and enjoyments, which she gratifies by -extravagance in dress and jewels, by the use of costly unguents and the -artificial tinting of her countenance,[490] and by daily visits to the -public baths and squares for the purpose of display and gossip.[491] -At home she is often a tyrant to her maidservants, and not infrequently -whips them severely with her own hand.[492] Precisely the reverse of -this picture is the condition of the Byzantine maiden in her father’s -house; before her coverture she is persistently immured in the women’s -apartments, and seldom passes the outer door of the dwelling; never -unless under strict surveillance.[493] In most instances, however, her -state of seclusion is not of long duration; for, at the age of fourteen -or fifteen she is considered to be marriageable.[494] She then becomes -an article of traffic in the hands of the professional match-maker, who -is usually an old woman of low social grade, but remarkable for her -tactful and deceptive aptitudes.[495] By her arts a suitable family -alliance is arranged, but unless by a subterfuge, the proposed husband -is not permitted to behold his future wife.[496] - -Once a marriage has been decided on,[497] it is considered fitting that -all the innocence of the ingenuous damsel should be put to flight on -the threshold of the wedded state. In the dusk of the evening the bride -is fetched from her home by a torchlight procession to the sound of -pipes and flutes and orgiastic songs. Although women are not allowed -to attend the theatre, on this occasion the theatre is brought to the -houses of the contracting parties; and the installation of a wife takes -place amid a scene of riot and debauchery, of lewdness and obscenity, -which tears the veil from all the secrets of sexual co-habitation.[498] - -Mental culture, even in the mansions of wealthy Byzantines, occupies -a very subordinate place. Everywhere may be seen dice and draughts, -but books are usually conspicuous by their absence. Bibliophiles there -are, however, but they merely cherish costly bindings and beautiful -manuscripts, and seldom take the trouble to study their literary -contents. They only value fine parchments dyed in various tints, -especially purple, and handsomely inscribed with letters of gold or -silver; these they delight to have bound in jewelled covers or in -plates of carved ivory, and to preserve them in cabinets, whence they -are drawn out on occasion in order to afford a proof of the taste and -affluence of the owner.[499] - -Popular superstitions are extremely rife at this time in the Orient; -a few examples of such may be here given. In choosing a name for -a child it is the practice to light a number of candles, and to -christen them by various names; the candle which burns longest is -then selected to convey its appellation to the infant as an earnest -of long life.[500] Another custom is to take a baby to one of the -public baths and to sign its forehead with some of the sedimental -mud found there as a charm against the evil eye and all the powers -of enchantment.[501] Amulets are commonly worn, hung about the neck, -and of these, miniature copies of the Gospels are in great favour, -especially for the protection of infants.[502] Should a merchant on his -way to business for the day first meet with a sacred virgin, he curses -his luck and anticipates a bad issue to any pending negotiations; on -the contrary, should the first woman he encounters be a prostitute, he -rejoices in the auspicious omen with which his day has opened.[503] At -funerals the old Roman custom of hiring females to act as mourners, -who keep up a discordant wailing and shed tears copiously at will, is -still maintained.[504] Black clothes are worn as a mark of sorrow for -the dead.[505] Great extravagance is often shown in the erection of -handsome sepulchral monuments.[506] - -That the capital of the East, and by inference the whole Empire, is -a hotbed of vice and immorality will impress itself on the mind of -the most superficial reader. The dissoluteness of youth is in fact so -appalling that the most sane of fathers resort to the extreme measure -of expelling their sons from home in a penniless state, with the view -that after a term of trial and hardship they may return as reformed -and chastened members to the family circle.[507] Yet to complete -the picture one other sin against morality must be mentioned, which -travels beyond the belief and almost eludes the conception of any -ordinary mind. The incredible perversion of sexual instinct named -paederasty is still more than ever rife in the principal cities of -the East. Idealized by the Greek philosophers,[508] tolerated by the -later Republic,[509] and almost deified[510] under many of the pagan -emperors,[511] it has withstood the pronouncements of Trajan and -Alexander,[512] the diatribes of the Christian Fathers,[513] and even -the laws of Constantius and Valentinian, by which such delinquents are -condemned to be burnt alive.[514] Preaching at Antioch a century before -this time, the earnest and fearless Chrysostom cannot refrain from -expressing his amazement that that metropolis, in its open addiction -to this vice, does not meet with the biblical fate of Sodom and -Gomorrah.[515] Nor is there any evidence to refute the assumption that -Constantinople at the beginning of the sixth century is in this respect -less impure than the Syrian capital.[516] - -The Byzantine coinage, which has been recast by Anastasius, consists -of gold, silver, and copper. The standard gold coin, the _aureus_ or -_solidus_, subdivides the pound[517] of gold into seventy-two equal -parts, and is, therefore, to be valued at nearly twelve English -shillings. Halves and thirds of the _aureus_ are regularly minted for -circulation. There is also a silver _solidus_ which weighs nearly -fifteen times as much as that of gold.[518] Twelfths, twenty-fourths, -and forty-eighths of this coin are issued; they are named the -_milliaresion_, the _siliqua_, and the _half-siliqua_ respectively. In -the copper coinage at the head of the list stands the _follis_, two -hundred and ten of which are contained in the _solidus_.[519] Hence -the _milliaresion_ is not much less in value than a shilling, whilst -the _follis_ represents but little more than a halfpenny. Yet the -_follis_ is divided hypothetically into forty _nummia_, but pieces of -five _nummia_ are the smallest coins in actual use,[520] approximately -quarter-farthings, and less even than continental centimes, etc. The -money of old Byzantium was generally figured with a crescent and -a star, or with a dolphin contorted round a trident,[521] but the -Imperial coinage of Constantinople is stamped on the obverse with the -bust of the reigning emperor,[522] and on the reverse, in the case of -gold or silver pieces, with a figure of Victory bearing a cross and -a crown or some similar device. On the reverse of copper coins, with -accompanying crosses and even crescents, we find a large letter—M, -K, I, or E—indicating that they contain 40, 20, 10, or 5 _nummia_ -respectively. As specimens of art the coinage of this epoch appears -degraded to the most uncritical eye.[523] - -The population of Constantinople in the sixth century is unknown, but -it may be estimated with some approach to accuracy at considerably over -a million of inhabitants.[524] The suburbs also are extremely populous, -and for many miles around the capital, both in Europe and Asia, are -covered with opulent country villas, farmhouses, and innumerable -habitations of meaner residents.[525] In this district are situated -immense reservoirs for water, and many of the valleys are spanned by -imposing aqueducts raised by a double series of lofty arches to a great -height.[526] At a distance of thirty-two miles westwards from the city -is situated the Long Wall, a stupendous bulwark against the inroads of -barbarians, built by Anastasius in 512. It stretches between the Euxine -and Propontis, a range of nearly fifty miles, and forms also a safe and -facile road for those travelling from sea to sea.[527] - -The description of manners given in this chapter, although nominally -applied only to Constantinople, may be received as illustrating at this -date the social features of the whole Roman Empire; or, to speak more -accurately, of the Grecian fragment of that empire which once extended -universally over Latins and Greeks. - -Before concluding this sociological exposition of the Graeco-Roman -people during the period I am treating of, a brief reference to their -language may be deemed essential to the integrity of the subject. -Viewed from the philological side the aspect of the Byzantines is -peculiar and, perhaps, unique,[528] since to them may fairly be applied -the epithet of a trilingual nation. By the union of the Roman and -Greek factors of the Empire the Latin tongue, as the official means of -expression, became engrafted on the Eastern provinces;[529] and in the -lapse of centuries a third mode of speech, a popular vernacular,[530] -has been evolved, which often has little affinity with the first two. -Sustained by the solid foundations of laws and literature, Latin -and Greek of a more or less classical cast[531] are the requisite -equipment of every one who aims at civil or military employment in -any governmental department,[532] or who even pretends to recognition -as a person of average culture. In the pride of original supremacy we -may perceive that citizens of Latin lineage despise the feeble Greeks -who forfeited nationality and independence, whilst the latter, pluming -themselves on their inheritance of the harmonious tongue in which are -enshrined all the masterpieces of poetry and philosophy, contemn the -uninspired genius of the Romans, whose efforts to create a literature -never soared above imitation and plagiarism.[533] - - - - - CHAPTER II - - THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER ANASTASIUS: THE INHERITANCE OF JUSTINIAN - - -That a spirit of dominion was implanted in the breasts of those early -settlers or refugees who rallied around Romulus, when, about 750 B.C., -he raised his standard on the Palatine hill, is made plain by the -subsequent history of that infant community; and the native daring -which first won wives for a colony of outcasts, foreshadowed the -career of conquest and empire which eventually attached itself to the -Roman name.[534] Contemned, doubtless, and disregarded by their more -reputable neighbours as a band of adventurers with nothing to lose, in -despair of being respected they determined to make themselves feared; -and the original leaven was infused through every further accretion -of population, and was entailed as an inheritance on all succeeding -generations who peopled the expanding city of the Tiber. When their -kings threatened to become despotic they drove them out; when the -patricians attempted to maintain an exclusive control the more numerous -plebs revolted and gradually achieved the establishment of a republic, -in which political honours and aristocracy became synonymous with -the ability to fill, or the energy to gain, a ruling position. They -devoted themselves with enthusiasm to the task of self-government, and -sacrificed their private interests to the welfare of the Republic. -Without history and without science, inflated by ambition within their -narrow sphere, they applied the conception of immortality, which -millenniums would not justify, to being acclaimed in the ephemeral -fervour of the populace or to being remembered for a few decades in the -finite language of poetry and rhetoric. - -While the Roman state was in its cradle a citizen and a soldier were -equivalent terms, and every man gave his military service as a free -contribution to the general welfare of the public. But as wars became -frequent and aggressive, and armies were compelled to keep the field -for indefinite periods, a system of payment[535] was introduced in -order to compensate the soldier for the enforced neglect of his family -duties. By the continued growth of the military system, war became a -profession, veteran legions sprang into existence, and generals, whose -rank was virtually permanent, became a power among the troops and a -menace to the state. Finally the transition was made from a republic -governed by a democracy to an empire ruled by the army. In the meantime -the dominion of Rome had been extended on all sides to the great -natural barriers of its position on the hemisphere; to the Atlantic -ocean on the west, to the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euxine on the -north, to the Euphrates on the east, and on the south to the securest -frontier of all, the impassable deserts of Libya and Arabia. - -The first emperors affected to rule as civil magistrates and accepted -their appointment from the Senate, but their successors assumed the -purple as the nominees of the troops, and often held it by right of -conquest over less able competitors.[536] Concurrently the Imperial -city had been insensibly undergoing a transformation; by the persistent -influx of strangers of diverse nationalities its ethnical homogeneity -was lost;[537] a new and more populous Rome, in which the traditions of -republican freedom were dissipated, was evolved; and the inhabitants -without a murmur saw themselves deprived of the right to elect their -own magistrates.[538] The laws of the Republic were submitted for -ratification to the citizens, but in the ascent to absolutism the -emperor became the sole legislator of the nation.[539] The elevation -of an emperor seemed at first to be an inalienable privilege of the -metropolis, and the original line of Caesars necessarily descended -from a genuine Roman stock; but in little more than a century the -instability of this law was made plain, and many an able general of -provincial blood was raised to the purple at his place of casual -sojourn.[540] In the sequel, when men of an alien race, who neither -knew nor revered Rome, obtained the first rank, they chose their place -of residence according to some native preference or in view of its -utility as a base for military operations. The simultaneous assumption -of the purple by several candidates in different localities, each at -the head of an army, foreboded the division of the Empire; and after -the second century an avowed sharing of the provinces became the -rule rather than the exception. As each partner resided within his -own territory, Rome gradually became neglected and at last preserved -only a semblance of being the capital of the Empire.[541] But after -Constantine founded a capital of his own choice even this semblance was -lost, and the new Rome on the Bosphorus assumed the highest political -rank. From this event we may mark the beginning of mediaevalism, of -the passing of western Europe under the cloud of the dark ages; and -the disintegration of the Roman Empire in the West was achieved by the -barbarians within the following century and a half. In 395 a final -partition of the Empire, naturally halved as it was by the Adriatic -sea, was made; and the incapable sons of Theodosius, Arcadius and -Honorius,[542] were seated as independent sovereigns on thrones in the -East and West. During this period a central administrative energy to -uphold Rome as an Imperial seat was entirely wanting; and a succession -of feeble emperors maintained a mere shadow of authority while their -provinces were being appropriated by the surplus populations of the -north. Italy and south-west Gaul became the prey of East and West -Goths; the valorous Franks under Clovis founded a kingdom which made -itself permanently respected under the name of France; Vandals, with -kindred tribes, gained possession of Spain and even erected a monarchy -in north Africa, which extended beyond the limits of ancient Carthage; -Britain, divested of Roman soldiers in 409, for centuries became the -goal of acquisitive incursions by the maritime hordes who issued from -the adjacent seaboards, Saxons, Angles, and Danes. - -In the change from a nominally popular or constitutional monarchy to a -professed despotism, a reconstitution of all subordinate authority was -regarded as a matter of necessity. At first the Empire was administered -in about forty provinces, but under the later scheme of control it was -parcelled out into nearly three times that number. In earlier times -a Roman proconsul in his spacious province was almost an independent -potentate during his term of office,[543] the head alike of the civil -and military power. But in the new dispensation no man was intrusted -with such plenary authority, and each contracted province was ruled by -a purely civil administrator, whilst the local army obeyed a different -master. For further security, each of these in turn was dependent on a -higher civil or military officer, to whom was delegated the collective -control of a number of his subordinates. Again a shift of authority -was made, and the reins of government were delivered into fewer hands, -until, at the head of the system, the source of all power, stood the -Emperor himself. In order to perfect this policy the army itself was -treated in detail on a similar plan; and for the future no homogeneous -body of troops of considerable number was collocated in the hands of a -single leader. A typical Roman legion had previously consisted of about -six thousand foot, seven hundred horse, and of a band of auxiliaries -drawn from foreign or barbarian sources, in all, perhaps, ten thousand -men. Each legion was thus in itself an effective force; and as it -yielded implicit obedience to a single praefect, the loyalty or -venality of a few such officers in respect of their common general had -often sufficed to seat him firmly on the throne. To obviate the risk, -therefore, of revolt, usurpation, or even of covert resistance to the -will of the Emperor, existing legions were broken up into detachments -which were relegated to different stations so as to be dispersed -over a wide area. As a consequence the praefect of the legion could -only exist in name, and that office was soon regarded as obsolete. -Consistently, when new legions had to be enrolled for the exigences of -defence or warfare, their number was limited to about one fifth of the -original amount.[544] To complete the fabric of autocracy all the pomp -and pretensions of Oriental exclusiveness were adopted by Diocletian, -so that henceforward the monarch was only accessible to the subject -under forms of such complexity and abasement as seemed to betoken a -being of more than mortal mould.[545] - -Another signal divergence from the simple manners of the first emperors -was the permanent establishment of eunuchs in high offices about the -royal person.[546] The Grand Chamberlain, as the constant attendant -on the privacy of the monarch, generally became his confidant, and -sometimes his master.[547] Ultimately, by habitude, or perhaps with -a feeling for the vicious propensities of the times, the Emperor -developed an almost feminine reserve in relation to the “bearded” -or masculine sex; and in his movements he was guarded by his staff -of eunuchs with as much jealousy as if his virtue were something as -delicate as that of a woman.[548] - -Having dismissed these general considerations, I will now attempt to -depict briefly the state of the remaining moiety of the Empire, of the -Eastern provinces, at the beginning of the sixth century. In order to -render my descriptions more compact and intelligible, I shall treat the -subject under three distinct headings, viz., Political, Educational, -and Religious. - - - I. POLITICAL - -The dominions of Anastasius the elder,[549] for there was a later -emperor of that name, corresponded generally to those ruled during the -first quarter of the past century by the Ottoman sultans, who were -the last to conquer them, and who became possessed of the whole in -1461.[550] Proceeding from east to west, the northern boundary of the -Empire followed the coast of the Euxine in its sweep from the mouth of -the Phasis (adjacent to the modern town of Batoum) to the estuaries of -the Danube, as it delimits Asia on the north and Europe on the east, -by the bold curve of its unequal arms. From the latter point, taking -the Danube for its guide, the northern frontier stretched westwards -to its termination on the banks of that river in the neighbourhood -of Sirmium.[551] The western border, descending from thence almost -due south, was directed in part of its course by the river Drina, and -halved nearly vertically the modern principality of Montenegro as it -struck towards the shores of the Adriatic. The coast of Greece, with -its associated islands on this aspect, traced the western outline of -the Empire for the rest of its course, excepting a small portion to -be reached by crossing the Mediterranean to the Syrtis Major, where -at this date the confines of Roman Africa were to be found. In this -vicinity the Egyptian territory began, and the southern frontier -coincided for the most part with the edge of the Libyan desert as it -skirts the fertile lands of the north and east, that is, the Cyrenaica -and the valley of the Nile. An artificial line, cutting that valley -on a level with the first cataract and the Isle of Philae, marked -the southern extension of Egypt as far as claimed by the Byzantine -emperors.[552] From a corresponding point on the opposite shore of -the Red Sea the Asiatic border of their dominions began. Passing -northwards to regain that part of the Euxine from whence we started, -the eastern frontier pursued a long and irregular track, at first -along the margin of the Arabian desert as it verges on the Sinaitic -peninsula, Palestine, and Syria; then crossing the Euphrates it gained -the Tigris, so as to include the northern portion of Mesopotamia. -Finally, returning to the former river, it joined it in its course -along the western limits of Armenia,[553] whence it reached the Phasis -on the return journey, the point from which we set out.[554] Considered -in their greatest length, from the Danube above Sirmium, to Syene on -the Nile, and in their extreme width, from the Tigris in the longitude -of Daras or Nisibis, to the Acroceraunian rocks on the coast of Epirus, -these ample dominions stretch from north to south for nearly eighteen -hundred miles, and from east to west for more than twelve hundred. In -superficial area this tract may be estimated to contain about half -a million of square miles, that is, an amount of surface fully four -times greater than that covered by Great Britain and Ireland.[555] At -the present day it is calculated that these vast regions are peopled by -only about twenty-eight millions of inhabitants,[556] but their modern -state of decay is practically the reverse of their condition in the -sixth century, when they were the flourishing, though already failing, -seat of the highest civilization at that time existing on the earth; -and there is good reason to believe that they were then considerably -more, perhaps even double as, populous.[557] - -For the purposes of civil government the Empire was divided into -sixty-four provinces, each of which was placed under an administrator, -who was usually drawn from the profession of the law.[558] These -officers were, as a rule, of nearly equal rank, but in three instances -the exceptional extent and importance of the provinces necessitated the -bestowal of a title more lofty than usual on the governors. - -1. The whole of Greece, including Hellas proper and the Peloponnesus, -though now no longer classical, was ruled under the name of Achaia by -a vicegerent, to whom was conceded the almost obsolete dignity of a -proconsul. 2. Similarly, the central maritime division of Asia Minor, -containing the important cities of Smyrna and Ephesus with many others -and grandiosely named “Asia,”[559] was also allowed to confer on its -ruler the title of proconsul. This magistrate had the privilege of -reporting directly to the Emperor without an intermediary, and had -also jurisdiction over the governors of two adjacent provinces, viz.: -the Hellespont, which abutted on the strait of that name, and The -Islands, a term applied collectively to about a score of the Cyclades -and Sporades. 3. The main district of Lower Egypt, adorned by the -magnificent and populous city of Alexandria, the second capital of the -Empire, was placed under an administrator bearing the unique title of -the Augustal Praefect. The sixty-one remaining provinces were intrusted -to governors of practically the same standing; of these, twenty-seven -were called consulars, thirty-one presidents, two correctors, and one -duke, the latter officer being on the southern frontier of Egypt, -apparently in both civil and military charge.[560] - -To enumerate severally in this place all the petty provinces of the -Empire would be mere prolixity, but there are a few whose designations -present peculiarities which may save them from being passed over -without notice. The comprehensive names of Europe and Scythia, which -in general suggest such vast expansions of country, were given to -two small portions of Thrace, the first to that which extended up to -the walls of Constantinople, and the second to the north-east corner -which lay between the Danube and the Euxine.[561] With parallel -magniloquence, a limited area adjoining the south-east border of -Palestine was denominated Arabia. The maritime province of Honorias -on the north of Asia Minor, perpetuated the memory of the despicable -Emperor of the West, Honorius. The name of Arcadia awakens us to -reminiscences of Mount Cyllene with Hermes and “universal” Pan,[562] of -Artemis with her train of nymphs heading the chase through the woods of -Erymanthus, or of the historic career of Epaminondas and the foundation -of Megalopolis. But the Arcadia officially recognized in the Eastern -Empire had no higher associations than the feeble son of Theodosius, -brother of the above-named, and we may be surprised to find it in -central Egypt with Oxyrhyncus and Memphis for its chief towns. - -By a second disposition of the Empire of an inclusive kind the -provinces were grouped in seven Dioceses, namely: three European, -Dacia,[563] Thrace, and Macedonia; three Asiatic, the Asian, the -Pontic, and the Orient; and one African, Egypt. The first of these -obeys the Praetorian Praefect of Illyricum, the sixth the Count of the -Orient or East, and the last the Augustal Praefect, whilst the rulers -of the remaining four are entitled Vicars.[564] When I add that the -Orient, the most extensive of these divisions, comprised in fifteen -provinces the whole of Palestine and Syria as well as the southern -tract of Asia Minor, from the Tigris to the Mediterranean, and the -island of Cyprus, the limits of the other dioceses may be conjectured -from their names with sufficient accuracy for our present purpose.[565] -By a final partition the dominions of the Byzantine Emperor were -assigned, but very unequally, to two officers of the highest or -Illustrious rank, viz.: the Praetorian Praefects of the East and of -Illyricum. Dacia and Macedonia fell to the rule of the latter, whilst -the remaining five dioceses were consolidated under the control of the -former minister.[566] The Praefect of the East is in general to be -regarded as the subject in closest proximity to the throne, in fact, -the first minister of the crown.[567] The Imperial capital, as being -outside all these subordinate arrangements, was treated as a microcosm -in itself; and with its Court in permanent residence, its bureaus of -central administration, and its special Praefect of Illustrious rank, -may almost be considered as a third of the prime divisions of the -Empire. Here, as a rule, through the long series of Byzantine annals, -by the voice of the populace and the army, or by the intrigues of the -Court, emperors were made or unmade. - -The whole Empire was traversed by those narrow, but solidly constructed -roads, the abundant remains of which still attest how thoroughly his -work was done by the Roman engineer.[568] The repair and maintenance of -these public ways was enjoined on the possessors of the lands through -which they passed; and similarly in the case of waterways, the care -of bridges and banks was an onus on the shoulders of the riparian -owners.[569] On all the main roads an elaborate system of public posts -was studiously maintained; and at certain intervals, about the length -of an average day’s journey, _mansions_ or inns were located for the -accommodation of those travelling on the public service.[570] Each -of such stations was equipped with a sufficient number of light and -heavy vehicles, of draught horses and oxen, of pack-horses, sumpter -mules, and asses for the exigences of local transit.[571] Stringent -rules were laid down for the equitable loading of both animals and -carriages, and also for the humane treatment of the former. Thus a span -of four oxen was allowed to draw a load of fifteen hundred pounds, -but the burden of an ordinary pack-horse was limited to thirty.[572] -It was forbidden to beat the animals with heavy or knotted sticks; -they were to be urged onwards by the use only of a sharp whip or rod -fit to “admonish their lagging limbs with a harmless sting.”[573] In -addition to the mansions there were usually four or five intermediate -stations called _mutations_, where a few relays were kept for the -benefit of those speeding on an urgent mission.[574] The abuse of the -public posts was jealously guarded against, and only those bearing -an order from the Emperor or one of the Praetorian Praefects could -command their facilities, and then only to an extent restricted to -their purely official requirements. A Vicar could dispose of a train -of ten horses and thirteen asses on a dozen occasions in the year, in -order to make tours of inspection throughout his diocese; legates from -foreign countries and delegates from provincial centres, journeying to -Constantinople to negotiate a treaty or to lay their grievances before -the Emperor, were provided for according to circumstances.[575] The -highways were constantly permeated by the Imperial couriers bearing -dispatches to or from the capital.[576] These emissaries were also -deputed to act as spies, and to report at head-quarters any suspicious -occurrences they might observe on their route,[577] whence they were -popularly spoken of as “the eyes of the Emperor.”[578] They were known -by their military cloak and belt, their tight trousers,[579] and by -a spray of feathers[580] in their hair to symbolize the swiftness of -their course. One or two were appointed permanently to each province -with the task of scouring the district continually as inspectors of -the public posts.[581] There was also a regular police patrol on the -roads, called Irenarchs, whose duty it was to act as guardians of the -peace.[582] - -A Roman emperor of this age, as an admitted despot subjected to no -constitutional restraints, could formulate and promulgate whatever -measures commended themselves to his arbitrary will. But such -authority, however absolute in theory, must always be restricted in -practice by the operation of sociological laws. Although a prince with -a masterful personality might dominate his subordinates to become the -father or the scourge of his country, a feeble monarch would always -be the slave of his great officers of state. Yet even the former -had to stoop to conciliate the people or the army, and a sovereign -usually stood on treacherous ground when attempting to maintain a -balance between the two.[583] The army, as the immediate and effectual -instrument of repression, was generally chosen as the first stay of the -autocracy, and there are few instances of a Byzantine emperor whose -throne was not on more than one occasion cemented with the blood of his -subjects. But many a virtuous prince in his efforts to curb the licence -of the troops lost both his sceptre and his life.[584] - -[Illustration: ROMAN EMPIRE _and Vicinity_, c. 500 A.D.] - -The Council of the Emperor, besides the three Praefects already -mentioned, consisted of five civil and of an equal number of military -members, all of Illustrious dignity.[585] Their designations were -severally: 1. Praepositus of the Sacred Cubicle, or Grand -Chamberlain, Master of the Offices, Quaestor, Count of the Sacred -Largesses, and Count of the Privy Purse. 2. Five Masters of Horse and -Foot,[586] two at head-quarters,[587] and one each for the Orient, -Thrace, and Illyricum. To these may be added the Archbishop or -Patriarch of Constantinople, always a great power in the State. In -the presence of a variable number of these ministers it was usual for -the Emperor to declare his will, to appeal to their judgment, or to -act on their representations, but the time, place, and circumstances -of meeting were entirely in the discretion of the prince.[588] The -formal sittings of the Council were not held in secret, but before -an audience of such of the Spectabiles as might wish to attend.[589] -The legislation of the Emperor, comprised under the general name of -Constitutions, fell naturally into two classes, viz., laws promulgated -on his own initiative and those issued in response to some petition. -Edicts, Acts, Mandates, Pragmatic Sanctions, and Epistles usually -ranked in the first division; Rescripts in the second.[590] A Rescript -was granted, as a rule, in compliance with an _ex parte_ application, -and might be disregarded by the authority to whom it was addressed -should it appear to have been obtained by false pretences, but the -Court which set it aside did so at its own peril.[591] - -The Senate of Constantinople, created in imitation of that of Rome, -was designed by Constantine rather to grace his new capital than to -exercise any of the functions of government.[592] Like the new order of -patricians, the position of Senator was mainly an honorary and not an -executive rank. All the members enjoyed the title of Clarissimus, that -of the third grade of nobility, and assembled under the presidency of -the Praefect of the city.[593] As a body the Senate was treated with -great ostensible consideration by the Emperor, and was never referred -to in the public acts without expressions of the highest esteem, such -as “the Venerable,” “the Most Noble Order,” “amongst whom we reckon -ourselves.”[594] This public parade of their importance, however, -endowed them with a considerable moral power in the popular idea; and -the subscription of the impotent Senate was not seldom demanded by a -prudent monarch to give a wider sanction to his acts of oppression or -cruelty.[595] During an interregnum their voice was usually heard -with attention;[596] and a prince with a weak or failing title to -the throne would naturally cling to them for support.[597] They were -sometimes constituted as a High Court for the trial of criminal cases -of national importance, such as conspiring against the rule or life of -the Emperor.[598] They could pass resolutions to be submitted for the -approval of the crown;[599] they had a share in the nomination of some -of the higher and lower officials; and they performed generally the -duties of a municipal council.[600] - -In addition to the Imperial provinces there was also, to facilitate -the work of local government, a subsidiary division of the Empire into -Municipia. Every large town or city, with a tract of the surrounding -country, was formed into a municipal district and placed under the -charge of a local Senate or Curia. The members of a Curia were called -Decurions,[601] and were selected officially to the number of about one -hundred from the more reputable inhabitants of the vicinity. They not -only held office for life, but transmitted it compulsorily to their -heirs, so that the State obtained a perpetual lien on the services of -their descendants. In each Municipium the official of highest rank was -the “Defender of the City,”[602] who was elected to his post for five -years by the independent suffrage of the community. His chief duty was -to defend the interests of his native district against the Imperial -officers who, as aliens to the locality, were assumed to have little -knowledge or concern as to its actual welfare. He became _ex officio_ -president of the Curia; and in conjunction with them acted as a judge -of first instance or magistrate in causes of lesser importance.[603] - -A provincial governor, generally called the Rector or Ordinary Judge, -held open court at his Praetorium and sat within his chancel every -morning to hear all causes brought before him.[604] His chancellors -guarded the trellis, which fenced off the outer court against the -onrush of eager suitors;[605] within, the advocates delivered their -pleadings, whilst a body of scribes and actuaries took a record in -writing of the whole proceedings.[606] The precincts were crowded with -his apparitors,[607] officers upon whom devolved the duty of executing -the judgements of the court. With the aid of his assessor,[608] a -legal expert well versed in the text of the law, the Rector elaborated -his judgment, a written copy of which he was bound to deliver to each -litigant.[609] But if his decision were asked in cases which seemed -too trivial for his personal attention, he was empowered to hand them -over to a class of petty judges called _pedanei judices_.[610] From the -provincial court an appeal lay to the Vicar of the Diocese, or even -to the Emperor himself,[611] but appellants were severely mulcted if -convicted of merely contentious litigation.[612] At certain seasons the -Rector went on circuit throughout his province to judge causes and to -inspect abuses.[613] - -I. The permanent existence of any community in a state of political -cohesion depends on its possession of the means to defray the expenses -of government; and, therefore, the first duty of every primary ruler -or administrative body in chief is to collect a revenue for the -maintenance of a national treasury. The Roman or Byzantine system -of raising money or its equivalent, by means of imposts laid on the -subjects of the Empire, included every conceivable device of taxing -the individual for the benefit of the state. The public were called -on not only to fill the treasury, but were constrained to devote -their resources in kind, their time, and their labour to the needs of -the government. To obtain every requisite without purchase for the -administration was the economical policy of the ruling class. Food -and clothing, arms and horses, commuted to a money payment if the -thing were unattainable, were levied systematically for the use of the -civil and military establishment. The degree of personal liability was -determined by the assessment of property, and those who were possessed -of nothing were made liable for their heads. Social distinctions and -commercial transactions were also taxed under well-defined categories. -A considerable section of the community was, however, legally freed -from the regular imposts. This indulgence was granted especially to the -inhabitants of cities, whose facilities for combination and sedition -were always contemplated with apprehension by the jealous despot. But -immunity from taxation was also extended with some liberality to all -who devoted themselves to art or learning. - -1. The financial year began with the first of September, and was -spoken of numerically as an _indiction_, according to its place in a -perpetually recurring series of fifteen. Properly an indiction was -the period of fifteen years[614] which separated each new survey and -revaluation of the private estates throughout the Empire. At the -beginning of such a term the Imperial Censitors or surveyors pervaded -the country districts, registering in their books and on their plans -all the details of the new census.[615] Their record showed the -amount of the possessions of each landowner; the quality of the land; -to what extent it was cultivated or lay waste; in what proportions -it was laid out in vineyards and olive-grounds; in woods, pastures, -and arable land. The number and magnitude of the farm and residential -buildings were carefully noted, and even the geniality of the climate, -and the apparent fecundity of the fruit-bearing trees, which were -separately counted and disposed in classes, exercised the judgement -of the Censitor in furnishing materials for a just estimate as to the -value of an estate. Essential also to the _cataster_, or assessment, -was a list of the flocks and herds possessed by the owner.[616] The -particulars supplied by the Censitor passed into the hands of another -official named a _Peraequator_. He divided the district into “heads” of -property, each computed to be of the value of 1,000 solidi,[617] and -assigned to each landowner his census, that is, the number of heads -for which in future he would be taxed. This assessment was not based -on a mere valuation of the property of each person; it was complicated -by the principle of Byzantine finance that all land should pay to the -Imperial exchequer. It was the duty, therefore, of a Peraequator, to -assign a nominal possession in barren or deserted land to each owner in -fair proportion to his apparent means. Thus the possessor of a valuable -farm was often encumbered with a large increment of worthless ground, -whilst the owner of a poor one might escape such a burthen.[618] Yet a -third official, called an _Inspector_,[619] came upon the scene, but -his services were not always constant or comprehensive. He visited the -province in response to petitions or appeals from dissatisfied owners, -or was sent to solve matters of perplexity.[620] His acquirements were -the same as those of a Peraequator, but, whereas the latter was obliged -to impose a rate on some one for every hide of land, the Inspector -was allowed considerable discretion. After a strict scrutiny he was -empowered to give relief in clear cases of over-assessment, and even to -exclude altogether any tracts of land which could not fairly be imposed -on any of the inhabitants of the district. Before final ratification, -the cataster had to pass under the eyes of the local Curia, the -provincial Rector, and of the Imperial financiers at the capital. The -_polyptica_ or censual books were then closed, and remained immutable -until the next indiction.[621] - -2. Appended to the land survey was a register of the labourers, slaves, -and animals employed by the possessors of estates; and upon every -ordinary adult of this caste a poll-tax was imposed.[622] Similarly -with respect to every animal which performed a task, horses, oxen, -mules, and asses for draught purposes, and even dogs.[623] For this -demand the landowner alone was dealt with by the authorities, but he -was entitled to recover from his labourers whatever he paid on account -of themselves or their families. As this capitation was very moderate, -the individual was freed from it by the possession of the smallest -holding, and subjected to the land-tax instead;[624] but the farmer -still paid vicariously for his work-people, even when assessed on -property of their own. Slaves were always, of course, a mere personal -asset of their masters, and incapable of ownership. A sweeping immunity -from poll-tax was conferred on all urban communities,[625] whence -nobles and plutocrats escaped the impost for the hosts of servants they -sometimes maintained at their city mansions; but even in the rural -districts, virgins,[626] widows, certain professional men, and skilled -artizans generally, were exempt.[627] - -3. Port or transit dues, called _vectigalia_,[628] were levied on all -merchandise transported from one province to another for the sake of -gain, that is, for resale at a profit; but for purely personal use -residents were permitted to pass a limited quantity of goods free of -tax. In this category may be included licenses for gold-mining, which -cost the venturer about a guinea a year.[629] Taxes of this class were -let out by public auction for a term of three years to those who bid -highest for the concession of collecting them.[630] Export of gold -from the Empire was forbidden, and those who had the opportunity, -were exhorted to use every subterfuge in order to obtain it from the -barbarians.[631] - -4. A tax, peculiar in some respects to the Byzantine Empire, was the -_lustral collation_ or _chrysargyron_, a duty of the most comprehensive -character on the profits of all commercial transactions.[632] Trade in -every shape and form was subjected to it, not excepting the earnings -of public prostitutes, beggars, and probably even of catamites.[633] -The _chrysargyron_ was collected every fourth year only, and for this -reason, as it appears, was felt to be a most oppressive tax.[634] -Doubtless the demand was large in proportion to the lapse of time since -the last exaction, and weighed upon those taxed, like a sudden claim -for accumulated arrears. When the time for payment arrived, a wail -went up from all the small traders whose traffic barely sufficed to -keep them in the necessaries of life. To procure the money, parents -frequently, it is said, had to sell their sons into servitude and -their daughters for prostitution.[635] There were limited exemptions -in favour of ministers of the orthodox faith and retired veterans, -who might engage in petty trade; of artists selling their own works; -and of farmers who sold only their own produce.[636] The most popular -and, perhaps, the boldest measure of Anastasius, was the abrogation -of this tax.[637] Fortifying himself with the acquiescence of the -Senate, he proclaimed its abolition, caused all the books and papers -relating to this branch of the revenue to be heaped up in the sphendone -of the Hippodrome, and publicly committed them to the flames.[638] The -chrysargyron was never afterwards reimposed. - -5. With some special taxes reaped from dignitaries of state, the -income derived from crown lands and state mines, and with fines, -forfeitures, and heirless patrimonies, the flow of revenue into the -Imperial coffers ceased. From a fiscal point of view there were four -classes of Senators, or to consider more accurately, perhaps, only two: -those who were held to contribute something to the treasury in respect -of their rank, and those who were absolved from paying anything. -Wealthy Senators, possessed of great estates, paid an extraordinary -capitation proportioned to the amount of their property, but lands -merely adjected to fill up the census were exempt under this heading; -those of only moderate means were uniformly indicted for two _folles_, -or purses of silver, about £12 of our money; whilst the poorest class -of all were obliged to a payment of seven _solidi_ only, about £4, -with a recommendation to resign if they felt unequal to this small -demand.[639] Members who enjoyed complete immunity were such as -received the title of Senator in recognition of long, but comparatively -humble, service to the state; amongst these we find certain officers -of the Guards, physicians, professors of the liberal arts, and -others.[640] Not even, however, with their set contributions were the -Senators released from the pecuniary onus of their dignity, for they -were expected to subscribe handsome sums collectively to be presented -to the sovereign on every signal occasion, such as New Year’s day, -lustral anniversaries of his reign, birth of an heir, etc.[641] When -any of the great functionaries of state, during or on vacating office, -were ennobled with the supreme title of patrician, an offering of 100 -lb. of gold (£4,000) was considered to be the smallest sum by which he -could fittingly express his gratitude to the Emperor; this accession of -revenue was particularly devoted to the expenses of the aqueducts.[642] -An oblation of two or three horses was also exacted every five years -for the public service from those who acquired honorary codicils of -ex-president or ex-count.[643] Finally a tax, also under the semblance -of a present, was laid on the Decurions of each municipality, who, -in acknowledgement of their public services, were freed from all the -lesser imposts. To this contribution was applied the name of _coronary -gold_, the conception of which arose in earlier times when gold, in -the form of crowns or figures of Victory, was presented to the Senate, -or to the generals of the Republic who had succeeded in subjecting -them, by conquered nations in token of their subservience.[644] These -presentations were enjoined on every plausible occasion of public -rejoicing and the Imperial officials did not forget to remind the local -Curiae of their duty to overlook no opportunity of conveying their -congratulations in a substantial manner to the Emperor. The Imperial -demesnes lay chiefly in Cappadocia, which contained some breadths of -pasture land unequalled in any other part of the Empire.[645] The -province was from the earliest times famous for its horses, which were -considered as equal, though not quite, to the highly-prized Spanish -breeds in the West.[646] Mines for gold, silver, and other valuable -minerals, including marble quarries, were regularly worked by the -Byzantine government in several localities both in Europe and Asia; -but history has furnished us with no precise indications as to the -gains drawn from them.[647] Under the penal code, to send criminals -to work in the mines was classed as one of the severest forms of -punishment.[648] - -The _exaction_ of the _annones_ and _tributes_, expressions which -virtually included all the imposts, was the incessant business of the -official class. At the beginning of each financial year the measure -of the precept to be paid by each district was determined in the -office of the Praetorian Praefect, subscribed by the Emperor, and -disseminated through the provinces by means of notices affixed in -the most public places.[649] A grace of four months was conceded and -then the gathering in of the _annones_ or canon of provisions, which -included corn, wine, oil, flesh, and every other necessary for the -support of the army and the free distributions to the urban populace, -began. Delivery was enjoined in three instalments at intervals of -four months,[650] but payments in gold were not enforced until the -end of the year.[651] The _Exactors_, who waited on the tributaries -to urge them to performance, were usually decurions or apparitors of -the Rector.[652] The Imperial constitutions directed with studied -benignity that no ungracious demeanour should be adopted towards the -tax-payers,[653] that no application should be made on Sundays,[654] -that they should not be approached by _opinators_, that is, by soldiers -in charge of the military commissariat,[655] that they should, when -possible, be allowed the privilege of _autopragias_ or voluntary -delivery,[656] and that, if recalcitrant, they should not be sent to -prison or tortured, but allowed their liberty under formal arrest.[657] -Only in the last resource was anything of their substance seized as a -pledge, to be sold “under the spear” if unredeemed,[658] but in general -any valid excuse was accepted and the tributaries were allowed to run -into arrears.[659] Consonantly, however, to the prevailing principle -every effort was made by the Exactors to amass the full precept from -the locality, and those who could pay were convened to make up for -the defaulters.[660] The actual receivers of the canon were named -_Susceptors_, and their usual place of custom was at the mansions or -mutations of the public posts.[661] Scales and measures were regularly -kept at these stations,[662] and on stated occasions a Susceptor was in -attendance accompanied by a _tabularius_, a clerk who was in charge of -the censual register which showed the liability of each person in the -municipality.[663] The _tabularius_ gave a receipt couched in precise -terms to each tributary for the amount of his payment or consignment, -particulars of which he also entered in a book kept permanently for -the purpose.[664] The system of _adaeratio_, or commutation of species -for money, was extensively adopted to obviate difficulties of delivery -in kind; and this was especially the case with respect to clothing or -horses for the army, or when transit was arduous by reason of distance -or rough country.[665] The transport of the annones and tributes to -their destination was a work of some magnitude, and was under the -special supervision of the Vicar of the diocese.[666] Inland the -_bastagarii_, the appointed branch of the public service, effected the -transmission by means of the beasts of burden kept at the mansions of -the Posts;[667] by sea the _navicularii_ performed the same task. The -latter formed a corporation of considerable importance to which they -were addicted as the decurions were to the Curia. Selected from the -seafaring population who possessed ships of sufficient tonnage, their -vessels were chartered for the conveyance of the canon of provisions -as a permanent and compulsory duty.[668] Money payments, in coin or -ingots, went to the capital;[669] provisions to the public granaries -of Constantinople or Alexandria, the two cities endowed with a free -victualling market,[670] or were widely dispersed to various centres -to supply rations for the troops.[671] Besides the ordinary officials -engaged in exaction there were several of higher rank to supervise -their proceedings: _Discussors_, the Greek _logothetes_, who made -expeditions into the provinces from time to time to scrutinize and -audit the accounts;[672] surveyors of taxes, Senators preferably, -whose duties were defined by the term _protostasia_,[673] to whom the -_Susceptors_ were immediately responsible; and lastly _Compulsors_, -officers of the central bureaucracy, _Agentes-in-rebus_, palatines -attached to the treasury, even Protectors, who were sent on special -missions to stimulate the Rectors when the taxes of a province were -coming in badly.[674] - -As to the revenue of the Roman Empire at this or at any previous -period, the historian can pronounce no definitive word, but it concerns -us to note here one important fact, viz., that Anastasius during the -twenty-seven years of his reign saved about half a million sterling -per annum, so that at his death he left a surplus in the treasury of -nearly £13,000,000.[675] - -II. The political position of the Roman Empire in respect of its -foreign relations presents a remarkable contrast to anything we are -accustomed to conceive of in the case of a modern state. Having -absorbed into its own system everything of civilization which lay -within reach of its arms, there was henceforth no field in which -statesmanship could exert itself by methods of negotiation or -diplomacy in relation to the dwellers beyond its borders. Encompassed -by barbarians, to live by definite treaty on peaceful terms with its -neighbours became outside the range of policy or foresight; and its -position is only comparable to that of some great bulwark founded to -resist the convulsions of nature, which may leave it unassailed for -an indefinite period, or attack it without a moment’s warning with -irresistible violence. The vast territories stretching from the Rhine -and the Danube to the frontiers of China, nearly a quarter of the -circumference of the globe, engendered a teeming population, nomads -for the most part, without fixed abodes, who threatened continually to -overflow their boundaries and bring destruction on every settled state -lying in their path. Among such races the army and the nation were -equivalent terms; the whole people moved together, and inhabited for -the time being whatever lands they had gained by right of conquest. -But their career was brought to a close when they subdued nations much -more numerous than themselves, with fixed habitations and engaged in -the arts of peace; and they then possessed the country as a dominant -minority, which, whilst giving a peculiar tincture to the greater mass, -was gradually assimilated by it. In classical and modern times conquest -usually signifies merely annexation, but in the Middle Ages it implied -actual occupation by the victors. Such was the fate of the Western -Empire, when Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were dissevered -from each other by various inroads; and those countries at the time -I am writing of are found to be in such a transitional state.[676] -Nor can Thrace and Illyricum, though forming a main portion of the -Eastern Empire, be properly omitted from this list; for, exposed to -barbarian incursions[677] during more than two centuries, they enjoyed -a merely nominal settlement under the Imperial government; and if we -contemplate the Long Wall[678] of Anastasius, at a distance of only -forty miles from the capital, we shall need no further evidence that -the Byzantines exercised no more than a shadow of political supremacy -in these regions.[679] But an exception to the foregoing conditions was -generally experienced by the Romans on their eastern frontier, where -the Parthian or Persian power was often able to meet them with a civil -and military organization equal to their own.[680] - -The elaborate scheme for the defence of the Empire against its -restless and reckless foes was brought to perfection under Diocletian -and Constantine. Armies and fleets judiciously posted were always -ready to repel an attack or to carry offensive operations into an -enemy’s country. A chain of muniments guarded the frontiers in every -locality where an assault could be feared. Forts and fortified camps -sufficiently garrisoned lined every barrier, natural or artificial, -at measured distances. Suitable war vessels floated on the great -circumscribing waterways; and where these were deficient their place -was supplied by walls of masonry, by trenches, embankments, and -palisades, or even by heterogeneous obstructions formed of felled trees -with their branches entangled one with the other.[681] Border lands -were granted only to military occupants, who held them by a kind of -feudal tenure in return for their service on the frontier.[682] Every -important station was guarded by from 2,000 to 3,000 soldiers; and -in the Eastern Empire the division of the army to which such duties -were assigned may have amounted to over 200,000 men of all soldiers, -arms,[683] etc. These forces were called the _Limitanei Milites_, -or Border Soldiers, and in each province of the exterior range were -under the command collectively of a Count or Duke.[684] Such were the -stationary forces of the Empire, of whose services the frontiers could -not be depleted should a mobile army be required to meet the exigences -of strategic warfare. Large bodies of troops were, therefore, quartered -in the interior of the country, which could be concentrated in any -particular locality under the immediate disposition of the Masters of -the Forces. This portion of the army was organized in two divisions -to which were given the names of _Palatines_ and _Comitatenses_. The -former, which held the first rank, were stationed in or near the -capital under the two Masters[685] at head-quarters; and, in accordance -with their designation, were identified most nearly with the conception -of defending the Imperial Palace or heart of the state. The latter -were distributed throughout the provinces under the three Masters -whose military rule extended over the East, Thrace, and Illyricum -respectively. The _Palatine_ troops comprised about 50,000 men, the -_Comitatenses_ about 70,000.[686] Cavalry formed a large proportion -of all the forces, and may be estimated at about one third of the -_Limitanei_ and nearly one fourth of the other branches. In addition to -these troops a fourth military class, the highest of all, was formed, -the Imperial Guards already mentioned,[687] viz., the Excubitors, -Protectors, Candidates, and Scholars. The latter body consisted of -seven troops of cavalry, each 500 strong, 3,500 in all.[688] Owing -their position solely to birth or veteran service, the three former -groups were probably much less numerous, but their actual number is -unknown.[689] The usual division of the infantry was the legion of -1,000 men, that of the horse the _vexillatio_ containing 500.[690] The -various bodies of foot soldiers were distinguished by the particular -emblems which were depicted on their brightly painted shields,[691] -but amongst horse and foot alike each separate body was recognizable -by an ensign of special design, for the former a _vexillum_, for -the latter a dragon. The Imperial standard, or that of the general -in chief command, was a purple banner embroidered with gold and of -exceptional size. The _vexilla_ were dependent horizontally from a -cross-bar fixed to the pole or spear by which they were elevated. -Mounted lancers displayed small pennons or streamers near the points -of their weapons,[692] but these were removed as an encumbrance on -the eve of battle.[693] Full armour was worn, in some troops even by -the horses.[694] Besides the weapons adapted for close conflict, much -reliance was placed on missiles, javelins and slings, but especially -bows and arrows in the hands of mounted archers.[695] In replenishing -the ranks great discrimination was exercised; and not only the physical -fitness of the recruit,[696] but the social atmosphere in which he had -sprung up was made the subject of strict inquiry. No slave was accepted -as a soldier,[697] nor any youth whose mind had been debased by menial -employment or by traffic for petty gains in the slums of a city.[698] -The sons of veterans were impressed into the service,[699] and the -landowners had periodically either to provide from their own family or -to pay a computed sum for the purchase of a substitute among such as -were not liable to conscription.[700] Many of the turbulent barbarian -tribes on being subdued were obliged by the articles of a treaty to -pay an annual tribute of their choicest youths to the armies of the -Empire.[701] In addition to the regular forces, barbarian contingents, -called _foederati_,[702] obeying their own leaders, were often bound by -a league to serve under the Imperial government. In Europe the Goths, -in Asia the Saracens, were usually the most important of such allies. -Of the former nation Constantine at one time attached to himself as -many as 40,000, an effort in which he was afterwards emulated by the -great Theodosius.[703] The warships of the period were mostly long, low -galleys impelled by one bank of oars from twenty to thirty in number, -built entirely with a view to swiftness and hence called _dromons_ or -“runners.” The smaller ones were employed on the rivers, the larger for -operations at sea.[704] After a period of service varying from fifteen -to twenty-four years the soldier could retire as a veteran with a -gratuity, a grant of land, and exemption from taxation on a graduated -scale for himself and his family.[705] - -Such was the carefully digested scheme of military defence bequeathed -to his successors by Constantine, who doubtless anticipated that he -had granted a lease of endurance to the regenerated Empire for many -centuries to come. But in the course of a hundred and fifty years -this fine system fell gradually to pieces; and by the beginning of -the sixth century no more than a _cento_ of the original fabric can -be discerned in the chronicles of the times. The whole forces were -diminished almost to a moiety of their full complement;[706] the -great peripheral bulwark of the _Limitanei_, scarcely discoverable -on the Illyrian frontier, in other regions was represented by meagre -bodies of one or two hundred men;[707] whilst the _Palatines_ and -_Comitatenses_ betrayed such an altered character that they could -claim merely a nominal existence.[708] The very name of legion, -so identified with Roman conquest, but no longer available in the -deteriorated military organization, became obsolete. In a Byzantine -army at this period three constituents exist officially, but with -little practical distinction. They appear as the _Numeri_,[709] the -_Foederati_, and the _Buccellarii_. 1. The _Numeri_ are the regular -troops of the Empire, horse and foot, enrolled under the direct -command of the Masters of the Forces, but the principle of strict -selection has been virtually abandoned, applicants are accepted -indiscriminately,[710] and even slaves are enlisted and retained under -any plausible pretext.[711] 2. The _Foederati_ now consist of bodies -of mercenaries raised as a private speculation by soldiers of fortune, -with the expectation of obtaining lucrative terms for their services -from the Imperial government.[712] Such regiments were formed without -regard to nationality, and might be composed mainly, or in part, -of subjects of the Empire, or be wholly derived from some tribe of -outer barbarians who offered themselves in a body for hire. On being -engaged, each band received an _optio_ or adjutant, who formed the -connecting link between them and the central authorities, and arranged -all matters relating to their _annones_ and stipend.[713] But the tie -was so loose that even on a foreign expedition they might arbitrarily -dissolve the contract for some trivial reason, and possibly join the -enemy’s forces.[714] 3. The _Buccellarii_[715] are the armed retainers -or satellites of the Byzantine magnates, whether civil or military, -but especially of the latter. Officially they are reckoned among the -_Foederati_,[716] and are obliged to take an oath of allegiance, not -only to their actual chief, but also to the Emperor.[717] Their number -varied according to the rank and wealth of their employers, and in the -case of the Praetorian Praefects, or the Masters of the Forces, might -amount to several thousands.[718] In each company they were divided -into two classes, named respectively the lancers and the shieldmen. -The former were selected men who formed the personal guard of their -leader, the latter the rank and file who were officered by them.[719] -The lancers were invariably cavalry, the shieldmen not necessarily so. -These satellites were recruited preferably amongst the Isaurians,[720] -a hardy race of highlanders, who, though within the Empire, always -maintained a quasi-independence in their mountain fastnesses, -and devoted themselves openly to brigandage.[721] To check their -depredations a military Count was always set over that region, which -thus resembled a frontier rather than an interior province. A fleet of -warships was not kept up systematically at this epoch, but in view of -an expedition, owing to the small size of the vessels, a navy could be -created in a few weeks.[722] - -From the foregoing specification it will be perceived that the method -of enrollment constituted the only practical difference between the -three classes of soldiers who marched in the ranks of a Byzantine army. -The maintenance of the Empire rested, therefore, on a heterogeneous -multitude, trained to the profession of arms no doubt, but without the -cohesion of nationality or uniform military discipline.[723] In the -multifarious host the word of command was given in Latin, which Greek -and barbarian alike were taught to understand.[724] - -Every student of ancient history is familiar with the methods of -warfare among the Greeks and Romans; with the impenetrable, but -inactive, phalanx which subdued the eastern world; and with the less -solid, but mobile, legion which ultimately succeeded in mastering -it.[725] Such armies consisted mainly of infantry; and the small bodies -of cavalry attached to them, amounting to one tenth, or, perhaps, to -as little as one twentieth part of the whole, were intended merely to -protect the flanks of each division, or to render more effective the -pursuit of a flying enemy. In those times, therefore, the horsemen -were only an auxiliary force, which never engaged in battle as an -independent army. But in the multiple operations against elusive -barbarians in the wide circuit of the Roman Empire, experience made it -evident that the mobility of cavalry was indispensable in order to -deal effectively with such wary and reckless foes.[726] Early in the -fourth century the number and importance of the cavalry had increased -to such an extent that they were relegated to a separate command: -and the Master of the Horse was regarded as of superior rank to his -colleague of the infantry.[727] In the East, however, both branches of -the service were soon combined under a single commander-in-chief; and -henceforward the first military officers are entitled Masters of the -Horse and Foot, or, collectively, of the Forces.[728] - -At the period I am writing about, the usual routine of a pitched -battle is to range the infantry in the centre with large squadrons of -cavalry on either flank.[729] Both armies first exhaust their supply of -missiles, after which a general engagement at close quarters ensues. -By the aid of various evolutions, concealed reserves, and unexpected -manœuvres, the opposing generals strive to take each other at a -disadvantage, and victory rests with the most skilful or fortunate -tactician. Single combats in the interspace between the two armies are -not unfrequently initiatory to a battle;[730] and sometimes a campaign -is decided by conflicts of cavalry alone.[731] - -The various classes of Imperial guards still exist as a fourth division -of the army, but, owing to the introduction of a system of purchase, -these corps have degenerated into the condition of being mere figures -to be mechanically paraded in the course of state pageantry; soldiers -apparently, and in resplendent uniforms, but unversed in war, who would -sooner buy their release for a large sum than enter on a campaign.[732] - -The wars of Anastasius may be reviewed briefly in this section. They -were four in number. 1. At the outset of his reign he found himself -opposed within the capital by a strong faction of turbulent Isaurians, -the relations and adherents of the late Emperor Zeno. Some of these -held high office, and had even aspired to the throne.[733] On their -dismissal and banishment from Constantinople the leaders fled to -Isauria, where they levied large forces, and raised a rebellion by -the aid of arms and treasure which Zeno had seen fit to amass in his -native province.[734] The insurgents kept up hostilities for a long -period with declining success against the Imperial generals, and the -revolt was not fully suppressed till the seventh year (498).[735] In -the fourth year of the war, however, the ringleaders were captured -and decapitated, and their heads were sent to Constantinople, where -they were exhibited to the populace fixed on poles in the suburb of -Sycae.[736] The pacification of the province was achieved by this war -more effectually than on any previous occasion, and the Isaurians do -not again appear in history as refractory subjects of the Empire.[737] - -2. In 502 the Persian king, Cavades,[738] applied to Anastasius -for the loan of a large sum of money which he required in order to -cement an alliance with the barbarian nation of the Nephthalites or -White Huns.[739] For politic reasons this loan was refused, and the -exasperated potentate immediately turned his arms against the Empire. -He invaded the western portion of Armenia, which was under Roman -suzerainty,[740] and took one or two towns of minor importance before -an army could be sent against him. The principal feature of this war, -which lasted about four years, was the capture and recovery of Amida, -a strongly fortified city of considerable size, situated in northern -Mesopotamia, on the banks of the Tigris. Although ill-garrisoned, -and neither armed nor provisioned to stand a siege, the inhabitants -received the Persians with the most insulting defiance and made a very -determined resistance for some months. The massive walls withstood the -attacking engines, and all the devices of the besiegers were baffled -by the ingenuity of those within the city. In despair Cavades had -already given orders to raise the siege when the downfall of Amida -was brought about by a very singular circumstance, as related by the -chief historian of the period.[741] In the excess of popular frenzy at -the news of the proposed retreat, the harlots of the town hastened to -the battlements in order to jeer at the Persian monarch as he passed -on his rounds, by making an indecent exposure of their persons. This -obscene conduct so impressed the Magi in attendance that they gave it -a mystical signification, and imparted their opinion to the King that -“everything hidden and secret in Amida would shortly be laid bare.” The -departure was countermanded, and ultimately, through the supineness or -treachery of some monks, to whom the guard of one of the main towers -had been confided, an entry was made. A vengeful massacre of the -vanquished then took place,[742] which was only stayed by the wit of -a suppliant priest, who, in answer to the irate question of Cavades, -“How did you dare to resist me so violently?” replied, “That the city -might be won by your valour and not by our cowardice.” Two years -later, as a result of a protracted but ineffective siege, the Persians -agreed to evacuate the town for a payment of one thousand pounds of -gold (£40,000). On entering, the Romans discovered to their chagrin -that such a state of destitution prevailed as would have compelled the -surrender of the stronghold within a few days. The conclusion of this -war was brought about by an invasion of the Huns,[743] who threatened -Persia from the north; and hence Cavades was glad to make peace for -seven years, on terms which left both parties in the same position as -before the commencement of hostilities. The issue of this conflict was, -on the whole, favourable to Anastasius, who, in the sense of being -the superior power, soon proceeded to infringe the articles of the -treaty by erecting commanding fortresses against his late foes along -his eastern border. Especially as a counterpoise to the impregnable -Nisibis, which had been ceded to the Persians a century and a half -previously by the inept Jovian,[744] he raised the insignificant -village of Daras to the rank of an important town, and surrounded it -with bastions of imposing strength.[745] The impotent protests of the -Persians were disregarded, and the two empires did not again come into -martial collision for more than twenty years. - -3. In 505 Anastasius and Theodoric, the Gothic king in Italy, by mutual -inadvertence, as it may be judged, became involved in a conflict. -Simultaneously the Master of the Forces in Illyricum and the Gothic -general Petza were engaged in suppressing their several enemies in -that region.[746] The antagonist of the Byzantine general was Mundo, -a bandit chief of the blood of Attila, who, with a body of Hunnish -marauders, was preying on the country. He, on the point of being -worsted, craved the assistance of Petza, who, seeing in him a natural -ally of kindred race, joined him with his forces. The Goth had, in -fact, just achieved the object of his expedition and probably made -this move in the heat of success. Together they routed the Imperial -army, which was shattered beyond all chance of reparation.[747] To -avenge this defeat, Anastasius in 508 fitted out a naval expedition, -which conveyed a landing force of 8,000 soldiers to the Italian coast. -Making an unforeseen descent on Tarentum, they ravaged the vicinity -with piratical ferocity, and returned as hastily as they came.[748] -Theodoric, however, did not feel equal to pitting himself against the -forces and resources of the East, and decided not to resent these -reprisals. He deprecated the wrath of the Emperor in deferential -language, and these encounters were soon forgotten as merely fortuitous -disturbances of the peace.[749] - -4. In 514 the studied economy of Anastasius provoked an upheaval of -the incongruous elements of the state, which threatened the immediate -collapse of his administration. From the hordes of barbarians massed -on the banks of the Danube, troops were continually detached to -take service under the Empire as _Foederati_; and their numbers had -increased to such an extent that the annones due to them became an -intolerable drain on the revenue. A sweeping reduction of these -supplies was, therefore, decreed;[750] a measure judicious in itself, -which would probably have been supported in sullen silence by the -barbarians had not Count Vitalian, a Goth, and their principal leader, -perceived that a specious means of retaliation was to hand. Taking -advantage of the religious intractability of Anastasius, which was -the bane of his rule and had alienated from him most of his pious -subjects, he announced himself as the champion of orthodoxy, and -proclaimed a holy war against the heretical Emperor.[751] The cry was -taken up universally, and, especially within the capital, all the -factious fanatics clamoured for Vitalian as the legitimate occupant -of the throne. An immense host of _Foederati_ followed the standard -of the rebel; a great battle was fought in Thrace, with the result -that the Imperial army was cut to pieces, suffering a loss, it is -said, of more than sixty thousand.[752] A fleet was placed at the -disposal of the pretender, whereupon Vitalian moved on the capital -and blockaded Constantinople by land and sea. Against this attack -the Emperor concerted measures within the city with some Athenian -philosophers, their chemical knowledge was utilized effectively, -galleys which ejected bituminous combustibles were launched against -the hostile ships, and the investing fleet retreated precipitately -amid volumes of fire and smoke.[753] The diplomacy of the almost -nonagenarian monarch during this revolt was marked by much temporizing -and duplicity; he disarmed the _Foederati_ by a liberal donative,[754] -and by raising their captain to the rank of Master of the Forces in -Thrace;[755] he mollified the orthodox ecclesiastics by promises and -prepared instruments for the recall of exiled bishops; and he appealed -to Pope Hormisdas praying that a synod should meet at Heraclea in order -to appease the dissensions of the Church.[756] The synod met after -protracted negotiations, but the combination was already dissolved, -and the head of rebellion was broken; the concessions offered by -the Emperor were presented and found to be illusory, and the futile -assembly separated without any tangible result.[757] Anastasius had -carried his point; active, yet impotent discontent reigned everywhere, -but he had yielded nothing; and soon afterwards, in extreme old age, he -sank into the grave[758] amid the familiar waves of sedition which for -twenty-seven years had raged ineffectually round his throne.[759] - -III. The commercial activities of the ancient world, as far as they -come within the vision of history, were almost confined to these -countries which encircle the basin of the Mediterranean; and in the -early centuries of our era the varied regions to be measured between -the Ganges and Gades were conceived to represent approximately the -whole extent of the habitable earth.[760] Although the theory of a -globe was held by advanced geographers and astronomers, the fact had -not been established by circumnavigation and survey; and the idea was -so far from being realized by the masses, that the notion of antipodes -seemed to them to be little less than preposterous.[761] In the -obscurity of prehistoric times the arts and sciences appear to have -originated in the East; and from thence, by the aid of Greece and Rome, -civilization extended until it included almost all the known parts of -Western Africa and Europe. Before the beginning of the sixth century, -however, owing to the incursions and settlements of Goths and Vandals, -those western countries had retrograded nearly to the same level of -barbarism from which they had been rescued formerly by the civilizing -arms of Rome. - -In the earliest ages the trade of the Mediterranean was entirely in -the hands of the Semitic race; and from their great ports of Tyre and -Sidon the Phoenicians penetrated with their well-laden ships even as -far as Spain and Britain,[762] disposing of their native manufactures -and imported wares on every coast within their reach.[763] But with -the rise and spread of Hellenic civilization, commerce became more -cosmopolitan; and by the conquests of Alexander the Greeks were made -practically cognizant of a Far East teeming with productions which -could minister to the needs of increasing wealth and luxury. At the -same period, about 330 B.C., the foundation of Alexandria by that -monarch gave them the command of Egypt, and they began to explore the -borders of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea as far as the Gulf of Aden and -the confines of equatorial Africa. Concomitantly the laborious voyage -of Nearchus,[764] undertaken at the instigation of the Macedonian -conqueror, along inhospitable shores from the mouth of the Indus to -the head of the Persian Gulf, revealed to the Greeks the existence of -a chain of navigable seas by which the treasures of the Indies might -be brought by water to the wharves of the new capital. Through the -establishment of this commerce Alexandria became the greatest trading -centre of the Mediterranean, and distributed its exports to every -civilized community who peopled the extended littoral of that sea.[765] - -The first merchants who crossed the Indian ocean, embarking in small -ships of light draught, timidly hugged the shore during their whole -voyage, dipping into every bight for fear of losing sight of land. -But in the reign of Claudius a navigator named Hippalus discovered -the monsoons, and noted their stability as to force and direction -at certain seasons of the year.[766] Thenceforward the merchants, -furnishing themselves with larger vessels,[767] boldly spread their -sails to the wind, ventured into mid-ocean, and made a swift and -continuous passage from the southern coast of Arabia to some chosen -port in the vicinity of Bombay.[768] Such was the southern, and, within -the Christian era, most frequented trade route between the Roman -Empire and the Indies. There were, however, two other avenues, more -ancient, but less safe and less constant, by which merchandise from -the far East, mainly by inland transit, could enter the Empire. By the -first of these, which traversed many barbarous nations, the eastern -shores of the Euxine were brought into communication with northern -India through the Oxus, the Caspian Sea, and the Cyrus. From a bend -in the latter river, the emporium of the trade, the town of Phasis, -was easily attainable.[769] The second, intermediately situated, was -the most direct and facile of the three, but, as it lay through the -Persian dominions, the activity of commerce by this route depended on -the maintenance of peace between the two empires.[770] The Byzantine -government, jealous of the intercourse of its subjects with their -hereditary enemies, fixed Artaxata, Nisibis, and Callinicus[771] as -marts beyond which it was illegal for Roman merchants to advance for -the purposes of trade on this frontier.[772] - -In the sixth century the Ethiopian kingdom of Axume,[773] nearly -corresponding with Abyssinia, became the southern centre of -international trade; and its great port of Adule was frequented -by ships and traders from all parts of the East.[774] Ethiopian, -Persian, and Indian merchants scoured the Gangetic Gulf, and, having -loaded their vessels with aloes, cloves, and sandalwood, obtained -at Tranquebar and other ports, returned to Siedeliba or Ceylon[775] -to dispose of their goods. There transhipments were effected, and -sapphires, pearls, and tortoise-shell, the chief exports of that -island, were added to the cargoes of ships westward bound. In the -same market a limited supply of silk was obtained from such Chinese -merchants as were venturesome enough to sail so far.[776] From Ceylon -such vessels voyaged along the Malabar coast between Cape Comorin and -Sindu, near the mouth of the Indus, receiving on board at various -places supplies of cotton and linen fabrics for clothing, copper and -rare woods, together with spices and aromatics, musk, castor, and -especially pepper. In the harbours of that seaboard they also met with -the merchants from Adule, most of whom sailed no farther, and provided -them with the freight for their homeward voyage.[777] - -The traders of Axume were not, however, wholly dependent for supplies -on their intercourse with the Indies. Adjacent to their own borders lay -wide tracts of country which were to them a fruitful source of the most -valuable commodities; and with such their ships were laden when outward -bound for the further East. Journeying to the south-east they entered -an extensive but wild region called Barbaria,[778] part of which was -known as the Land of Frankincense, from its peculiar fecundity in that -odoriferous balsam. In this region cinnamon and tortoise-shell were -also obtained; black slaves were purchased from various savage tribes; -elephants were hunted by the natives for food; and ivory was supplied -in greatest quantity to the markets of the world.[779] Every other year -a caravan of several hundred merchants set out from Axume, well armed -and equipped for a distant expedition. For six months continuously they -travelled southward until they had penetrated far into the interior -of the African continent. Gold was the object of their journey, and -they took with them a herd of oxen as well as a quantity of salt and -iron to barter for the precious metal. On arriving at the auriferous -region they slaughtered the oxen and cut up the flesh into joints which -they arranged along with the other objects of trade on the top of a -specially erected barrier formed of thorn bushes. They then retreated -to some distance, upon which the inhabitants, who had been watching -their proceedings, came forward and placed pellets of gold on such lots -as they wished to purchase. On the savages retreating the traders again -advanced and removed or left the gold, according as they accepted or -refused the amount offered. In this way, after various advances and -retreats, bargains were satisfactorily concluded.[780] In the southern -parts of Arabia bordering on the ocean, myrrh and frankincense were -gathered in considerable quantity, whence the country acquired the -epithet of Felix or Happy.[781] The richest source of emeralds lay -in the uncivilized territory between Egypt and Axume, where the mines -were worked by a ferocious tribe of nomads called Blemmyes. From them -the Axumite merchants obtained the gems, which they exported chiefly -to northern India. Amongst the White Huns, the dominant race in that -region, they were esteemed so highly that the traders were enabled -to load their ships with the proceeds of a few of these precious -stones.[782] - -Down the Red Sea to Adule resorted the Byzantine merchants, engaged -in the home trade, in great numbers.[783] After loading their vessels -they again sailed northward, a proportion of them to the small island -of Jotabe,[784] situated near the apex of the peninsula of Mount Sinai, -which separated the Elanitic from the Heroopolitan gulf. At a station -there they were awaited by the officials of the excise, who collected -from them a tenth part of the value of their merchandise.[785] Some -of these ships proceeded up the eastern arm of the sea to Elath; the -rest of them chose the western inlet and cast anchor at Clysma.[786] -The wares landed at these ports were intended chiefly for the markets -of Palestine and Syria.[787] By far the greater portion of the fleet, -however, terminated their northward voyage at Berenice,[788] the last -port of Egypt, on the same parallel with Syene. Here they discharged -their cargoes and transferred the goods to the backs of camels, who -bore them swiftly to the emporium of Coptos on the Nile.[789] A crowd -of small boats then received the merchandise and made a rapid transit -down stream to the Canopic arm of the river, from which by canal they -emerged on lake Mareotis,[790] the inland and busiest harbour of -Alexandria. The maritime traffic between the Egyptian capital and all -other parts of the Empire, Constantinople especially, was constant and -extensive, so that commodities could be dispersed from thence in every -direction with the greatest facility. - -Within the Eastern Empire itself there were manufactories for the -fabrication of everything essential to the requirements of civilized -life, but production was much restricted by the establishment -universally of a system of monopolies. Several of these were held by -the government, who employed both men and women in the manufacture of -whatever was necessary to the Court and the army.[791] At Adrianople, -Thessalonica, Antioch, Damascus, and other towns, arms and armour were -forged, inlaid with gold when for the use of officers of rank; the -costly purple robes of the Imperial household emanated from Tyre,[792] -where dye-works and a fleet of fishing-boats for collecting the murex -were maintained; these industries were strictly forbidden to the -subject. There were, besides, at Cyzicus[793] and Scythopolis,[794] -official factories for the weaving of cloth and linen. The military -workshops were under the direction of the Master of the Offices, the -arts of peace under that of the Count of the Sacred Largesses. Public -manufacturers or traders were incorporated in a college or guild -controlled by the latter Count, the privileges of which were limited -to some five or six hundred members.[795] Among the staple productions -of the Empire we find that Miletus[796] and Laodicea[797] were famous -for woollen fabrics, Sardes[798] especially for carpets, Cos[799] for -cotton materials, Tyre[800] and Berytus[801] for silks, Attica[802] -and Samos[803] for pottery, Sidon[804] for glass, Cibyra[805] for -chased iron, Thessaly[806] for cabinet furniture, Pergamus[807] for -parchment, and Alexandria[808] for paper. The fields of Elis were -given over to the cultivation of flax, and all the women at Patrae -were engaged in spinning and weaving it.[809] Hierapolis[810] in -Phrygia was noted for its vegetable dyes; and Hierapolis[811] in Syria -was the great rendezvous for the hunters of the desert, who captured -wild animals for the man and beast fights of the public shows. Slave -dealers, held to be an infamous class, infested the verge of the Empire -along the Danube, but at this date Romans and barbarians mutually -enslaved each other.[812] On this frontier, also, consignments of -amber and furs were received from the shores of the Baltic and the Far -North.[813] With respect to articles of diet, almost every district -produced wine, but Lesbian and Pramnian were most esteemed.[814] A wide -tract at Cyrene was reserved for the growth of a savoury pot-herb, -hence called the Land of Silphium.[815] Egypt was the granary of the -whole Orient.[816] Dardania and Dalmatia were rich in cheese,[817] -Rhodes[818] exported raisins and figs, Phoenicia[819] dates, and the -capital itself had a large trade in preserved tunnies.[820] - -China was always topographically unknown to the ancients, and about -the sixth century only did they begin to discern clearly that an ocean -existed beyond it.[821] The country was regarded as unapproachable by -the Greek and Roman merchants,[822] but nevertheless became recognized -at a very early period as the source of silk. Fully four hundred years -before the Christian era the cocoons were carried westward, and the art -of unwinding them was discovered by Pamphile of Cos, one of the women -engaged in weaving the diaphanous textiles for which that island was -celebrated.[823] Owing to the comparative vicinity of the Persian and -Chinese frontiers, the silk exported by the Celestial Empire always -tended to accumulate in Persia, so that the merchants of that nation -enjoyed almost a monopoly of the trade.[824] Hence Byzantine commerce -suffered severely during a Persian war, and strenuous efforts would be -made to supply the deficiency of silk by stimulating its importation -along the circuitous routes. Such attempts, however, invariably proved -ineffective[825] until the invention of the compass and the discovery -of the south-east passage opened the navigation of the globe between -the nations of the East and West. - -IV. In general condition the Byzantine people exhibit, almost uniformly -in every age, a picture of oppressed humanity, devoid of either -spirit or cohesion to nerve them for a struggle to be free. With -the experience of a thousand years, the wisdom of Roman statesmen -and jurists failed to evolve a political system which could insure -stability to the throne or prosperity to the nation. Seditious in the -cities, abject in the country, ill-disciplined in the camp, unfaithful -in office, the subjects of the Empire never rose in the social scale, -but languished through many centuries to extinction, the common grave -of Grecian culture and Roman prowess. - -In the rural districts almost all the inhabitants, except the actual -landowners, were in a state of virtual slavery. The labourers who -tilled the soil were usually attached, with their offspring, to each -particular estate in the condition of slaves or serfs. They could -neither quit the land of their own free will, nor could they be -alienated from it by the owner, but, if the demesne were sold, they -were forced to pass with it to the new master.[826] The position of a -serf was nominally superior to that of a slave, but the distinction -was so little practical that the lawyers of the period were unable -to discriminate the difference.[827] Any freeman who settled in a -neighbourhood to work for hire on an estate lost his liberty and -became a serf bound to the soil, unless he migrated again before the -expiration of thirty years.[828] The use and possession of arms was -interdicted to private persons throughout the Empire, and only such -small knives as were useless for weapons of war were allowed to be -exposed for sale.[829] - -In every department of the State the same principle of hereditary -bondage was applied to the lower grades of the service, and even in -some cases to officials of considerable rank. Here, however, a release -was conceded to those who could provide an acceptable substitute, a -condition but rarely possible to fulfil.[830] Armourers, mintmen, -weavers, dyers, purple-gatherers, miners, and muleteers, in government -employ[831] could neither resign their posts nor even intermarry[832] -with associates on a different staff, or the general public, unless -under restrictions which were almost prohibitive. Within the same -category were ruled the masters or owners of freight-ships,[833] -chartered to convey the annones and tributes, of which the Alexandrian -corn-fleet[834] constituted the main section. Those addicted to this -vocation in the public interest were necessarily men of some private -means, as they were obliged to build and maintain the vessels at their -own expense; but they were rewarded by liberal allowances, and were -almost exempt in respect of the laws affecting the persons and property -of ordinary citizens. The lot of this class of the community appears to -have been tolerable, and was even, perhaps, desirable,[835] but that -of the Decurions, the members of the local senates, was absolutely -unbearable.[836] In relation to their fellow townsmen their duties -do not seem to have been onerous, but as collectors of the revenue -they were made responsible for the full precept levied four-monthly -on each district, and had to make good any deficiency from their own -resources.[837] As natives of the locality to which their activities -were constrained, their intimate knowledge of the inhabitants was -invaluable to the government in its inquisitorial and compulsive -efforts to gather in the imposts; and, subordinated to the Imperial -officials resident in, or on special missions to, the provinces, they -became consequently the prime object of their assaults when dealing -with the defaulting tributaries. In view of such hardships, municipal -dignities and immunities were illusory; and, as the local senates were -very numerous, there were few families among the middle classes, from -whom those bodies were regularly replenished, whose members did not -live in dread of a hereditary obligation to become a Decurion. In every -ordinary sphere of exertion, not excepting the Court, the Church, or -the army, men, long embarked on their career, were liable to receive -a mandate enjoining them to return to their native town or village -in order to spend the rest of their lives in the management of local -affairs.[838] Occupation of the highest offices of State, or many -years’ service in some official post, could alone free them from the -municipal bond.[839] - -Life under accustomed conditions, though with restricted liberty, -may be supportable or even pleasant, but the Byzantine subject could -seldom realize the extent of his obligations or foresee to what -exactions he might have to submit. He might review with satisfaction -a series of admirable laws which seemed to promise him tranquillity -and freedom from oppression, but experience soon taught him that -it was against the interest of the authorities to administer them -with equity. By an ineradicable tradition, dating from the first -centuries of the expansion of the Empire, it was presumed that the -control of a province offered a fair field to a placeman for enriching -himself.[840] Hence the prevalence of a universal corruption and a -guilty collusion between the Rector and all the lesser officials, -who afforded him essential aid in his devices for despoiling the -provincials.[841] While the fisc never scrupled to aggravate the -prescribed imposts by superindictions,[842] its agents were insatiate -in their efforts at harvesting for themselves. The tyranny of the -first emperors was local and transient, but under the rule of the -Byzantine princes the vitals of the whole Empire were persistently -sapped. In the _adaeratio_ of the annones a value was set upon the -produce far above the market price;[843] taxes paid were redemanded, -and receipts in proper form repudiated because the _tabellio_ who -had signed them, purposely removed, was not present to acknowledge -his signature;[844] unexpected local rates were levied, to which -the assent of the Decurions was forced, with the avowed object of -executing public works which were never undertaken;[845] sales of -property at a vile estimate were pressed on owners who dared not -provoke the officials by a refusal;[846] decisions in the law courts -were ruled by bribery, and suitors were overawed into not appealing -against unjust judgements;[847] forfeitures of estates to the crown -were proclaimed under pretence of lapse of ownership or questionable -right of inheritance, and their release had to be negotiated for -the payment of a sufficient ransom;[848] even special grants from -the Imperial treasury for reinstatement of fortifications or other -purposes were sometimes embezzled without apprehension of more serious -trouble, if detected, than disgorgement.[849] In all these cases the -excess extorted was appropriated by the rapacious officials. Such -were the hardships inflicted systematically on the small proprietors -who, if unable to pay or considered to be recalcitrant, were not -seldom subjected to bodily tortures. For hours together they were -suspended by the thumbs,[850] or had to undergo the application of -finger-crushers or foot-racks,[851] or were beaten on the nape of -the neck with cords loaded with lead.[852] Nevertheless, remainders -accumulated constantly, and a remission of hopeless arrears for a -decade or more was often made the instance of Imperial indulgence. -But the old vouchers were habitually secreted and preserved by the -collectors so that the ignorant rustics might be harassed persistently -for debts which they no longer owed.[853] The existence of such -frauds was patent even to the exalted perceptions of the Court; and -hence Anastasius, in order to render his abolition of the chrysargyron -effective, resorted to an artifice which appealed to the avarice of -his financial delegates throughout the country.[854] But an emperor, -however well-intentioned, could rarely attempt to lighten the burdens -of even the humblest of his subjects. His immediate ministers had sold -the chief posts in the provinces[855] and were under a tacit convention -to shield their nominees unless in the case of some rash and flagrant -delinquent who abandoned all discretion. The public good was ignored -in practice; to keep the treasury full was the simple and narrow -policy of the Byzantine financier, who never fostered any enlightened -measure for making the Empire rich.[856] Zeno essayed to remedy the -widespread evil of venality, but his effort was futile; although his -constitution was re-enacted more than once and permanently adorned -the statute-book.[857] According to this legislator every governor -was bound to abide within his province in some public and accessible -place for fifty days after the expiration of his term of office. Thus -detained within the reach of his late constituents when divested of his -authority, it was hoped that they would be emboldened to come forward -and call him to account for his misdeeds. The reiteration of the law at -no great intervals of time sufficiently proves that it was promulgated -only to be disregarded.[858] - -Without legitimate protectors from whom they might seek redress, the -wretched tributaries either tried to match their oppressors in craft, -or yielded abjectly to all their demands. Some parted with whatever -they possessed, and finally sold their sons and daughters into slavery -or prostitution;[859] others posted their holdings against the visits -of the surveyors with notices designating them as the property of -some influential neighbour.[860] Such local magnates, who maintained, -perhaps, a guard of Isaurian bandits, were wont to bid defiance -to the law as well as to the lawlessness of the Rector and his -satellites.[861] To their protection, in many instances, the lesser -owners were impelled to consign themselves unconditionally, hoping to -find with them a haven of refuge against merciless exaction. The patron -implored readily accepted the trust, but the suppliant soon discovered -that his condition was assimilated to that of a serf.[862] The web of -social order was strained or ruptured in every grade of life; traders -joined the ranks of the clergy in order to abuse the facilities for -commerce conceded to ministers of religion;[863] the proceedings of -the Irenarchs among the rustic population were so vexatious, that they -were accounted disturbers, instead of guardians of the peace,[864] and -the simple pastor had to be denied the use of a horse, lest it should -enable him to rob with too much security on the public highways.[865] - - - II. EDUCATIONAL - -Superstition flourishes because knowledge is still the luxury of the -few. By education alone can we hope to attain to the extinction of that -phase of mind termed belief, or faith, which has always been inculcated -as a virtue or a duty by the priest, and condemned as a vice of the -intellect by the philosopher. In every age, the ability to discern -the lines of demarcation which separate the known from the unknown is -the initial stage of advancement; and in the training of youth, the -prime object of the educator should be to confer this power on every -individual; for in the uninformed minds of a great majority of mankind, -fact and fancy are for the most part inextricably entangled. The -efforts of authority to dispel or perpetuate error are most potent when -acting on the impressionable faculties of early life. In a sane and -progressive world the first conception to be engrafted in the expanding -mind should be that knowledge has no foothold beyond the causeways -pushed by science into the ocean of the unknown.[866] - -I do not design to produce under this heading a lengthy disquisition -on paedagogics among the Byzantines, but merely to indicate, by some -broad lines, upon what stock of common knowledge the foundations of -civilization rested in this age. The student of early Roman history -will scarcely need to be reminded that the virtues of the Republic -were not derived from the schools of art or philosophy; or that the -aesthetic tastes of those blunt citizens only developed in proportion -as they found themselves lords over the culture as well as over the -country of the Greeks.[867] Towards the middle of the second century -B.C., Greek professors of literature and eloquence began to establish -themselves at Rome, where they held their ground for some decades on -a very precarious footing, owing to the strong disfavour with which -they were regarded by those who considered the preservation of ancient -manners as the salvation of the state.[868] Gradually, however, the -new discipline prevailed; eminent teachers were accorded recognition -by the government, and before the end of the first century A.D., the -privilege of maintaining at the public expense a faculty of professors -to impart higher instruction to the rising generation, was granted to -every town of any magnitude throughout the Empire.[869] To facilitate, -therefore, the prosecution of _liberal studies_, for such they were -officially named, suitable buildings were erected in every populous -centre. Architecturally, a state school comprised a handsome hall or -lecture theatre, with class-rooms attached, the whole being surrounded -essentially by a portico.[870] The extent and decorative elaboration -of these edifices depended doubtless on their local or general -importance. The greater institutions, as denoted by their being the -resort of a large concourse of students, were liberally provided with -the adornments of painting and statuary.[871] Objective instruction -was given by means of tabular expositions of the subjects taught -affixed to the walls of the colonnades, among which maps conveying not -only geographical, but also historical information, were particularly -conspicuous.[872] Until the barbarian invasion of Greece by Alaric at -the close of the fourth century, Athens maintained an easy pre-eminence -as a centre of polite learning, and bestowed the greatest prestige -on those who passed through her schools.[873] The most pronounced -effort for the advancement of higher education in the East at this -epoch was the definite constitution of the schools of Constantinople -in an Auditorum on the Capitol, almost as the counterpart of a -modern University, by Theodosius II, in 425. The teaching staff of -this college consisted, under their official titles, of three Orators -and ten Grammarians for the Latin language; of five Sophists and ten -Grammarians for the Greek tongue; of one Philosopher; and of two -Jurists, thirty-one members in all.[874] To insure the success of -this foundation, the decree for its establishment was accompanied -by an injunction against the public lecturing of professors other -than those appointed to hold forth within its walls.[875] A body of -scriveners, technically named antiquarians, was also maintained for the -multiplication of copies of manuscripts in the public libraries of the -capital, which were rich in literature.[876] - -In addition to these teachers, who were settled in various localities, -the itinerant professor, who travelled from place to place delivering -public harangues and taking pupils for a short course of instruction, -was a feature in the life of the period. With considerable vanity -they distinguished themselves by wearing a long beard, carrying a -staff, and enfolding themselves in a cloak of an unusual tint.[877] -Rhetoricians affected a garb of scarlet or white, philosophers of gray, -and physicians of blue.[878] When addressing an audience, they usually -presented themselves crowned with flowers, reeking with perfumes, and -displaying a gold ring of remarkable size.[879] The advent of these -self-ordained instructors of the public into a provincial town was -often the occasion of much local enthusiasm, and a throng of citizens -advanced to meet them for some distance, in order to conduct them to -their lodgings.[880] All professors, whether in the pay of the state -or otherwise, enjoyed a complete immunity from the civil duties and -imposts enforced on ordinary individuals, thus presenting the singular -contrast of being licensed to live in a condition of ideal freedom -under a political system which restricted personal liberty at every -turn.[881] Such material advantages inevitably became liable to abuse -through imposture, and the country was permeated by charlatans in -the guise of philosophers, who coveted distinction and emolument at -the easy price of a merely personal assertion of competence.[882] -In the fourth century this evil was scarcely checked by Imperial -enactments which required that professors of every grade should -procure credentials as to character and attainments from the Curia of -their native place.[883] The cost of education is a somewhat obscure -subject, but we are justified in assuming that all the state seminaries -were open gratuitously to the youth of the district; and we know that -even private teachers of eminence were accustomed to remit the fees to -students who were unable to pay.[884] - -The ancients, like the moderns, assigned certain courses of instruction -to pupils according to their age and the estimated development of their -intelligence. As with us, the recipient of a full liberal education -passed through three stages, adapted respectively to the capacity -of the child, the boy, and the youth, which may be discussed under -the headings of Elementary, Intermediate, and Final. To these must -necessarily be added, in the case of those destined for a special -vocation, a fourth stage, viz., the Professional. Their conception, -however, of the periods of early life was more defined, and differed -somewhat from our own, the first terminating at twelve, the second at -fourteen, the third at twenty, and the fourth at twenty-five years of -age.[885] Primary education began at from five to seven, and the pupils -were usually sent to a day-school in the charge of a slave, named a -paedagogue. There they were taught to read, write, and to count; and -suitable pieces were given to them to learn by rote. A wooden tablet -faced with wax, upon which they scratched with a style, took the -place of the modern slate or copy-book. Calculation was restricted to -some simple operations of mental arithmetic, owing to the cumbersome -method of figuring employed by the ancients, which did not lend itself -easily to the manipulation of written numbers.[886] The schoolmasters -who presided over such preparatory establishments did not rank as -professors, and were not accorded any privileges beyond those of -ordinary citizens.[887] - -II. At twelve the work of mental cultivation commenced seriously, and -the pupil entered on the study of the _seven liberal arts_, viz., -grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and -music.[888] These subjects were taken in two stages, which in the -West were beginning to be called the _Trivium_ and _Quadrivium_.[889] -Two years were devoted to the _Trivium_, the scope of which may -be apprehended from a brief summary. 1. The grammar of the period -dealt with the eight parts of speech in a sufficiently exhaustive -manner; conveyed some notions, often crude and erroneous, as to the -derivation of words; and, in the absence of precise anatomical or -acoustic science, attempted in a primitive fashion a classification -of the letters and a physiology of vocalization. The construction of -sentences was analyzed with considerable minuteness; and passages -selected from eminent writers were set for the student to parse with -an exactitude seldom called for at the present day.[890] The laws of -poetical metre were taught as a leading branch of the subject; and a -familiarity with literature was promoted by reading the best authors, -especially Homer.[891] The copious Latin grammarian Priscian flourished -at Constantinople under Anastasius, and his monumental work in eighteen -books is still extant.[892] - -2. In the province of dialectics it was sought to instill the art of -reasoning correctly into the mind of the pupil. Thus he was introduced -to the elementary principles of logic; the categories, or the modes -of regarding and classifying phenomena, were explained to him; and he -was exercised in the practice of accurate deduction according to the -various forms of the syllogism. - -3. Without a practical acquaintance with the art of rhetoric it was -considered that no one could pretend to occupy any desirable position -in the civil service of the Empire.[893] This course was the extension -and application of the two previous ones of grammar and logic, upon -which it was based. The rules of composition and the arts of argument, -which the ingenuity of the Greeks had unravelled and defined under a -hundred apposite names, were exemplified to the student,[894] who -wrote extracts to dictation chosen from various illustrative authors. -The sophist or rhetorician addressed his class on some stated theme, -and spoke alternately on both sides of the question. The management -of the voice and the use of appropriate gesture were systematically -taught.[895] Finally the pupils were set to compose speeches of their -own and to debate among themselves on suitable subjects.[896] - -III. The four divisions of the _Quadrivium_ were grouped together as -the mathematical arts; and six years were allotted to their study. 1. -In geometry the discipline did not include the learning of theorems -and problems as set forth in the Elements of Euclid, but merely an -acquaintance with the definitions and with the ordinary plane and solid -figures.[897] The teaching in this section, however, was mainly of -geography.[898] It was asserted doubtfully that the earth was a globe -and that there was an inferior hemisphere of which nothing certain -could be predicated.[899] - -2. Arithmetic was not practised methodically by the setting of sums to -be worked out by the pupils, but consisted chiefly in demonstrating -the more obvious properties of numbers, such as odd, even, prime, -perfect, etc., together with many fanciful absurdities.[900] Operations -with figures were indicated verbally in a disconnected manner; -multiplication tables to be learnt by heart had not been invented; the -higher rules and decimal fractions were unknown. - -3. Systematic astronomy at this period and for long after, as is well -known, was conceived of on false principles which, whilst admitting -of the correct solution of some problems, such as the prediction -of eclipses, left the vastness of the universe and its physical -constitution totally unapprehended. All the heavenly bodies were -regarded as mathematically, if not teleologically disposed about the -earth, to which as a centre even the fixed stars, at varying and -immeasurable distances as they are, were constrained fantastically -by a revolving sphere of crystal.[901] The reasoning, however, by -which these views were upheld was not sufficiently convincing to gain -universal acceptance; and the outlines of the science communicated -to students generally received some modifications from the minds -of individual teachers.[902] Much of the course was taken up with -treating of the constellations and the zodiac, not without a tincture -of astrology, and some primitive observations on meteorology were -included.[903] - -4. Music as known to us is virtually a modern creation; and that of the -Greeks would doubtless impress us as a wild and disorderly performance, -adapted only to the ears of some semi-barbaric people of the East. -Their most extended scale did not range beyond eighteen notes;[904] -in order to obtain variety their only resource was a shift of key, -that is, a change of pitch, or the adoption of a different mode, -that is, of a gamut in which the semitones assumed novel positions; -and their harmony was restricted to the consonance of octaves. Time -was not measured according to the modern method, but there was a -rhythm fixed in relation to the various metres of poetic verse. Their -usual instruments were the pipe or flute, the lyre, a simple form of -organ,[905] and, of course, the human voice. Practically, therefore, -their music consisted of melody of a declamatory or recitatival type, -to which a peculiar character was sometimes given by the use of quarter -tones; and choral singing was purely symphonic. But the vibrational -numbers of the scale had been discovered by Pythagoras when making -experiments with strings; and each of the eighteen notes and fifteen -modes had received a descriptive name. Hence the limited scope of -the art did not prevent the theory of music from ultimately becoming -elaborated with a complexity not unworthy of the native subtlety of the -Greeks.[906] In practice the musical training of pupils consisted in -their learning to sing to the lyre.[907] - -Such in brief were the component parts of a liberal education, with -which, however, under the name of philosophy, it was considered -essential that a complement of ethical teaching should be conjoined. -This complement was digested into three branches, under which were -discussed the duty of the individual to himself, to the household, and -to the community at large or to the state.[908] - -IV. It now remains for us to glance at the more protracted training of -those who had resolved to devote their lives to some particular sphere -of activity. Aspirants for the position of professor of the liberal -arts, or who wished to utilize their acquirements in a political -career, would continue and extend their studies on the lines above -indicated; but those who intended to follow the professions of law -or physic, or engage in practice of art proper, had to direct their -energies into new channels. - -1. As the administration of the Empire was almost monopolized by the -members of the legal profession, it may be inferred that the throng of -youths intent on becoming lawyers fully equalled in number the students -of every other calling. Hence we find that not only were schools of -law established in every city of importance, notably Constantinople, -Alexandria, and Caesarea, but that a provincial town of minor rank -obtained a unique celebrity through the teaching of jurisprudence. -Berytus, on the Syrian coast, in the province of Phoenicia, with an -academic history of several centuries[909] at this date, had attained -to that position; and was habitually spoken of as the “mother” -and “nurse of the laws.”[910] Four jurists of eminence, double the -number allotted to any other school, under the title of Antecessors, -lectured in the auditorium;[911] and a progressive course of study -was arranged to extend over five years. In each successive year the -candidate assumed a distinctive designation which marked his seniority -or denoted the branch of law on which he was engaged.[912] Before -the sixth century the legal archives of the Empire had been swollen -to such proportions that it had become an almost impossible task to -thread the maze of their innumerable enactments. During the lapse of a -thousand years the constitutions of the emperors had been engrafted on -the legislation of the Republic, and the complexity of the resultant -growth was capable of bewildering the most acute of legal minds. On -three occasions, beginning from the time of Constantine, attempts had -been made to separate and classify the effective laws;[913] and the -Code of Theodosius II, published in 438, the only official one, was -at present in force. But this work, executed in a narrow spirit of -piety which decreed that only the enactments of Christian emperors -should be included, was universally recognized as both redundant and -insufficient. A still wider entanglement existed in the literature -which had accumulated around the interpretation and application of the -statutes; during the administration of justice a myriad of perplexing -points had arisen to exercise the keenest forensic judgement in order -to arrive at equitable decisions; and it was estimated that two -thousand treatises, emanating from nearly forty authors, contained in -scattered passages matter essential to a correct apprehension of the -principles and practice of the law.[914] Such was the arduous prospect -before a legal student who desired to win a position of repute in his -profession.[915] - -2. As Berytus had become famous for its law school, so Alexandria, -and even some centuries earlier, had gained a noted pre-eminence as a -centre of medical education;[916] but with respect to the course of -study and the methods of instruction no details have come down to -us. We have seen that the regulations for the establishment of the -auditorium at Constantinople did not provide for a chair of physic, -whence it may be inferred that it was left entirely to those who had -attained to the position of senior or arch-physician to organize -the teaching and training of pupils. The public medical officers, -who attended the poor at their own homes or in the _nosocomia_ or -hospitals existing at this date,[917] would doubtless have excellent -opportunities for forming classes and rendering students familiar -with the aspect and treatment of disease. The medical and surgical -science of antiquity had come to a standstill by the end of the second -century, when the indefatigable Galen composed his great repertory -of the knowledge of his own times. That knowledge comprised almost -all the details of macroscopic anatomy, but had advanced but a little -way towards solving the physiological problems as to the working of -the vital machine. The gross absurdities of the preceding centuries -had, however, been finally disposed of, such as that fluids passed -down the windpipe into the lungs,[918] or that the arteries contained -air.[919] Ordinary operations were performed freely; and the surgeon -was conscious that it was more creditable to save a limb than to -amputate it.[920] Three centuries before the Christian era Theophrastus -had laid the foundations of systematic botany, as had his master -Aristotle those of zoology and comparative anatomy.[921] The resources -of therapeutics were extensive and varied, but the action of drugs -was not well understood. Remedies were compounded not only from the -vegetable kingdom, but also with animal substances[922] to an extent -which seems likely to be equalled by the more precise medication with -the principles of living tissues gaining ground at the present day. -Knowledge of minerals, however, was too deficient for such bodies to -take a prominent place in pharmacology.[923] - -3. The arts of Greece, after having flourished in perfection from the -time of Pericles to that of Alexander in the various departments of -architecture, sculpture, painting, and literature, remained dormant for -some centuries until the establishment of universal peace under the -dominion of Rome provided a new theatre for their exercise. Fostered -in the Augustan age by the indolence and luxury of the Imperial city, -which offered the prospect of fortune to every artist of ambition and -talent, they were communicated to the Latins, who strove earnestly -to imitate and equal their masters. The exotic art bloomed on the -foreign soil to which it had been transplanted; and the Italians, if -they never displayed creative genius or originality of conception, -at least learned to reproduce with consummate skill and novelty of -investment the emanations of Hellenic inspiration. But the elements -of permanency were wanting to such factitious aptitudes, as they were -in fact to the fabric of the Empire itself; and the wave of political -stability was closely followed in its rise and fall by the advance or -decline of the arts. After the reign of Augustus the tide of prosperity -ebbed for about half a century until it reached its lowest level -during the Civil Wars which heralded the settlement of Vespasian on -the throne. It rose again, and for more than fifty years maintained -an active flow during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, subsequent -to which its course is marked by a gently descending line, under the -benign rule of the Antonines, until it sinks somewhat abruptly in the -temporary dissolution of the Empire, which preceded the triumph of -Severus. Thenceforward, but two centuries from its foundation,[924] -the sovereignty of Rome entered on shoals and quicksands, calamity -succeeded calamity, and a position of stable equilibrium was never -afterwards regained; but in the vicissitudes of fortune before the -final catastrophe, an illusive glow appeared to signalize more than -once a return of the supremacy of the Caesars.[925] - -By the time of Constantine the neglect and degradation of art had -become so pronounced that artists could scarcely be found competent to -execute, even in an inferior style, any monumental record of the events -of the age; or for the construction of the public buildings so lavishly -planned by that monarch in his attempted renovation of the Empire.[926] -To meet the difficulty he promulgated decrees, which were kept in -force and multiplied by his successors, with the view of stimulating -his subjects to devote themselves to arts and the allied handicrafts. -Immunity from all civil burdens was guaranteed; and salaries, with the -free occupation of suitable premises in public places, were offered to -those who would undertake to teach.[927] These measures undoubtedly -tended to the elevation of taste and the maintenance of civilization, -although they could not infuse a new genius into the people of a -decadent age. - -At the opening of the sixth century Constantinople was the focus of -civilization not only in the East, but also with respect to those -western countries which had until lately been united as members of -the same political system. The suzerainty of the eastern Emperor was -still tacitly allowed, or, at least, upheld; and the prestige of his -capital was felt actively throughout the ruder West as a refining -influence which only waned after the period of the Renaissance. The -main characteristic of art at this epoch is an unskilled imitation -of ancient models; and the conventional style regarded as typically -Byzantine, which at one time prevailed so widely in Europe, was not -to become apparent for many centuries to come.[928] But by the fifth -century certain modifications of design, betraying the infiltration of -Oriental tastes, also began to be observable.[929] - -_a._ Architecture at Constantinople remained essentially Greek, or, -at least, Graeco-Roman; and the constant demand for new buildings, -especially churches, ordained that it should still be zealously -studied. In the provinces, however, particularly on the Asiatic side, -some transitional examples would have enabled an observer to forecast -already an era of cupolar construction.[930] - -_b._ On the other hand, statuary almost threatened to become a lost -art. The devotion to athletic contests, which prevailed among the -Greeks, caused them to lay great stress on physical culture; and at -the public games, as well as in the preparatory gymnasia, they were -constantly familiarized with the aspect of the human figure undraped -in every phase of action and repose.[931] The eye of the artist thus -acquired a precision which enabled him to execute works in marble with -a perfection unapproached in any later age. To the anthropomorphic -spirit of polytheism it was necessary that the images of the gods -should be multiplied in temples and even in public places; and the -Greeks essayed to express the ideal beauty of their divinities -under those corporeal forms which appeared most exquisite to the -human senses. Received as being of both sexes and as fulfilling -the conception of faultless excellence in a variety of spheres, a -boundless field lay open before the artist in which to represent them -according to their diverse attributes of sovereignty, of intellect, -or of grace.[932] But the traditions of Hebrew monotheism sternly -forbid any material presentation of the Deity, and sculpture in the -round was almost abolished at the advent of Christianity. In one minor -department, however, that of ivory carving, a school of artists was -constantly exercised in order to provide the annual batch of consular -diptychs, which it was customary to distribute throughout the provinces -every new year.[933] On each set of these plates, figured in low -relief, appeared generally duplicate likenesses of the consul of the -day, clad in his state robes and surrounded by subsidiary designs. The -style of these productions, perfunctorily executed it may be, suggests -that the average artist of the period was incapable of portraiture or -of tracing correctly the lines of any living form.[934] - -_c._ Less unfortunate with reference to religion were the pictorial -arts at this date. The decoration of churches, in brilliant colour -and appropriate iconography, was gradually carried to a degree of -elaboration which has never since been surpassed. The intrinsic -nature of popular devotion insensibly established the convention that -images in the flat did not contravene the divine prohibitions; and -ecclesiastical prejudice yielded to expediency. On the iconostasis -and around the walls of the sacred edifice, in proximity to the -worshippers, Christ, the Virgin, the Apostles, and the Saints, with -many a scene of Gospel history, were depicted in glowing tints on -a blue or a golden ground. On every available space of the ceiling -similar subjects, but of larger dimensions, were executed in a -brilliant glass mosaic, and the mass of colour overhead completed the -gorgeous effect of the interior.[935] Accordantly it was considered -that reverence for the holy scriptures was fittingly shown by the -reproduction of copies in the most costly form; and hence the painting -of manuscripts in miniature revived and endured as one of the staple -industries of the age. But in all these cases defective drawing and -perspective are often painfully conspicuous, and a meretricious display -of colour seems to be regarded by the artist as the highest expression -of his skill.[936] - -_d._ By the end of the fifth century we are on the verge of that -new era in literature, introduced by the Byzantines, when to make a -transcript of some previous writer was to become an author.[937] In -other branches of art from time to time some obvious merit becomes -visible on the surface, but in the domain of poetry, during nearly -fourteen centuries previous to the fall of the Empire, a single name -only, that of Claudian, survives to remind us that both Greeks and -Latins once possessed the faculty of expressing themselves in verse -with nobility of thought and felicity of diction. Poetasters existed -in abundance, but without exception their compositions exemplify the -futility of striving after an object which in that age had resolved -itself into the unattainable. The usefulness of prose as a medium of -information, however low may be its literary level, often compensates -us for lack of talent in an author; and the bald chronicler, who -plagiarized his predecessors in the same field and presented their work -as his own, is sometimes as welcome to the investigator as a writer of -more ambitious aims. In these barren centuries, however, history and -theology are occasionally illustrated by some work of original power. - -In the foregoing paragraphs I have dealt with education in relation -only to the male sex, and it remains for me to say a few words -respecting the mental training of the female. In keeping with the rule -as to their social seclusion, the instruction of girls was conducted -in the privacy of the family circle. There they received, in addition -to the usual rudiments, a certain tincture of polite learning, which -implied the methodical reading of Homer and a limited acquaintance -with some of the other Greek poets and the dramatists.[938] Music, as -being an elegant accomplishment, was also taught to them.[939] They -were not, however, debarred from extending the scope of their studies, -and instances of learned ladies are not altogether wanting to this age, -for example, the Empress Athenais or Eudocia[940] and the celebrated -Hypatia.[941] - -A glance at the slight structure of knowledge, the leading lines of -which I have just lightly traced, may enable the modern reader to -appreciate the conditions of intellectual life among the ancients, -and to perceive within how narrow an area was confined the exercise -of their reasoning faculties. Viewed in comparison with the vast body -of contemporary science, all the information acquired by the Greeks -must appear as an inconsiderable residue scarcely capable of conveying -a perceptible tinge to the whole mass. For fully eighteen hundred -years, from the age of Aristotle to that of Columbus and Copernicus, -no advance was made in the elucidation of natural phenomena or even -towards exploring the surface of the globe. The same globe has been -surveyed and delineated in its widest extent by the industry of our -cartographers, has been seamed with a labyrinth of railways for the -conveyance of substance, and invested in a network of wire for the -transmission of thought. In the universe of suns our solar system -appears to us as a minute and isolated disc, the earth a speck within -that disc; to the ancients the revelations of telescopic astronomy -were undreamt of, and the world they inhabited (all but a tithe of -which was concealed from them, and whose form they only mistily -realized) seemed to them to be the heart of the universe, of which the -rest of the celestial bodies were assumed to be merely subordinate -appendages. Geological investigation has penetrated the past history -of the earth through a million of centuries to those primeval times -when meteorological conditions first favoured the existence of organic -life; the people of antiquity were blinded by unfounded legends which -antedated the origin of things to a few thousand years before their -own age. Spectroscopic observation has assimilated the composition of -the most distant stars to that of our own planet. Chemical analysis -has achieved the dissolution of the numberless varieties of matter -presented to our notice, and proved them to arise merely from diverse -combinations of a few simple elements; and electrical research has -almost visually approached that primordial substance in which is -conceived to exist the ultimate unity of all things.[942] Synthetical -chemistry has acquired the skill to control the inherent affinities -of nature, and to compel her energies to the production of myriads of -hitherto unknown compounds.[943] By the aid of the microscope we can -survey the activities of those otherwise invisible protoplasmic cells -which lie at the foundation of every vital process; and the possibility -is foreshadowed that, in the alliance of biology and chemistry, we -may one day succeed in crossing the bridge which links the organic -to the inorganic world and command the beginnings of life.[944] In -all these departments of objective knowledge the speculations and -researches of the Greek philosophers had not even broken the ground. -For these primitive observers, without history and without science, the -world was a thing of yesterday, a novel appearance of which almost -anything might be affirmed or denied. Magnetism was known merely as -an interesting property of the lodestone; electricity, as yet unnamed, -had barely arrested attention as a peculiarity of amber, when excited -by friction, to attract light substances. Nor had the mechanical -arts been developed so as to admit of any practical application -and stimulate the industries of civilization. Although automatic -toys were sometimes constructed with considerable ingenuity,[945] -the simplest labour-saving machine was as yet uninvented.[946] -In the early centuries of our era knowledge had become stagnant, -and further progress was not conceived of. One half of the world -lived on frivolity; the individuality of the other half was sunk in -metaphysical illusion. The people of this age contemplated nature -without comprehending her operations; her forces were displayed before -their eyes, but it never entered into their heads to master them and -make them subservient to the needs of human life; they moved within a -narrow cage unconscious of the barriers which confined them, without -a thought of emerging to the freedom of the beyond; and an ordinary -citizen of the present day is in the possession of information which -would surprise and instruct the greatest sage of ancient Greece. - - - III. RELIGIOUS. - -The increase of knowledge in the nineteenth century has stripped every -shred of supernaturalism from our conception of popular religions. -The studies and inventions of modern science have illuminated every -corner of the universe; and our discovery of the origins has cleared -the greatest stumbling-block from the path of philosophy and removed -the last prop which sustained the fabric of organized superstition. -The world will one day have to face the truth about religion; and it -may then become necessary to restrain by legal enactment those who -would draw away the masses to some old historical, or to some new-born -superstition.[947] - -In primitive times the curiosity and impatience of mankind demanded -an immediate explanation of the activities of nature; and by a simple -analogy they soon conceived the existence of a demiurge or maker of -worlds who, in his loftier sphere, disposed of the materials of the -universe by methods comparable to those of their own constructive -operations.[948] Or, perchance, by even less speculative reasoning -they were led to accept the phenomenal world as the result of a -perpetual generation and growth which accorded closely with their -everyday experience of nature; whilst a divinity of some kind seemed to -lurk in every obscurity and all visible objects to be instinct with a -life and intelligence of their own.[949] In either case they believed -themselves to be in the presence of beings of superior attributes whom -it was desirable or necessary to conciliate by some form of address -adapted to gain their favour or to avert their enmity. Hence worship, -the parent of some system of ritual likely to become more elaborate -in the lapse of time; and the ultimate establishment of a priestly -caste who would soon profess to an intercourse with the unseen not -vouchsafed to ordinary mortals. Gradually the first vague notions of -a celestial hierarchy grew more realistic by imaginative or expedient -accretions; and in a later age the sense of a less ignorant community -would not be revolted by incredible details as to the personal -intervention of divinities in the history of their progenitors when -such events were relegated to a dimly realized past. But, although -a belief in revelation as seen through the mists of antiquity -prevails readily at all times among the unthinking masses, a spirit -of scepticism and inquiry arises with the advent of civilization and -increases concurrently with the vigour of its growth. Then the national -mythology is submitted to the test of a dispassionate logic, and its -crude constituents become more and more rejected by the sagacity of -a cultured class. They, however, always hitherto an inconsiderable -minority, feel constrained to an indulgence more or less qualified of -the superstitions of the vulgar for fear of disturbing the political -harmony of the state. - -The early Greek philosophers awoke into life to find themselves endowed -with vast intelligence in a world of which they knew nothing. No -record of the past, no forecast of the future disturbed the serenity -of their intellectual horizon. In a more aesthetic environment they -renewed the impulse to interpret nature with a finer sense of congruity -than was possessed by their rude ancestors, but their methods were -identical, and they believed they could advance beyond the bounds of -experience by the exercise of a vivid imagination. The coarse myths of -polytheism were thrust aside, and the void was filled with fantastic -cosmogonies, some of which included, whilst others dispensed with, the -agency of a Deity.[950] The truth and finality of such speculations -was shortly assumed, and schools of philosophy, representing every -variety of doctrine, were formed, except that in which it was foreseen -that knowledge would be attained only by the long and laborious path -of experimental investigation. But whilst disciples were attracted to -different sects by the personal influence of a teacher, by the novelty -of his tenets, or by their own mental bias, the general sense of the -community remained unconvinced; and the independent thinkers of the -next generation perceived the futility of inquiries which evolved -nothing coherent and revealed no new facts. Scientific research, for -the deliberate striving after deeper insight ranked as such in the -unpractised mind of the period, was discredited, and an impression -that the limits of human knowledge had already been reached began -to prevail universally. A reign of scepticism was inaugurated, the -evidence of the senses in respect even of the most patent facts was -doubted, and the study of nature was virtually abandoned.[951] Then -philosophy became synonymous with ethics, but by ethics was understood -merely the rule of expediency in public life, a subject which was -debated with much sophistry. The inspiration of Socrates impelled -him to combat this tendency, to search earnestly after truth, and -to inculcate an elevated sense of duty. His mind was pervaded by an -intense philanthropy which affected his associates so profoundly -that his teaching did not lose its influence for centuries after his -death. From the time of Socrates the fruits of experience began to be -gathered, and new schools of philosophy were organized on the sounder -basis of divulging to their votaries how to make the best use of their -lives. The views entertained on this question were as various as the -divergences of human temperament, and adapted to countenance the -serious or the frivolous proclivities of mankind.[952] A theological or -cosmical theory was a usual part of the equipment of these schools, -but in outward demeanour they conformed, more or less strictly, with -the religion of the state. The intellectual movement among the Greeks -culminated after about two centuries of activity in the career of -Aristotle, who undertook to sift, to harmonize, and to codify all the -knowledge of his age.[953] A great work had been accomplished; all -that wild outgrowth with which savage intellection is wont to encumber -the domain of reason had been swept away, and the ground had been -subjected to an orderly, though unproductive planting. The conception -that nature would yield a harvest as the reward of rational study had -been awakened, but the efforts lapsed because the method had yet to be -discovered of fertilizing the vacant soil.[954] - -The conception of social ethics or of mutual obligation among the -members of a community appears to have been one of those influences -which presided at the birth of civilization, and to have attained -theoretical perfection far back in the prehistoric past; whilst the -perpetual conflict between duty and individual advantage has always -inhibited altruism from being accepted as an invariable guide to -conduct without the artificial support of penal law. In Homer and -Hesiod we find almost every rule for living uprightly adequately -expressed. A man should honour his parents, love and be generous to his -friends, be a good neighbour, and succour strangers and suppliants. -He should be truthful, honest, continent, and industrious; and should -consider sloth to be a disgrace.[955] In the next age Hellenic -refinement could add little more than fuller expression to these simple -precepts. But from Pythagoras to Socrates, from Aristotle to Cicero, -from Seneca to Marcus Aurelius, a constant emission of ethical doctrine -was maintained. Amid the wealth of disquisition, innumerable striking -aphorisms might be selected, but only a few such can be recorded here: -We should scan the actions of each day before resigning ourselves to -sleep;[956] We have contracted with the government under which we live -to submit ourselves to its laws, even should they condemn us to death -unjustly;[957] We should pity the man who inflicts an injury more than -him who suffers it, for the one is harmed only in his body, the other -in his more precious soul;[958] Do not unto others what it angers you -to suffer yourself;[959] Even should we be able to conceal our conduct -from gods and men, we are not the less bound to act uprightly;[960] The -judge, as well as the criminal, is on his trial that he may deliver -just decisions;[961] Do not revile the malefactor, but commiserate him -as one who knows not right from wrong;[962] Blame none, for men only do -evil involuntarily.[963] By the first century slaves had begun to be -considered in a more humane light; and masters were enjoined to look -on them as humble friends, as brothers with whom it was no disgrace to -sit at meat.[964] The iniquity of the gladiatorial shows was beginning -to be felt in the time of Cicero,[965] and they were denounced in no -measured terms by Seneca.[966] Such exhibitions had never been proper -to the Greek communities and, when an attempt was made to introduce -them at Athens in the second century, the cynic philosopher Demonax -restrained his fellow citizens by declaring that before doing so they -should first demolish the altar of Pity.[967] The exposure of new-born -infants was one of the besetting sins of antiquity, and the practice -was universal among the Latins and Greeks.[968] The inhumanity of it -was, however, perceived early in our era; yet not until the reign of -Severus do we find a legal pronouncement against it.[969] Constantine -discountenanced it, but no comprehensive enactment for its suppression -was promulgated till the end of the fourth century.[970] Charity -towards the needy was a recognized duty from the earliest times, and -Homer voices the general sentiment when he writes that strangers and -the poor are to be treated as emissaries from the gods.[971] At Athens, -in its palmy days, an allowance was made to indigent citizens;[972] and -the lavish system of outdoor relief denoted by the trite phrase, _Panem -et circenses_, as introduced by the Caesars, threatened to pauperize -the urban population of the Empire.[973] The origin of charitable -asylums is not well ascertained, but there is evidence that in the -first century at least the foundation of such institutions was already -being promoted by the rulers of the state.[974] The Roman Empire -entered the Christian era equipped with a civilization scarcely at all -inferior to that of the present day in relation to art, literature, -and social ethics, but a sustaining principle, which could endow -the splendid fabric with quality of permanency, was wanting. It was -vulnerable within and without; and two powerful enemies, superstition -and the barbarian, were awaiting the opportune moment to prey upon it. -The dissolution commenced within; ignorance of natural science allowed -the first to work havoc in its vital parts; the barbarian assaulted the -infected mass from without, and the ruin became complete. - -The political unification of the most civilized portion of the globe -was begun by the conquests of Alexander and completed by those of -Rome. Sociological homogeneity was attendant on centralization of -government. From Britain to North Africa and from Spain to Asia Minor -thought flowed through the same channels. Rome and Greece dominated -the world between them; while the former assumed the physical control -of the nations, the latter held their mental faculties in subjection. -Progressively, however, influences began to permeate the Empire which -were foreign to both Latins and Hellenes. East and west confronted each -other on the Asiatic frontier; Egyptians and Jews were commingled with -the Latin and Greek races in the great mart of Alexandria. Oriental -mysticism became rife, and gods of every nationality were received -into the bosom of Rome.[975] In the first century of the Christian -era the times were ripe for new religious beliefs. By the expansion of -the Roman dominions the classes had become cosmopolitan, and a wide -experience of men and manners had dissipated the rustic simplicity -of the Republic. The society of the Empire was enlightened by the -speculations of Greek philosophy; it became versed in metaphysical -discussion, and soon conceived an irreverence for the divinities of a -ruder age.[976] Everywhere the same level of mental apprehension was -ultimately reached. Then the inanity of earthly existence began to be -acutely felt. The thoughtful looked through the void and saw nowhere -for the mind to rest. Zeal for public distinction had been suppressed -by military despotism, and the pride which animates the strenuous -virtues of a rising commonwealth was extinct. Levity pervaded the -aimless crowd who lived only for the diversion of the hour. Nature had -been interrogated repeatedly with an invariably negative result; her -secret, if she possessed one, seemed to be impenetrable and destined -to remain for ever unknown. No discovery in science had opened up the -vista of a path which led through inexhaustible fields of knowledge. -The psychical unrest longed for new ideals and was willing to be -appeased by the slightest semblance of a revelation. Religion-making -became a craft which was followed by more than one practitioner in -all the chief cities of the Empire. A host of charlatans arose and -made many victims by pretending to theurgic powers.[977] Agitated by -vague impulses the social units drifted with indeterminable currents, -for more than a century before the heterogeneous elements which were -in commotion showed a tendency to group themselves under any concrete -forms. At length the appearances of a settlement became visible, and -three distinct forms emerged successively from the previously existing -chaos, each of which claimed to have sounded the abysmal depths and to -have brought to the surface the inestimable balm which was to salve the -bruised souls of humanity. But they beheld each other with horror and -contempt, and a contest was initiated between them on the theatre of -the Empire for the spiritual dominion of mankind. - -I. In the year 28 A.D., the fifteenth of the reign of Tiberius, Pontius -Pilate was governor of Judaea, the subordinate officer of Aelius -Lamia, the Imperial legate of Syria.[978] At that point of time a man, -previously unknown among the Jews, assumed the rôle of a public teacher -of religion and ethics and devoted himself to an itinerant mission -throughout the cities and districts of Palestine. He seemed to be about -thirty years old and it was soon realized that he was a certain Jesus -who had hitherto worked as a carpenter, his father’s trade, in his -native village of Nazareth. He preached a reformation of manners among -the people generally, and rebuked with a penetrating bitterness the -pride and hypocrisy of the chief men of his own race. At the outset -of his career he summoned to his assistance twelve men of the same -humble rank as himself and enjoined them to follow his example. He did -not confine himself to hortatory discourses, but proved on numerous -occasions that he had the gift of working miracles. At his command -the sick were healed and even the dead returned to life. Those who -were possessed with devils he immediately released from their baleful -thraldom.[979] The laws of nature appeared to be subject to his will -and were reversed whenever he thought fit to exert his power over them. -Finally he declared himself to be the Messiah or Christ, a more than -mortal being whom the Jews expected to rescue them from their political -abasement and raise them to a position of national supremacy. Israel -as a body rejected his claims with scorn and derision; his ministry -of peace afforded no prospect of the rehabilitation they aspired -to.[980] He met them in the temple at Jerusalem and they demanded -of him a sign that he was an emissary sent from heaven. In reply he -assailed them with vituperation and hurried from the precincts. Amongst -his own following he explained himself; his design had been entirely -misconceived; he was the son of Jehovah and his kingdom was not of this -world. He had been sent to reconcile his own nation to his father, the -ruler of the universe, whom they had offended by their moral laxity -and corruption. He would shortly depart from the earth, but he would -soon return with all the powers of heaven to judge the inhabitants of -this lower sphere. Then the just would be received into a state of -bliss without end, whilst the wicked should be consigned to everlasting -torment. He persisted in his didactic work, which tended to make the -chief priests and elders odious in the eyes of the people, until they -determined to compass his destruction. Ultimately he was seized and -brought before the Roman governor as a mover of sedition, but Pilate -was unconcerned and wished to release him. His accusers insisted, he -yielded and, after suffering every indignity, Jesus was crucified -between two thieves on mount Calvary during the Paschal festival of -A.D. 29, under the consulship of the two Gemini.[981] But his disciples -had been forewarned by their master that his death in the guise of a -malefactor was preordained as an atonement to effect the redemption -of the world from sin. Had it been otherwise legions of angels would -descend to discomfort his impious antagonists. At the same time he -predicted that he would rise from the dead on the third day after the -burial of his body. This promise was fulfilled, his sepulchre was found -empty, and Jesus appeared again to his disciples. He discoursed with -them for forty days, constituted them apostles to preach his Gospel -not only to the Jews, but also to the Gentiles, and in their presence -ascended into the heavens until the clouds received him out of their -sight. - -Such was the astounding relation elicited with some difficulty from -a sect of new religionists called Christians, who, as early as the -reign of Nero, were sufficiently numerous at Rome to have incurred -the hatred of the populace through their austere disposition and -their stern abjuration of the national gods.[982] In the year 64 -the city was devastated by an appalling conflagration of which the -insensate emperor was himself accused, but he shifted the odium -to the already discredited recusants, and condemned many of them -to perish in the flames by a peculiarly atrocious method.[983] -Nevertheless the Christians maintained their ground and thirty years -later were regarded with hostility by the tyrant Domitian as a body -of proselytizing Jews in the capital.[984] At the dawn of the second -century the younger Pliny found them so numerous in his province of -Bithynia as almost to have subverted the established religion. In -great concern he wrote to the Emperor Trajan questioning whether he -should proceed to extremities in his efforts to suppress them. This -epistle is extant, and through it some details were first made public -as to their tenets and mode of worship. Before daybreak on a certain -day they met and recited an address to Christ as to a god; bound -themselves by oath to commit no crime against society, and partook -together of a common meal. The cultured Roman, imbued with literature -and philosophy, estimated the Christian belief as a depraved and -extravagant superstition, the eradication of which was dictated by -state policy, but his master counselled him to disregard it unless -popular animosity should in particular instances compel him to drag -its devotees from their obscurity.[985] The Christian missionaries -pursued their labours unremittingly and were especially active among -the proletariat, from whom during the first centuries their converts -were almost exclusively drawn.[986] Throughout the length and breadth -of the Empire they persistently undermined the existing order of -things by teaching doctrines which were at variance with the received -conception of Roman citizenship. Not only did they revile the pagan -deities, whom they classed as demons instead of gods, and shun their -festivals,[987] but they evinced an utter aversion for military -service.[988] The polytheists were incensed at the pretensions of a -deity who would not share the theocracy, but claimed to oust all other -divinities from their seats and occupy the celestial throne alone,[989] -whilst statesmen became alarmed at the prospect of political defection, -and began to second the vulgar prejudice by systematic efforts at -exterminating the spreading sect. The benignant Marcus Aurelius was -induced to believe that the Christians were a danger to the state and -he issued a decree (_c._ 177) that they should be sought out and put -to death unless willing to abandon their faith.[990] This was the -first decided persecution, but, although many perished, it proved -ineffective, as no means available were strong enough to extinguish the -flames of fanaticism. On the contrary, those who stood firm before the -tribunals and were allowed to escape with their lives ranked afterwards -as “Confessors,” a title more glorious in the eyes of their fellows -than any temporal dignity; whilst constancy to the death became the -essential qualification of Martyrs or witnesses to the truth, Saints -who were admitted forthwith among the heavenly host as mediators -between God and man.[991] As soon as the repressive measures were -relaxed all the weaker brethren, who had abjured in the face of danger, -prayed for readmission to the conventicles, and were usually received -after the infliction of a term of penance. Once and again during the -next century and a half widespread persecution was had recourse to by -Decius and by Diocletian, but the Christians throve and prospered in -the intervals despite of fitful and local hostility.[992] The memorable -battle of the Milvian bridge in 312 proved to be a turning-point in -the history of Rome and of Christianity; and the state religion of the -ancient world was involved in the fall of the dissolute Maxentius. -The victorious Constantine, as sole Emperor of the West, immediately -concerted a measure with his colleague of the East, Licinius, for the -establishment of religious toleration throughout their dominions.[993] -Thenceforward Christianity was free to expand in obedience to the -charge she had received at her origin and to apply herself to the task -of supplanting every other belief. - -The acceptance of all religions is pressed by an appeal to the -supernatural sub-structure on which they profess to be based; and -this claim is substantiated by the presentment of some miraculous -circumstances from which they are asserted to have derived their birth. -Evidential obscurity has always been the soul of such pretensions; -and the truth of the most improbable occurrences has been resolutely -maintained because assured witnesses could not be produced in order to -prove a negative. But the time for historical discussion or sifting -of evidence in relation to such matters has long gone by; and in the -twentieth century the philosopher is enabled without examination -to dismiss with a smile the mere suggestion that such events have -occurred.[994] That any narrative, which in its essential statements -consists largely of the marvellous, should be rejected as false in -its entirety has almost risen to the dignity of a canon of historical -criticism. The principle, however, has often been unduly strained in -its application; and no judicious investigator would refuse to allow -that a slender thread of fact may sometimes be extricated from a mass -of incredible legend. The awe-inspiring life of Jesus emanates from -authors of unascertainable date and repute. No neutral scribe, no -adverse critic, has furnished us with any personal impressions of his -career bearing the intrinsic marks of truth and simplicity. Nor can -it be affirmed that any character fairly discernible on the stage of -history ever knew an apostle. The Twelve who are credited with having -disseminated the faith of the Gospel from east to west lie buried -in a more than prehistoric obscurity, the writings ascribed to them -doubted, denied, or clearly disproved.[995] It can scarcely be a matter -of surprise, therefore, if some serious scholars of modern times have -committed themselves to an absolute denial that the nominal founder -of Christianity has had any real existence.[996] Yet the cause of -mysticism was well served by the impenetrable cloud which hung over -the mundane activity of Jesus. No common inquiry enabled the diligent -adversaries of Christianity to strip the veil from the idealized -figure, and expose its features to the gaze of vulgar observation. The -philosophic critic was reduced to mere expressions of incredulity; and -the despair of historians became the firmest pillar of belief in the -church.[997] - - -II. In an idle hour Plato applied himself to shadowing forth a -theological doctrine which should account for the origin and -guidance of the objective universe.[998] A supreme god, the One or -the Good,[999] at a certain moment conceived a creative design and -fashioned the material world out of pre-existing elements.[1000] This -task completed, he created intellect and soul; and by combining the two -together produced living intelligence.[1001] He was now provided with -all the requisite ingredients for peopling the world he had made; and -his next step was to form a primal race of spiritual beings or daemons -whom he endowed with immortality. From these by generation issued -the whole progeny of gods worshipped by the Greeks, for whom their -pedigrees and actions were recorded by Orpheus, Homer, and Hesiod. -Among the divine existences were also to be reckoned the stars. At -this stage the creative work of the One came to an end. He addressed -the daemons and said: “You have observed my method of procedure when -engaged in moulding yourselves. Follow my example and set about the -production of mortal natures to inhabit the air, the water, and the -earth.” They obeyed his behests, and the whole animal kingdom was the -result of their labours. But the grosser matter with which mortal -souls are weighed down is the essence of evil, and the just man will, -therefore, desire to escape from the body in order to be free from -its impure passions.[1002] For the Creator had appointed that each -soul should be associated with a particular star, to whose blissful -abode it might return as the reward of a life well spent on earth. The -unrighteous soul, however, must first be chastened by an ordeal of -transmigration through descending grades of lower animal natures, the -least abased being that of a woman. - -This cosmological phantasy of Plato was destined, after lying dormant -for more than five centuries, to breathe a new spirit into the almost -inanimate body of polytheism. The higher social caste, still adhering -languidly to the old belief, counted among them many elevated minds -devoted to the traditions of the past, who apprehended with dismay -the dissolution of all they prized in the ebbing tide of Paganism. -The effete superstition could only be sustained by some process of -depuration capable of reconciling it with the more refined perceptions -of the age. The required influence was at hand. From Alexandria, where -an international fusion of philosophies and religions had been in -progress almost since the foundation of the city, a new dispensation -proceeded before the middle of the third century. In that capital, -the Greek was penetrated by the spirit of Oriental mysticism, and the -Jew was fascinated by the intellectual ascendancy of the schools of -Athens. The ancient rivalry of sects had almost died out, and a later -generation of inquirers adopted freely whatever they could assimilate -from various systems of philosophy.[1003] After passing tentatively -through several stages from the first years of our era, a theological -doctrine under the name of Platonism was elaborated by the Egyptian, -Plotinus,[1004] with sufficient completeness to be presented to the -devout polytheist as a rule of life. In general conception, the new -faith did not differ essentially from the scheme advanced by the -founder of the Academy, but, with its deficiencies supplied from exotic -sources, it was propounded solemnly as a theosophy which revealed -the whole purport of human existence. As a practical religion, this -revival, Neoplatonism by name, enjoined a purity of life which should -free the soul from defilement by contact with the world, and allow it -to coalesce with the divine potential whence it had emanated.[1005] The -crowning allurement of the system was that this blissful conjunction -might be attained by the fervid votary even during life. Those who -had subjugated all their natural, and, therefore, evil passions, -might rise by contemplation to an ecstatic union with the Deity, the -transcendant One; or, to express it irreverently in modern language, -might acquire the faculty of passing into a hypnotic trance.[1006] As -soon as Plotinus had perfected his invention, he proceeded to Rome -(_c._ 244), with the view of professing his doctrine to the mystically -inclined on the most extended theatre in the Empire. Here his success -was very considerable, and he gained numerous adherents, especially as -he conceded that all forms of Pagan worship availed as a real approach -to the Deity and enshrined germs of truth derived from some primitive -revelation. He became influential at Court and was about to organize -a Utopian community on the lines of Plato’s ideal republic under the -auspices of Gallienus when the fall of that Emperor frustrated his -design. - -Plotinus died in 270, leaving many disciples to continue the work -of his school, the foremost of whom was Porphyry, known as a keen -assailant of Christianity.[1007] To him succeeded the Syrian, -Iamblichus, a contemporary of Constantine, who gave the final form -to Neoplatonism and adapted it for widest acceptance. The religion -of Plotinus was an ineffable creed which avowedly excluded vulgar -participation, and was addressed only to cultured aspirants;[1008] but -a descent was made by his successors who, with the object of amplifying -their influence, embraced gradually all the crass superstitions of -the multitude. A mystical signification was read into the sacred -books of the Greeks, as the poems of Orpheus, Homer, and Hesiod -may appropriately be termed, by an allegorical interpretation of -every phrase or incident in the text. All trivial circumstances or -immoral pictures were thus disclosed to be fraught with spiritual or -ethical meaning for the pious reader.[1009] The endless procession of -invisible beings with which Eastern fancy had peopled space, angels, -demons, archons, and demigods, were accepted by the latter school -and associated to the theocracy as mediators who could be summoned -and suborned to human purposes by magic rites, incantations, and -sacrifices.[1010] By the time this stage had been reached, Neoplatonism -appeared to be fully equipped for satisfying the occult proclivities of -all classes, and asserting its right to become the prevailing religion -of the state. - -III. The most distinctive and irrepressible theological principle -which entered Western civilization from the East, was the dualistic -conception of nature inherent in the old Babylonian religions. The -seers of that ancient people could not resolve the problem as to the -providential government of the world, without postulating a perpetual -strife between two opposed powers, who were engaged in determining the -course of events. The spectacle of suffering humanity enforced the -belief that a potent spirit of evil shared the control of the existing -order of things to an equal extent with the benign Deity from whom all -blessings flowed. The eastern provinces of the Empire became saturated -with these views, and the prime mover in diffusing them was said to be -that Simon Magus who, although he makes but a brief and insignificant -appearance in Gospel history, occupies a very considerable space -in extra-biblical literature.[1011] Under the name of Gnostics, -recipients of a special enlightenment or _gnosis_, his reputed progeny -swarmed about the early Christian Church, whose presence seemed to -rouse them into vitality; for, in the doctrine of redemption by Jesus, -they found, as they imagined, the key to much that was unexplained -in their own system.[1012] Diversity in the apprehension of detail -was an innate characteristic of the Gnostic brood; whence it followed -that they became apparent in small sects only, computed at some -scores, and, though numerous, never attained the weight of union as a -religious body. Gradually they were dissolved by the preponderance of -the Catholic Church, which absorbed their members and proscribed their -peculiar tenets.[1013] - -There was, however, one form of dualism which arose beyond the borders -of the Empire, and, from its centre in Persia, spread with great -rapidity eastwards to the frontiers of China, and westwards as far as -the Atlantic ocean. This international faith, for such it became in -less than a century, was called Manichaeism from its founder Mani, of -whom little certain is known; but he was probably a native of Ecbatana, -the Median capital.[1014] As the prophet of a new dispensation, Mani -belongs to the second class of makers of religion, that is, he did -not claim to be himself a god, but only an apostle commissioned by -the Deity. His life extended to upwards of sixty years, and he was -countenanced by more than one of the Sassanian kings. At length, -however, he fell a victim to the jealousy of the Magi, the exponents -of the established belief of Zarathushtra, at whose instigation he was -crucified and flayed by Bahram I. In the system of Mani the fundamental -conception is the antithesis of light and darkness, by which the -opposition between good and evil is vividly denoted; and the present -world originates in the accident of a war breaking out between the -respective powers. Satan, the Prince of Darkness, discovers by chance -the kingdom of light, the existence of which was previously unknown -to him, and, with his army of demons, makes an incursion into it. The -God of Light, sustained by his pure spirits, engages and defeats him, -but during the campaign a commingling has occurred of elements of the -two realms. The contest now resolves into the efforts of the Deity to -regain, and of Satan to retain, the portions of light which were lost -in the darkness. The first step is the formation by the former of this -world, but the latter creates man as a secure receptacle for the light -he had acquired. Hence this creature is animated by two souls, an evil -one as well as a soul of light; and Satan enslaves him by exciting -his bad passions.[1015] The process of restoring the light goes on -continually, and the sun and moon are great reservoirs into which it -is poured by the active agents of the superior Deity. The human race -is placed in possession of the clue to paradise by having this gnosis -imparted to it. A rigid asceticism must be practised according to -prescribed rules. There were, however, two ranks of Manichaeans, the -Elect and the Auditors. The earnest votaries joined the first, and on -them celibacy and a vegetarian diet were imposed. Membership of the -second was adapted to the masses, from whom only moderate abstinence -was required. They ministered religiously to the Elect, whom they thus -enlisted as redeemers on their behalf, so that with the addition of a -term of purgatory after death, they also became fitted for paradise. -Mani utilized some of the ideas of Christianity in order to connect -his religion practically with mankind, but his transferences are -rather imitations than acceptances of anything really Christian. Thus -he acknowledged a Jesus Christ, who abides in the son, as the “primal -man” or first-born of the Deity.[1016] He had visited the earth as a -prophet, and from him Mani had received his apostolic mission, whence -he usurped the title of the Paraclete, whose advent was promised -in the Gospels. He also instructed twelve disciples to preach his -doctrine. The success and prevalence of Manichaeism was at one time -very great, for it arose as the revivifying force of more than one -aspect of dualism in the East and West. It fostered the time-honoured -traditions of the inhabitants of the Euphrates valley, and drew to -itself the disintegrating coteries of Gnostics within the Roman -Empire. A Manichaean popedom was established, which had its seat for -several centuries in Babylon. As early as 287 Diocletian denounced the -propagation of the religion as a capital offence, on the grounds that -the “execrable customs and cruel laws” of the Persians might thereby -gain a footing among his “mild and peaceful” subjects.[1017] - -From the foregoing summary it will be seen that in the first years -of the fourth century polytheism, as resuscitated by Neoplatonism, -held the field against its rivals with the support and approval of -the government. We cannot attempt here to fathom the motives, so -prolific as a literary theme, which induced Constantine first to -favour Christianity, then to embrace it for himself and his family, -and finally to raise it into the safe position of being the only -religion recognized by the state. In the blank outlook of the times -some definite belief was a necessity, and, whether from policy or -conviction, he steered his course in the direction where the tide -seemed to set most strongly. Pure Neoplatonism was congenial only -to persons of a meditative temperament; to the sober-minded it was -artificial and unconvincing. Its loftier heights were inaccessible to -the masses, and in its later development it threatened to make common -cause with the jugglers and charlatans who risked a conflict with the -law.[1018] Manichaeism had only begun to rear its head, and at the best -contained much that was fantastic and incomprehensible to a non-Semitic -people.[1019] Christianity was simple, positive, socialistic, a -leveller of class distinctions, for the slave as well as for the free -man, and absolutely intolerant of every other religion. Its emissaries -believed implicitly in their mission, and worked incessantly among the -lower stratum of the population, to whom they delivered the message of -their Gospel in clear and precise terms. By their vehement assertion -there was no escape from, and no alternative to the acceptance of their -creed. The Day of Judgment was at hand; at any moment Jesus might -return to inaugurate a golden age of one thousand years upon the earth; -and all those who had been regenerated by baptism would participate in -His glory.[1020] The primitive church was communistic in principle, and -exceptional solicitude was shown in the administration of charity to -its indigent members. Liberality in this sense was doubtless the means -of winning over many converts, for its bounty was not withheld from the -poor on account of any difference in religion.[1021] - -The Christian Church from its inception gradually unfolded itself as -an anarchical association, consisting of affiliated branches scattered -throughout the Empire. At first all members possessed equal rank, and -the status of each one as a presbyter or propagandist was limited only -by his natural capacity for the work. Enthusiasm prevailed in the -secret assemblies, and the excitable, whether male or female, relieved -themselves by impassioned utterances which were accepted by the -listeners as prophetic inspiration.[1022] Subsequent history relates -the development of a hierarchy with the consequent formation of two -parties in the Church, clergy and laity, and the ultimate suppression -of all spiritual assumption by the latter.[1023] Rites and ceremonies -of increasing complexity were instituted, rules of discipline were -elaborated, and proselytes were no longer admitted hastily to -the congregations, but were previously relegated for a course of -instruction to the class of _catechumens_ or probationers. About the -end of the second century Christianity assumed some importance in the -eyes of the educated and wealthy,[1024] so that its doctrines began to -be scrutinized in the spirit of Greek philosophy. A catechetical school -was founded at Alexandria (_c._ 170) for the training of converts -of higher mental capacity; and learned teachers, notably Clement and -Origen, essayed to prove that the new religion could be substantiated -theologically by reference to Plato and Aristotle.[1025] At the same -time the Church began to discard the policy of stealthiness under which -it had grown up, and to indulge the expansive vigour which pervaded -its constitution. Soon the conventicles ceased to meet under the cloak -of secrecy; and by a few decades public edifices were erected with an -architectural ostentation and a treasure of ornaments rubric which -roused the indignation of those who frequented the Pagan temples in the -vicinity.[1026] From that moment the encroaching temper of Christianity -and its uncompromising antagonism to polytheism became manifest to the -government, and zealous officials prepared themselves for a determined -effort to overthrow the upstart power which was undermining the old -order of society.[1027] The futile struggle of Paganism against -Christianity was terminated by Theodosius the Great, who promulgated -edicts both in the East and in the West for the abolition of the -pristine religion of the Empire.[1028] During more than half a century -previously the battle between the two faiths had been open and violent; -and the mild Christians of earlier times often appeared in the light of -ruthless fanatics more conspicuously than had their heathen adversaries -in the heat of a legalized persecution.[1029] The Church triumphant -now entered on its career of quasi-political predominance; wealth and -honours were showered on those who attained to its highest offices; and -the precepts of the poor carpenter, whose constant theme was humility, -were inculcated by a succession of haughty prelates who equalled the -magnificence and exceeded the arrogance of kings.[1030] - -From the day of its birth almost to the present hour the Church has -been agitated by internal dissensions generated by the efforts of -reason to understand and to define those inscrutable mysteries, to a -belief in which every supernatural religion must owe its existence. -The primitive religion of the ancients was a natural growth, accepted -insensibly during a state of savagery and maintained politically -long after it had been repudiated by philosophy, but Christianity -was offered to a world already advanced in civilization, and had to -pass through a process of intellectual digestion before it could take -its place as an unassailable national belief. The Church, before it -stands clearly revealed in the light of history, had been inspired -with the conception of a Trinity by a contemplation of the Platonic -philosophy; and the problem as to how this doctrine could be expounded -as not inconsistent with monotheism occasioned the first of those great -councils called Oecumenical. It met in 325 at Nicaea of Bithynia, -and there formulated the Nicene creed, which branded as heretics the -presbyter Arius and his supporters for asserting that the Word, the -Son, the man Jesus, had not eternally existed as of one substance -with the Father, but had been created out of nothing at some date -of an inconceivably remote past. Under the emperors who succeeded -Constantine, however, the Arians returned to power in the East, and -for long oppressed their opponents, the Catholics, until they were -finally reduced to impotence by the orthodox Theodosius I.[1031] But -centuries were yet to elapse before the Church could desist from -weaving those subtleties of dogma as to the inexpressible nature of the -Godhead, in the study of which later theologians discover an exercise -for their memory rather than for their understanding.[1032] Numerous -other councils were convened before the opening of the sixth century, -but of these only three were allowed to rank as Oecumenical, that of -Constantinople in 381, that of Ephesus in 431, and that of Chalcedon in -451. The first of these did little more than to confirm the decisions -of Nicaea, but it won from Theodosius a tacit permission to proceed -to extremities against Paganism.[1033] The second anathematized the -heresy of Nestorius, Patriarch of the Eastern capital, who wished to -deprive the Virgin Mary of the title of Theotokos, or Mother of God. -The bishops who assembled at the Asiatic suburb of Chalcedon, under the -supervision of the Emperor Marcian, were less successful in producing -concord in the Church than those who composed any of the previous -councils; and their resolutions were debated for long afterwards by -dissentient ecclesiastics throughout the East. On this occasion the -orthodox party delivered their last word as the mystic junction of -the divine and human in the Incarnate Christ, and repudiated for ever -the error of the Monophysites that the Saviour was animated only by a -celestial essence.[1034] This was the first instance in which the new -Rome triumphed over her great rival in the East, Alexandria, which -had previously trampled on her Patriarchs, Chrysostom, Nestorius, -Flavian; as the doctrine of the one nature was peculiarly dear to the -Egyptian Church. But the spiritual peace of the Asiatic and African -provinces had been too rudely disturbed for an immediate settlement to -ensue; and more than thirty years later the Emperor Zeno was forced -to issue a _Henoticon_, or Act of Union, in which he sought to induce -unanimity among the prelates of his dominions by effacing the harsher -expressions of the Chalcedonian canons.[1035] The measure, however, -was ineffectual; the conflict of doctrine could not be quelled; and -even Anastasius was branded as a heretic by the Byzantines for not -adopting a hostile attitude towards the Monophysites.[1036] The state -of religious parties under that Emperor may be summarized briefly -as follows: Europe was firmly attached to the Council of Chalcedon, -Egypt was bitterly opposed to it, whilst in Asia its adversaries and -adherents were almost equally divided. Of Arians there were not a -few, but they were everywhere severely repressed. Nevertheless, in -the capital itself a handsome church was reserved for those addicted -to that heresy, St. Mocius in the Exokionion. But this was an -indulgence conceded exclusively to the Gothic soldiery, all bigoted -Arians, with whose faith no emperor ever dared to tamper.[1037] At the -same time polytheism appeared to be extinct; the Pagan temples were -everywhere evacuated, and for the most part purposely ruined.[1038] -After the murder of Hypatia the Neoplatonists deserted Alexandria -and betook themselves to Athens, where they were disregarded as a -merely philosophical association without the privilege of public -worship.[1039] Manichaeans were numerous within the Empire, but could -only exist in secret as a proscribed sect subject to severe penalties, -confiscation, loss of civil rights, and relegation to the mines, if -convicted.[1040] Relics of minor denominations, more or less obscure -and impotent, need not be more particularly alluded to in this place. - -Nothing in this age accelerated the social descent towards barbarism so -much as the illusion that bliss in a future state was most positively -assured to those Christians who denied themselves every natural -gratification whilst on earth. By the end of the fourth century -the passion for the mortification of the flesh had risen to such a -height that almost one half of the population of the Empire, male -and female, had abandoned civilized life and devoted themselves to -celibacy and ascetic practices.[1041] By choice, and even by legal -prescription,[1042] they sought desert places and vast solitudes to -pass their lives in sordid discomfort, at one time grazing like wild -beasts, at another immured in noisome cells too narrow to admit of any -restful position of the body or limbs.[1043] Some joined the class of -stylites, or pillar saints, who lived in the air at a considerable -altitude from the ground on the bare top of a slender column.[1044] -Such were the anchorites or hermits, who arose first in order of time -and claimed for their founder an illiterate though well-born youth of -Alexandria,[1045] Anthony, the subject of familiar legends. A little -later, however, Pachomius,[1046] also an Egyptian, instituted the -coenobites, or gregarious fraternity of ascetics, whose assemblage of -cells, called a _laura_, was generally disposed in a circle around -their common chapel and refectory. The extensive waste lands of Egypt -greatly favoured the development of monachism; and within half a -century the isle of Tabenna in the Nile, the Nitrian mountain, and -the wilderness of Sketis, became densely populated with these fanatic -recluses.[1047] From Egypt the mania for leading a monastic life spread -in all directions, and religious houses, on the initiative of Basil, -began to invade the towns and suburban districts.[1048] One of the most -remarkable of these foundations was the monastery of Studius, erected -at Constantinople (in 460) for the _Acoemeti_, or sleepless monks, -whose devotional vigils were ceaseless both night and day.[1049] After -the promotion of Christianity to be the state religion, one emperor -only, the ordinarily ineffective Valens, assumed a hostile attitude -towards the monks.[1050] He denounced them as slothful renegades from -their social duties and dispatched companies of soldiers to expel them -from their retreats and reclaim them for civil and military life. A -considerable number were massacred for attempting resistance to the -decree; but under the successors of Valens monachism flourished as -before with the Imperial countenance and the popular regard.[1051] - -The supersession of dogmatic religions founded on prehistoric -mythologies by the success of modern research, confers the right of -free speculation on contemporary philosophers, and urges them to -construct, from the ample materials at their command, an intellectual -theory of the universe. In proportion as experimental physics teaches -us to apprehend more profoundly the constitution of matter, reason -advances impulsively from the outposts of knowledge to suspend itself -over the abyss in those dimly-lighted regions where science and -mysticism seem to hold each other by the hand. The atomic conception -of nature, first broached as a phantasy by the Greeks, derives an -actuality from the growth of chemical and electrical discoveries at -the present day, which goes far to establish it as an immediate, if -not the ultimate, explanation of phenomena. Our mind has thus been -prepared to realize the vision of swarms of atoms in the possession -of limitless space, each one of which is instinct in the prime -degree with all the attributes of life: with consciousness, will, -motion, the bias of habit, and an unquenchable desire for association -and aggregation.[1052] They become conjoined, numerically and -morphologically, in progressive grades of complexity, originating by -one kind of alliance the chemical elements which constitute the organic -world, and by another the vital elements, which form the protoplasmic -basis of animal and plant life.[1053] The organic kingdom rests -upon the inorganic, and preys upon it, evolving itself throughout -endless time into more highly differentiated forms by its incessant -appetite for material acquisition and sensuous stimulation in its -environment.[1054] - -Whilst the records of ages assiduously collated from every quarter -of the globe exhibit the irrepressible folly of undisciplined human -thought and the immeasurable credulity of ignorance, the boundless -expansion of our intellectual horizon compels us to reject as -irrational, the belief in an almighty and intelligent Father, who -regards with equanimity the disruption of worlds, but is capable of -being delighted by a choir of fulsome praise emanating from their -ephemeral inhabitants.[1055] From the earliest times the infertile -efforts to approach and win the favour of such a being have -constituted the heaviest drag on civilization and progress; and, as man -rises in the sphere of rationality, the highest lesson he can learn -is to discard definitively all such dreams. He must convince himself -that there is nothing divine, nothing supernatural, no providence -but his own, that prayer is futile, piety impossible; and the sage -may postulate that humanity is God until some higher divinity be -discovered. The mythological terrors of antiquity are effete in the -world of to-day, and any citizen who has learned to live uprightly -should be above all religion, and free from the bondage of every -superstition. By self-reliance and his own exertions alone can man be -led upwards; his advancement depends on the extent to which he can -penetrate the mystery of, and subdue the forces which surround him; and -to preach the dominion of man over nature is the work of the modern -prophet or apostle.[1056] By a retrospect of the past he is justified -in cherishing the hope of a brighter future for his descendants; no -obstacle appears in view to bar their journey along the upward path; -the illimitable capacity of protoplasm for physiological elevation may -triumph over the universal cycle of birth, maturity, and decay; and -in humanity as it exists we may see the progenitors of an infinitely -superior, perhaps of an immortal race, the ultimate expression and end -of evolution and generation.[1057] - -The student of European civilization cannot fail to wonder what -sociological manifestation would have taken the place of Christianity -had that religion never seen the light, or failed to win a predominant -position in the Graeco-Roman world. Was the disintegration of the -Empire, he must ask, and the retreat of its inhabitants almost to -the threshold of barbarism a result of the prevalence of the Gospel -creed? or was the new faith merely a fortuitous phenomenon which became -conspicuous on the surface of an uncontrollable social cataclysm? No -decision could be accepted as incontestable when dealing with such -far-reaching questions, but with the wisdom which follows the event we -may recognize that contingencies not very remote might have altered -materially the course of history. The dissolution of powerful political -organizations was no new feature in the ancient world; in Egypt, in -Asia, dynasties with their dominions had periodically collapsed, -but in Europe the Roman supremacy was the first to consolidate the -principal countries into a compact and homogeneous state. Civil wars, -however, had been waged on several occasions; princes unfit to reign -had been the cause of serious administrative perturbation. Did these -vicissitudes, we may inquire, herald the break-up of the Empire, -unassailable as it was by any civilized adversary? Had the national -genius and vigour so declined that armies could not be recruited to -repeat the successes of Marius, of Trajan, of Diocletian, against -hordes of barbarians ill-disciplined and ill-armed? The proposition -cannot be entertained; the individuals were as capable as ever, but -the purview of life had changed. Religious dissension had engendered -personal rancour, neighbour distrusted neighbour, and the name of Roman -no longer denoted a community with kindred feelings and aspirations. -The Persian and the Teuton beyond the border were not more hostile -to the subjects of the Empire than were they among themselves when -viewed as separate groups of Pagans, of Manichaeans, of Arians, and -of Catholics. This disseverance was not, however, quite permanent; -after a couple of generations had passed away a partial reunion was -effected by the submission of all classes to Christianity; and strife -was limited to controversies between differing sects of the same -church. But in the process mankind were led to break with all past -traditions; the world became effete in their eyes; and to be released -from it in order to gain admission to the celestial sphere was preached -as the sole object of human existence. Civilization succumbed to the -despotic influence of religion, a new field of effort was opened to -the race of mortals, and all the genius of the age was exhausted in -the attempt to advance the pseudo-science of theology. That genius -was as brilliant as any which has hitherto been seen upon the earth. -The administrative and literary powers of a Tertullian, an Origen, -a Cyprian, a Eusebius, an Athanasius, of the Gregories, of Basil, -Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom, and many others might have raised the -Empire above the level of the most glorious period of the past. It is -scarcely an exaggeration to say that these ecclesiastics founded a -dominion which surpassed that of Rome in its widest extent; but it was -a dominion over men’s minds which precipitated material progress into -a gulf out of which it was not to rise again for more than a thousand -years. Their success was facilitated by the confirmation of despotism -and the abolition of free institutions under the first Caesars; but -without Christianity there would probably have been no exacerbation of -religious fervour more intense than was involved in Neoplatonism. That -new departure in polytheism was not likely to have caused a serious -drain upon the energies of the state. Julian, its most impassioned -votary, was not less imbued with the spirit of a conqueror than were -Alexander and Trajan.[1058] Neoplatonism, and especially Manichaeism, -borrowed Christian elements and might not have aspired to more than -a passive influence but for their rivalry with that religion. From -these considerations we may draw the inference that only for the -Palestinian capture of the psychical yearnings of the age history might -never have had to record the lapse of social Europe into the slough -of mediaevalism; and the experience of a terrestrial hierarch who -should give laws to kings and incite the masses to rebel against their -political rulers would have been lost to Western civilization. That -the Empire would have subsisted until modern times is inconceivable; -the tendency to disruption of the vast fabric soon became apparent, -and its unity was only restored by reconquest on several occasions; -notably by Severus, by Constantine, by Theodosius. Under Diocletian it -was virtually transformed into a number of federated states; and by -the sixth or seventh century a somewhat similar partition might have -become definite and permanent. With the maintenance of sociological -institutions at the original level, barbarism would have been repelled -and civilization would have penetrated more rapidly the forests of -Scythia and Germany. The spirit of scientific inquiry which was -manifest in Strabo, in Pliny, in Ptolemy, in Galen, might have been -fostered and extended; and many a leading mind, whose vigour was -absorbed by the arid waste of theology, might have taken up the work -of Aristotle and carried his researches into the heart of contemporary -science.[1059] The condition of the proletariat was not elevated by -the diffusion of the Gospel after their wholesale acceptance of it had -been assured by coercion. Whatever ethical purity may have adorned the -lives of the first converts, Christianity as an established religion -was not less of a grovelling superstition than Paganism in its worst -forms. The worship of martyrs, of saints, the factitious miracles -wrought at their graves, the veneration of their relics and images, -were but a travesty of polytheism under another name without the saving -graces of the old belief.[1060] A large section of the community were -encouraged to fritter away their lives in the sloth of the cloister; -and the ecclesiastical murder, disguised under the charge of heresy, -of opponents who dared to think and speak became a social terror in -grim contrast with the easy tolerance of Pagan times.[1061] At length -the night of superstition began to wane and the unexpected advent of -a brighter era was announced by a great social upheaval. Again the -tide of cosmopolitanism began to flow between the Atlantic and the -Euphrates, and a new unification of the detached fragments of the -Roman Empire was brought about. Amid the turmoil of two centuries of -barren Crusades[1062] the active intercourse of numerous peoples taught -Europe to think and judge; and she began to appraise the harvest which -had been reaped during so long a period of blind devotion to a creed. -The result of the scrutiny was disheartening; the store of gold was -found to have turned to dross; and, while one type of man struggled to -break the chains which bound them in spiritual subjection, another -bent their minds to discover whether through nature and art they could -not reach some goal worthy of human ambition. The Renaissance and -the Reformation were almost contemporary movements.[1063] From that -period to the present, more than five centuries, the history of the -world has been one of continued advancement. Since Dante composed his -great poem and Copernicus elaborated his theory of the heavens, the -well of literature has not run dry nor has the lamp of science been -extinguished. Yet in all these years while the rising light has been -breaking continuously over the mountain tops the spacious valleys -beneath have lain buried in the gloom of unenlightened ages. The peace -of society has never ceased to be disturbed by the discord of religious -factions; and the task of a modern statesman is still to reconcile -conflicting prejudices in a world of ignorance and folly.[1064] - - - - - CHAPTER III - - BIRTH AND FORTUNES OF THE ELDER JUSTIN: THE ORIGINS OF JUSTINIAN - - -The function of a government is to administer the affairs of mankind in -accordance with the spirit of the age. Not from the political arena, -but from the laboratory emanates that expansion of knowledge which -surely, though fitfully, changes the aspect and methods of civilization -both in peace and war. An impulse which controls the passions of -millions may originate with some obscure investigator who reveals a -more immediate means to individual or national advantage; and the -executive of government is called on to create legislative facilities -for the utilization of the new discovery. During the modern period -such influences have been continuous and paramount. In the course -of a single century a transformation of the world has been achieved -by fruitful research, greater than in all previously recorded time. -The Georgian era contrasts less strongly with the times of Aristotle -and Cicero than with the present day; and the rapid progress of the -nineteenth century almost throws the age of Johnson and Gibbon into the -shadow of mediaevalism. - -Far back in the prehistoric past a bridge was thrown across the chasm -which separates savage from civilized life by the discovery of a -process for the smelting of metallic ore; and the birth of all the arts -may be dated from the time when some primitive race passed from the age -of stone into that of bronze or iron. To the ancient world that first -step in science must have appeared also to be the last; and ages rolled -away during which man learned no more than to employ effectively the -materials thus acquired. If the expectation that diligent research may -be rewarded by some signal increase of knowledge be excluded from the -sphere of human activity, individual aspirations must be restricted -to whatever is social and national; and those desirous of distinction -have no choice but to devote themselves to art or politics. Within -these channels were confined the energies of the people of antiquity; -in some states the leading characteristic was civic adornment; in -others the cultivation of martial efficiency; to rise to despotic -power was the usual ambition of a democratic statesman; to attain to -an imperial position that of a flourishing state. Wars of aggression -were constantly undertaken, and defensive wars uniformly became so -whenever superiority was manifested. Such conflicts in the past have -had no permanent influence on the advancement of mankind; and from time -to time have been equally conducive to the spread of civilization or -barbarism. During the classical period the arts and learning of Athens -were attendant on the success of the Grecian or the Roman arms; in the -Middle Ages the Goth, the Hun, the Saracen, and the Tartar closed in on -the Roman Empire and nullified the work of those enlightened nations. -At the present day the advance of civilization, though independent of -conquest, is often hastened by aggression;[1065] and there seems no -likelihood that it will ever again recede from a territory where it -has once been established. At all times scarcity of the necessaries -of life, real or conventional, tends to initiate a contest; nor is -it possible to foresee an age when, in the absence of a struggle for -existence, the world will subside into a condition of perpetual peace. - -In the sixth century, among the Byzantines, the public mind was still -oppressed with a sense of the supreme importance of religion. That -orthodox Christianity must prevail remained the passion of the day; and -in the view of each dissentient sect their creed alone was orthodox. -Hence government became an instrument of hierarchy, politics synonymous -with sectarianism, and the chief business of the state was to eradicate -heresy. Mediaevalism was created by this spirit; in the East the -Emperor became a pope;[1066] in the West the Pope was to become a -sovereign. The conception of being ruled from the steps of an altar was -foreign to the genius of classical antiquity, and Christianity almost -effected a reversal of the political spirit of the ancient world. - -In the midsummer of 518 occurred the death of Anastasius,[1067] one -of the few capable and moderate Emperors whom the Byzantines produced. -Although imbued with a heresy by his mother,[1068] and zealous for -its acceptance,[1069] he refrained from persecution, and declared -that he would not shed a drop of blood to effect the removal of his -ecclesiastical opponents.[1070] All his efforts were conciliatory, -and he would have obliterated disunion in the Church if his influence -could have induced fanaticism to accord in the Henoticon of Zeno.[1071] -He dealt impartially with the Demes, but inclined slightly to one -faction, the Green, in formal compliance with traditional usage in -the Circus.[1072] He relieved oppressive taxation,[1073] restrained -extravagance, and, though practising thrift,[1074] responded liberally -to every genuine application.[1075] His administration was much admired -by those who were free from sectarian prejudice;[1076] and even -the bigoted adherents of the Chalcedonian synod cannot avoid being -eulogistic when recounting some of his measures.[1077] - -Within the Byzantine province of Dardania, to the south of modern -Servia, was situated the municipal town of Scupi,[1078] in a plain -almost contained by a mountainous amphitheatre, consisting of the -Scardus chain, and its connections with the greater ranges of Pindus -and Haemus.[1079] Among its dependent villages, lying along the banks -of the Axius or Vardar, the river of the plain, were the hamlets of -Bederiana and Tauresium.[1080] Under Roman rule the language and -manners of Latium became indigenous to this region; and, although -the barbarians in their periodical inroads poured through the passes -of Scardus on the north-west to spread themselves over Thrace and -Macedonia,[1081] the Latinized stock still maintained its ground in the -fifth century.[1082] Throughout the Empire it was a usual practice for -sons of the free peasantry to abandon agricultural penury, and, without -a change of clothing, provided only with a wallet containing a few days -provisions, to betake themselves on foot to the capital, in the hope -of chancing on better fortune.[1083] About the year 470, when Leo the -Thracian occupied the throne, a young herdsman of Bederiana, bearing -the classical name of Justin, resolved on this enterprise, and arrived -at Constantinople with two companions whose lot had been similar to his -own.[1084] There they presented themselves for enlistment in the army, -and, as the three youths were distinguished by a fine physique, they -were gladly accepted, and enrolled among the palace guards.[1085] Two -of them are lost to our view for ever afterwards in the obscurity of -a private soldier’s life,[1086] but Justin, though wholly illiterate, -entered on a successful military career. At the end of a score of -years he reappears under Anastasius, with the rank of a general, and -intrusted with a subordinate command in the Isaurian war.[1087] A -decade later he is again heard of among those who prosecuted the siege -of Amida, which led to its recovery from the Persians;[1088] and before -the death of the Emperor he becomes conspicuous at head-quarters, -with the dignities of a Patrician, a Senator, and of Commander of the -household troops.[1089] While holding this office he was also deputed -to a command at sea, and took an active part in repelling the naval -attack of Vitalian.[1090] - -During the vicissitudes of his life in the camp, Justin remained -unmarried and childless, but he became the purchaser of a barbarian -captive, named Lupicina, whom he retained as a concubine, and never -afterwards repudiated.[1091] While, however, he was rising to a -position of importance and affluence, he was not unmindful of those -relatives from whom he had separated at his native place. At Tauresium -dwelt a sister,[1092] the wife of one Sabbatius,[1093] and the -mother of two children, a son and a daughter.[1094] As soon as young -Sabbatius,[1095] for the nephew of Justin bore his father’s name, had -arrived at a suitable age, he was invited to the capital by his uncle, -who became his guardian, and had him educated in a manner befitting -a youth of high rank.[1096] On the completion of his studies, it was -natural that Sabbatius should be claimed for military service, wherein -his guardian’s influence was centred, and he was drafted forthwith into -the ranks of the Candidati or bodyguards of the Emperor.[1097] Finally -Justin legally adopted Sabbatius;[1098] and in token of the fact the -latter assumed the derivative name of Justinian.[1099] - -On the death of Anastasius, as at his accession, the Grand Chamberlain -appeared to be master of the situation.[1100] But the chief eunuch of -the day, Amantius, was less influential than his predecessor, Urbicius, -who, with the Empress Ariadne as an ally, had invested the popular -silentiary with the purple; and the means he devised to ensure the -acceptance of his candidate were the actual cause of his rejection. -He decided to bribe the palace guards to proclaim his favourite, -Count Theocritus, and placed a large sum of money in the hands of -Justin for that purpose; but the procedure only served to render -those soldiers conscious of their power to elect an emperor, and they -immediately acclaimed their own commandant as the fittest occupant -of the throne.[1101] The venerable Justin, for he was now long past -three score, did not decline; the Senate bowed to the nomination of -the guards, and the former herdsman took his place in line with the -successors of Augustus.[1102] - -The Emperor Justin was a rude soldier, devoid of administrative -capacity except in relation to military affairs, and so illiterate -that he could only append his sign-manual to a document by passing his -pen through the openings in a plate perforated so as to indicate the -first four letters of his name.[1103] After his coronation he married -Lupicina; and the populace, while accepting her as his consort, renamed -her Euphemia.[1104] On his accession Justin promoted his nephew to the -rank of Patrician[1105] and Nobilissimus;[1106] and Justinian became -so closely associated with his uncle that he was generally regarded -as the predominant partner in ruling the state.[1107] But the Emperor -was jealous of his authority, and when the Senate petitioned that the -younger man should be formally recognized as his colleague, he grasped -his robe and answered, “Be on your guard against any young man having -the right to wear this garment.”[1108] Owing to the suddenness of their -elevation both princes were ignorant of the routine of government, -a circumstance which rendered the position of Proclus, the Quaestor -or private adviser of the crown, peculiarly influential during this -reign.[1109] - -The first act of Justin, who adhered to the orthodox creed, was to -reverse the temporizing religious policy of Anastasius; and he at -once prepared an edict to render the Council of Chalcedon compulsory -in all the churches. Amantius, Theocritus, and their party saw in -this measure an opportunity of disputing the unforeseen succession, -the overthrow of which they were eager to accomplish. A conspiracy -was hastily organized, and the malcontents assembled in one of the -principal churches, where they entered on a public denunciation of -the new dynasty. The movement, however, was ill supported, and Justin -with military promptness seized the chiefs of the opposition, executed -several, including the eunuch and his satellite, and banished the -others to some distant part.[1110] The edict was then issued and a -ruthless persecution instituted against all recalcitrants throughout -the Asiatic provinces, where ecclesiastics of every grade professing -the monophysite heresy were put to death in great numbers.[1111] At -the same time the Emperor recalled those extremists whom Anastasius -had been unable to mollify and restored them to their former or to -similar appointments.[1112] One danger still remained which might at -any moment subvert the newly erected throne; the powerful Vitalian -was at large, apparently, if not in reality, master of the forces in -Thrace and Illyria. Emissaries were therefore dispatched to him with an -invitation to reside at Constantinople as the chief military supporter -of the government.[1113] He accepted the proposals, stipulating that -an assurance of good faith should previously be given with religious -formalities. The parties met in the church of St. Euphemia, at -Chalcedon,[1114] and there Justin, Justinian, and Vitalian pledged -themselves to each other with solemn oaths while they partook of the -Christian sacraments.[1115] The rebel general was, however, too weighty -a personage to subside into the position of a tame subordinate, and -his masterful presence threatened to nullify the authority of the -Emperor and his nephew.[1116] His ascendancy was endured for more than -a twelvemonth, and the consulship of 520 was conceded to him. But while -he celebrated the games in the Hippodrome popular enthusiasm in his -favour rose to a dangerous height.[1117] The Court became alarmed, and -a hasty resolution was arrived at to do away with him. In the interval -of the display he repaired to the palace with two of his lieutenants -to be entertained at a collation, and on entering the banqueting hall -they were attacked by a company of Justinian’s satellites,[1118] -and Vitalian fell pierced with a multitude of wounds.[1119] Shortly -afterwards Justinian succeeded to his place and was created a Master of -Soldiers, with the virtual rank of commander-in-chief of the Imperial -forces.[1120] The next year he was raised to the consulship[1121] and, -in order to consolidate his popularity, he determined to signalize the -occasion by those lavish festivities which were recorded from time to -time among the wonders of the age. But times had changed since the -Roman public might be edified or disgraced by those spectacles in which -human and animal combatants fought to the death, in mimic land and sea -warfare or hunting encounters, to the number of many thousands; and -the chronicler, in referring to a half-hundred of lions and pards, -evolutions of mail-clad horses, and an increased largess of scattered -coin, in addition to the usual races, bear-baiting, and theatrical -shows, thinks he indicates sufficiently how far the Consul of the day -surpassed the ordinary expectations of the Byzantine populace.[1122] -Having finally won over the capital by these gratifications, Justinian -in his military capacity departed on a tour for the inspection of -garrisons and fortresses throughout the East.[1123] During this period -he made the palace of Hormisdas his official residence.[1124] - -The reign of Justin was uneventful politically, the age of the -Autocrator and his incapacity for state affairs precluding the -initiation of any reforms of importance; whilst, although the -foreign relations of the Empire were often in a state of tension, -no considerable hostilities were undertaken.[1125] At home official -activity was chiefly engrossed with the planning of police precautions -for the repression of sedition. During three or four years all the -chief cities were agitated by the turbulence of the Blue faction, -which sought to suppress their rivals of the Green by stoning, -assassination, and wrecking of their dwellings. At length, in 523, the -rioters were subdued by the appointment of special Praefects, whose -severity of character did not shrink from making the culprits pay the -extreme penalty of the law.[1126] With its neighbours of the East -and West the Empire might have existed at this period on terms of -perfect amity but for the disturbing influence of religion. Incensed -at Justin’s oppressive treatment of the Arians, Theodoric, the Gothic -king, declared that he would exterminate the Catholics in Italy[1127] -if freedom of belief were not granted to his co-religionists; and -he compelled Pope John I to lead an embassy to Constantinople with -the object of pleading the cause of those heretics at the Byzantine -court. John, the first of his line to visit New Rome, was received -with enthusiasm by the orthodox Emperor;[1128] but, if the head of -the Western Church urged his appeal with sincerity, Justin at least -proved obdurate, and no concession to the Arians could be extorted -from his bigotry. The Pope returned to Ravenna, the regal seat of the -barbarian king, to expiate his abortive mission by being incarcerated -for the last few months of his life; and the death of Theodoric shortly -afterwards, before he had time to execute his threats, saved Italy from -becoming the scene of brutal reprisals.[1129] - -The interspace between the Caspian Sea and the Euxine, the modern -Transcaucasia, was inhabited by semi-savage races, over whom Rome -and Persia preferred almost equal claims to suzerainty. A perpetual -source of friction between the two powers in this region arose from -the necessity of guarding the Caspian Gates,[1130] now the Pass of -Darial,[1131] a practicable gorge through the Caucasus, often traversed -by the Scythian hordes when carrying their devastations to the south. -Alexander is said to have blocked the entry with an iron barrier,[1132] -and subsequently the pass was kept by the Romans until the Sassanian -dynasty became predominant in those parts. The utility to both nations, -however, of maintaining the defence, caused the Persians, after the -collapse of Julian’s expedition, to demand that the Romans should share -the expense.[1133] Theodosius I bought off the claims, but by the time -of Anastasius a Hunnish king, in friendly league with that emperor, had -obtained possession of the forts.[1134] On his death they passed to -the Persians, with the consent of Anastasius, who engaged vaguely to -contribute annually.[1135] Justin tried to evade this payment, but the -Persian monarch declined to be put off, and, as often as the Emperor -fell into arrears, proceeded to recover the amount by distraint.[1136] -His chosen bailiff, whenever he put in an execution, was a ferocious -sheik of the Saracens, named Alamundar,[1137] who raided Syria up -to the walls of Antioch, massacring the population indiscriminately, -and holding captives of substance against their being replevied by -the Romans.[1138] On one occasion he burst into the city of Emesa, -and finding there four hundred virgins congregated in a church, he -sacrificed them all on the same day to Al Uzzâ, the Arabian Venus.[1139] - -In two states of the Caucasian region, both under kingly rule, -Christianity had gained a footing about the time of Constantine.[1140] -Lazica, previously Colchis, the subject of heroic legends, and now -Mingrelia, occupied the coast of the Black Sea north and south of -the river Phasis. On its eastern border, watered by the Cyrus, lay -Iberia, at present known as Georgia.[1141] In 522 the young king of -the Lazi, alarmed lest the Persian religion should be forced on him, -fled to Constantinople, and prayed for Christian baptism under the -immediate countenance of the Emperor. Justin assented, and not only -sustained him at the sacred font, but afterwards united him to a Roman -wife, the daughter of one of the patricians of his court. Before his -departure Tzathus was formally invested with ornaments and robes of -state, expressly designed to denote the closeness of his relationship -to Justin and to Rome.[1142] A letter of remonstrance against -surreptitiously tampering with the allegiance of Persian subjects soon -resulted from these proceedings; but Justin denied their political -significance, and dwelt with fanatical insistence on the exigences of -the faith, and the urgency of resisting heathen error.[1143] The throne -of Persia was still occupied by Cavades,[1144] and that monarch now -began to think seriously of going to war with Rome. On reviewing his -resources he decided to enlist the Hunnish tribes, who dwelt beyond -the Caucasus, as allies against the Empire. One of the most powerful -chiefs agreed to his proposals, and met him by prearrangement with a -large following of his nation, but during the conference messengers -arrived who protested that a short time previously the Hun had been -induced by a large subsidy to pledge his support to the Byzantines. “We -are at peace,” said Justin, “and should not allow ourselves to be duped -by these dogs.” In reply to an amicable inquiry the barbarian boasted -shamelessly of the circumstance, whereupon Cavades, convinced of his -treachery, at once ordered him to be cut down by his guards. Forthwith -a night attack was secretly planned against his forces, who, without -becoming aware of the author of the calamity, were dispersed and -slain to the number of many thousands.[1145] More friendly counsels -now began to prevail with the Persian, as it occurred to him that he -might compose his differences with the Emperor to his own advantage. -He was extremely anxious to secure the succession to his favourite son -Chosroes,[1146] to the exclusion of his two elder brothers. There was -reason to fear, however, that on his decease, by the intervention of -the Court or the populace, one of the senior princes might be raised -to the throne. Cavades, therefore, proposed to Justin that he should -adopt Chosroes, considering that no party would have the temerity to -dispute the tiara with a ward of the Empire. Justin and Justinian were -elated at the prospect of exercising a controlling influence in Persian -affairs, but the Quaestor Proclus quickly intervened, and by specious -arguments, led them to see the matter in a totally different light. -The adoption of the Sassanian prince, he urged with heat, would convey -to him a title to inherit the crown of the Empire, Justinian might be -ousted from the succession, and Justin would live in dread of being the -last of the Roman emperors.[1147] An evasive course was resolved on, -and a commission was dispatched to meet the Persian delegates in the -vicinity of Nisibis. Chosroes himself advanced to the Tigris in the -expectation of being escorted to Constantinople by the Roman envoys. -The representatives of the two nations met without cordiality, and -the Persians, contrary to their instructions, began by taunting the -Byzantines with having usurped their rights in Lazica. The Romans -then announced that the Emperor could not adopt a foreigner with legal -formalities, but only by an act of arms, such as was customary among -barbarians. The suggestion was taken as a deliberate insult by the -Persians; the colloquy came to an end abruptly, and Chosroes returned -to his father, vowing vengeance against the Romans.[1148] - -It was now evident that war at no distant date could scarcely be -averted, but a further embroilment with respect to religion provoked -overt hostilities, which rendered a positive conflict inevitable. -Having experienced that defection to Rome was a natural sequence of -Christianity being promulgated in his dependencies, Cavades determined -to enforce Magism among the Iberians. But, at the first intimation, -the king of that people made an earnest appeal to Justin, and prepared -to take up arms in defence of his faith. The Emperor responded by -sending two of his generals,[1149] provided with a large sum of money, -to levy auxiliaries for the Iberians, among the Huns who inhabited the -northern shores of the Euxine.[1150] Such was the practical overture -to a war with Persia, which was to last for several years, without any -appreciable gain to either side. During the reign of Justin, however, -hostilities were carried on in a desultory manner, and no battle of -any magnitude was fought. Military detachments were told off to ravage -Persian territory to the north, in the vicinity of the frontier. They -were opposed by similar bands of the enemy, and from time to time -indecisive skirmishes took place. As to Iberia, that country was -abandoned for the time being, the forces raised being insufficient -to withstand the Persian host, and the king with all the native -magnates retreated into Lazica by a narrow pass, called the Iberian -Gates, which was then fortified by a Byzantine garrison.[1151] During -these operations the first mention occurs of some names which became -associated later on with the most notable events in the annals of the -age. An advance into Persarmenia was conducted by two young officers, -specially deputed by Justinian, named Sittas and Belisarius. After -the lapse of a few months (in 527) the latter was transferred to a -more important command at Daras. There, among the civil members of his -staff, he received the future historian Procopius as his legal adviser -or assessor.[1152] About the same time occurred the death of Justin, -whose reign lasted for nine years and a few weeks. - -If the sea of politics remained comparatively unruffled in Justin’s -time, nature made amends for the lack of excitement by showing -herself physically in her most active mode. His reign opened with the -appearance of a remarkable comet, the most dreaded portent of impending -disaster.[1153] Nor were the forebodings belied, as the provinces on -both continents were afflicted progressively with violent earthquakes, -intensified by volcanic phenomena.[1154] In Europe, Dyrrachium, the -birthplace of Anastasius, recently adorned by him at great cost, was -overthrown; and Corinth shortly after experienced a similar fate. In -Asia, Anazarbus, the capital of Cilicia, suffered; the central half -of Pompeiopolis sunk into the earth;[1155] and Edessa was ruined by a -flood of the river Scirtus.[1156] The withdrawal of large sums from -the Imperial treasury was entailed by the restoration of these cities. -This series of calamities culminated in the almost total destruction -of Antioch, where the seismological disturbances persisted for more -than a year, the eighth of Justin’s reign, and upwards of a quarter -of a million of the inhabitants perished.[1157] The ground was rifted -in all directions with great gaps which ejected flames; the houses -caught fire or collapsed with their occupants into the yawning chasms; -and a hill of considerable size, overhanging the city, was shattered -with such violence that the streets and buildings in that quarter lay -buried beneath a uniform surface formed by the debris.[1158] The -preliminary shocks were generally disregarded, and the climax, which -occurred during the dinner hour,[1159] was so sudden and widespread, -that the bulk of the population was overwhelmed before they had a -chance to escape. Then only the residue of the citizens made a rush -for the open country, carrying with them whatever valuables they could -seize on in their hasty flight. As soon, however, as they had arrived -at a safe distance, they found themselves beset by bands of rustics, -who had gathered together from every side in order to plunder the -fugitives. Conspicuous among the despoilers was a certain Thomas, a man -with the rank of a silentiary, and wealthy enough to keep a private -guard. Posting himself daily in a convenient position, he directed his -retainers in the operation of stripping systematically all who came in -their way. It is satisfactory to learn from the contemporary historian -that all these wretches were soon overtaken by a miserable death, as -the penalty of their inhumanity; but as we are assured that, without -legal intervention, their retribution emanated from an indignant -providence, which had impelled, or, at least, lain dormant during the -catastrophe, we must conclude that the Nemesis was desiderated rather -than real. The assertion, however, need not be questioned that the -said Thomas died suddenly, to the great joy of the survivors, on the -fourth day of his nefarious enterprise. Great consolation was also -derived from the preternatural appearance of a cross in the clouds; -and all burst into tears and supplications at this signal proof of -the compassion felt for them by a beneficent Deity. In two or three -weeks after the crisis, nature assumed her wonted quiescence, and the -deserted city began to be re-peopled by the returning inhabitants. The -work of restoration at once commenced; and it is recorded that many -persons were then rescued by being dug out of the ruins, under which -they had been buried; among them numbers of women, who in the meantime -had passed safely through the pangs of childbirth.[1160] As soon as -the news of the downfall of Antioch was carried to Constantinople, -the capital was thrown into a state of consternation, and all public -festivities for the season of Whitsuntide, which was at hand, were -renounced. The Emperor, discarding all regal pomp, debased himself -in sackcloth and ashes,[1161] and led a suppliant procession of the -Senate, wearing mourning garments, to the church of St. John at the -Hebdomon. Commissioners were immediately dispatched with ample funds -for reparation, and the ruined city again became visible on the face -of the earth with a rapidity which, in the words of a writer of the -period, gave the impression that it had reappeared suddenly out of the -infernal regions.[1162] But the earthquakes continued and ultimately, -as a safeguard against further visitations of the kind, Antioch was -demised to the special care of the Deity by being renamed Theopolis, or -the City of God.[1163] - -The desultory war with Persia was maintained all the time under the -chief command of Licelarius, a Thracian. But that general, while -pushing hostilities over the border into the vicinity of Nisibis, -managed so unskilfully that his whole forces were seized with a panic -and fled back to Roman territory without ever having sighted an enemy. -As an immediate result Licelarius was disgraced and Belisarius promoted -to fill his place. The youth, as he must be called, fulfilled the -expectations he inspired and thenceforward entered on that career of -achievement which was to render him the military hero of his age. - -On the 1st of April, 527, Justin formally associated his nephew to -the throne, with the rank of Augustus. He lived exactly four months -afterwards,[1164] and on the 1st of August in the same year the sole -reign of Justinian began.[1165] - - - - - CHAPTER IV - - PRE-IMPERIAL CAREER OF THEODORA: THE CONSORT OF JUSTINIAN - - -The influence of women in antiquity varied extremely according to -circumstances of time and place. During the mythical age they are -celebrated as the heroines of many a legend; and in the epics of -Homer the free woman seems to live on terms of equality with her male -relations.[1166] Down to the historical period the same consideration -was continued to them at Sparta, where the mental and physical -integrity of the females was cultivated as essential to the designed -superiority of the race;[1167] but among the Athenians we find the -women of the community ignored as factors in the state to such an -extent, that they rank little higher than domesticated animals.[1168] -In neither of these states, however, were they ever invested with any -political office; and their power could only be felt indirectly by the -executive as the result of their activity as wives and mothers in the -family circle.[1169] But outside Greece, in those wider territories -more or less permeated by Hellenes, women sometimes attained to a full -share of government, inherited or assumed a sovereignty on the death -of their husbands, commanded armies, and even appeared in martial -attire at the head of their troops. Two Ionian princesses, both of whom -bore the name of Artemisia, reigned in Caria: the elder distinguished -herself at sea as an ally of Xerxes in the naval battle of Salamis -(480 B.C.);[1170] her successor erected the magnificent monument -at Halicarnassus in memory of her husband Mausolus, hence called -the Mausoleum, which was admired as one of the seven wonders of the -world.[1171] Cynane, a daughter of Philip of Macedon, led an expedition -into Illyria, and is said to have killed the queen of that country, -in an engagement which ensued, with her own hand.[1172] This lady -had applied herself vigorously to military exercises, and similarly -trained up her daughter Eurydice in the school of arms. As the wife of -the imbecile Arrhidaeus, one of the successors of Alexander, Eurydice -advanced into Asia to meet Olympias, the mother of that monarch, in -a contest which was to decide the fate of Macedonia. While the young -queen, as we are told, displayed herself with all the attributes of -a female warrior, the dowager chose to accompany her forces with a -train of attendants, who seemed rather to be acting their part in a -Bacchanalian procession.[1173] This war, however, proved ultimately -fatal to all three women, who were merely moved as puppets by the -firmer hands of Alexander’s generals in their rivalry for shares -at the dissolution of his empire.[1174] After the partition of the -extensive dominions of Alexander among his numerous heirs, the number -of Grecian women who enjoyed, or were allied to, sovereign power, was -proportionately increased; and the names of many princesses of varied -distinction in that age have been recorded historically, and even -perpetuated popularly to the present day by towns designated in their -honour, and spread over the three continents.[1175] While some of these -ladies won an unusual share of marital respect and affection, not only -by the graces of their person, but by their capacity for taking part -in the councils of state,[1176] there were not a few who signalized -themselves by a cruelty or criminality hardly exceeded by the male -tyrants of that semi-lawless and contentious epoch. Two Egyptian -princesses, sisters named Cleopatra, were ambitious of occupying the -thrones of Egypt and Syria, respectively, to the exclusion of their own -sons. The Syrian queen, having murdered one of her sons, was obliged -to accept his brother as a colleague, but being unable to nullify -his authority, resolved to make away with him also. On his return -from military drill one day, she presented him with a poisoned cup, -which, however, he declined to empty, having had an intimation of her -design, and bade her swallow the draught herself. She refused, while -denying her guilt, but he insisted that in no other way could she clear -herself, and she thus fell a victim to her intended treachery.[1177] -Her sister, who reigned in Egypt, under almost similar circumstances -was not more fortunate; for, having expelled one of her sons and -committed various cruelties, she raised another to a partnership in the -kingdom. Finding still that her ascendancy could not be maintained, she -planned to assassinate him, but, being forestalled, perished herself in -the attempt.[1178] Precocious in guilt, but, perhaps, more excusable, -was the Cyrenean princess Berenice, who caused her intended husband -to be murdered in the arms of her own mother, as the penalty of his -having slighted her for this adulterous intercourse.[1179] Her name -has been preserved to us in the nomenclature of science, and through -an astronomical compliment a cluster of stars is still distinguished -as the Coma Berenices.[1180] From these few examples the reader may -derive some notion of the social relations of the ruling families in -that extended Greek realm which came into being as the result of the -conquests of Alexander. One by one the separate autonomies succumbed to -the force of the Latin arms, and before the beginning of the Christian -era all of them which lay to the west of the Euphrates had become -merged in the provincial system of the Roman Empire. - -When we turn our attention to the Roman Republic, we find that the -females, although in law subjected absolutely to the will of their male -relatives,[1181] were virtually as influential in the state as were the -women at Sparta. From Cloelia[1182] to Portia[1183] the maidens and -matrons of that community displayed the spirit and resolution which -we should assume to be characteristic of the wives and sisters of the -men who made themselves gradually the masters of the earth. Nor were -they backward in applying themselves to intellectual pursuits when the -rusticity of the Republic began to be dissipated by the infiltration -of Hellenic culture; and by their assiduous studies in philosophy, -geometry, literature, and music, they kept pace determinedly with the -mental development of the sterner sex.[1184] With the establishment -of the Empire, a greatly enhanced authority became the permanent -endowment of a limited class. It followed naturally that the female -connections of the emperors and their chief ministers could aspire to -participate in the despotic government, but the throne itself always -remained debarred to women, and to the last days of the Empire the -Romans never acquiesced in a female reign. When Agrippina, presuming -on her power over a son whom her intrigues had raised to the throne, -pressed forward amid general amazement to preside as of equal authority -with him at a reception of ambassadors, the philosopher Seneca hastily -impelled the young Emperor to arrest his mother with a respectful -greeting, and thus, in the words of Tacitus, “under the semblance -of filial devotion the impending disgrace was obviated.”[1185] Yet, -in several instances, as the guardian of an immature heir to the -crown, or as the associate of an incapable husband or brother, a -woman was able to retain for a considerable time all the attributes -of monarchy. The Syrian Soaemias, the equal in profligacy of her son -Elagabalus, assumed the reigns of government, and took her seat in -the Senate, which then beheld for the first time a female assisting -at its deliberations.[1186] Her career speedily terminated in -disaster,[1187] but during the break-up of the Western Empire, two -centuries later, no opposition was offered to the predominance of her -sex by a dejected people. The Empress Placidia Galla, after enduring -many misfortunes, exercised a regency scarcely distinguishable from -absolutism for more than a decade, in the name of her son Valentinian -III.[1188] In the East the rule of Pulcheria, as the adviser of her -brother Theodosius II, and afterwards of her nominal husband Marcian, -extended almost to half a century.[1189] The importance of an Augusta -in disposing of the crown on the decease of her husband has been -indicated in the description of the elevation of Anastasius;[1190] -and the official who records the election of Justin, ascribes the -turbulence of the populace on that occasion to the absence of control -by a princess of that rank.[1191] But the power of a dowager empress -was most signally exemplified in the case of Verina, widow of Leo I, -who, in her dissatisfaction with the policy of her son-in-law Zeno, -succeeded in provoking a revolution, placed the chief of her party on -the throne for more than a twelvemonth, and continued to involve the -Empire in bloodshed for a series of years.[1192] Below the Imperial -dignity the feminine element was perpetually active and widely -exerted, especially throughout the provinces. The wives of legates, of -proconsuls or governors, accompanied their husbands on their missions -to distant parts, and were often responsible, both in peace and war, -for the complexion assumed by the local administration.[1193] They -displayed themselves ostentatiously in public, addressed themselves -authoritatively to the army, and instigated measures of finance, to -such an extent that they were sometimes regarded as the moving spirit -in whatever was transacted.[1194] Agrippina shared the hardships -of Germanicus in his campaign against the Germans, opposed herself -to the disorder of the troops when retreating through fear of the -enemy, preserved the bridge over the Rhine, which in their panic -they were about to demolish, and, combining the duties of a general -with those of the intendant of an ambulance, restored confidence to -the legions.[1195] Yet Germanicus, in his Asiatic command, fell a -victim to the machinations of Plancina, the wife of a colleague; and -Agrippina strove ineffectively to withstand the malignant arts of -another woman.[1196] In some instances oppression of the provincials -was clearly traceable to female arrogance and intrigue; and at length -it was seriously proposed in the Senate that no official should be -accompanied by his consort, when deputed to the government of a -province. The motion was hotly debated, but was ultimately lost through -the vehemency of opposition.[1197] - -Nothing in antiquity is more remarkable than the diversity of sentiment -as to prostitution among the Greeks. Considering the deification of -amorous passion and fecundity expressed by polytheism in the cult of -Aphrodite, and the ethics of social order which instilled a reverence -for chastity, the popular mind continually wavered as to whether the -_hetaira_ or courtesan should be contemned as an outcast, or adored -as the priestess of a goddess. Among the Semites who dwelt along the -Oriental borders of the Grecian dominions an act of prostitution at -the temple of the goddess of concupiscence was enjoined on every -woman at least once in her life as a religious rite;[1198] but the -nicer ethical discrimination of the Greeks debarred this custom from -ever establishing itself in Hellenic religion. At Corinth, however, -one of the most distinguished art centres of Greece, it obtained a -footing in a modified form; and in that city a thousand female slaves -sacred to Aphrodite were maintained as public courtesans attached to -her temple.[1199] At Athens, Solon regarded the state regulation of -prostitution as an essential safeguard to public morality, whence he -constituted a number of brothels under definite rules throughout the -town, thus providing, in his opinion, an outlet for irrepressible -passions which might otherwise be manifested in a more unseemly -manner.[1200] As in all ages there were two grades of females who led -a life of incontinence for the sake of gain; and of these the higher -class, the hetairas, filled a place not devoid of a certain distinction -in most of the Grecian cities. This class relied not on their personal -attractions only, but also on their mental accomplishments, aspiring -to become the intellectual companions of their lovers by applying -themselves to the study of literature and philosophy.[1201] Hence they -ranked as the best educated women of the community, and exerted more -influence in the state than the usually dull and secluded housewives. -The majority and the most noted of such courtesans flourished, of -course, in Athenian society, the ascendancy of the women which obtained -at Sparta being altogether adverse to their pretensions. Thus it -happened that the hetairas of Athens were generally regarded as persons -of some consequence; and several writers of the period thought it no -unworthy task to compose their biographies, as might be done at the -present day in the case of eminent women.[1202] To the connection of -Aspasia with Pericles and her position as the leader of Athenian -society during his tenure of power, an important page is devoted in all -histories of Greece; and it appears that even matrons were permitted to -frequent her salon in order to improve themselves mentally by listening -to the elevated discourses held there.[1203] Socrates visited Theodote -for the purpose of augmenting his sociological insight, and Xenophon -has included an account of his debate with her in his memoirs of that -father of philosophers.[1204] Leontium was a conspicuous figure in the -garden of Epicurus, where he convened his disciples; and she penned a -treatise against the Peripatetics, which deserved the commendation of -Cicero.[1205] Scarcely, indeed, can a man of note in this age, whether -potentate, orator, philosopher, or poet, be found whose name does not -occur in anecdote or more serious record as the associate of some -hetaira. It follows that courtesans should appear not rarely as the -mothers of persons of distinction. Themistocles, the younger Pericles, -Timotheus, and Nicomachus, the son of Aristotle, are mentioned in -this connection;[1206] and more than one sovereign prince is allowed -to have been the offspring of some hetaira, namely, Arrhidaeus, king -of Macedonia, alluded to above, and Philetaerus, the founder of the -kingdom of Pergamus.[1207] Many of these hetairas realized wealth, and -some had the faculty of keeping it; nor were they disinclined to spend -it patriotically if an opportunity offered. Lamia erected a splendid -portico at Sicyon;[1208] and Phryne proposed to rebuild the walls -of Thebes, which had been levelled by Alexander, provided that the -fact should be commemorated by a suitable inscription. The Thebans, -however, were too proud to owe the restoration of their town to such a -source.[1209] As the result of their notoriety and the consideration -accorded to them, some courtesans won the distinction of living in -metal or marble; and it was remarked that, whilst no wife had been -honoured by a public monument, the memory of hetairas had often been -perpetuated by the statuary.[1210] The reasons, however, why courtesans -happened to be thus distinguished were in many instances totally -dissimilar: some for actual merit, others merely through the caprice of -passionate lovers, challenged the popular eye from a pedestal. Leaena -was represented at Athens under the form of a tongueless lioness, -because she preferred to die by the torture rather than disclose -the conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogeiton against the tyrants of -the day.[1211] Even at Sparta the image of Cottina was a familiar -object, standing beside a brazen cow which she had consecrated to -Athena.[1212] A sculptured tomb to Lais was set up at Corinth,[1213] -and a golden statue of Phryne was dedicated at Delphi,[1214] to express -the admiration of their townsmen for their pre-eminence as venal -beauties. A magnificent cenotaph on the Sacred Way from Athens to -Eleusis surprised a wayfarer into the belief that he was approaching -the tomb of some great general or statesman; it was no more than the -fantasy of Harpalus, an extravagant viceroy of Alexander’s, constructed -in glorification of his deceased mistress, Pythionice.[1215] At Abydos, -a temple to Aphrodite, styled the Prostitute, recorded the patriotic -treachery of a band of loose women, which conduced to the slaughter of -an alien garrison;[1216] but when the degradation of Greece was already -far advanced, both Athens and Thebes descended to flatter Demetrius -Poliorcetes by rearing fanes in honour of his favourite concubine, -Lamia.[1217] - -In the earlier centuries of the Republic the strict censorship upheld -at Rome kept the city purged of dissoluteness; and prostitution, -regularly supervised and licensed,[1218] was reduced to the inevitable -minimum; but in proportion as Hellenic manners permeated the community, -the courtesan established herself on the same footing as in Greece. We -are told that a fortune gained by her harlotry was willed to Sulla by -Nicopolis;[1219] and the relations of Flora with the great Pompey are -given in detail by Plutarch. Captivated by the beauty of the latter, -Caecilius Metellus included her portrait among the adornments of the -temple of Castor and Pollux.[1220] Precia, a notorious strumpet, -won the devotion of Cethegus, one of the abettors of Sulla, and -the heritor of a large share of his power. At Rome he carried all -before him for some years, whilst he surrendered himself absolutely -to the caprices of his mistress. The provinces were distributed to -her nominees; and the command against Mithridates, in which Lucullus -acquired such extensive territories for the Republic, was obtained -by courting her favour by costly presents and blandishments.[1221] -It is needless to inquire how far illicit sexual connections were -politically operative during the rule of insensate emperors, for in -these times every excess had its parallel;[1222] but it may be noted -that the stern and sordid Vespasian abandoned the patronage of the -Empire to a mistress, into whose lap riches were poured by governors, -generals, and pontiffs, in the form of bribes for securing coveted -appointments.[1223] Concurrently with the decline of the Empire, -municipal institutions decayed, especially in the West, and the sense -of public decency became blunted. When Theodosius visited Rome in -389, he found prostitution in league with crime and administrative -measures more offensive than the moral laxity they were intended to -correct.[1224] Nor was the balance of public morality redressed until -Europe had passed through mediaevalism, and advanced for two or three -centuries into the modern period.[1225] - -During the greater part of the reign of Justinian the fortunes of -the Empire were influenced to an unusual extent by two women, the -Empress Theodora and Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, whom chance -had raised from a base origin to the highest rank in the state. In -the early years of the reign of Anastasius, a man named Acacius -filled the post of bear-keeper to the Green faction. Dying somewhat -unexpectedly, he left his wife and three daughters, Comito, Theodora, -and Anastasia, totally unprovided for. The eldest child was but seven -years old, and the widow immediately attempted to provide for the -future by uniting herself with the man who was expected to become -her late husband’s successor. Another candidate, however, presented -himself, and by bribing the master of the shows, whose decision was -final, despoiled them of the situation. The family was now destitute, -but the mother resolved on a last effort to enlist the sympathy of the -faction. Binding the heads and hands of her little girls with wreaths -of flowers, according to ancient custom, she displayed herself with -them in the crowded Hippodrome in the posture of suppliants. These -tactics proved successful, for, although the Greens rejected her -prayer, it happened that the Blue faction were at the moment in want of -a bear-keeper, and they at once preferred the stepfather to the vacant -place. In course of time the daughters developed into handsome young -women, and one by one were consigned to the theatre, as the sphere -most congenial to the associations in which they had been reared. The -eldest, Comito, was the first to make her appearance, and she soon -became a person of some consequence, if not as an actress, at least as -a hetaira, a career indissolubly linked with that of a female performer -on the stage. At the same time her younger sister Theodora became a -familiar object to the public. Dressed in a short tunic, such as was -worn by young slaves, she was always to be seen in the wake of Comito, -bearing on her shoulder the folding seat[1226] without which no one of -any pretensions could stir abroad. Thrown into the haunts of vice thus -prematurely, she became initiated objectively, before she attained the -age of womanhood, in all the excesses of lasciviousness.[1227] In her -turn, as soon as she was old enough, she was pushed to the front to -play a part upon the scene, where she soon captivated the audience by -her special gifts. Theodora was short of stature, of slight physique -and pale,[1228] whence she became possessed with the procacity and -insistence peculiar to those who fear to be slighted on account of -some physical defect. Her accomplishments included neither singing -nor dancing, but she proved herself to be a burlesque comédienne of -singular aptitudes. She was quick-witted and full of repartee, and -her air in coming on the stage was at once provocative of mirth. She -excelled particularly in the comic piteousness with which she resented -a mock chastisement delivered, according to a trick of the day, on her -puffed-out cheeks, which seemed to resound with the severity of the -infliction.[1229] But she was far from trusting to merely histrionic -art to gain the notoriety she craved for, and she applied herself -sedulously to charm that considerable section of humanity for whom the -salt of life is indecency. On the scene, or at private reunions, she -distinguished herself by her impudicity above any of her companions. -Her ingenuity was inexhaustible in inventing occasions for the -exposition of her nudities, and in sexual vice she became a mistress -of everything fantastic and unnatural. She dispensed with drapery as -far as was permissible by law, and one of her favourite devices was to -prostrate herself on the stage, with grains of corn distributed about -her person, so that a number of geese, in searching for their food, -might throw her scanty clothing into obscene disorder.[1230] At orgies -of the dissolute she was the life and soul of the festivities; and she -assumed the rôle of instructress in depravity among her compeers of -the theatre.[1231] Yet with respect to the latter, she also achieved -a reputation for being quarrelsome and spiteful beyond the usual -measure of her tribe. By her habitual and flagrant excesses, she became -universally known in the capital, and she was shunned by all worthy -citizens to such an extent, that they shrunk from being sullied by -her touch, should they chance to meet her in the street.[1232] If a -merchant encountered her in the morning he was as much scared at the -sight as at that of a bird of ill-omen.[1233] Animated by a genius -so restless and aspiring, it is evident that such a woman needed only -transference to a field of higher potential, to become one of the most -notable characters of the age. Such a place had been prepared for her -by fate, and she was destined to renew on the throne of the Empire the -triumphs she had won on the boards of the theatre.[1234] - -By a mischance, which she had always practised every expedient -to avert,[1235] Theodora became the mother of a son while at -Constantinople. His father christened him John and, fearing that the -repugnance evinced towards the boy by his mother might endanger his -life, he carried him off into Arabia, the province of his permanent -residence.[1236] Soon afterwards Theodora was induced to quit the -capital by a Tyrian named Hecebolus, who was proceeding to North -Africa to occupy the seat of government in the Pentapolis. In a short -time, however, she alienated this lover by her petulant temper until, -provoked by her insolence, he expelled her from his establishment -without making any provision for her future. This consummation was -assuredly a valuable lesson by which she did not fail to profit at a -later date. Devoid of resources, she betook herself from Cyrene to -Alexandria, where she attempted to live by prostitution; but in a -strange city, without the entry of a congenial circle, she discovered -that her talents or her attractions were unavailing to procure a -livelihood. From city to city of the East she proceeded, repeating -always the same experience in a state of incurable distress.[1237] She -directed her steps constantly northwards in her wanderings, keeping -her mind fixed on the capital, to which she longed to return, and at -length she found herself on the southern shores of the Euxine, within -the limits of Paphlagonia.[1238] In that austere province, where the -circus and the theatre were eschewed, and fornication and adultery were -looked on as the most abominable crimes,[1239] it is possible that she -may have been affected by the puritanism of the inhabitants, certain -that she must have felt chastened by the trials she had undergone. -It is probable also that she remained there for some time in the -receipt of hospitality, whilst being exhorted and encouraged to live -a life of continence. Ultimately, however, she found means to regain -Constantinople, where she arrived in a sober frame of mind and with -the resolution not to relapse into her former habits. She sought out -a humble tenement in a portico near the district of Hormisdas,[1240] -where she resigned herself to earn a modest living by feminine -industry.[1241] A veil of obscurity hangs over the circumstances which -preceded the social elevation of Theodora, which can only be partly -dissipated by surmise. It appears that after the accession of Justin -she was discovered by Justinian sitting demurely at her spinning-wheel, -and that he was fascinated by her at once with a force which he was -unable to resist.[1242] It is allowed that she was not devoid of -beauty,[1243] but if she captivated him by that quality, it was one -which she possessed in common with a thousand others of her class. -Rather must we conclude that she won her dominion over him by her -distinction of mind and character, by her wit, vivacity, insight, and -social address.[1244] He was now verging on his fortieth year, and, -as we shall recognize more fully hereafter, must always have been of -a staid disposition, as free as possible from the wildness of youth. -How far he was acquainted with her past is altogether unknown; if her -travels had extended to a few years her former intimates might now -for the most part be scattered, her person might be half forgotten, -and her meretricious enormities but faintly remembered. Her scenic -extravagances may never have been witnessed by Justinian, but it is -certain that before long her former mode of life was at least partially -revealed to him. Their intercourse soon ripened into familiarity; he -made her his mistress, but without concealment, and with the fixed -intention of marrying her; and as the first step towards that end he -raised her to the rank of a patrician.[1245] Theodora was now removed -from her sordid surroundings and housed in a style suitable to her -enhanced fortunes.[1246] At the same time her sisters, Comito and -Anastasia, were rescued from their degrading vocation and maintained -in a manner befitting their semi-royal relationship.[1247] Her -influence with Justinian became unbounded, and, as the favourite of -the virtual master of the Empire, she was courted by all aspirants to -the emoluments of state.[1248] Her age was now more mature; she had -been taught discretion and self-restraint in the school of adversity, -and she was wise enough for the future not to hazard her ascendancy -by yielding intemperately to her passions. Her physical mould was -not that of a sensual woman, her amazing immorality resulted merely -from an inordinate desire to outrun all competition in the career on -which she had been launched, and we may believe that, after every -incentive to sexual excess had been removed from her path, she found no -difficulty in leading a life of the strictest chastity. Her energies -were now directed into other channels; she did not deny herself the -indulgence of using the exceptional power with which she was invested -to gratify her ambition to the full; she accumulated wealth by every -means possible to an official of the highest authority, and she seldom -allowed the machinery of government to escape altogether from her -control. - -Two obstacles stood in the way of Justinian when he proposed to make -Theodora his wife. In the first place he was confronted by the old law -of Constantine which aimed at preserving the aristocratic families of -the Empire free from any taint in their blood. It was enacted thereby -that no woman of vicious life, actress or courtesan, or even of lowly -birth, could become the legal spouse of a man who had attained to the -rank of Clarissimus or Senator, the third grade of nobility.[1249] To -abrogate this statute was therefore a necessity before he could carry -out his design, but he easily prevailed on Justin to give the Imperial -sanction to a Constitution which recites at length the expediency of -granting to such women, who have repented and abjured their errors, an -equality of civil privileges with their unblemished sisters.[1250] A -further impediment arose from the opposition of the Empress Euphemia, -who withstood the marriage with an obstinacy which neither argument -nor entreaty could overcome.[1251] Although her relationship to Justin -had until recently been abased, the quondam slave had never deviated -from the path of virtue and had imbibed all the prejudices of the -strictest matron against women who made a traffic of their persons. A -critical delay thus became inevitable, but Theodora passed through it -triumphantly, and in 524, by the death of Euphemia, Justinian was freed -from all restraint. Their nuptials were then celebrated with official -acquiescence and without even popular protest. The Church, the Senate, -and the Army at once accepted the former actress as their mistress, and -the populace, who had contemplated her extravagances on the theatre, -now implored her protection with outstretched hands.[1252] The crown -with the title of Augusta was bestowed on her by Justinian at the -time of his own coronation;[1253] and she acquired an authority in the -Empire almost superior to that of her husband. After her elevation -Theodora became a zealous churchwoman, and extended her protection far -and wide to ecclesiastics and monks who had fallen into distress or -disrepute through being worsted in the theological feuds which were -characteristic of the age. But she was always bitterly hostile to those -who opposed her particular religious views or political plans, and -proceeded to the last extremity to subject them to her will.[1254] - -Antonina sprang from the same coterie as Theodora, but her birth -was more disreputable. Her father was a charioteer of the Circus at -Thessalonica, and her mother a stage-strumpet.[1255] The two women were -not, however, companions, perhaps not even acquainted, as the wife -of Belisarius was almost a score of years senior to the Empress, and -she also exceeded the age of her husband by an even greater amount. -It appears, therefore, that whilst Justinian was probably twenty -years older than Theodora, Belisarius was at least as much junior to -Antonina. The latter was, in fact, the mother of several illegitimate -children before being married, and a son of hers named Photius, not -more than eight or ten years junior to his stepfather, is an observable -figure in the historic panorama.[1256] We have no details as to the -career of Antonina previous to her becoming involved in the current -of political affairs, nor can we regret the loss of another story of -moral obliquity, but there is evidence to prove that she was a woman -of a totally different stamp from the Empress, one disposed by natural -propensity to debauchery, and at no time inclined to deny herself the -pleasures of incontinency. At the outset of Justinian’s reign Theodora -regarded her with the greatest aversion, but whether because the -character of Antonina was at variance with her own or that she loathed -the presence of one too well informed as to her own antecedents cannot -now be determined. In the political vortex they were unavoidably thrown -much together, and it will often be necessary to inquire as to how -far the course of history may have been modified by their respective -activities and temperaments.[1257] - - - END OF VOL. I. - - - - - INDEX - - - Acoemeti, sleepless monks, 282. - - Acrobats, 101. - - Actresses, at Constantinople, 107; - marriage with, forbidden to senators, etc., 107, 346. - - Adule, port of Axume or Abyssinia, 186, 187. - - Adultery, punishment of, at Rome, 336. - - Agathias, on military decline, 167; - epigram by, 341. - - Agentes-in-rebus, Imperial messengers, 143. - - Agrippina, mother of Nero, her arrogance, 326. - - Agrippina, wife of Germanicus, her courage, etc., 329. - - Aimoin on marriages of Justinian and Belisarius, 348. - - Alamundar, Arab sheik, his enormities, 312. - - Alemannus, his notes on secret history of Procopius, 320. - - Allegories of Neoplatonists, 264. - - Amantius, chief eunuch, his plots and execution by Justin, 302, 305. - - Amida, siege of, 177. - - Ammianus, on Papal luxury, 275. - - Ambrose, St., opposes Theodosius I, 55. - - Anastasia, sister of Theodora, 338, 345. - - Anastasius, Emperor, his coronation, 104; - wars, 175; - character, 298. - - Anemodulion or Wind-slave, 76. - - Animals, draught, humane treatment of, 142. - - Anthology, Greek, obscenity of, 341. - - Antioch, earthquake at, 317. - - Antipodes, Church against, 182, 214. - - Antonina, wife of Belisarius, her origin, etc., 348. - - Apostles, Twelve, Church of, 79; - credibility of statements as to, 254; - authenticity of epistles by, _ib._ - - Apollonius Tyaneus, at Constantinople, 66, 73; - character of, 245, 274. - - Apparitors, officers of provincial judges, 149. - - Arches, triumphal, at Constantinople, 33, 69, 72, 73, 77, 78. - - Arians, at Nice, 276; - Gothic, 79, 279. - - Aristippus, his Cyrenean philosophy, 239. - - Aristotle, his scientific work, 239; - on slavery, 115; - on women, 322; - on abortion, 343. - - Army, Byzantine, 165, _sqq._ - - Artemisia I and II, queens of Caria, 322. - - Art-schools, 224. - - Aspirate, abuse of, at Rome, 126. - - Athenais or Eudocia, Empress, 108, 230. - - Atomic theory of Epicurus, etc., 284. - - Augustine, St., his early life, 207; - on prostitution, 331. - - Aurelius, Marcus, his ethics, 241; - persecutes Christians, 251. - - - Bakeries, public, 82; - at Rome, kidnapping for, 337. - - Banduri, anon. Patria of, 23. - - Baptism, early form of, 112. - - Basil the Great, founder of monasteries, etc., 209, 282. - - Baths, public, 57; - mixing of sexes in, 116, 340. - - Beazley, on early trade, 185. - - Beylié on Byzantine houses, 24. - - Belisarius, first appearance as a general, 316; - marriage of, 348. - - Bema or chancel in Greek church, 55. - - Berenice, queen, her crime, 324; - her fate, 325. - - Berytus, seat of law-school, 218. - - Bigg on Platonists at Alexandria, 262. - - Blachernae, region and palace of, at Constantinople, 26, 81. - - Blemmyes or Nubians, emerald mines worked by, 189. - - Blues and Greens, factions of Circus, 22, 98, 298. - - Books at Constantinople, public, 58, 208; - private, 118. - - Bosphorus, Thracian, 7, 9, 12. - - Bryce on life of Justinian by Theophilus or Bogomil, 320. - - Buckler, elevation of emperor on, 105. - - Bury on Byzantine economics, 198, 201. - - Byzantium, foundation of, 3; - vocal walls of, 7; - character of inhabitants of, 84. - - _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_, 361. - - Byzas, founder of Byzantium, 3, 48. - - - Caecina, his motion against wives of provincial governors, 329. - - Caenis, concubine of Vespasian, 336, 346. - - Candidates, Imperial guards, 50, 167. - - Cassius, Dion, on old Byzantium, 6; - on Vespasian’s parsimony, 336. - - Cavades or Kavádh, king of Persia, 176, 313. - - Cethegus and Precia, 335. - - Ceylon, ancient trade at, 186. - - Chain of Golden Horn, 40. - - Chalcedon, foundation of, 3; - council of, 277, _sqq._ - - Chalke, palace at Constantinople, 49. - - Charity, public, at Constantinople, 81. - - China and silk trade, 193. - - Chosroes or Nushirvan, prince of Persia, 314. - - Chrysargyron, tax on petty trade, 154; - abolition of, 155, 201. - - Chrysoceras or Golden Horn, 4, 12, 38. - - Chrysopolis or Scutari, 80 (map). - - Chrysostom on luxury of Byzantines, 87, 113, _sqq._; - on immorality of, 112, 121. - - Churches, Greek, 55; - conduct in, 112. - - Circus or Hippodrome, 60, 97, _sqq._ - - Cisterns at Constantinople, 173, _sqq._ - - Cleopatra, sister queens so named, their crimes, 324. - - Clergy, trade duty free to, 155, 293. - - Codicils or Imperial commissions, 93. - - Codinus on antiquities of Constantinople, 23, etc. - - Coinage of Byzantium and Constantinople, 122. - - Colchis or Lazica, relations of Empire with, 312, 316. - - Columns at Constantinople, 48, 69, 72, 78, 80. - - Coma Berenices, 325. - - Comito, sister of Theodora, 338, 345. - - Consistorium, Imperial council, 144. - - Constantine the Great founds Constantinople, 10, 13, 85; - establishes Christianity, 15, 270. - - Consul, installation of, 109. - - Cornelia, wife of Pompey, her learning, etc., 326. - - Cosmas Indicopleustes, his travels, etc., 182, 187, etc. - - Cost of commodities, etc., 123; - of slaves, 115. - - Costume at Constantinople, 85, _sqq._ - - Councils, Oecumenical, 276, _sqq._ - - Creeds, Christian, elaboration of, 275. - - Crescent, chosen emblem of Byzantines, 6. - - Cresollius on sophists and voice culture, 208, 214. - - Crowns, Byzantine, 91. - - Crusades, effects of, 293. - - Cyclobion, a fort at Constantinople, 25. - - Cynane, daughter of Philip of Macedon, her warlike exploits, 322. - - Cynic philosophers, 238, 241. - - - Daphne, palace at Constantinople, 51. - - Dardania, site of Taor and Bader, 299. - - Débidour, his defence of Theodora, 342. - - Decurions in local government, 148; - captains of silentiaries, 52. - - Demes, factions of Circus, 22, 98, 298. - - Diehl, his work on Justinian, v, 345. - - Dion Cassius. _See_ Cassius. - - Diptychs, consular, 110, 227. - - Dome or cupola, introduction of, 25, 225. - - Ducange on Christian Constantinople 24, etc. - - - Earthquakes in Eastern Empire, 13, 317. - - Emperor, Byzantine, dress of, 89; - portraits of, 42. - - Epicurus, his philosophy, 239, 284; - and Leontium, 332. - - Eucharist, early method of administering, 112. - - Eugenius, tower and gate of, 39, 40. - - Eunuchs, origin of, 133; - in Byzantine Empire, _ib._ - - Euphemia, Empress, her change of name, 301, 304; - opposes Justinian’s marriage, 347. - - Euripus of Circus, 62, 64. - - Eurydice, daughter of Cynane, her war against Olympias, 323. - - Eusebius, his “Church History,” 290. - - Evagrius on abolition of chrysargyron, 154; - on monks, 281. - - Evans on Illyrian antiquities, 299, 300. - - Evolution, nature and prospects of, 285, _sqq._ - - Exokionion, region of Constantinople, 78, 79. - - Exposure of infants, 242; - prohibited at Thebes, _ib._ - - - Filelfo of Ancona, his letters on later Byzantine manners, 116; - on preservation of classical Greek, 126. - - Financial officials, bureaucrats, 152, 161; - surveyors and assessors, 150, _sqq._; - collectors, 158, _sqq._ - - Fish, plenty of, at Constantinople, 4, 84; - miraculous creation of, 253. - - Foederati, foreign mercenaries, 169, 170. - - Follis, coin and sum, uncertainty about, 100, _sqq._ - - Forum, of Constantine, 69; - Imperial or Augusteum, 49; - Strategium, 70; - of Theodosius I or Taurus, 71, _sqq._; - Amastrianum, 77; - of Arcadius, 77; - of Honorius, 80. - - Fountains, sacred, at Constantinople, 26, 27, 38. - - - Galen, his works, 221. - - Gallienus, his connection with Byzantium, 9, 48. - - Galton on Inquisition, 293. - - Gates of Constantinople, 31; - Caspian or Caucasian, Golden, 33. - - Gieseler, Church History of, 249, 251, etc. - - Gladiators, abolition of, 67, 241. - - Godefroy (or Godfrey), Theodosian code by, 42, 160, _et passim_. - - Golden Gate of Constantinople, 33. - - Golden Horn or Chrysoceras, 4, 12, 38. - - Gospels, credibility of, 253. - - Governors of provinces, Rectors or judges, 148. - - Greek churches, decoration of, 55, 227. - - Greek learning, introduction of, at Rome, 205, _sqq._ - - Greens and Blues, factions of Circus, 22, 98, 298. - - Gregory of Nazianzus on military dragons, 168; - on furore at Circus, 108; - on theatre, 339. - - Gregory of Nyssa on female education, 229; - on popular theology, 280. - - Grosvenor on antiquities of Constantinople, 4, 24, 41, 48, etc. - - Guards, Imperial, 50, 167; - private, 171. - - Gyllius on antiquities of Constantinople, 4, 5, 24, 33, etc. - - - Halicarnassus, mausoleum at, 322. - - Harbours of Byzantium, 7; - of Constantinople, _ib._; - of Theodosius, or Eleutherium, 36; - of Julian, _ib._; - of Bucoleon, 37; - of Neorion or Golden Horn, 39. - - Hardouin, Cardinal, on forgery of ecclesiastical works, 256, 282. - - Harpalus, his monuments to a hetaira, 335. - - Hebdomon, a suburb seven miles from Milion, 319. - - Hefner-Alteneck on costume, 91; - on family of Theodora, 342. - - Hetairas or courtesans, their manners, etc., 115, 329, _sqq._ - - Hierocles against Christians, 274. - - Hills, seven, of Constantinople, 10, 11; - of Rome, _ib._ - - Hippalus, a navigator, discovers the monsoons, 184. - - Hippodrome or Circus, description of, 60, 97; - exhibitions in, 100; - records kept under, 67, 72. - - Hodgkin on silentiaries, 52. - - Hormisdas, palace of, 37; - occupied by Justinian, 309. - - Huns, Attila and, 21; - Persia and, 176, 178; - Romans and, 313. - - Hymn-singing in church, 111; - in open air, 97. - - Hypatia, her murder, etc., 207, 230. - - - Iamblichus, his philosophy, 264. - - Iberia or Georgia, relations of Empire with, 315. - - Iconostasis, image-screen in Greek church, 55. - - Infant exposure, 242. - - Ink, Imperial purple, 93. - - Inquisition, effects of, in Spain, 293. - - Inscriptions on gates of Constantinople, 32, 34; - on codicils, 93; - solution of, 94. - - Irenarchs or rural police, 144, 203. - - Irene, church of, at Constantinople, 56. - - Isambert, his work on Justinian, v, 308. - - Isaurians, character of, 172; - war with, 175. - - Isidore of Seville, his “Etymologies,” 212; - on eunuchs, 133; - on astronomy, 216. - - Isocrates, his ethics, 241. - - - Jerome on female education, 230. - - Jesus, life of, 245, _sqq._; - its credibility, 253. - - John of Antioch on military decline, 167; - on Justin, 301. - - John of Ephesus on Theodora, 345. - - John Lydus on Circus, 63, 99, 101, 102; - on Anastasius, 299. - - Julian, Emperor, his character, etc., 271, 280. - - Justin, Emperor, his birth and success, 300, _sqq._; - his accession to the throne, 302. - - Justinian, Emperor, birth, education, and adoption by - Justin, 301, _sqq._; - his consulship and diptychs, 308; - his marriage, 344, _sqq._ - - Juvenal on unbelief at Rome, 244; - on Messalina, 342. - - - Kathisma, Imperial seat in Circus, 61, 97. - - Khosr, Chosroes, or Nushirvan, prince of Persia, 314. - - Kobad, Cavades, or Kavádh, king of Persia, 176, _sqq._, 313. - - Kondakoff on Byzantine art, 225, 228. - - - Lais, a courtesan, her tomb, 334. - - Lamia, a courtesan, a temple to, 335. - - Latin language, use of in East, 125. - - Law, intricacies of, etc., 219, _sqq._ - - Law schools at Berytus, etc., 218, _sqq._ - - Law students, grades of, 219; - ill conduct of, 207. - - Lazica or Colchis, relations of Empire with, 312, 316. - - Leaena, a courtesan, her monument, 334. - - Leontium, a courtesan, and Epicurus, 332; - her writings, _ib._ - - Lethaby and Swainson on St. Sophia, 55. - - Libanius, sophist, method of training scholars, 211, 214; - on decurions, 197. - - Libraries, public, at Constantinople, 58, 208. - - Long wall of Anastasius, 124, 164. - - Lucian on sham philosophers, 209; - on manners of hetairas, 115. - - Ludewig, his work on Justinian, v; - on Theodora, 342. - - Luitprand on gymnastics, 101; - on reclining at meals, 114. - - Lupanars or brothels, 75. - - Lupicina, later Empress Euphemia, 301, 304, 347. - - - Magnaura, Imperial reception hall, 56. - - Man and beast fights in Circus, 101. - - Manganon of Circus, 61; - an arsenal, 48. - - Mani and Manichaeans, 267, _sqq._; - laws against, 269. - - Mansions for relays of post horses, etc., 141. - - Marble tower at Constantinople, 35. - - Marinus, a painter, illustrates life of Justin, 304. - - Marinus, Praetorian Praefect, his extortions, 299. - - Marrast on Byzantine gardens, etc., 53; - on popular theology, 280. - - Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, 322. - - Megara, a colony of Byzantium, 3, 84; - character of inhabitants of, _ib._ - - Menken, A. I., actress, her career, etc., 340. - - Messalina, Empress, wife of Claudius, her debauchery, 342. - - Milion, official milestone at Constantinople, 59. - - Moat at Constantinople, 27. - - Monasteries, origin of, 280, _sqq._ - - Money of Byzantium, 123; - of Constantinople, 122. - - Monks, origin of, 280, _sqq._; - acoemeti or sleepless, 78, 282. - - Monophysites at Chalcedon, 278; - persecution of, 306. - - Monsoons, discovery of, 184. - - Montez, Lola, actress, her career, 333, 340. - - Mordtmann on antiquities of Constantinople, 15, 24, _et passim_. - - Mosheim, Church history of, 276. - - Mythology, comparative, 235. - - - Narthex, vestibule of Greek church, 55, 111. - - Neander, Church history of, 252, 282. - - Neoplatonists, philosophy of, 261, _sqq._ - - Nicopolis, a courtesan, leaves her fortune to Sulla, 335. - - Nöldeke, history of Persians and Arabians by, 176. - - Notitia, official guide to civil and military service of - Empire, 23, 93, _et passim_. - - Nude model, facilities for studying in Greece, 226. - - Nushirvan or Chosroes, prince of Persia, 314. - - - Obelisk in Hippodrome, 63. - - Olympias, mother of Alexander, her war, etc., 323. - - Oman on art of war, 168, 174. - - - Pachomius, founder of monasteries, 282. - - Paederasty, prevalence of, 120. - - Palace, Imperial, of Constantinople, 49, _sqq._ - - Panaetius, a Stoic philosopher, his ethics, 241. - - Paspates on antiquities of Constantinople, 2, 24, 28, etc. - - Pavement, the, at Constantinople, 69. - - Pearl, Cora, a courtesan, her career, etc., 332, 334. - - Pericles and Aspasia, 331. - - Peripatetic philosophers, 238. - - Phila, wife of Demetrius Poliorcetes, her character and temple, 324. - - Photius, son of Antonina, 348. - - Physicians, public, at Constantinople, 82, 88. - - Placidia Galla, Empress, her sovereignty, 51, 327. - - Plagiarism, habitual, of Byzantine writers, 228. - - Plancina and Germanicus, 329. - - Plato on education, 217; - on cosmogony, 258, _sqq._ - - Pliny on early Christians, 249. - - Plotinus, founder of Neoplatonism, 261, _sqq._ - - Poll tax, 152. - - Polybius on unbelief at Rome, 244. - - Pompeius, nephew of Anastasius, 305. - - Pompey the Great, his wife, 326; - his pillar at Constantinople, 48. - - Popes, ostentation of, 275. - - Population of Constantinople, 123. - - Porch, Royal, at Constantinople, 58. - - Porphyry, a Neoplatonist, his philosophy, 263. - - Portia, wife of Brutus, wounds herself, 326. - - Posts, public, of Empire, 141. - - Praetorium, government house in provinces, 148. - - Precia, a courtesan, rules Cethegus and Rome, 335. - - Primitive races, extinction of, by civilization, 296. - - Priscian on grammar, etc., 213; - a centenarian, _ib._ - - Processions, Imperial, 95, 319. - - Procopius first appears in history, 316; - his “Secret History,” 339. - - Professors officially appointed, 205, _sqq._; - salaries of, 210. - - Prostitution, 329, _sqq._, 337. - - Prostration before emperor, 52, 92, 133. - - Public shows, expenses of, 100. - - Purple, imperial, laws as to, 191. - - Puteoli, hydraulic cement of, 41. - - Pythagoras, philosopher, on numbers, 215; - on music, 216. - - Pythionice, a courtesan, her monuments, 335. - - - Quintilian on education, 211. - - - Rabutaux on mediaeval prostitution, 337. - - Rectors or provincial governors, 148; - extortions of, 198. - - Reformation, the, 294. - - Renaissance, the, 294. - - Rhetoricians or sophists, their teaching, 211, 212, _sqq._; - affectation of, 208. - - Roads, Roman, 141. - - _Roi des Ribauds_, intendant of palace courtesans, 337. - - Rome, fall of, 20. - - - Salaries of professors, 210. - - Salonina, wife of Caecina, her arrogant display, 328. - - Sampson, hospital of, 56. - - Scamander river, anecdote of, 330. - - Schools of art, 224. - - Semantron, call to church, 110. - - Senate-houses, 56, 70. - - Senate of Constantinople, 146; - Constantine and, 19; - Julian and, 146. - - Serpent column in Hippodrome, origin of, 63; - destruction of, 64. - - Seven hills at Constantinople, 10, 11; - at Rome, _ib._ - - Seven towers at Constantinople, 34. - - Severus, Emperor, at Byzantium, 8. - - Ships, capacity of ancient, 161, 184. - - Siedeliba or Ceylon, trade at, 186, 187. - - Sigma or crescent at Constantinople, 33, 60. - - Silk, mercantile routes from China for, 185, 193. - - Silphium, a pot-herb, land of, 192. - - Slave of Winds or Anemodulion, 76. - - Soaemias, mother of Elagabalus, her character and conduct, 327. - - Socrates, Church historian, 290, etc. - - Socrates, philosopher, his ethics, 238, 240; - visits Theodote, 332. - - Sophists or rhetoricians, their teaching, 212, _sqq._; - affectation, 208. - - Spiritualism, ancient and modern, 257, _sqq._, 263. - - St. Sophia, old church of, 55. - - Statues, public, multitude of, 61. - - Steps, public rations served from, 80. - - Stoics, their ethics, 238, 264, 286. - - Streets at Constantinople, 42, 46. - - Strzygowski, his researches on the Golden Gate, 34, 362; - on cisterns, 362. - - Studius, monastery of, 78, 280. - - Stylites or pillar-saints, 281. - - Suburbs of Constantinople, 124. - - Sycae, now Galata, 39, 80. - - - Tabari, translation of, by Nöldeke, 176; - by Zotenberg, _ib._ - - Taurus, square of, 71. - - Taxes, ways of levying, 149, _sqq._ - - Theocritus aspires to purple, 302; - executed by Justin, 306. - - Theodora, origin and career of, 337; - her reformation, 344; - marriage, etc., 347. - - Theodoric the Goth, 178, 310. - - Theodosius I, his laws against Pagans, 274, 277. - - Theodote, a courtesan, Socrates visits, 332. - - Theodotus, P. U., opposes Justinian, 309. - - Thomas, a silentiary, plunders fugitives at Antioch, 318. - - Throne, Byzantine, 50. - - Titles of honour, 96. - - Torture, taxes enforced by, 200. - - Towers at Constantinople, 28, 29, 40. - - Trade routes, 184, _sqq._ - - Trajan, Emperor, and Christians, 250. - - Treasury, Imperial, etc., 161. - - Tzykanisterion or palace garden, 53. - - - University or Auditorium of Constantinople, 72, 207, _sqq._ - - Urbicius, chief eunuch, nominates Anastasius for throne, 104. - - - Vandals in Spain and Africa, 131. - - Van Millingen on Golden Gate, 34; - on Bucoleon harbour, 38. - - Verina, Empress, wife of Leo I, provokes a revolution against - Zeno, 328. - - Vespasian and Caenis, 336, 346. - - Vigilantia, mother of Justinian, 347; - sister of, 301. - - Vigilantius against relic worship, etc., 292. - - Vistilia, a noble lady, applies for _licentia stupri_, 336. - - Vitalian, a general, his revolt, 180; - consulship and murder of, 306, _sqq._ - - - Wall, Long, of Anastasius, 124, 164. - - Walls of Byzantium, vocal, 7; - of Constantinople, 27, _sqq._ - - Water, public supply of, at Constantinople, 73, 74. - - Women at Athens, 321; - at Sparta, _ib._; - towns named in honour of, 323. - - Wood for fuel, brought from Euxine, 40. - - - Xenophanes, the Eleatic, his philosophy, 238, 251. - - Xerolophos, or dry-hill, at Constantinople, 11, 78. - - Xylocercus Gate, 31. - - - Youth, dissoluteness of, 119; - education of, 204, _sqq._; - legal, 219; - for art, 224. - - - Zachariah of Mytilene, translated by Hamilton and - Brooks, 278, 312, etc. - - Zeno, Eleatic philosopher, 238. - - Zeno, Emperor, his Henoticon, 278; - death of, 103. - - Zeno, Stoic philosopher, 238. - - Zeugma, a quarter of Constantinople, 40. - - Zeuxippus, baths of, at Constantinople, 57. - - Zoroaster or Zarathushtra, 268. - - Zotenberg, translation of Tabari by, 176. - - - - -ERRATA - - -P. 11, peninsula; p. 17, n. 1, Frising.; p. 24, note, Beylié; p. 55, n. -3, Lethaby; p. 118, n. 4, Lactant., i, 20; p. 158, n. 3, Berg-; p. 188, -herd; p. 225, n. 1, cadavérique; p. 256, note, und. - - - - -ADDITIONS - - -P. 20, n. 1. The date of the dialogue Philopatris has been the subject -of much argument, notably in _Byzant. Zeitschrift_, vols. v and vi, -1896-7. It has been placed under Carus, Julian, Heraclius, and John -Zimisces. The matter is unintelligible unless at an early period of -Christianity, and I should be inclined to maintain that interpolations -in one or two places by late copyists (see p. 256) have given it a -false semblance of recency. - -P. 24, note. John Malala was unknown to Ducange (not having been -published till 1691), and hence has been neglected to a great extent by -later writers on Byzantine antiquities. He is the earliest authority -for much of what is to be found in the later chronographers. According -to Conybeare the Paschal Chronicle did not copy Malala, but an original -common to both; _Byzant. Zeitsch._, 1902. - -P. 33. There is no record of the building of the Golden Gate, but John -Malala (p. 360), says that Theodosius II gilded it, whence the name. -Most probably this statement includes the erection of the monument. I -am now satisfied that the Golden Gate had no direct connection with -Theodosius the Great, but was raised by his grandson to commemorate the -overthrow of the usurper John by his generals Aspar and Ardaburius at -Ravenna in 425. This is the “tyrant” alluded to (“post fata tyranni”), -who had supplanted the infant Valentinian III in the West, afterwards -the husband of Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II. The victory caused -the greatest excitement at CP., of which Socrates (vii, 23) gives -a striking account. They were all sitting in the Hippodrome when -the news arrived, whereupon the Emperor, with the whole audience, -rose up, abandoned the games, marched through the streets singing -enthusiastically, and the rest of the day was spent in the churches -giving utterance to fervid prayers. It is inconceivable that so tame -a couplet could have been composed to celebrate the martial deeds -of Theodosius I. The clash of arms would have been heard in any -inscription designed to record the achievements of an Emperor who -won battles in the field by his own tactics and strategy. But in a -generally quiet reign, with the palace under the rule of the women, -any decided success would be magnified and the weakling Theodosius II -would naturally be associated with the prestige of his grandfather, -whose name he bore. The case is one on all fours with that of the great -statue in Taurus (erected after a minor Persian war), so skilfully -allocated by Déthier (see p. 72) and the boastful inscription on it -(Gk. Anthol. Plan., iv, 65). The inscription on the Golden Gate was not -sculptured, but was composed of metal letters fastened to the stone -by rivets. Many of these holes can still be located on the decayed -surface. These were first observed by Strzygowski in 1893, and by -joining them judiciously the form of the letters originally attached -could be made out. The lines ran across the top of the gate, the first -verse of the couplet being on the left side, the second on the right. -See the monograph by S. on the Golden Gate, Jahrb. d. Kaiser. Deutsche -Archæol. Instit., 1893, viii, 1. But the origin of the old Golden -Gate in the Constantinian wall remains unsolved; for surmises see Van -Millingen. - -P. 31. It is highly improbable that the wall of Theodosius ever ran -through to the Golden Horn, as, in order to do so, it would have had -to cut the parish or region of Blachernae in two. It must have pulled -up therefore at the previously existing wall which surrounded that -part; see the Notitia, reg. xiv. Hence there must always have been a -projecting portion of the fortifications at this end. - -P. 37. Van Millingen decides to identify the palace of Bucoleon with -that of Hormisdas, as hitherto the building on the wall has been -popularly named. This identification now seems to me quite tenable. -Both the Anon. and Codinus (pp. 45, 87) mention, in somewhat different -terms, the locality of H., and connect it with Port Julian, evidently -to the west of the existing ruin. I am satisfied that the latter is -really the Bucoleon built by Theodosius II, and that the Hormisdas, -which must have been altogether reconstructed by Justinian (Procop., -Aedific., i, 10), has quite disappeared. Theodosius could not by any -sort of implication be said to have built a house of Hormisdas, who -was dead long before he was born. Later this palace (Hormisdas) was -diverted to ecclesiastical purposes, became, in fact, a sort of Church -House, where meetings were held, and also a hostelry for members of the -priesthood when visiting the capital; see pp. 669, _sqq._ In the latter -connection it is often mentioned by John of Ephesus in the work already -referred to (p. 345, n. 2). - -P. 74. The identification of the _Bin bir derek_ with the cistern of -Philoxenus is a mere surmise—a monogram on the columns is said to stand -for Εὖγε φιλόξενε! The researches of Forscheimer (and Strzygowski) give -a more likely elucidation which, with the _Yeri Baian Seraï_, a much -larger cistern still full of water, will be considered later on. See p. -539 and cf. Lethaby and S., p. 248. - -Pp. 78, 319. There were three localities at CP. which might -conceivably have been called Hebdomon by the inhabitants: 1. The -seventh of the fourteen parishes of the city as described in the -Notitia; 2. The camping ground near Blachernae of the seventh regiment -of Gothic mercenaries; 3. A kind of Field of Mars for reviewing the -troops situated seven miles from the Milion on the shore of the -Propontis. When processions to the Hebdomon are mentioned, it is always -the last place which is meant, and there the church of St. John was -founded. I do not know whether there is any literary reference to -either of the first two localities under that name, but much confusion -has been occasioned by the contradictory views of various writers, -especially Gyllius and Ducange; see Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 29. - -P. 100. The actual sums which it appears that scholars accept as -obligatory on three praetors to spend annually for the public shows are -respectively £150,000, £120,000, and £90,000, in all £360,000! Under -these circumstances it was scarcely worth while for Olympiodorus to -mention such a trifle as the 1,200 lb. of gold (£48,000), expended by -Probus in his praetorship, unless it was to show how beggarly he was -in comparison with his predecessors in office, the least of whom had -to disburse under legal compulsion nearly double that amount. It is -strange that none of Gibbon’s editors has noticed that his “ridiculous -four or five pounds” is in reality £57 5_s._, at his own estimate -of the value of the _follis_ (.548_d._), viz., 1∕2025 of the silver -_follis_ or purse, which he makes equal to £6; iii, p. 293 (Bury). I -have read somewhere that Sir Isaac Newton could not work the simple -rules of arithmetic. - -Pp. 252, 274. The evidence for Galerius’s edict of toleration and -Constantine’s Edict of Milan (313) is the same, viz., Lactantius and -Eusebius. There is no good reason to doubt the latter. The attitude -of Galerius towards Christianity was mere toleration after failure to -suppress; Constantine’s that of favour and adoption. Every one knew -that Galerius would spring again if he got the chance. If C. took up -Christianity as one of his religions _c._ 312, he would naturally, -after his victory, issue a manifesto to define his personal policy and -inclinations. Too much stress is often laid on the light doubts of -recent investigators. - -P. 294, n. 2. Since this section on religion was written, two movements -on the lines indicated have come to the surface, one a petition by -university teachers for more freedom in dealing with the mythological -texts in relation to students, the other a similar petition by -ministers of the establishment, for the same freedom, with respect to -the public. Both failed, but doubtless the tide of rationalism will -rise again and again until the desired emancipation be achieved. These -are symptoms of a readjustment of popular religious beliefs at no -distant date, perhaps within a generation or two, a consummation I had -not anticipated as likely to occur for centuries to come. But, as the -chick emerges suddenly from the egg which immediately before was to all -appearances physically unaltered, so sociological revolutions, long -brooding beneath the surface, are sometimes fully achieved in a moment -of time. - -Pp. 345, 348. Were we without the Anecdotes of Procopius we should -still know practically all that he has revealed about Theodora. 1. -That she was a prostitute, John of Ephesus, Aimoin. 2. That she was in -a very lowly condition before her marriage, Codinus. 3. That she was -vindictive and cruel when on the throne, Liber Pontificalis, Vigilius. -All this evidence is adverted to circumstantially in its proper setting -throughout the work. - - * * * * * - -⁂ For CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA to the whole work see end of Vol. II. - - - CHISWICK PRESS: PRINTED BY CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. TOOKS COURT, - CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] To these must now be added Diehl’s beautifully illustrated work, -_Justinien et la civilization Byzantine au VI^e siècle_, Paris, 1901. -The leading motive is that of art, and it is replete with interesting -details, but the conception is too narrow to allow of its fully -representing the age to a modern reader. - -[2] Radium was unknown in 1901 when the above was written. - -[3] In presenting this history to the modern reader I shall not -imitate the example of those mediaeval stage-managers, who, in order -to indicate the scenery of the play, were content to exhibit a placard -such as “This is a street,” “This is a wood,” etc. On the contrary, on -each occasion that the scene shifts in this drama of real life, I shall -describe the locality of the events at a length proportionate to their -importance. - -[4] Schliemann found neolithic remains at Hissarlik, not far off -(Ilios, p. 236, 1880). - -[5] In the sixteenth century, as we are told by Gyllius (Top. CP., -iv, 11), the Greeks of Stamboul were utterly oblivious of the history -of their country and of the suggestiveness of the remains which lay -around them. But an awakening has now taken place and the modern Greeks -are among the most ardent in the pursuit of archaeological knowledge. -They have even revived the language of Attica for literary purposes, -and it may be said that an Athenian of the age of Pericles could read -with facility the works now issued from the Greek press of Athens or -of Constantinople—a unique example, I should think, in the history -of philology. Through Paspates (Βυζαντινὰ Ανάκτορα, pp. 95, 140), we -are made aware of the difficulties the topographical student has to -encounter in the Ottoman capital, where an intruding Giaour is sure to -be assailed in the more sequestered Turkish quarters with abuse and -missiles on the part of men, women, and children. - -[6] Alluded to by both Homer and Hesiod (Odyss., xii, 69; Theog., -992). It was one of those unknown countries which, as Plutarch remarks -(Theseus, 1), were looked on as a fitting scene for mythical events. - -[7] Pindar, Pythia, iv, 362; P. Mela, i, 19, etc. - -[8] Of these Sinope claimed to be the eldest, and honoured the -Argonauts as its founders (Strabo, xii, 3). - -[9] _Ibid._, vii, 6. - -[10] Herodotus, iv, 144. - -[11] Pliny, Hist. Nat., iv, 18 [11]. Ausonius compares Lygos to the -Byrsa of Carthage (De Clar. Urb., 2). - -[12] Not a Greek name; most likely that of a local chief. - -[13] According to the Chronicon of Eusebius, Chalcedon was founded -in Olymp. 26, 4, and Byzantium in Olymp. 30, 2, or 673, 659 B.C. In -modern works of reference the dates 684, 667 seem to be most generally -accepted. I pass over the legends associated with this foundation—the -divine birth of Byzas; the oracle telling the emigrants to build -opposite the city of the blind; another, which led the Argives (who -were also concerned in the early history of Byzantium) to choose the -confluence of the Cydarus and Barbyses, at the extremity of the Golden -Horn, whence they were directed to the right spot by birds, who flew -away with parts of their sacrifice—inventions or hearsay of later -times, when the real circumstances were forgotten (see Strabo, vii, 6; -Hesychius Miles, De Orig. CP., and others), all authors of comparatively -late date. Herodotus (iv, 144), the nearest to the events (_c._ 450 -B.C.), makes the plain statement that the Persian general Megabyzus -said the Chalcedonians must have been blind when they overlooked the -site of Byzantium. - -[14] The remains of a “cyclopean” wall (Paspates, Βυζαντινὰ Ανάκτορα, -p. 24), built with blocks of stone (some ten feet long?) probably -belonged to old Byzantium, respecting which it is only certainly known -that it stood at the north-east extremity of the promontory (Zosimus, -ii, 30; Codinus, p. 24; with Mordtmann’s Map, etc.). It can scarcely -be doubted that the site of the Hippodrome was outside the original -walls, and thus we have a limit on the land side. It may be assumed -that the so-called first hill formed an acropolis, round which there -was an external wall inclosing the main part of the town (Xenophon, -Anabasis, vii, 1, etc.). Doubtless the citadel covered no great area, -and the city walls were kept close to the water for as long a distance -as possible to limit the extent of investment in a siege. - -[15] Polybius, iv, 38, 45, etc. It was abolished after a war with -Rhodes, 219 B.C. - -[16] Tacitus, Annal., xii, 63, and commentators. Strabo, ii, 6; Pliny, -Hist. Nat., ix, 20 [15]. They are mostly tunny fish, a large kind of -mackerel. In the time of Gyllius, women and children caught them simply -by letting down baskets into the water (De Top. CP. pref.; so also -Busbecq). Grosvenor, a resident, mentions that seventy sorts of fish -are found in the sea about the city (Constantinople, 1895, ii, p. 576.) - -[17] Strabo proves that the gulf was called the Horn, Pliny that -the Horn was Golden (the promontory in his view), Dionysius Byzant. -(Gyllius, De Bosp. Thrac., i, 5), that in the second century the inlet -was named Golden Horn. Hesychius (_loc. cit._) and Procopius (De -Aedific., i, 5) say that Ceras was from Ceroessa, mother of Byzas. - -[18] Dionys. Byz. in Gyllius, De Top. CP., i, 2. The statement is -vague and can only be accepted with some modification in view of other -descriptions. - -[19] Livy, xxxii, 33. - -[20] Phylarchus in Athenaeus, vi, 101. - -[21] See Müller’s Dorians, ii, 177. - -[22] Hesychius, _loc. cit._; Diodorus Sic., xvi, 77, etc. - -[23] Polybius, iv, 46, etc. - -[24] Cicero, Orat. de Prov. Consular., 3. - -[25] Tacitus, _loc. cit._; Pliny, Epist. to Trajan, 52. - -[26] Suetonius, Vespasian, 8. - -[27] Dion Cassius, 10, 14. I have combined and condensed the separate -passages dealing with the subject. - -[28] Herodian, iii, 1; Pausanias, iv, 31. Walls of this kind were built -without cement, so that the joinings were hardly perceptible. - -[29] At an earlier period it seems that there was only one harbour -(Xenophon, Anabasis, vii, 1; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 31). - -[30] A not uncommon acoustic phenomenon, such as occurs in the -so-called “Ear [prison] of Dionysius” at Syracuse, etc. It can be -credited without seeking for a mythical explanation. - -[31] Suidas, _sb._ Severus; Herodian, iii, 7. - -[32] The general details are from Dion Cassius, lxxiv, 12-14. - -[33] Suidas, _loc. cit._; Jn. Malala, xii, p. 291; Chron. Paschale, i, -p. 495. - -[34] Eustathius _ad_ Dionys., Perieg. 804; Codinus, p. 13. - -[35] Hist. August. Caracalla, 1. He is represented as a boy interceding -with his father. - -[36] Hist. August. Gallienus, 6, 13, etc.; Claudius, 9; Zosimus, i, -34, etc.; Aurelius Victor, De Caesar., xxxiii, etc. There is much to -support the views in the text, which reconcile the somewhat discrepant -statements of Dion and Herodian with those of later writers. The -Goths seem to have been in possession of Byzantium—therefore it was -unfortified (Zosimus, i, 34; Syncellus, i, p. 717). More than a century -later, Fritigern was “at peace with stone walls” (Ammianus, xxxi, 6). -I apply the description of Zosimus (ii, 30) to this wall of Gallienus -(so to call it), which probably included a larger area, taking in the -Hippodrome and other buildings of Severus. - -[37] The tops of the various hills can now be distinguished by the -presence of the following well-known buildings: 1. St. Sophia; 2. Burnt -Pillar; 3. Seraskier’s Tower; 4. Mosque of Mohammed II; 5. Mosque of -Selim; 6. Mosque of Mihrimah (Gate of Adrianople); 7. Seven Towers -(south-west extremity). The highest point in the city is the summit of -the sixth hill, 291 ft. (Grosvenor). - -[38] The last reach of the Barbyses runs through a Turkish pleasure -ground and is well known locally as the “Sweet Waters of Europe.” - -[39] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 11. - -[40] Notwithstanding the southerliness of these regions, natives of -the Levant have always been well acquainted with frost and snow. Thus -wintry weather is a favourite theme with Homer: - - ἤματι χειμερίῳ... - κοιμήσας δ’ ἁνέμους χέει ἔμπεδον, ὄφρα καλύψῃ - ὑψηλῶν ὀρέων κορυφὰς καὶ πρώονας ἄκρους, - καὶ πεδία λωτεῦντα καὶ ἀνδρῶν πίονα ἔργα, - καί τ’ ἐφ’ ἁλὸς πολιῆς κέχυται λιμέσιν τε καὶ ακταῖς, - κῦμα δέ μιν προσπλάζον ἐρύκεται· ἄλλα τε πάντα - εἰλύαται καθύπερθ’ ὅτ ἐπιβρίση Διὸς ὔμβρας. - _Iliad_, xii, 279, κ.τ.λ. - - -[41] His reasons for this step can only be surmised. A political motive -is scarcely suggested. A second capital cannot have been required to -maintain what Rome had conquered, and was soon made an excuse for -dissolving the unity of the Empire. His nascent zeal for Christianity, -by which he incurred unpopularity at pagan Rome, has been supposed to -have prejudiced him against the old capital, and moved him to build -another in which the new religion should reign supreme, but these -opinions emanate only from writers actuated more or less by bigotry. -Although he virtually presided at the Council of Nice and accepted -baptism on his death-bed, that he was ever a Christian by conviction -is altogether doubtful. For a _résumé_ see Boissier, Revue des Deux -Mondes, July, 1886; also Burchardt’s Constantine. - -[42] For the founding of Constantinople see Gyllius (De Topogr. CP., i, -3), but especially Ducange (CP. Christiana, i, p. 23 _et seq._), who -has brought together a large number of passages from early and late -writers. According to a nameless author (Muller, Frag. Hist., iv, p. -199), Constantine was at one time in the habit of exclaiming: “My Rome -is Sardica.” He was born and bred in the East, and hence all his tastes -would naturally lead him to settle on that side of the Empire. - -[43] It may have been earlier. Petavius (in Ducange) fixes this date, -Baronius makes it 325 (_c._ 95). - -[44] Plutarch, De Defect. Orac. He explains it by the death of the -daemons who managed them. These semi-divinities, though long-lived, -were not immortal. - -[45] See Ducange, _loc. cit._, p. 24. - -[46] Philostorgius, ii, 9. Copied or repeated with embellishment, but -not corroborated, by later writers, as Nicephorus Cal., viii, 4; Anon. -(Banduri), p. 15; Codinus, p. 75. Eusebius is silent where we should -expect him to be explicit. The allusion in Cod. Theod., XIII, v, 7, -seems to be merely a pious expression. - -[47] The result of Diocletian’s persecution must have shown every -penetrating spirit that Christianity had “come to stay”: the numerous -converts of the better classes were nearly all fanatics compared with -Pagans of the same class, who were languid and indifferent about -religion. He indulged both parties from time to time. - -[48] Zosimus, ii, 30, Anon. Patria (Banduri, p. 4), and indications in -Notitia Utriusque Imperii, etc., in which the length of Constantine’s -city is put down at 14,705 Roman feet. From Un Kapani on the Golden -Horn (near old bridge) it swept round the mosque of Mohammed II, passed -that of Exi Mermer, and turned south-east so as to strike the sea near -Et Jemes, north-east of Sand-gate. I am describing the imaginary line -drawn by Mordtmann (Esquisses topogr. de CP., 1891), who has given us a -critical map without a scale to measure it by. It was not finished till -after Constantine’s death, Julian, Orat., i, p. 41, 1696. - -[49] Anon. (Banduri) and Codinus _passim_; Eusebius, Vit. Constant., -iii, 54, etc.; Jerome, Chron., viii, p. 678 (Migne). - -[50] Zosimus, ii, 31. - -[51] Or Florentia (blooming). Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 320, etc. Everything -was done in imitation of Rome, which, as John Lydus tells us (De Mens., -iv, 50), had three names, mystic, sacerdotal, and political—Amor, -Flora, Rome. - -[52] Cedrenus, i, p. 495; Zonaras, xiii, 3. Eusebius knows nothing of -it. See Ducange’s collection of authorities (CP. Christ., i, p. 24), -all late, _e.g._, Phrantzes, iii, 6. - -[53] Anon. (Banduri), p. 5; Codinus, p. 20. The stories of these -writers do not deserve much credit. Glycas, however, accepts the tale -and is a sounder authority, iv, p. 463. “It is well known that the -flower of your nobility was translated to the royal city of the East,” -said Frederic Barbarossa, addressing the Roman Senate in 1155 (Otto -Frising. Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script., vi, 721). - -[54] Eunapius in Aedesius. Burchardt jeers at C. and his new citizens. - -[55] Idatius, Descript. Consul. (Migne, S. L., li, 908). The accepted -date. - -[56] Jn. Lydus, De Mensibus, iv, 2. “A bloodless sacrifice” (Jn. -Malala, p. 320). According to later writers (Anon., Banduri, etc.) the -“Kyrie Eleison” was sung, a statement we can easily disbelieve. - -[57] Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 321; Chron. Paschal., i, p. 529. - -[58] Anon. (Banduri), p. 4. _Ibid._ (Papias), p. 84. - -[59] In cloaks and Byzantine buskins, “chlaenis et campagis” (Κάμπαγος -or κομβαῶν). For the latter see Daremberg and Saglio, Dict. Antiq., -_sb. voc._ They covered the toe and heel, leaving the instep bare to -the ground. - -[60] Jn. Malala and Chron. Paschal., _loc. cit._, etc. - -[61] M. Glycas, iv, p. 463. Eusebius does not describe the founding -of CP., doubtless because he saw nothing in it pertinent to Christian -piety, of which only he professes to treat (τὰ πρὸς τὸν θεοφιλῆ), Vit. -Const., i, 11. - -[62] The name occurs in Cod. Theod. from 323 onwards, but also as a -palpable error at an earlier date. See Haenel’s Chronological Index. It -is thought coins stamped CP. were issued as early as 325 (Smith, Dict. -Christ. Biog., i, p. 631). Had Constantine fixed on any other place it -is probable that “New Rome” would have passed into currency as easily -as “New York.” But the Greeks did not call their city Constantinople -till later centuries. Thus with Procopius, the chief writer of the -sixth century, it is always still Byzantium. - -[63] Socrates, i, 16; Sozomen, ii, 3; Cod. Theod., XIV, xiii, etc. - -[64] Socrates, _loc. cit._ - -[65] Anon. Valesii, 30. - -[66] The last Roman emperor, in name only, Romulus Augustulus, -abdicated in 476, but long before that date the Empire had been -gradually falling to pieces. In 410 Alaric sacked Rome; by 419 -the Goths had settled in the south of France and the Vandals had -appropriated Spain; in 439 Genseric took possession of Africa; in 446 -Britain was abandoned; in 455 Rome was again sacked (by Genseric), etc. - -[67] Ciampini (De Sacr. Aedific., a C. Mag., etc., Rome, 1693), -enumerates twenty-seven. Eusebius says many (Vit. C., iii, 48). It is -curious, however, that the dialogue Philopatris (in Lucian) gives an -impression that in or after 363 (Gesner’s date, formerly accepted) -churches were so few and inconspicuous that the bulk of the population -knew nothing about them. The Notitia, again, half a century later, -reckons only fourteen within the city proper, including Sycae (Galata). -Probably, therefore, these twenty-seven churches attributed to -Constantine are mostly suppositious, for even in the reign of Arcadius -it would seem that there were not many more than half that number. - -[68] Socrates, i, 16. Two only, as if Constantine had built no more. - -[69] Chron. Paschal., i, p. 531. - -[70] Eusebius, iv, 58. _Op. cit._ - -[71] Anon. (Banduri), p. 45; Codinus, p. 72. - -[72] Hesychius, _op. cit._, 15 (Codinus, p. 6). - -[73] Cicero (Orat. De Prov. Consul., 4) says that Byzantium was -“refertissimam atque ornatissimam signis,” a statement which doubtless -applies chiefly to works of art preserved in temples. The buildings -would remain and be restored, notwithstanding the many vicissitudes -through which the town passed. The Anon. (Banduri, p. 2) says that -ruins of a temple of Zeus, columns and arches, were still seen on the -Acropolis (first hill) in the twelfth century. - -[74] Eunapius, _loc. cit._, Themistius, Orats., Paris, 1684, pp. 182, -223, “equal to Rome”; Sozomen, “more populous than Rome”; Novel lxxx -forbids the crowding of provincials to CP. - -[75] Cod. Theod., XV, i. 51; Socrates, vii, 1, etc. - -[76] Marcellinus, Chron. (Migne, li, 927). See also Evagrius, i, 17, -and Ducange, _op. cit._, i, p. 38. - -[77] Priscus, Hist. Goth., p. 168. In 433. - -[78] The work of Cyrus is not precisely defined by the Byzantine -historians, but Déthier (Der Bosph. u. CP., 1873, pp. 12, 50) and -Mordtmann (_op. cit._, p. 11) take this view. The words of one -inscription, “he built a wall to a wall” (ἐδείματο τείχεϊ τεῖχος), -support the theory. The walls of Theodosius were afterwards called the -“new walls” (Cod. Just., I, ii, 18; Novel lix, 5, etc.). - -[79] On the Porta Rhegii or Melandesia, about halfway across. See -Paspates (Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, pp. 47, 50). They are preserved in the -Anthol. Graec. (Planudes), iv. 28. The gate called Xylocercus, with its -inscription, has disappeared. - -[80] Marcellinus, _loc. cit._; Zonaras, xiii, 22; Nicephorus Cal., -xiv, 1, confuses the work of the two men. The Anon. Patria (Banduri), -p. 20, says that the two factions of the circus, each containing eight -thousand men, were employed on the work. Beginning at either end, -they met centrally at a gate hence called “of many men” (Polyandra). -Mordtmann (_op. cit._, p. 28) wholly rejects this tale, as it does not -fit in with some of his identifications. It would, however, be well -suited to the P. Rhegii, where the existing inscriptions are found. -Some local knowledge must be conceded to an author of the twelfth -century, who probably lived on the spot. Wall-building was a _duty_ of -the factions. - -[81] Dionysius caused the Syracusans to build the wall of Epipolae, -of about the same length, in twenty days (Diod. Sic., xiv, 18). The -Peloponnesians built a wall across the isthmus against Xerxes in a -short time (Herodotus, viii, 71, etc.). There was much extemporary -wall-building at Syracuse during the siege by Nicias (Thucydides, vi, -97, etc.). The wall of Crassus against Spartacus was nearly forty miles -long (Plutarch, Crassus). Except the first, however, these were more -or less temporary structures. Very substantial extempore walls are -frequently mentioned by both Greek and Latin historians as having been -erected during sieges, etc. See especially Caesar (i, 8) and Thucydides -(iii, 21, Siege of Plataea). - -[82] The earliest and most reliable source is the Notitia Dignitatis -utriusque Imperii, etc., which dates from the time of Arcadius. To this -work is prefixed a short description of Rome and CP., which enumerates -the chief buildings, the number of streets, etc., in each division -of those cities. Next we have the Aedificia of Procopius, the matter -of which, however, does not come within the scope of the present -chapter. A gap of six centuries now occurs, which can only be filled -by allusions to be found in general and church historians, patristic -literature, etc. We then come to a considerable work, the Anonymous, -edited by A. Banduri (Venice, 1729), a medley of semi-historical and -topographical information, often erroneous, ascribed to the twelfth -century. A second edition of this work, introduced by the Byzantine -fragment of Hesychius of Miletus, passes under the name of Geo. -Codinus, who wrote about 1460. Here we draw the line between mediaeval -and modern authors, and we have next the Topography of CP., by P. -Gyllius, a Frenchman, who wrote on the spot about a century after the -Turkish conquest. His Thracian Bosphorus, which preserves much of -the lost Dionysius of Byzantium, is also valuable. Later still comes -the monumental CP. Christiana of Ducange (Paris, 1680), a mine of -research, by one of those almost mediaeval scholars, who spent their -lives in a library. Of contemporary treatises, which are numerous and -bulky, I will only mention the following, from which I have derived -most assistance: J. Labarte, Le Palais Impériale de CP., Paris, -1871; A. G. Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελέται, CP., 1877, and Βυζαντινα -Ανάκτορα, Athens, 1885; W. Mordtmann, Esquisses topographiques de -CP., Lille, 1891. Among books intended less for the archaeologist -than for popular perusal, the only one worthy of special mention is -Constantinople, Lond., 1895, by E. A. Grosvenor, a fine work, admirably -illustrated, but the author relies too implicitly on Paspates, and he -has emasculated his book for literary purposes by omitting references -to authorities. The book also contains several absurd mistakes, _e.g._, -“The careful historian who ... wrote under the name of Anonymos,” -etc., p. 313. To the above must now be added the important, Byzantine -CP., the Walls, by Van Millingen, Lond., 1899, a sound and critical -work. Another beautiful work has also been recently issued, viz., -Beylié, L’Habitation byzantine, Grenoble, 1902. A wealth of authentic -illustrations renders it extremely valuable for the study of the -subject. This chapter was begun in 1896, and in the meantime scholars -have not been idle. As the Bonn Codinus gives inter-textually all the -passages of the anonymous Patria which differ, as well as an appendix -of anonymous archaeological tracts, I shall in future, for the sake of -brevity, refer to the whole as Codinus simply in that edition. - -[83] That is the pierced dome elevated to a great height on -pendentives. The splendid dome of the Pantheon dates, of course, from -Hadrian, but the invention of the modern cupola may fairly be assigned -to the Byzantines. The conception, however, had to be completed by -raising it still higher on a _tour de dome_, the first example of which -is St. Augustine’s, Rome (1483); see Agincourt, Hist. of Art, i, 67. - -[84] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 3; Nicephorus Cal., xv, 25. - -[85] Κυκλόβιον or στρογγύλον; Procopius, _ibid._, iv, 8. Theophanes, -an. 6165, p. 541, etc. Possibly it looked like the tomb of Caecilia -Metella or a Martello Tower and was the prototype of the castle shown -on the old maps as the “Grand Turk’s Treasure-house,” built in 1458 by -Mohammed II within his fortress of the Seven Towers; Map by Caedicius, -CP., 1889; Ducas, p. 317; Laonicus, x, p. 529. Most likely, however, it -was a wall uniting five towers in a round. The Cyclobion is attributed -to Zeno, about 480; Byzantios, Κωνσταντινούπολις, i, 312; -Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 596. - -[86] Grosvenor calls the existing road the remains of Justinian’s -“once well-paved triumphal way,” I have found no corroboration of -this assertion. From Constant. Porph. (De Cer. Aul. Byz., i, 18, 96, -etc.), I conclude there was no continuous road here for many centuries -afterwards. Paspates (_op. cit._, p. 13) thinks the last passage -alludes to it as πλακωτῆ, but this is evidently the highway to Rhegium, -etc. (Procop., De Aedific., iv, 8). - -[87] Cod. VIII, x, 10; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Cinnamus, ii, -14; Anthol. (Planudes), iv, 15, etc. - -[88] This fount is still extant and accessible beneath the Greek church -of Baloukli (Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 485, etc.). - -[89] Gyllius (Dionys. Byz.), De Bosp. Thrac., ii, 2; De Topog. CP., iv, -5. - -[90] Suidas, _sub_ Anast. Mordtmann (_op. cit._, p. 33), thinks the -ruins existing at Tekfur Serai may represent the original Palace of -Blachernae, the basement, at least. It is commonly called the palace of -Constantine, etc., but Van Millingen proves it to be a late erection. - -[91] Zonaras, xiii, 24; Codin., p. 95, etc. - -[92] Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul. Byz., ii, 12. Still frequented -(Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 390, etc.). - -[93] To “a man’s height” (Paspates). - -[94] Paspates has all the credit of solving the problem of this moat -(_op. cit._, p. 7, etc.). It has been maintained that it was a dry -moat, owing to the physical impossibility of the sea flowing into it. -The words of Chrysoloras (Migne, Ser. Grk., vol. 156, etc.) are alone -sufficient to dispose of this error. - -[95] This space seems to have been called the παρατείχιον; Const. -Porph., _loc. cit._; or rather, perhaps, the πρωτείχισμα; see -the Anon., Στρατηγική (Koechly, etc.), 12 (_c._ 550). Paspates calls it -the προτείχιον, “because,” says he, “I have found no name for it in the -Byzantine historians.” - -[96] Ducas, 39, etc.; Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 6. It is, however, the -usual word for the walls of a city. Μεσοτείχιον and σταύρωμα -are more definite; Critobulos, i, 60. Paspates states that the ground -here has been raised six feet above its ancient level. - -[97] Déthier, Nouv. recherch. à CP., 1867, p. 20; cf. Vegetius, iv, 1, -2, 3, etc. These walls have much similarity to the _agger_ of Servius -Tullius, but in the latter case the great wall forms the inner boundary -of the trench and the lesser wall, retaining the excavated earth, was -about fifty feet behind in the city. See Middleton’s Ancient Rome, etc. - -[98] Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 17. - -[99] _Ibid._, Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 584. - -[100] Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 10. See also Texier and Pullan, -Architect. Byzant., Lond., 1864, pp. 24, 56, for diagrams illustrating -walls of the period. Some, unlike the wall of CP., had continuous -galleries in the interior. The towers were also used for quartering -soldiers when troops were massed in the vicinity of the city (Cod. -Theod., VII, viii, 13). There were about one hundred and two of the -great, and ninety of the small ones. Owners of land through which the -new wall passed had also reversionary rights to make use of the towers -(_Ibid._, XV, i, 51). - -[101] The Roman plan of filling an outer shell with rubble and concrete -was adopted (Grosvenor, _loc. cit._). At present the walls appear as -a heterogeneous mass of stone and brick, showing that they have been -repaired hurriedly numbers of times. But little is left of the fifth -century structure. Some parts, better preserved, exhibit alternate -courses of stone and brick, a favourite style of building with the -Byzantines, but not dating further back than the seventh century -(Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 165). - -[102] Paspates (_op. cit._, p. 14), to whom much more than to -historical indications we are indebted for our knowledge of these walls. - -[103] Those who have a topographical acquaintance with Stamboul are -aware that at about three-quarters of a mile from the Golden Horn -the wall turns abruptly to the west and makes a circuit as if to -include a supplementary area of ground. It is well understood that -this part, which is single for the most part and without a moat, but -by compensation on a still more colossal scale, is the work of later -emperors—Heraclius, Leo Armenius, Manuel Comnenus, and Isaac Angelus -(600 to 1200). All traces of the wall of Theodosius, which ran inside, -have disappeared, according to Paspates, but Mordtmann thinks he can -recognize certain ruined portions (_op. cit._, p. 11 and Map). - -[104] Or from Charisius, one of the masters of the works (Codin., p. -110). - -[105] It appears that Anthemius in 413 (Cod. Theod., XV, i, 51) only -raised the great wall, and that in 447, when fifty-seven towers -collapsed (Marcellin. Com., A.D. 447; Chron. Pasch., 447, 450 A.D.), -Cyrus repaired the damage and added the lesser wall (Theophanes, an. -5937; Cedrenus, i, p. 598, and the words ἐδείματο τείχεϊ τεῖχος of the -inscription). Cedrenus states virtually that he demolished the wall and -replaced it by three others, alluding perhaps to the moat, but Cedrenus -is often wrong. All seven (or nine) chronographists relate more or less -exactly that Cyrus gained such popularity by his works that the public -acclamations offended the Emperor, who forced the tonsure on him and -sent him to Smyrna as bishop in the hope that the turbulent populace, -who had already killed four of their bishops, would speedily add him to -the number. By his ready wit, however, he diverted their evil designs -and won their respect. Zonaras, xiii, 22, and Nicephorus Cal., xiv, 1, -have an incorrect idea of the wall-building. According to the latter, -Anthemius was the man of speed. Malala mentions Cyrus, but not the wall. - -[106] The Greek verses are given in the Anthology (Planudes, iv, 28). -The Latin I may reproduce here: - - Theudosii jussis gemino nec mense peracto - Constantinus ovans haec moenia firma locavit. - Tam cito tam stabilem Pallas vix conderet arcem. - -This epigram and its companion in Greek are still legible on the stone -of the Rhegium Gate (now of Melandesia). See Paspates, _op. cit._, pp. -47, 50. The Porta Xylocerci has practically disappeared. - -[107] Mordtmann’s exposition of these gates is the most convincing -(_op. cit._, p. 16, etc.). I have omitted the Gate of the Seven Towers -as it has always been claimed as a Turkish innovation, a view, however, -which he rejects. In any case it was but a postern—there may have been -others such in the extinct section of the wall. - -[108] That is an S, which at this period was formed roughly like our C. - -[109] Cedrenus, ii, p. 173; or a personification of the city; Codin., -p. 47. - -[110] Zonaras, xv, 4. - -[111] A fragment still exists on the northern tower. See Grosvenor, -_op. cit._, p. 591. - -[112] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._, Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 9. - -[113] _Ibid._ Gyllius would seem to have been inside when making -these observations, but that would be within the fortress of Yedi -Koulé, rigorously guarded at that time. Doubtless the city side was -adorned, but no description of the gate as a whole is left to us. The -ornaments are only mentioned incidentally when recording damage done by -earthquakes (in their frequency often the best friends of the modern -archaeologist) and their arrangement can only be guessed at. Most -likely they were of gilded bronze, a common kind of statue among the -Byzantines. See Codinus, _passim_. The idea that the Golden Gate opened -into a fortress should be abandoned. The conception of the Seven Towers -seems to have originated with the Palaeologi in 1390, but Bajazet -ordered the demolition of the unfinished works (Ducas, 13), and it was -left to the Turkish conqueror to carry out the idea in 1458. See p. 26. -I may remark here that Mordtmann’s map has not been brought up to date -as regards his own text. - -[114] Cedrenus, i, p. 675. - -[115] _Ibid._, i, p. 567; Codin., pp. 26, 47; said to have been brought -from the temple of Mars at Athens. - -[116] The first Golden Gate was erected, or rather transformed, by -Theodosius I, as the following epigram, inscribed on the gate, shows -(Corp. Inscript. Lat., Berlin, 1873, No. 735): - - Haec loca Theudosius decorat post fata tyranni, - Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro. - -It was, of course, in the wall of Constantine (Codin., p. 122) and -seems to have remained to a late date—Map of Buondelmonte, Ducange, CP. -Christ., etc. For a probable representation see Banduri, Imp. Orient., -ii, pl. xi. But Van Millingen (_op. cit._), having found traces of the -inscription on the remaining structure, considers there never was any -other. In that case it was at first a triumphal arch outside the walls. - -[117] The remarkable structure known as the Marble Tower, rising from -the waters of the Marmora to the height of a hundred feet, near the -junction of the sea- and land-wall is of later date, but its founder is -unknown and it has no clear history in Byzantine times. See Mordtmann, -_op. cit._, p. 13. - -[118] Glycas, iv; Codin., p. 128. A legend, perhaps, owing to _débris_ -of walls ruined by earthquakes collecting there in the course of -centuries. - -[119] See Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 60; Codin., p. 109. - -[120] Codin., p. 101. Great hulks of timber were built to float -obelisks and marble columns over the Mediterranean; Ammianus, xvii, 4. - -[121] _Ibid._, p. 102. - -[122] Codin., pp. 49, 104. - -[123] Notitia, Reg. 12. - -[124] Codin., _loc. cit._ - -[125] Gyllius, De Top. CP., iv, 8. - -[126] Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 59. - -[127] Zosimus, iii, 11; Codin., p. 87. - -[128] Notitia, Reg. 3. We hear of a trumpet-tower (βύκινον, Codin., -p. 86; βύκανον, Nicetas Chon., p. 733) by this harbour fitted with -a “siren” formed of brass pipes, whose mouths protruding outside -resounded when they caught the wind blowing off the sea. Ducange, -i, p. 13, thinks a later fable has risen out of the vocal towers of -Byzantium. “Sic nugas nugantur Graeculi nugigeruli,” says Banduri (ii, -p. 487). There was certainly a watch-tower here, but of origin and date -unknown. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 55. - -[129] Codin., _loc. cit._ - -[130] Marcel. Com., an. 409. - -[131] Suidas, _sb._, Anast. In a later age this port was enlarged and -defended by an iron grill. Anton. Novog. in Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. -55. - -[132] About fifty feet above it; for a photograph of the existing ruins -see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 388. Also Van Millingen’s work and others. - -[133] William of Tyre, xx, 25. - -[134] Anna Comn., iii, 1. - -[135] Zonaras, xv, 25, etc.; Const. Porph., i, 19, etc. - -[136] Codin., p. 100, says the palace was founded by Theodosius II. The -group was probably ravished from some classic site at an early period -when the mania for decorating CP. was still rife. The existence of the -harbour at this date may be darkly inferred from Socrates, ii, 16; -Sozomen, iii, 9; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24; Theophanes, an. 6003. -Τὰς πύλας τοῦ βασιλείου πανταχόθεν ἀπέκλεισεν, καἱ πλοῖα εἰς τὸ φυγεῖν, -τῷ παλατίῳ παρέστησεν; Theodore Lect., ii, 26. All these passages prove -the existence of a harbour approachable only from the palace, which -probably was then, or afterwards became, the Boukoleon. Van Millingen -(_op. cit._) gives good reasons for placing the Boukoleon on this site, -the only likely one (see Appendix). The name Boukoleon is not found in -literature before 800; Theoph., Cont., i, 11. From _ibid._, vi, 15, -it may be inferred that the main group of statuary had long been in -position. - -[137] For his story see Zosimus, ii, 27; Ammianus, xvi, 10. He was a -Christian who escaped from prison to the court of Constantine; see -Appendix. - -[138] Nicephorus Cal., xiv, 2, etc. - -[139] _Ibid._, Niceph. Greg., iv, 2, etc.; Codin., De Offic. CP., 12. - -[140] Ἡ Ὁδηγός. The place was called Ὁδηγήτρια; Codin., p. 80. - -[141] _Ibid._ - -[142] Or a monastery for blind monks, perhaps; Niceph. Greg., xi, 9, -etc. - -[143] Probably the Master of the Infantry under Theodosius I; Zosimus, -iv, 45, etc. - -[144] It is said that those going from Byzantium to Chalcedon, at the -mouth of the Bosphorus on the Asiatic side, were obliged to start -from here and make a peculiar circuit to avoid adverse currents. See -Gyllius, _op. cit._, iii, 1. - -[145] That is, the fig-region, Codin. (Hesych.), p. 6. Now Galata and -Pera. - -[146] The Constantinopolitans generally confounded this name with the -legendary Phosphoros (see p. 5), and the geographical Bosporos. The -Notitia (Reg. 5) proves its real form and significance; also Evagrius, -ii, 13. - -[147] Codin., pp. 52, 60, 188. This ox was believed to bellow once a -year to warn the city of the advent of some calamity (_ibid._, p. 60). - -[148] _Ibid._, p. 113. The wall here formed another Sigma to surround -the inner sweep of the port. These two harbours we may suppose to be -those of Byzantium as known to Dion Cassius (see p. 7). - -[149] A patrician, who came from Rome with Constantine and took a share -in adorning the city (Glycas, iv, p. 463), or another, who lived under -Theodosius I (Codin., p. 77). - -[150] Codin., p. 114; Cedrenus, ii, p. 80; Leo Diac., p. 78. This tower -was standing up to 1817; see Κωνσταντινιαδε, Venice, 1824, p. 14, by -Constantius, Archbishop of CP. This appears to be the first attempt by -a modern Greek to investigate the antiquities of CP. He had to disguise -himself as a dervish to explore Stamboul, for which he was banished to -the Prince’s Islands, and his book was publicly burnt. - -[151] Leo Diac. (_loc. cit._) explains how the chain was supported at -intervals on piles. It seems to have been first used in 717 by Leo -Isaurus; Theophanes, i, p. 609; Manuel Comn. even drew a chain across -the Bosphorus from CP. to the tower called Arcula (Maiden’s T., etc.), -which he constructed for the purpose (Nicetas Chon., vii, 3). - -[152] Theophanes, an. 6024; Codin., p. 93. The “junction,” that of the -mules to the vehicle containing the relics of St. Stephen newly arrived -from Alexandria! - -[153] Xenophon notices the plenty of timber on these coasts (Anab., vi, -2). - -[154] Strabo, vii, 6; Gyllius, _op. cit._, iii, 9. - -[155] Zosimus, ii, 35. This circumstance, and the fact that almost -all the towers along here bear the name of Theophilus (Paspates, -_op. cit._, p. 4), suggest that this side was not walled till the -ninth century. Chron. Paschal. (an. 439) doubtless refers only to the -completion of the wall on the Propontis. Grosvenor (p. 570) adopts this -view, but as usual without giving reasons or references. He is wrong in -saying that the chain was first broken in 1203 by the Crusaders; it was -broken in 823 (Cedrenus, p. 80; Zonaras, xv, 23). I do not credit the -statement of Sidonius Ap. (Laus Anthemii) that houses were raised in -the Propontis on foundations formed of hydraulic cement from Puteoli. -In any case, such could have been obtained much nearer, viz., across -the water at Cyzicus (Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxv, 47). The Bp. of Clermont -never visited CP. - -[156] Notitia, Reg. 14. There was a populous suburb at Blachernae, -which had walls of its own before Theodosius included it within the -city proper. - -[157] Codin., pp. 30, 120; Suidas, _sb._ Mamante (St. Mamas, however, -appears to have been outside the walls; Theophanes, an. 6304, etc.); -Glycas, iv. Versions of the same story, probably. Gyllius’ memory fails -him on this occasion. - -[158] Ἀργυρολίμνη; see Paspates, _op. cit._, p. 68. - -[159] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._ The Notitia enumerates fifty-two, which -we may understand to be pairs, before the enlargement by Theodosius. - -[160] Codin., p. 22. In this account the patricians, who accompanied -Constantine, are represented as undertaking many of the public -buildings at their own expense. See also Nonius Marc. (in Pancirolo ad -Notit.). In this case a testator wills that a portico with silver and -marble statues be erected in his native town. - -[161] Cod. Theod., XV, i, 44; iv; vii, 12, etc., with Godfrey’s -commentary. The imperial portraits were painted in white on a blue -ground; Chrysostom, 1 Cor., x, 1 (in Migne, iii, 247). “The countenance -of the Emperor must be set up in courts, market-places, assemblies, -theatres, and wherever business is transacted, that he may safeguard -the proceedings”; Severianus, De Mund. Creat., vi, 5 (apud. Chrysost., -Migne, vi, 489). - -[162] Cod. Theod., _loc. cit._; Philostorgius, ii, 17. - -[163] _Ibid._, IX, xliv; Institut., i, 8. On proof the master could -be compelled to sell the slave on the chance of his acquiring more -congenial service, but the privilege was often abused. - -[164] _Ibid._, XV, vii, 12. - -[165] _Ibid._, XV, i, 52. - -[166] _Ibid._, 53; Vitruvius, v, 11, etc. - -[167] Cod., VIII, x, 12. A Greek Constitution of Zeno of considerable -length, and uniquely instructive on some points. These οἰκήματα were -limited to six feet of length and seven of height. - -[168] Novel cxxxvi; Plato, Apol., 17, etc. - -[169] Whence called _emboliariae_ (ἰμβολος being Byzantine for portico). -So say Alemannus _ad_ Procop. (Hist. Arcan., p. 381) and his copyist -Byzantios (_op. cit._, i, p. 113), but Pliny seems to use the word for -an actress in interludes (H. N., vii, 49), an occupation not, however, -very different. - -[170] Theophanes, Cont., p. 417. In the severe winter of 933, Romanus -Lecapenus blocked the interspaces and fitted them with windows and -doors. - -[171] They are, in fact, called the “narrows” in the Greek στενωποί. - -[172] Παρακύπτικος, Cod., _loc. cit._ - -[173] Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 4; Agincourt, Hist. of Art, i, -pl. 25. Mica or talc (_lapis specularis_) was commonly used at Rome -for windows (Pliny, H. N., xxxvi, 45). Gibbon rather carelessly says -that Firmus (_c._ 272) had glass windows; they were vitreous squares -for wall decoration (Hist. August., _sb._ Firmo). Half a century later -Lactantius is clear enough—“fenestras lucente vitro aut speculari -lapide obductas” (De Opif. Dei, 8). Pliny tells us that clear glass was -most expensive, and, six centuries later, Isidore of Seville makes the -same remark (Hist. Nat., xxxvi, 67; Etymologies, xvi, 16). - -[174] The climate of the East requires that windows shall generally be -kept open; even shutters are often dispensed with. - -[175] See Cod. Theod., XV, i, De Op. Pub., _passim_. This legislation -was initiated by Leo Thrax, probably after the great fire of 469 (Jn. -Malala; Chron. Pasch., etc.). - -[176] Zosimus, ii, 35. - -[177] Cod., _loc. cit._ - -[178] Agathias, v, 3. - -[179] A century earlier there were 322 according to the Notitia. - -[180] Zeno, Cod., _loc. cit._ - -[181] We know little of the _insulae_ or συνοικίαι of CP., but we can -conceive of no other kind of private house requiring such an elevation. -Besides, _insulae_ are the subject of an argument in Cod., VIII, -xxxviii, 15 (enacted at CP. about this time). - -[182] Chrysostom, In Psal. xlviii, 8 (Migne, v, 510); Agathias, _loc. -cit._; Texier and Pullan, _loc. cit._ - -[183] Niceph. Greg., viii, 5. Merely a tradition in his time; it is -commonly called the column of Theodosius. Grosvenor absurdly places on -it an equestrian statue of Theodosius I, with an epigram which belongs -to another place; _op. cit._, p. 386; see _infra._ Founded on a rock, -it has withstood the commotions of seventeen centuries. - -[184] Hist. August., _sb._ Gallieno. Much more likely than Claudius II; -everything points to its being a local civic memorial. “Pugnatum est -circa Pontum, et a Byzantiis ducibus victi sunt barbari. Veneriano item -duce, navali bello Gothi superati sunt, tum ipse militari periit morte” -(_c._ 266). - -[185] “Fortunae reduci ob devictos Gothos.” The Goths had been in -possession of Byzantium and the adjacent country on both sides of the -water; G. Syncell., i, p. 717, etc.; Zosimus, i, 34, etc. There was a -temple to Gallienus at Byzantium; Codinus, p. 179. He was evidently -popular here. - -[186] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iii, 48. - -[187] Codin., p. 74; Glycas, iv, p. 468. - -[188] _Ibid._ - -[189] Codin., p. 31; Notitia, Reg. 2. - -[190] Zosimus, ii, 31. - -[191] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., iv, 86; Codinus, pp. 15, 28. - -[192] See the plates in Banduri, _op. cit._, ii; repeated in Agincourt -on a small scale, _op. cit._, ii, 11; i, 27. Déthier (_op. cit._) -throws some doubt on the accuracy of these delineations, the foundation -of which the reader can see for himself in Agincourt without resorting -to the athleticism imposed on himself by Déthier. The Erechtheum shows -that the design could be varied, the Pantheon that the dome was in use -long before this date; see Texier and Pullan, etc. - -[193] Leo Gram., p. 126, etc. - -[194] Codin., p. 60; Theophanes, i, p. 439. - -[195] His architect was named Aetherius; Cedrenus, i, p. 563. Probably -a short but wide colonnade flanked by double ranges of pillars; Anthol. -(Plan.), iv. 23. - -[196] Several names are given to these palatines or palace guards, -but it is not always certain which are collective and which special. -Procopius mentions the above; the Scholars were originally Armenians -(Anecdot. 24, 26, etc.). Four distinct bodies can be collected from -Const. Porph. De Cer. Aul. Codinus (p. 18) attributes the founding of -their quarters to Constantine; see Cod. Theod., VI, and Cod., XII. All -the household troops were termed Domestics, horse and foot; Notit. Dig. - -[197] See Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul., _passim_, with Reiske’s note on -the Candidati. - -[198] Codin., p. 18; Chron. Pasch. (an. 532) calls them porticoes. - -[199] See an illustration in Gori, Thesaur. Vet. Diptych.; reduced in -Agincourt, _op. cit._, ii, 12, also another in Montfaucon containing -a female figure supposed to be the Empress Placidia Galla; III, i, p. -46 (but Gori makes it a male figure!). The _kiborion_ (a cup), also -called _kamelaukion_ (literally a sort of head covering), was sometimes -fixed, in which case the columns might be of marble. Silver pillars are -mentioned in Const. Porph., _op. cit._, i, 1; cf. Texier and Pullan, -_op. cit._, p. 135, a cut of an elaborate silver _kiborion_. From Gori -it may be seen that the design of these state chairs is almost always -that of a seat supported at each of the front corners by a lion’s head -and claw, etc. - -[200] Built by Constantine; Codin., p. 18. - -[201] Another foundation of Constantine, clearly enough from Chron. -Pasch. (an. 328, p. 528), as Labarte remarks (_op. cit._, p. 137). - -[202] Codin., p. 100; it had been brought from Rome. I prefer this -indigenous explanation to the surmise of Reiske (Const. Porph., _op. -cit._, ii, p. 49), that it was here that the victors in the games -received their crowns of laurel (Δάφνη): - - Nay, lady, sit; if I but wave this wand, - Your nerves are all bound up in alabaster, - And you a statue, or, as Daphne was, - Root-bound that fled Apollo. - MILTON’S Comus. - - -[203] Codin., p. 101; the most likely position, as a surmise. - -[204] Jn. Malala, xvi; Zonaras, xiv, 3, etc. - -[205] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 21, etc. “Three decurions -marshalled the thirty brilliantly armed Silentiaries who paced -backwards and forwards before the purple veil guarding the slumber of -the sovereign”; Hodgkin, Cassiodorus, p. 88. - -[206] Codin., p. 101; see the plans of Labarte and Paspates. - -[207] Built by Constantine according to Codinus (p. 19) as emended by -Lambecius. The original palace extended eastward to the district called -Τόποι (_ibid._, p. 79), on the shore near the Bucoleon. - -[208] The conception of the sanctity of the Emperor’s person, which -originated in the adulation of the proconsuls of the eastern provinces -by the Orientals and in the subservience of the Senate to Augustus, -attained its height under Diocletian (_c._ 300), who first introduced -at Court the Oriental forms of adoration and prostration (Eutropius, -ix, etc.). It was probably even increased under the Christian emperors, -and Theodosius I was enabled to promulgate a law that merely to doubt -the correctness of the Emperor’s opinion or judgement constituted a -sacrilege (Cod., IX, xxix, 3, etc.). - -[209] Cod. Theod., VI, viii; Cod., XII, v. - -[210] Theophanes, Cont., iv, 35; cf. Symeon, Mag., p. 681, where the -invention is ascribed to Bp. Leo of Thessalonica under Theophilus. The -stations by which an inroad of the Saracens was reported _c. 800_ are -here given. Its use for signalling at this date cannot be asserted -definitely, but it was a relic of old Byzantium erected as a nautical -light-house; Ammianus, xxii, 8. - -[211] Codin., p. 81; the particular area to which this name was applied -seems to have been a polo ground; Theoph., Cont., v, 86, and Reiske’s -note to Const. Porph., ii, p. 362. It was encompassed by flower gardens. - -[212] Marrast has given us his notion of these gardens at some length: -“Entre des haies de phyllyrea taillées de façon de figurer des lettres -grecques et orientales, des sentiers dallés de marbre aboutissaient à -un phialée entourée de douze dragons de bronze.... Une eau parfumée -en jaillissait et ruisselait par dessus les branches des palmiers -et des cedres dorés jusqu’à hauteur d’homme. Des paons de la Chine, -des faisans et des ibis, volaient en liberté dans les arbres ou -s’abattaient sur le sol, semé d’un sable d’or apporté d’Asie à grands -frais.” La vie byzantine au VI^e siècle, Paris, 1881, p. 67. - -[213] Labarte gives these walls, towers, etc. Doubtless the palace was -well protected from the first, but did not assume the appearance of an -actual fortress till the tenth century under Nicephorus Phocas; Leo -Diac., iv, 6. - -[214] Codin., p. 95 (?); Const. Porph., i, 21, etc. Probably a -structure like the elevated portico at Antioch mentioned by Theodoret, -iv, 26. - -[215] Luitprand, Antapodosis, i, 6. A legend of a later age, no -doubt, which may be quietly interred with Constantine’s gift to -Pope Sylvester. We hear nothing of it in connection with Arcadius, -Theodosius II, etc., and it is only foreshadowed in 797 by a late -writer (Cedrenus, ii, p. 27), who would assume anything. The epithet -became fashionable in the tenth century. One writer thinks the name -arose from a ceremonial gift of purple robes to the wives of the court -dignitaries at the beginning of each winter by the empress; Theoph., -Cont., iii, 44. - -[216] Anna Comn., vii, 2. - -[217] The archaeological student may refer to the elaborate -reconstructions by Labarte and Paspates of the palace as it existed in -the tenth century. Their conceptions differ considerably, the former -writer being generally in close accord with the literary indications. -Paspates is too Procrustean in his methods, and unduly desirous of -identifying every recoverable fragment of masonry. Their works are -based almost entirely on the Book of Ceremonies of Constantine VII, -but even if such a manual existed for the date under consideration the -historical reader would soon tire of an exposition setting forth the -order and decoration of a hundred chambers. - -[218] Codin., pp. 16, 130. - -[219] This name is understood to refer, not to a female saint, but to -the Holy Wisdom ( Ἅγια Σοφία), the Λόγος, the Word, _i.e._, Christ; -Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 6, etc. - -[220] Lethaby and Swainson give good reasons for supposing that this -early church opened to the east; St. Sophia, etc., Lond., 1894, p. 17. -It was burnt in the time of Chrysostom, but apparently repaired without -alteration of design. - -[221] Ambo, plainly from ἀναβαίνω, to ascend, not, as some imagine, -from the double approach; Reiske, Const. Porph., ii, p. 112; Letheby -and S., _op. cit._, p. 53. - -[222] The gift of Pulcheria, presented as a token of the perpetual -virginity to which she devoted herself and her sisters; Sozomen, ix, -1; Glycas, iv, p. 495. The Emperor used to sit in the _Bema_, but St. -Ambrose vindicated its sanctity to the priestly caste by expelling -Theodosius I; Sozomen, vii, 25, etc. - -[223] Socrates, vi, 5; Sozomen, viii, 5. - -[224] Codin., pp. 16, 64. There is no systematic description of -this church, but the numerous references to it and an examination -of ecclesiastical remains of the period show clearly enough what it -was; see Texier and Fullan, _op. cit._, p. 134, etc.; Agincourt, _op. -cit._, i, pl. iv, xvi; Eusebius, Vit. Const., iv, 46, etc. It may have -been founded by Constantine, but was certainly dedicated by his son -Constantius in 360; Socrates, ii, 16. - -[225] _Ibid._ - -[226] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 2, etc. - -[227] Codin., p. 83; cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 4. - -[228] We know little of the Magnaura or Great Hall (_magna aula_) at -this date, but its existence is certain; Chron. Paschal., an. 532. -Codinus says it was built by Constantine (p. 19). - -[229] Theophanes, Cont., v, 92, etc. - -[230] Const. Porph., ii, 15. The author professes to draw his precepts -from the ancients, but his “antiquity” sometimes does not extend -backwards for more than half a century. - -[231] Codin., pp. 14, 36; Zonaras, xiv, 6, etc. Zeuxippus is either a -cognomen of Zeus or of the sun, or the name of a king of Megara; Chron. -Paschal., an. 197, etc.; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., iii, 70. - -[232] Sozomen, iii, 9. - -[233] Anthology (Planudes), v. - -[234] Cedrenus, i, p. 648; cf. Anthol. (Plan.), v, 61. - -[235] The vast baths of the Empire, as is well known, were evolved into -a kind of polytechnic institutes for study and recreation. - -[236] Chron. Pasch., an. 450. Artificial lighting was first introduced -by Alex. Severus; Hist. August.; Cod. Theod., XV, i, 52; Cod., XI, i, -1, etc. - -[237] Cedrenus, i, p. 648. - -[238] Codin., p. 83; cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 66. - -[239] Zosimus, iii, 11. It contained 120,000 volumes, the pride of the -library being a copy of Homer inscribed on the intestine of a serpent -120 feet long. The building, however, was gutted by fire in the reign -of Zeno; Zonaras, xiv, 2, etc. - -[240] Suidas, _sb._ Menandro; Agathias, iii, 1; Procop., De Aedific., -i, 11. - -[241] Zonaras, xiv, 6; Marcellinus, Com., an. 390, etc. - -[242] Socrates, vi, 18; Theophanes, an. 398; Sozomen (viii, 20) -says merely an inaugural festival. The pedestal, with a bilingual -inscription, was uncovered of late years, precisely where we should -expect it to have stood, and yet Paspates (Βυζαντινὰ Ανάκτορα, p. -95) in his map removes it a quarter of a mile southwards to meet his -reconstructive views, cf. Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 64. - -[243] Codin., p. 35. - -[244] _Ibid._, p. 19. There is now an Ottoman fountain on the same -site. In the case of doubtful identifications, I usually adopt the -conclusions of Mordtmann (_op. cit._, p. 64). - -[245] _Milliarium Aureum_ (Notitia, Reg. 4). In imitation of that set -up by Augustus in the Roman Forum; Tacitus, Hist., i, 27, etc. - -[246] Cedrenus, i, p. 564; Codin., pp. 28, 35, 168, etc. Byzantios and -Paspates speak of an upper storey supported by seven pillars, on the -strength of some remains unearthed in 1848, but the situation does -not seem to apply to this monument as at present located; see also -Grosvenor (_op. cit._, p. 298) for an illustration of the figures. - -[247] Codin., p. 40. Removed to Hippodrome, perhaps, at this date. -In any case the scrappy and contradictory records only allow of a -tentative restoration of the Milion. Close by was the death-place -of Arius, in respect of whom, with Sabellius and other heretics, -Theodosius I set up a sculptured tablet devoting the spot to public -defilement with excrement, etc. (_ibid._). Such were the manners and -fanaticism of the age. - -[248] Zosimus, iii, 11. - -[249] Gyllius, De Topog. CP., ii, 13. - -[250] The method of construction can be seen in the sketch of the -ruins (_c. 1350_) brought to light by Panvinius (De Ludis Circens., -Verona, 1600) and reproduced by Banduri and Montfaucon. As to whether -the intercolumnar spaces were adorned with statues we have no -information. The wealth of such works of art at Constantinople would -render it extremely likely. Cassiodorus says the statues at Rome were -as numerous as the living inhabitants (Var. Ep., xv, 7). We know from -existing coins that the Coliseum was so ornamented (see Maffei, Degl’ -Amfitheatri, Verona, 1728; Panvinius, _op. cit._, etc.). High up there -appears to have been a range of balconies all round (Cod. Theod., XV, -i, 45). - -[251] They were of wood till 498, when they were burnt, but what time -restored in marble is unknown; Chron. Pasch., an. 498; Buondelmonte, -Descript. Urb. CP., 1423. - -[252] Codin., p. 14, etc. These substructions still exist; Grosvenor, -_op. cit._, p. 303. - -[253] Const. Porph., _op. cit._, ii, 20; Nicetas Chon., De Man. Com., -iii, 5. Eight, or perhaps twelve, open-barred gates separated the -Manganon (more often in the plural, Mangana) from the arena; see the -remains in the engraving of Panvinius. - -[254] Const. Porph., i, 68, 92, etc.; Agincourt, _op. cit._, ii, pl. -10. The latter gives copies of bas-reliefs in which the Emperor is -shown sitting in his place in the Circus (see below). Procopius calls -it simply the throne; De Bel. Pers., i, 24; cf. Jn. Malala, p. 320; -Chron. Pasch., an. 498. Originally, it appears, merely the seat or -throne, but afterwards the whole tribunal or edifice. - -[255] Const. Porph., i, 9, 92. It was also called the Pi (Π) from its -shape; _ibid._, i, 69. - -[256] Named the Cochlea or snail-shell; it seems to have been a -favourite gangway for assassinating obnoxious courtiers; Jn. Malala, p. -344; Chron. Pasch., an. 380; Theophanes, an. 5969; Codin., p. 112, etc. - -[257] Const. Porph., i, 68; cf. Procop., De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[258] Const. Porph., i, 63; Codin., p. 100. The Circus, begun by -Severus, was finished by Constantine; Codin., pp. 14, 19; see Ducange, -_sb. nom._ - -[259] Euripus (Εὔριπος). I. The narrow strait at Chalcis, said to ebb -and flow seven times a day; Strabo, x, 2; Suidas, _sb. v._ II. Tr. Any -artificial ornamental pool or channel, partic. if oblong; see refs. -in Latin Dicts., esp. Lewis and S. III. A canal round the area of the -Roman Circus, to shield the spectators from the attack of infuriated -beasts; devised apparently by Tarquinius Priscus; Dionysius Hal., iii, -68; rather by Julius Caesar, and abolished by Nero; Pliny, H. N., -viii, 7, etc. IV. Restored by, or in existence under, Elagabalus as a -pool in the centre; Hist. Aug., 23; so Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., iii, 51; -Jn. Malala, vii, p. 175 (whence Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 208; -Cedrenus, i, p. 258); Lyons and Barcelona mosaics (see Daremberg and S. -Dict. Antiq.). V. The name tr. to whole Spine by Byzantines; Jn. Lydus, -De Mens., i, 12, Εὔριπος ὠνομάσθη ἡ μέσον τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου κρηπίς; Const. -Porph., _op. cit._, pp. 338, 345; Cedrenus, ii, p. 343, etc. Labarte -seems strangely to have missed all but one of the numerous allusions to -the Euripus; _op. cit._, p. 53. This note is necessary, as no one seems -to have caught the later application of the name. - -[260] This monument still exists; see Agincourt, _loc. cit._, for -reproduction of the sculptures, etc. - -[261] Notitia, Col. Civ. This name was not bestowed on it by Gyllius, -as Labarte thinks (p. 50). It remains in position in a dilapidated -condition; see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 320, etc. - -[262] Also in evidence at the present day; see Grosvenor’s photographs -of the three, pp. 320, 380. It is mentioned by Herodotus (ix, 80); and -by Pausanias (x, 13), who says the golden tripod was made away with -before his time. Some of the Byzantines, however, seem to aver that -Constantine had regained possession of that memorial; Eusebius, Vit. -Const., iii, 54; Codin., p. 55; Zosimus, ii, 31, etc. It appears that -the defacement of this monument was carried out methodically during -a nocturnal incantation under Michael III, _c. 835_. At the dead of -night “three strong men,” each armed with a sledge-hammer, stood over -it (Ἐν τοῖς εἰς τὸν εὔριπον (see p. 62) τοῦ ἱπποδρομίου χαλκοῖς -ἀνδριᾶσιν ἐλέγετό τις εἶναι ἀνδριὰς τρισὶ διαμορφούμενος κεφαλαῖς) -prepared to knock off the respective heads on the signal being given -by an unfrocked abbot. The hammers fell, two of the heads rolled to -the ground, but the third was only partly severed, the lower jaw, of -course, remaining; Theoph., Cont., p. 650; Cedrenus, ii, p. 145. On the -capture of the city in 1453 the fragment left was demolished by Mahomet -II with a stroke of his battle-axe to prove the strength of his arm on -what was reputed to be a talisman of the Greeks; Thévenot, Voyage au -Levant, etc., 1664, i, 17, “la maschoire d’embas.” So history, as it -seems, has given itself the trouble to account for the mutilation of -this antique. I must note, however, that neither Buondelmonte, Gyllius, -Busbecq, Thévenot, nor Spon, has described the damages it had sustained -at the time they are supposed to have contemplated the relic. See also -Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 381, whose account is scarcely intelligible -and is not based on references to any authorities. - -[263] Nicetas Chon., De Signis CP. This figure appears to be delineated -in the plate of Panvinius, which, however, is not very reliable, as -both the Colossus and the Serpent-pillar are absent from it. - -[264] Codin., p. 124. Probably, and supplanted at a later date by one -of Irene Attica. This is the literal Euripus. - -[265] Theophanes, an. 699. That the Empress sat in this lodge to -view the races (Buondelmonte) is beyond all credence, nor is there -any authority for placing it to one side among the public seats -(Grosvenor’s diagram), where her presence would be equally absurd. Her -bust may have appeared in it beside that of her husband. It is clearly -indicated in its true place on the engineering sculptures of the -Theodosian column (see above). - -[266] Nicetas Chon., De Alexio, iii, 4; De Signis; Codin., p. 39. First -at Tarentum; Plutarch, in Fabius Max., etc. To the knee it measured the -height of an ordinary man. - -[267] Nicetas Chon., De Signis; also celebrated by Christodorus, -Anthology, _loc. cit._ - -[268] The eggs in honour of Castor and Pollux; Tertullian, De -Spectaculis, 8: - - Κάστορά θ’ ἱππόδαμον καὶ πὺξ ἀγαθὸν Πολυδεύκεα. - Iliad, iii. - -The dolphins probably referred to Neptune, to whom the horse was sacred. - -[269] See Lyons and Barcelona mosaics as referred to above. - -[270] See the coins, etc., in Panvinius, which show that these cones -with their stands were about fifteen to twenty feet high. Sometimes -they rested on the ends of the Spina, at others on separate foundations -three or four feet off it. - -[271] Nicetas Chon., De Man. Comn., iii, 5; Codin., pp. 53, 192. They -were brought to Venice by the Crusaders in 1204, and now stand before -the cathedral of St. Mark; Buondelmonte, _loc. cit._ A much longer -pedigree is given by some accounts (Byzantios, _op. cit._, i, p. 234), -from Corinth to Rome by Mummius, and thence to CP. by Constantine. They -even had a journey to Paris under Napoleon. - -[272] Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 351. Some remains of it are still -visible. - -[273] Codin., p. 54. - -[274] Nicetas Chon., _loc. cit._ - -[275] _Ibid._, Codin., p. 54. - -[276] _Ibid._, p. 31. - -[277] Nicetas Chon., De Signis: Καλοῦμαι Νίκων καὶ ὁ ὅνος Νίκανδρος, -κ.τ.λ. Cf. Plutarch, Antony. - -[278] _Ibid._ - -[279] _Ibid._ - -[280] Codin., p. 53. - -[281] Jerome, Chronicon, an. 325. CP. “dedicatur pene omnium urbium -nuditate.” This Saint, however, is somewhat given to hyperbole. - -[282] See the various illustrations in Panvinius. - -[283] We hear nothing of _vomitoria_, approaches beneath the seats -to the various positions, nor do we know how the large space under -the incline of benches was occupied. At Rome, in the Circus Maximus, -there were “dark archways” in this situation, which were let out to -brothel-keepers; Hist. August. _sb._ Heliogabalo, 26, etc. In the time -of Valens, however, a record office was established here; Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 19. - -[284] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 24. - -[285] Ducange, _op. cit._, i, p. 104; a collection of instances. - -[286] Const. Porph., _loc. cit._ At Rome such awnings were decorated to -resemble the sky with stars, etc. - -[287] Codin., pp. 20, 22; part previously by Severus; Zosimus, ii, 30. - -[288] Codin., p. 39. - -[289] _Ibid._, p. 37. - -[290] Cedrenus, p. 564. - -[291] _Ibid._, p. 616; Zonaras, xiv, 2. - -[292] Resembling, if not the prototype of, the Venus dei Medici; see -Lucian, Amores. - -[293] See Pausanias, v, 12. - -[294] Cedrenus, _loc. cit._ - -[295] Theophanes, an. 6024. - -[296] Zosimus, ii, 30; Codin., p. 41. Said to have been designed to the -size and shape of Constantine’s tent, which was pitched here when he -took Byzantium from Licinius. - -[297] _Ibid._; Jn. Malala, p. 320; Zonaras, xiii, 3, etc. Really a -statue of Apollo taken from Heliopolis in Phrygia and refurbished. - -[298] _Ibid._; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. The blending of Paganism and -Christianity is an interesting phase in the evolution of Constantine’s -theology. The crosses of the two thieves were also reputed to have been -stowed here till removed to a safer place by Theodosius I; also a part -of the true cross; Socrates, i, 17; Codin., p. 30. Curiously enough, -this Forum has been confounded with the Augusteum both by Labarte -and Paspates, a mistake almost incredible in the latter, a resident, -considering that the pillar of Constantine still exists in a scarred -and mutilated condition; hence known as the “Burnt Pillar,” and called -by the Turks “Djemberli Tash,” or Hooped Stone; see Grosvenor, _op. -cit._, p. 374, etc. - -[299] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._; Codin., pp. 44, 180. - -[300] _Ibid._, pp. 28, 68; Cedrenus, ii, p. 564. - -[301] Notitia, Reg. 6; Cedrenus, i, p. 565. It had been burnt down -previous to this date, but seems to have been restored. - -[302] Codin., p. 48. - -[303] Notitia, Reg. 5; Gyllius, De Top. CP., iii, 1. - -[304] Socrates, i, 16. - -[305] Codin., p. 48. - -[306] Jn. Malala, p. 292. - -[307] Codin., p. 76. - -[308] Codin., pp. 41, 170. It fell into decay and was, perhaps, removed -before this date; cf. Mordtmann, p. 69; one of the Gorgons was dug up -in 1870. - -[309] Codin., p. 40. - -[310] See Mordtmann, _op. cit._, p. 69, and Map. - -[311] Evidenced by the discovery of a swarm of leaden _bullae_, or -seals for official documents, about 1877; _ibid._, p. 70. But in the -sixth century the legal records from the time of Valens were kept in -the basement of the Hippodrome; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 19. - -[312] Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 3, with Godfrey’s commentary. The Turkish -Seraskierat has taken the place of Taurus. - -[313] Cedrenus, i, p. 566; Codin., p. 42, etc. The chronographists -think it particularly necessary to mention that this pillar was -pervious by means of a winding stair. In a later age, when the -inscriptions on the base became illegible, they were supposed to be -prophecies of the future conquest of Constantinople by the Russians. - -[314] Marcell., Com., an. 480, 506; Zonaras, xiv, 4. - -[315] Déthier, _op. cit._, p. 14; he discovered a few letters of -the epigram (Anthology, Plan., iv, 4) on a fragment of an arch; cf. -Cedrenus, i, p. 566. - -[316] The favourite Byzantine appellation for Joshua the son of Nun. - -[317] _Ibid._; Nicetas Chon., De Signis, 4. - -[318] Codin., p. 42. - -[319] _Ibid._, p. 124. - -[320] _Ibid._, pp. 42, 74; see Anthology (Plan.), iv, 22, for two -epigrams which give some idea of the scope of these _Xenodochia_. - -[321] Notitia, Reg. 10. - -[322] Cedrenus, i, p. 610; Zonaras, xiv, 1; sufficiently corroborated -by Cod., VIII, xii, 21, and not a mere assumption arising out of -the similarity of νυμφαῖον to νύμφη, a bride, as argued by some -commentators. Fountains were sacred to the Nymphs; see Ducange, CP. -Christ, _sb. voc._ - -[323] See the title _De Aqueductu_ in both Codes and Godfrey’s -commentary. - -[324] This aqueduct seems to have been built originally by Hadrian, -restored by Valens, who used for the purpose the walls of Chalcedon -as a punishment for that town having taken the part of the usurper -Procopius, and again restored by Theodosius I. Hence it is denoted by -the names of each of these emperors at different times; Socrates, iv, -8; Zonaras, xiii, 16; and the Codes, _loc. cit._ - -[325] Chrysoloras, _loc. cit._, etc. - -[326] Codin., p. 14. - -[327] _Ibid._, p. 21; Byzantios, _op. cit._, i, p. 262. Still existing -in a dry state, and occupied by silk weavers. Most probably the name -arises from its having been founded by a patrician Philoxenus; the -Turks call it _Bin ber derek_, meaning 1,001 columns; see Grosvenor, -_op. cit._, p. 366. - -[328] Cod., XI, xlii, 7: “It would be execrable,” remarks Theodosius -II, “if the houses of this benign city had to pay for their water.” By -a constitution of Zeno every new patrician was to pay 100 lb. of gold -towards the maintenance of the aqueducts; Cod., XLI, iii, 3. - -[329] Codin., p. 9. - -[330] Forty of these at Rome; Notitia (Romae), Col. Civ. - -[331] Codin., p. 50; cf. Cedrenus, ii, p. 107. “Hypnotic suggestion” -might account for some displays of this kind, and create a popular -belief in the test, which in most instances, however, would be more -likely to prove a convenient method of varnishing a sullied reputation. -Near the Neorium was a shelter called the Cornuted Porch, in which -St. Andrew, the apostle assigned by tradition to these regions, was -supposed to have taught. It took its name from a four-horned statue in -the vicinity, which had the credit of evincing its disapproval of an -incontinent wife by turning three times round on its pedestal if such a -one were brought into its presence; Codin., p. 119. - -[332] Cedrenus (i, p. 565) attributes it to Theodosius I, Codinus (p. -108) to Leo Isaurus; Nicetas Chon. (De Signis) laments its destruction -without mentioning the founder. - -[333] Legendary apparently. They really met in Pannonia; Julian, Orat. - -[334] Codin., pp. 43, 44, 182, 188. The Philadelphium was considered to -be the μεσόμφαλος or middle of the city. The numerous crosses set up by -Constantine are supposed to refer to the cross which he is said to have -seen in the sky near Rome before his victory over Maxentius—a fiction, -or an afterthought, but whose? - -[335] Codin., pp. 45, 65. - -[336] Cedrenus, i, p. 566. - -[337] _Ibid._; Anna Comn., xii, 6. - -[338] Codin., p. 45. Unless the course of the brook has altered, -the Amastrianum should be more to the south or west than shown on -Mordtmann’s map. - -[339] Codin., pp. 45, 172; forming some kind of boundary or inclosure -perhaps. - -[340] Cedrenus, i, p. 566. - -[341] _Ibid._; Codin., pp. 44, 173. - -[342] Theophanes, an. 5895, etc.; cf. Chron. Paschal., an. 421. - -[343] Cedrenus, i, p. 567. - -[344] Zonaras, xiii, 20; the base still remains in _Avret Bazaar_; the -pillar was still intact in the time of Gyllius, who ascended it; _op. -cit._, iv, 7. The sketches supposed to have been taken of the figures -on the spiral and published by Banduri and Agincourt have already been -alluded to; see p. 49. - -[345] Notitia, Reg. 12, etc. - -[346] Buondelmonte’s map; a “very handsome gate”; Codin., p. 122. I -have noted Van Millingen’s opinion that this was not the original -“Golden Gate”; see p. 34. But its mention in Notitia, Reg. 12, seems -fatal to his view. - -[347] Codin., p. 46. - -[348] _Ibid._, pp. 102, 121; see Paspates for an illustration of the -structure still on this site; Βυζαντιναὶ Μελεταί, p. 343. - -[349] Codin., p. 72; the Arians, chiefly Goths, were hence called -Exokionites; Jn. Malala, p. 325; Chron. Pasch., an. 485. - -[350] Codinus, p. 47. - -[351] _Ibid._ - -[352] Gregory Nazianz., De Somn. Anast., ix. - -[353] Eusebius, Vit. Constant., iv, 58, _et seq._; a later hand has -evidently embellished this description. - -[354] Const. Porph., De Cer. Aul. Byz., ii, 43; Codin., p. 203. - -[355] Corp. Inscript. Lat., Berlin, 1873, no. 738; still existing and -called by the Turks the “Girls’ Pillar,” from two angels bearing up -a shield figured on the pedestal; see Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 385; -there is an engraving of it in Miss Pardoe’s “Bosphorus,” etc. The -“girls” are utilized by Texier and P. in their frontispiece. - -[356] Notitia, Reg. 13; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 23, etc. Perhaps -not walled till later; Jn. Malala, xiii, p. 430. - -[357] Suetonius, in Augusto, 30. - -[358] Notitia, Reg. 1, with Pancirolus’s notes; Pand., I, xv; cf. -Gallus by Becker-Göll, Sc. i, note 1. - -[359] Ammianus, xiv, 1, with note by Valesius. - -[360] Cod. Theod., XIV, xvii; Suidas _sb._ Παλατῖνοι; we do not know -the exact form of these _Gradus_, but only that they were high, -the design being doubtless such as would prevent a crush. This -state-feeding of the people was begun at Rome by Julius Caesar, and -of course imitated by Constantine; Socrates, ii, 13, etc. The tickets -were checked by a brass plate for each person fixed at the Step; Cod. -Theod., XIV, xvii, 5. - -[361] Cod. Theod., IV, v, 7; always with Godfrey’s commentary; -Eunapius, Vit. Aedesii. - -[362] Notitia, Urb. CP., _passim_. - -[363] See Cod., I, iii, 32, 35, 42, 46, etc. Cf. Schlumberger’s work on -the Byzantine _bullae_. - -[364] Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 8; Cod., X, lii, 9. - -[365] Codin., p. 22; cf. Pandect., XLIII, xxiii, 1. It appears probable -that neither middens nor cesspools existed within the walls. - -[366] See Minucius, Octavius, 10. - -[367] Paspates, Βυζαντιναὶ Μελεταί, p. 381, etc. There were, perhaps, -over one hundred churches and monasteries in Constantinople at this -time, but the Notitia, a century earlier, reckons only fourteen -churches; see Ducange’s list. - -[368] Western scholars since the Renaissance have fallen into the -habit of applying the diminutive _Graeculi_ to the Byzantines, thereby -distinguishing them from the _Graeci_, their pre-eminent ancestors, -who established the fame of the Dorians and Ionians. The Romans, after -their conquest of the country, began to apply it to all Greeks. Cicero, -De Orat., i, 22, etc. - -[369] Suidas, _sb. nom._; Tertullian, Apologia, 39; Athenaeus, xiii, -25. There was, however, a minor school of philosophy at Megara. - -[370] Aristotle, Politica, iv, 4. As late as the sixteenth century the -housewives residing next the water habitually took the fish by simple -devices, which are described by Gyllius; De Top. CP. Praef. - -[371] See the statements by Theopompus, Phylarchus, etc., in Müller, -Fragm. Hist. Graec., i, pp. 287, 336; ii, p. 154; iv, p. 377. Having -obtained an ascendancy over the frugal and industrious Chalcedonians -they are said to have corrupted them by their vices; cf. Müller’s -Dorians, ii, pp. 177, 418, etc. - -[372] Sextus Empir., Adversus Rhetor., 39. A demagogue, being asked -what laws were in force, replied, “Anything I like”—a frivolous or a -pregnant answer? - -[373] Aristotle in the doubtful Economica (ii, 4) describes some of -their makeshifts to maintain the exchequer. According to Cicero (De -Prov. Consular.) the city was full of art treasures, an evidence, -perhaps, of wasteful extravagance. - -[374] See p. 17. His daily grant of 80,000 measures of wheat, together -with the other allowances, to those who were served at the Steps, -would seem to indicate as many families, but there is no doubt that -the distribution was at first indiscriminate, and many were supplied -who could afford to keep up considerable establishments. Constantius -reduced the amount by one half; Socrates, ii, 13; Sozomen, iii, 7. -Heraclius abolished the free doles altogether; Chron. Paschal., an. 618. - -[375] “Matronae nostrae, ne adulteris quidem plus sui in cubiculo, quam -in publico ostendant”; see Seneca, De Beneficiis, vii, 9; cf. Horace, -Sat., I, ii, 102: - - Cois tibi paene videre est - Ut nudam, etc. - - -[376] By a law of Honorius the Romans were forbidden to wear long hair -(in 416), or garments of fur (in 397), such being characteristic of the -Goths who were then devastating Italy; Cod. Theod., XIV, x, 4, 3, 2. - -[377] See the lowest bas-reliefs on the Theodosian obelisk (Banduri, -ii, p. 499; Agincourt, ii, pi. x); Cod. Theod., XIV, x, 1; -Hefner-Altenek, Trachten des Mittelalters, pl. 91, 92. - -[378] Chrysostom, the pulpit declaimer against the abuses of his time, -was so enraged at seeing the young men delicately picking their steps -for fear of spoiling their fine shoes that he exclaims: “If you cannot -bear to use them for their proper purpose, why not hang them about your -neck or stick them on your head!”; In Matt. Hom. xlix, 4 (in Migne, -vii, 501). - -[379] “You bore the lobes of your ears,” says Chrysostom, “and fasten -in them enough gold to feed ten thousand poor persons”; In Matt. Hom. -lxxxix, 4 (in Migne, vii, 786); cf. Sozomen, viii, 23. - -[380] Chrysostom, In Ps. xlviii, 3 (in Migne, v, 515); Sozomen, _loc. -cit._, etc. Women’s girdles were worn under the breasts. - -[381] See Bingham’s Christian Antiquities, vii, 1, and Racinet, Costume -historique, iii, pl. 21. Read Lucian’s Cynicus for a defence of a -somewhat similar life on a different plane. - -[382] Chrysostom, In Epist. Tim. II, viii, 2 (in Migne, xi, 541). Even -these he rates for coquetry; cf. Bingham, _op. cit._, vii, 4, etc. See -also Viollet-le-Duc (Dict. du mobil. fr., i, pl. 1) for a coloured -figure which, though of the thirteenth century, corresponds very -closely with Chrysostom’s description. Formal costume, however, of the -present day, political, legal, ecclesiastical, is for the most part -merely a survival of the ordinary dress of past ages. - -[383] Basil Presbyt. ad Gregor. Naz., Steliteut. Const. Porph., _op. -cit._, ii, 52, p. 753, with Reiske’s notes, p. 460. - -[384] Cod. Theod., XV, vii, 11, 12; Cod., I, iv, 4(5); actresses -(_mimae_ = _meretrices_, no doubt) are forbidden to use this and other -styles of dress which might bring women of repute into ridicule. - -[385] Cod. Theod., XIV, xii; Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit., 6 (in Migne, -vi, 286). - -[386] Chrysostom, _loc. cit._ (in Migne, v, 515). - -[387] A _quadriga_. - -[388] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Cor. Hom. xi, 5 (in Migne, x, 353). “Do -not be afraid,” says the Saint, “you are not among wild beasts; no one -will bite you. You do not mind the contact of your horse, but a man -must be driven a thousand miles away from you.” - -[389] Cod. Theod., XV, xiii, and Godefroy _ad loc._ - -[390] Chrysostom, In Epist. I ad Thess., v, Hom. xi, 2 (in Migne, xi, -465). - -[391] The laws and restrictions relating to the use of purple and the -collection of the _murex_, which was allowed only to certain families -or guilds, are contained in Cod. Theod., X, xx, xxi; Cod., XI, viii, -ix. Julius Caesar first assumed a full purple toga (Cicero, Philip, -ii, 34, probably from); Nero first made a sweeping enactment against -the use of the colour (Suetonius, in Nero, 32; cf. Julius, 43). Women, -however, were generally permitted some latitude and not obliged to -banish it altogether from their dress. - -[392] The globe as a symbol of the universal sway of Rome came into use -at or about the end of the Republic. It was not merely ideographic, but -was sometimes exhibited in bulk, and hollow globes have been found with -three chambers in which are contained samples of earth from the three -continents; see Sabatier, Mon. Byzant., Paris, 1862, p. 33. The cross -came in under the Christian emperors, and is said to be first seen on a -small coin of Jovian (363); _ibid._ - -[393] Cod., XII, iii, 5; Inst. i, 12. “Imperatoris autem celsitudinem -non valere eum quem sibi patrem elegerit,” etc. This new order of -patricians seems to have been instituted by Constantine, their title -being coined directly from _pater_; Zosimus, ii, 40; cf. Cedrenus, i, -p. 573. They were not lineally connected with the patrician caste of -ancient Rome (see Reiske, _ad_ Const. Porph., _sb. voc._), but were -turned out of the Imperial workshop as peers are created by an English -premier; see Leo Gram., p. 301. - -[394] These crowns have given rise to much discussion, for a clue to -which see Ludewig, _op. cit._, p. 658. Probably most emperors designed -a new crown. - -[395] Some of the large coloured stones worn by the ancients were not -very valuable according to modern ideas, _i.e._, cairngorms, topazes, -agates, etc.; see Pliny, H. N., xxxvii. - -[396] Ἡ πατρικία ζωστὴ: Codin., pp. 108, 125; cf. Reiske, _op. cit._, -_sb. voc._ - -[397] It would be tedious, if not impossible, to put into words the -details of these costumes. They are represented in the great mosaics -of S. Vitale at Ravenna, dating from the sixth century. They have been -beautifully restored in colour by Heffner-Altenek, _op. cit._—too well -perhaps. There are also full-sized paper casts at South Kensington. -There are many engravings of the same, but in all of them the details -have been partly omitted, partly misrepresented. The device on the -tables of the Emperor’s robe consists of green ducks (!) in red -circles; that on the Empress’s skirt of _magi_ in short tunics and -Phrygian caps, bearing presents. The men’s shoes, or rather slippers, -are fitted with toe and heel pieces only, and are held on by latchets. -The ladies’ shoes are red, and have nearly the modern shape, but are -not laced at the division. Their gowns and shawls are of all colours, -and much resemble diagonal printed calico, but in such cases it is the -richness of the fabric which tells. The materials for illustrating the -costume of this period are very scanty; we have neither the countless -sculptures, wall-paintings, fictile vases, etc., of earlier times, -nor the wealth of illuminated MSS., which teach so much objectively -respecting the later Middle Ages. - -[398] The _Curopalates_ at this date probably, a place not beneath the -first prince of the blood. - -[399] The Byzantine logothetes are first mentioned by Procopius, -De Bel. Goth., iii, 1, etc. At this date they were the Imperial -accountants. - -[400] Procopius, Anecd. 30. Hence it appears that the abject -prostration introduced by Diocletian was abandoned by his successors; -see p. 52. - -[401] Magister Scriniorum; Notitia, Or., xvii. - -[402] Cod., I, xxiii, 6; a law of Leo Macella in 470. - -[403] Cryptograms to modern readers if we are to follow the -perplexities of Pancirolus and Böcking, who, misled by the nonsense -of Cedrenus as to CONOB (i, p. 563), cannot realize the obvious as it -lies before their eyes. Godefroy expanded the legends to their full -complement with no difficulty; that of the Spectabiles is FeLiciter -INTer ALLectos COMites ORDinis PRimi; Cod. Theod., VI, xiii; cf. -Böcking’s Notitia, F. ii, pp. 283, 515, 528. - -[404] As the illustrations of the Notitia are not accompanied by any -explanation, considerable uncertainty prevails in respect of their -point and intention; it appears almost incontestable, however, that the -coloured figures were depicted in the codicils as they are seen in the -MSS. of the work; otherwise only verbal descriptions of the insignia -would be given; cf. Novel xxv, _et seq._; Const. Porph., ii, 52. - -[405] Cod. Theod., VI, xxii; a title omitted from the Code. - -[406] _Principes Officii_ and _Cornicularii_; Notitia, _passim_; Cod., -XII, liii, etc. - -[407] Const. Porph., ii, 1, 2; cf. Valesius ad Ammianum, xxii, 7. -These early visitations were habitual in the Roman republic, as when -the whole Senate waited on the newly-elected consuls on the Calends -of January; Dion Cass., lviii, 5, etc.; and especially in the regular -matutinal calls of clients on their patrons _re_ the _sportula_; cf. -Sidonius Ap. Epist., i, 2. His description of the routine of a court -_c. 450_ corresponds closely with the above. It must have been copied -from Rome. - -[408] Chrysostom, De Perf. Carit., 6 (in Migne, vi, 286); Theophanes, -an. 6094, 6291, etc.; cf. Suetonius, in Nero, 25, etc.; Ducange, _sb. -eq. alb._ - -[409] These state carriages, open and closed, painted in gaudy colours, -with gilded pilasters, mouldings, and various figures in relief, -resembled certain vehicles used in the last century and some circus -cars of the present day; see Banduri, ii, pl. 4, _sup. cit._; the work -of Panvinius on Triumphs, etc. - -[410] Const. Porph., i, 1, and Append., p. 498, with Reiske’s Notes; -Dion Cass., lxiii, 4; lxxiv, 1, etc. - -[411] Theophanes, an. 6019, 6050, etc.; Menologium Graec., i, p. 67; -Cedrenus, i, p. 599; ii, p. 536. - -[412] Theophanes, an. 6030, 6042, etc. - -[413] See Reiske _ad_ Const. Porph., p. 434, _et seq._ - -[414] See Zosimus, ii, 39; Alemannus ad Procop., iii, p. 390; Ducange, -_sb. voc._ - -[415] See Godfrey’s Notitia Dignitatum, _ad calc._ Cod. Theod.; -Selden’s Titles of Honour, p. 886; the epilogues to the Novels, -etc. Minor dignities, entitled _Perfectissimi_, _Egregii_, are also -mentioned, but are obsolete at this date; _Superillustres_ were not -unknown; see Ducange, _sb. voc._ - -[416] Const. Porph., i, 68; see Labarte, _op. cit._, pp. 16, 140, etc. - -[417] Const. Porph., i, 92, with Reiske’s Notes. - -[418] Const. Porph., i, 68, _et seq._ This open-air hymn-singing was -an early feature in Byzantine life; Socrates, vii, 23; Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 76. Later, at least, each Deme used an organ as well; -Const. Porph., _loc. cit._ - -[419] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25. - -[420] _Ibid._, 24. - -[421] Doubtless according to Cod. Theod., XIV, ii; Cod., XI, xiv-xvii. -These Corporations had certain privileges and immunities, such as -exemption from military conscription, but they were bound to defend the -walls on occasion; Novel, Theod. (Valent. I), xl. Naturally, therefore, -after the earthquake of 447 they were sent by Theod. II to rebuild the -walls (see p. 22), and also in other emergencies they were sent to -guard the Long Walls; Theophanes, an. 6051, 6076. Of course, in view of -such appointed work, they had some military training. Building of forts -was a regular part of a soldier’s duties; Cod. Theod., XV, i, 13, and -Godfrey, _ad loc._ The Demes were probably a later expression of the -parties in the old Greek democracies, who associated themselves with -the colours of the Roman Circus, when imported into the East, as the -most effective outlet for their political feelings. - -[422] These four colours, which date from the first century of the -Empire, are supposed to represent the seasons of the year (Tertullian, -De Spectaculis, 9); or the different hues of the sea and land (blue -and green); see Chron. Pasch., Olymp., vii, p. 205; Alemannus, _ad_ -Procop., p. 372; Banduri, _op. cit._, ii, p. 376, etc. Originally there -were but two divisions. The leading and subsidiary colours are said to -distinguish urban from suburban members of the factions; cf. Jn. Lydus, -De Mens., iv, 25. - -[423] Const. Porph., i, 6, with Reiske’s Notes. - -[424] Procopius, _loc. cit._, ii, 11. - -[425] Jn. Malala, xiv, p. 351. - -[426] _Ibid._, xvii, p. 416; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., ii, 11. - -[427] Chrysostom, De Anna, iv, 1 (in Migne, iv, 660); an almost -identical passage; Gregory Naz., Laus Basil., 15. - -[428] The Decennalia represented the ten years for which Augustus -originally “accepted” the supreme power; the Quinquennalia are said -to have been instituted by Nero, but may have become obsolete at this -date; see the Classical Dicts. There were also Tricennalia. - -[429] Novel cv; Const. Porph., _loc. cit._, Codin., p. 17; Procop., De -Bel. Vand., ii, 9, etc. - -[430] Cod. Theod., VI, iv, 5, 26, etc. By a law of 384, eight praetors -were appointed to spend between them 3,150 lb. of silver, equal to -about £10,000 at that date, a credible sum; but the common belief -that three annual praetors used to be enjoined to disburse more than -a quarter of a million sterling in games is, I make no doubt, rank -nonsense. Large amounts were, no doubt, expended by some praetors -(Maximus, _c. 400-420_, _for his sons’_ 4,000 lb. of gold, over -£150,000, yet, only half the sum; Olympiodorus, p. 470), but these -were intended to be great historic occasions, and are recorded as -such, bearing doubtless the same relation to routine celebrations as -the late Queen’s Jubilees did to the Lord Mayor’s shows, on which a -few thousands are annually squandered. Maximus was then bidding for -the purple, in which he was afterwards buried. The question turns on -the enigma of the word _follis_, which in some positions has never -been solved. But Cod. Theod., XII, i, 159, makes it as clear as -daylight that 25,000 _folles_ in _ibid._, VI, iv, 5, means just about -fifty guineas of our money (he had also to scatter £125 in silver as -largess), a sum exactly suited to _ibid._, VII, xx, 3, by which the -same amount is granted to a superannuated soldier to stock a little -farm. The first law publishes the munificence of the Emperor in -presenting the sum of 600 _solidi_ (£335) to the people of Antioch that -they may not run short of cash for, and so be depressed at the time of, -the public games. And so the colossal sum doubted by Gibbon, accepted -by Milman, advocated by Smith, and asserted by Bury may be dissipated -like a puff of smoke in the wind. The office of _praetor ludorum_ seems -to have been falling into abeyance at this time. - -[431] Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12. Twenty-four races were the full -number, but they were gradually reduced to eight; Const. Porph., i, 68, -p. 307. - -[432] Anastasius put a stop to this part of the performance—for the -time; Procop. Gaz. Panegyr., 15, etc. - -[433] H. A. Charisius, 19, etc. A favourite exhibition was that of -a man balancing on his forehead a pole up which two urchins ran and -postured at the top; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant., xix, 4 (De Stat.; in -Migne, ii, 195). Luitprand (Legatio, etc.) six centuries later was -entertained with the same spectacle, an instance of the changeless -nature of these times over long periods. - -[434] Novel cv; Socrates, vii, 22; Cod. Theod., XV, xi, etc. - -[435] Aulus Gell., iii, 10, etc. - -[436] Sueton., Nero, 22; Novel cv, 1, etc. - -[437] Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc. (in Migne, vi, 113); Ad -Pop. Ant., xv, 4 (in Migne, ii, 158); In Illud, Pater Meus, etc., Hom. -ix, 1 (in Migne, xii, 512); a particular instance of a youth killed in -the chariot race the day before his intended wedding. - -[438] Chrysostom, In Illud, Vidi Dominum, etc., Hom. iii, 2 (in Migne, -vi, 113); In Genes. Hom. v, 6 (in Migne, iv, 54). - -[439] Const. Porph., _op. cit._, i, 69; Theophanes, an. 5969, etc. The -winners usually received about two or three pounds in money, also a -laurel crown and a cloak of a peculiar pattern (Pellenian, perhaps; -Strabo, VIII, vii, 5); Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. liv, 6 (in Migne, -vii, 539); but under some of the insensate emperors immense prizes, -small fortunes in fact, were often given; see Reiske’s Notes, _ad op. -cit._, p. 325. I have not met in Byzantine history with any allusion to -the seven circuits of the races (except Jn. Lydus, De Mens., i, 12), -the eggs or the dolphins; these are assumed from the Latin writers of -old Rome and from the sculptured marbles. It appears from Cod. Theod. -(XV, ix, etc.), that the successful horses, when past their prime, were -carefully nurtured through their old age by the state. The choicest -breeds of these animals came from Spain and Cappadocia; Claudian, De -Equis Hon., etc. All the technical details of the Roman Circus will -be found in the Dicts. of Clas. Antiqs., especially Daremberg and -Saglio’s; see also Rambaud, De Byzant. Hip., Paris, 1870. - -[440] Of epilepsy (Evagrius, etc.). This is not a fatal disease, and -hence a fiction arose that he had been buried alive in a fit. A sentry -on guard at the sepulchre heard moanings for two days, and at length -a voice, “Have pity, and let me out!” “But there is another emperor.” -“Never mind; take me to a monastery.” His wife, however, would not -disturb the _status quo_; but ultimately an inspection was made, when -he was found to have eaten his arms and boots; Cedrenus, Zonaras, -Glycas, etc. - -[441] Theoph., an. 5983; Cedrenus, i, p. 626, etc. He was a Manichaean -according to Evagrius, iii, 32; cf. Theoph., an. 5999. - -[442] Julian seems to have been the first Roman emperor who was hoisted -on a buckler and crowned with a necklet; Ammianus, xx, 4. By Jn. Lydus, -however, the use of the collar instead of a diadem would appear to be a -vestige of some archaic custom traceable back to Augustus or, perhaps, -even to the times of Manlius Torquatus; De Magistr., ii, 3. The Germans -originated the custom of elevating a new ruler on a shield; Tacitus, -Hist., iv, 15. - -[443] See the full details of this election and coronation in Const. -Porph., _op. cit._, i, 92. It is to be noted that twelve chapters of -this work (i, 84-95) are extracted bodily from Petrus Magister, a -writer of the sixth century. - -[444] Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 394; Chron. Pasch., an. 498. - -[445] Sc., “Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, pity us!” said to -have been the song of the angels as heard by a boy who was drawn up -to heaven and let down again in the reign of the younger Theodosius; -Menologion Graec., i, p. 67, etc. - -[446] Evagrius, iii, 32; Jn. Malala, xvi, p. 407; Theoph., an. 6005, -etc. The date is uncertain; as recounted by some of the chronographists -only 518 would suit the incident. As soon as the government felt again -on a stable footing numerous executions were decreed. - -[447] In 425 theatres and other amusements were forbidden on Sundays; -Cod. Theod., XV, v, 5. In the time of Chrysostom people coming out of -church were liable to encounter bands of roisterers leaving the theatre. - -[448] Procopius, Anecdot., ix; Chrysostom, In Coloss., iii, Hom. ix -(in Migne, xi, 362), “Satanical Songs” is his favourite expression; -also “diabolical display”; In Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 4 (in Migne, ix, -301); “naked limbs” of actresses; In Epist. I Thess., iv, Hom. v, 4 (in -Migne, xi, 428); cf. Ammianus, xiv, 6; Lucian, De Saltatione. - -[449] By a sumptuary law, however, the most precious gems and the -richest fabrics were forbidden to the stage (Cod. Theod., XV, vii, -11); but the restriction seems to have been relaxed, as this law has -been omitted from the Code. The intention was to prevent mummers from -bringing into disrepute the adornments of the higher social sphere. - -[450] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 79); cf. -Cod., V, xxii, 9. A trick, doubtless, to evade the law, which forbade -absolute nakedness on the stage; Procop., Anecdot., ix. - -[451] Cod. Theod., XV, vii, 12, etc. - -[452] _Ibid._, 5. - -[453] _Ibid._, 6; Cod., XI, xl, 3. - -[454] Cod. Theod., XV, vi, 8, etc. - -[455] The immorality of the stage is the constant theme of Chrysostom. -The fact that he draws no ethical illustrations from the drama seems -to prove that no plays were exhibited in which virtue and vice were -represented as receiving their due award. Fornication and adultery -were the staple allurements of the stage; Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 3 -(in Migne, ix, 301). From the culminating scene of “The Ass” in the -versions both of Apuleius and of Lucian it would seem that practical -acts of fornication were possible incidents in public performances. -It must be remembered, however, that women did not frequent the Greek -or, at least, the Byzantine theatre. Sathas labours vainly to prove -the existence of a legitimate Byzantine drama; Ἱστορ. δοκ. περὶ τ. -θεάτρ. καὶ τ. μουσικ. τ. Βυζαντίων, Ven., 1878; cf. Krumbacher, Byzant. -Literaturgesch., Munich, 1897, p. 644, _et seq._ - -[456] Haenel, Cod. Theod., IV, vi, 3; Cod., V, xxvii, 1. By the first -draft, due to Constantine, the prohibition might apply to any poor -but virtuous girl. This defect was remedied by Pulcheria; Nov. Mart. -iv. Here we may discern a result of Athenais, the dowerless but well -educated Athenian girl being chosen (by Pulcheria) for her brother’s -consort; or, perhaps, of her own union with Martian, at first a private -soldier. - -[457] Called _trabea_ or _toga palmata_; Claudian, Cons. Olyb. et -Prob., 178; Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., vi, 1. - -[458] _Ibid._ - -[459] Ammianus, xxii, 7. Julian, when at CP., in his enthusiasm for -democratic institutions, followed the consul on foot, but, forgetting -himself, he performed the act of emancipation, an inadvertence for -which he at once fined himself 10 lb. of gold (£400). - -[460] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 8, -etc. - -[461] Even under the barbarian kings in Italy, Odovacar the Herule -and Theodoric the Goth, a consul was appointed annually at Rome in -accordance with the arrangement made when Constantine decreed that the -metropolitan honours should be divided between the old and the new -capital. - -[462] Nov. cv, 1, where they are enumerated. The regular cost of the -display was 2,000 lb. of gold (£80,000), which, with the exception of -a small amount by the consul himself, came from the Imperial treasury; -Procopius, Anecdot., 26; cf. Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._ Hence it appears -that even the consulship need not be held by a millionaire; see p. 100. - -[463] Cod. Theod., XV, v, 2. No lower dignitary was allowed to -distribute anything more precious than silver. - -[464] Cod. Theod., VIII, xi; Cod., XII, lxiv. - -[465] Cod. Theod., XV, ix. Numbers of these diptychs are still -preserved. There is a specimen at South Kensington of those of -Anastasius Sabinianus, Com. Domest., who was consul in 518. Each -plate was usually about twelve by six inches, and they were hinged so -as to close up together. The designs on each face were practically -duplicates. Generally as to the position of consuls at this time see -Godefroy ad Cod. Theod., VI, vi, and the numerous cross references he -has supplied. - -[466] Constantine instituted a regular observance of Sunday as the -Dominica or Lord’s Day in 321; Cod. Theod., III, viii, with Godfrey’s -Com.; Cod., III, xii, 3. Towards the end of the ninth century, however, -Leo Sapiens prohibited even farmers from working on Sundays; Novel. -Leo. VI, liv. Daily service was only instituted about 1050 by Constant. -Monom.; Cedrenus, ii, p. 609. - -[467] See Ducange, _sb._ Σήμαντρον; Reiske’s Notes, _op. cit._, p. -235. The instrument is still in use in the Greek Church, but literary -notices of it seem to be unknown before the seventh century. - -[468] Chrysostom, Habentes eundem, etc., 11 (in Migne, iii, 299). - -[469] _Ibid._ The well-known palindrome, ΝΙΨΟΝΑΝΟΜΗΜΑΤΑΜΗΜΟΝΑΝΟΨΙΝ -(Wash away your sins not only your face), was at one time inscribed on -the basin in front of St. Sophia; Texier and Pullan, _op. cit._, p. 10. -This composition is, however, attributed to Leo Sap. - -[470] Sozomen, vii, 16; Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 71, etc. - -[471] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 1, p. 178; Paul Silent., 389, 541. At -this time, however, men and women seem to have been in view of each -other in the nave as well, though separated by a wooden partition; -Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. lxxiii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 677), but in -earlier times they were allowed to mix indiscriminately; _ibid._ - -[472] Socrates, vi, 8, etc. - -[473] Sozomen, viii, 5; not invariably perhaps. Part of the present -description applies, of course, to St. Sophia. - -[474] Cantacuzenus, i, 41; this could easily be done, as the clerical -staff of each church was very numerous—over five hundred in St. Sophia; -Novel iii, 1. - -[475] Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, 1 (in Migne, xi, -541); In Psal. xlviii, 5 (in Migne, vi, 507). - -[476] Chrysostom, De Virgin., 61 (in Migne, i, 581). - -[477] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. lxxiii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 677). “In -the temple of God,” says he, “you commit fornication and adultery at -the very time you are admonished against such sins.” - -[478] Chrysostom, In Epist. I Tim., ii, Hom. viii, 9 (in Migne, xi, -543). - -[479] Chrysostom, Epist. ad Innocent., Bishop of Rome, 3 (in Migne, -iii, 533). He here describes how the women had to fly naked from the -Baptistery during the riots connected with his deposition from the see -of Constantinople. It must be noted, however, that the severe modesty -of modern times had scarcely been developed amid the simplicity of the -ancient world, as it has not among some fairly civilized peoples even -at the present day. - -[480] I had almost said _piety_, one of the words destined, with the -extinction of the thing, to become obsolete in the future, or to be -applied to some other mental conception. - -[481] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xvii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 256). He -inveighs against the farce of ascetics taking virgins to live with -them, who are supposed to remain intact; cf. De Virginitate (in Migne, -i, 533); also Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 20, to which Godefroy supplies -practical illustrations. - -[482] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Coloss., iii, Hom. vii, 5 (in Migne, -xi, 350); in Matth. Hom. lxxxiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 750). Or even -of more costly materials, gold, crystal; Plutarch, Adv. Stoic., 22; -Clement Alex. Paedag., ii, 3. The notion of unparalleled luxury has -been associated with the Theodosian age, but without sufficient reason. -It was rather the age of a man of genius who denounced it persistently -and strenuously, and whose diatribes have come down to us in great -bulk, viz., Chrysostom. The period of greatest extravagance was, in -fact, during the last century of the Republic and the first of the -Empire, and the names of Crassus, Lucullus, Nero, Vitellius, etc., are -specially connected with it. - -[483] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Coloss., i, Hom. 4 (in Migne, xi, 304). - -[484] As late as the tenth century, according to Luitprand, -Antapodosis, vi, 8. In the Vienna Genesis (_c. 400_) a miniature shows -banqueters reclining at a table of this sort. I will not attempt to -enlarge on the courses at table and the multifarious viands that were -consumed, as there are but few hints on this subject. We may opine, -however, that gastronomics indulged themselves very similarly to what -is represented in the pages of Petronius and Athenaeus, etc., cf. -Ammianus, xvi, 5; xxviii, 4. - -[485] Chrysostom, In Psalm xlviii, 8 (in Migne, v, 510). Most of the -eunuchs were of the nation of the Abasgi, who dwelt between the Caspian -and Euxine; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iv, 3. - -[486] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xl, 5 (in Migne, x, 353); -In Matth. Hom. lxiii, 4 (in Migne, vii, 608). - -[487] See below. - -[488] Constantine enacted that families—husbands and wives, parents -and children, brothers and sisters—should not be separated; Cod. -Theod., II, xxv, 1; cf. XVI, v, 40, etc. But there was little practical -philanthropy in the world until the Middle Ages had long been left -behind. Thus by the Assize of Jerusalem, promulgated by Crusaders in -the twelfth century, a war-horse was valued at three slaves! Tolerance, -the toning-down of fanaticism, doubt as to whether religious beliefs -are really of any validity, appears to be the foster-mother of humane -sentiment. A slave could be trained to any trade, art, or profession, -and their price varied accordingly. Thus common slaves were worth about -£12, eunuchs £30; before ten years of age, half-price. Physicians sold -for £35, and skilled artificers for £40; Cod., VII, vii. The modern -reader will smile at the naïveté of Aristotle when he states that some -nations are intended by Nature for slavery, but, as they do not see it, -war must be made to reduce them to their proper level; Politics, i, 8. - -[489] The following directions of a mother to her daughter how to shine -as a society _hetaira_ emanate from a Greek of the second century: -“Dress yourself with taste, carry yourself stylishly, and be courteous -to every one. Never break into a guffaw, as you often do, but smile -sweetly and seductively. Do not throw yourself at a man’s head, but -behave with tact, cultivate sincerity, and maintain an amiable reserve. -If you are asked to dinner be careful not to drink too much; do not -grab the viands that are offered to you, but help yourself gracefully -with the tips of your fingers. Masticate your food noiselessly, -and avoid grinding your jaws loudly whilst eating. Sip your wine -delicately, and do not gulp down anything you drink. Above all things -do not talk too much, addressing the whole company, but pay attention -chiefly to your own friends. By acting in this way you will be most -likely to excite love and admiration”; adapted from Lucian, Dial. -Meretr., vi. - -[490] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xxx, 5 (in Migne, vii, 368); In I: -Tim., i, 3 (in Migne, xi, 524); In Epist. ad Hebr., xxix, 3 (in Migne, -xii, 206). “A country wench,” says he, “is stronger than our city men.” - -[491] Chrysostom, De non Iterat. Conj., 4 (in Migne, i, 618). At all -times there were ladies of such lubricity as to court the opportunity -of bathing before men in the public baths; prohibited by Marcus (Hist. -Aug., 23), this commerce of the sexes was encouraged by Elagabalus, and -again forbidden by Alexander (Hist. Aug., 24, 34). Hadrian, however, -seems to have been the first to declare against this promiscuous -bathing (Hist. Aug., 18): “Olim viri foeminaeque mixtim lavabant, nullo -pudore nuditatis,” says Casaubon, commenting on the passage; cf. Aulus -Gell., x, 3; Cod. Theod., IX, iii, 3; Cod., V, xvii, 11; Novel, xxii, -16, etc. Clement Alex. (_c. 200_) complains that ladies were to be seen -in the baths at Alexandria like slaves exposed for sale; Paedag., iii, -5. Far different was the conduct of the Byzantine matrons a thousand -years later; they then fell into the ways of Oriental exclusiveness as -seen amongst the dominant Turks; see Filelfo, Epistolae, ix, Sphortiae -Sec., 1451. A native of Ancona, who lived at CP. for several years in -the half century preceding the capture of the city. - -[492] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Ephes., iv, Hom. xv, 3 (in Migne, xi, -109). The cries of the girl, often tied to a bedpost, might even be -heard in the street, and if she stripped herself in a public bath the -weals on her back were sometimes the subject of public remark. Whilst -counselling mercy he considers that the whipping is generally deserved. - -[493] Chrysostom, Quales duc. sint Uxores, 7 (in Migne, iii, 236); In -Epist. I ad Corinth., Hom. xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 103). - -[494] Fifteen for males and thirteen for females were the marriageable -ages as legally recognized; Leo, Novel., lxxiv. - -[495] Chrysostom, Quales duc. sint Uxores, 5 (in Migne, iii, 233); -γραΐδια μυθεύοντα, κ. τ. λ. - -[496] Even Arcadius had to be content with a portrait and a verbal -description of the charms of Eudoxia, the daughter of a subject and a -townsman; Zosimus, v, 3. - -[497] The early Christians gradually inclined to the custom of asking -a formal benediction from the clergy as an essential part of the -marriage ceremony, but about the time of Chrysostom the practice began -to be disregarded. With the disuse also of pagan rites it began to be -doubted whether nuptials could be legal unless accompanied at least by -an orgiastic festival. To dispel this misgiving Theodosius II in 428 -decreed that no sort of formal contract was required, but merely fair -evidence that the parties had agreed to enter the connubial state; Cod. -Theod., III, vii, 3. The Christian rite was not made compulsory till -the end of the ninth century; Leo Sap. Novel., lxxxix. - -[498] Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. xxxvii, 5 (in Migne, vii, 425); In -Act. Apost., xlii, 3 (in Migne, ix, 300); In Epist. I ad Corinth, Hom. -xii, 5 (in Migne, x, 102), etc. His favourite theme for objurgation. -He complains especially: “And worse, virgins are present at these -orgies, having laid aside all shame; to do honour to the bride? -rather disgrace,” etc. These must be _ancillae_, or girls of a lower -class, as it is evident from the above account that young ladies of -any family could not be seen even at church by intending suitors; -possibly they were kept closely veiled. On this point see further -Puech’s Chrysostom, Paris, 1891, p. 133. An introduction of this kind -had always been considered necessary, as is shown by the equitation of -the phallus (Mutinus) imposed on Roman brides the first night. These -old customs were a constant mark for gibe among the early Christian -Fathers; Lactantius, Div. Inst., l, 20; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, iv, 11; -Arnobius, iv, _et passim_, etc. - -[499] Chrysostom, In Joann. Hom. xxxii, 3 (in Migne, vii, 186). - -[500] _Ibid._, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105). - -[501] Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Corinth. Hom. xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105). - -[502] _Ibid._, In Matth. Hom. lxxii, 2 (in Migne, vii, 669); Ad Pop. -Antioch., xix, 4 (in Migne, ii, 196). - -[503] _Ibid._, Ad Illum. Catech., ii, 5 (in Migne, ii, 240). - -[504] _Ibid._, In Epist. I ad Corinth., xii, 7 (in Migne, x, 105). - -[505] _Ibid._, De Consol. Mort. 6 (in Migne, vi, 303). - -[506] _Ibid._, Expos. in Psalm cxi, 4 (in Migne, v, 297), etc. He often -protests against this form of luxury. At Rome especially, when the -ownership of these costly piles had passed into oblivion, it was the -habit of builders to pillage them in order to use their architectural -adornments and materials for new erections; Cod. Theod., IX, xvii. -Apparently the sepulchres were sometimes violated for the supply of -false relics. - -[507] Chrysostom. Habentes autem eumdem, etc. Hom. ii, 9 (in Migne, -iii, 284). - -[508] See Plato’s Phaedrus, Symposium, etc.; Plutarch, Pelopidas, 19. A -modern Democritus might smile at the conclusion of Lucian that, whilst -the commerce of the sexes is necessary for the propagation of the race, -paederasty is the ideal sphere for the love of philosophers; Amores. -According to Aristotle, Minos introduced the practice into Crete as -an antidote against over-population; Politics, ii, 10; vii, 16. In -this respect the Greeks, perhaps, corrupted on the one hand and on the -other Romans and Persians alike; Herodotus, i, 135. It was indigenous, -however, among the Etruscans; Athenaeus, xii, 14, etc. - -[509] The shadowy Scantinian law was enacted against it, but remained -a dead letter; Cicero, Ad Famil., viii, 12, 14, etc.; cf. Plutarch, -Marcellus, 2. - -[510] I have not, however, fallen in with any account of the dedication -of a temple to _Amor Virilis_. Such a shrine would have been quite -worthy of Nero or Elagabalus, indeed of Hadrian. - -[511] Suetonius, Nero, 28; Hist. Aug. Hadrian, 14; Heliogabalus, 6, 15, -etc.; Statius, Silvae, iii, 4, etc. The adulation of this vice pervaded -even the golden age of Latin poetry: - - But Virgil’s songs are pure except that horrid one - Beginning with “Formosum pastor Corydon.” - - Byron, Don Juan, i, 42. - -For the estimation in which paederasty was held in Crete see Strabo, -X, iv, 21; Athenaeus, xi, 20. Old men even wore a robe of “honour” -to indicate that in youth they had been chosen to act the part of a -pathic. The epigram on Julius Caesar is well known—“omnium mulierum -vir, omnium virorum mulier”; Suetonius, in Vit. 52. Anastasius, who -seems to have been somewhat of a purist for his time, abolished a -theatrical spectacle addressed particularly to the paederasts, against -which Chrysostom had vainly launched his declamations; In Psalm xli, -2 (in Migne, v, 157). “Boys, assuming the dress and manners of women, -with a mincing gait and erotic gestures, ravished the senses of the -observers so that men raged against each other in their impassioned -fury. This stain on our manners you obliterated,” etc.; Procopius, -Gaz. Panegyr., 16. The saint is much warmer and more analytical in his -invective. - -[512] Hist. Aug. Alexander, 24. - -[513] Tertullian, De Monogam., 12; Lactantius, Divin. Instit., v, 9; -Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, vii, 17, etc. - -[514] Cod. Theod., IX, vii, with Godefroy’s duplex commentary. The -peculiar wording of the law of Constantius almost suggests that it was -enacted in a spirit of mocking complacency; _ibid._, Cod., IX, ix, 31. - -[515] Chrysostom, Adv. Op. Vit. Mon., 8 (in Migne, i, 361). There was -probably a stronger tincture of Greek manners at Antioch, of Roman at -Constantinople, but the difference does not seem to have been material. -We here take leave of Chrysostom. The saint fumes so much that we must -generally suspect him of exaggeration, but doubtless this was the style -which drew large crowds of auditors and won him popularity. - -[516] Procopius, Anecdot., 9, 11; Novel., lxxvii, etc. The first -glimpse of Byzantine sociology is due to Montfaucon, who, at the end -of his edition of Chrysostom brought together a selection of the most -striking passages he had met with. These excerpts were the germ and -foundation of a larger and more systematized work by P. Mueller, Bishop -of Zealand; De Luxu, Moribus, etc., Aevi Theod., 1794. An article -in the Quarterly Review, vol. lxxviii, deals briefly with the same -materials. I have derived assistance from all three, but, as a rule, my -instances are taken directly from the text of Chrysostom. - -[517] Twelve ounces, rather less than the English ounce. The difficulty -in obtaining a just equivalent for ancient money in modern values is -almost insuperable. After various researches I have decided, as the -safest approximation, to reckon the _solidus_ at 11_s._ 2_d._ and the -lb. Byz. of gold at £40. - -[518] This appears to have been merely a “coin of account,” but -there were at one time large silver coins, value, perhaps, about six -shillings, also pieces of alloyed silver. For some reason all these -were called in and made obsolete at the beginning of the fifth century; -Cod. Theod., IX, xxi, xxii, xxiii. No silver coins larger than a -shilling seem to have been preserved to our time. - -[519] As the price of copper was fixed at 25 lb. for a _solidus_, -these coins might have been very bulky; “dumps,” as such are called by -English sailors abroad, above an ounce in weight, but nothing near so -heavy has come down to us; Cod. Theod., XI, xxi. - -[520] Other emperors, however, struck single _nummia_, and these may -have remained in use. They are known to collectors and weigh 5 grs. and -upwards. - -[521] See the specimens figured by Ducange, CP. Christ., or in other -works on numismatics. - -[522] The Macedonian kings in the fifth century B.C. were the first -princes to put their names and portraits on their coinage, but the -practice did not become common till after Alexander the Great; cf. -Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 33. Very large gold medals were minted -by most of the Roman emperors, weighing even one or two lb. Hist. Aug., -Alexander, 39. This imposing coinage appears to have been used for -paying subsidies or tribute to barbarian nations. They were carried -slung over the backs of horses in those leathern bags, which we see in -the Notitia among the insignia of the Counts of the Treasury; Cod., -XII, li, 12; Paulus Diac., De Gest. Langob., iii, 13. - -[523] The value of money in relation to the necessaries of life, always -a shifting quantity, was not very different in these ages to what it -is at present. To give a few examples: bread was about the same price, -common shoes cost 1_s._ 6_d._ to 5_s._ a pair; a workman, according -to skill, earned 1_s._ 6_d._ to 4_s._ a day; see Dureau de la Malle, -Econ. polit. des Romains, Paris, 1840; also Waddington’s Edict of -Diocletian; an ordinary horse fetched £10 or £12; Cod. Theod., XI, -i, 29, etc. On the Byzantine coinage see Sabatier, Monnaies Byzant., -etc., Paris, 1862, i, p. 25, _et seq._ An imperfect, but so far the -only comprehensive work; cf. Finlay, Hist. Greece, i, p. 432, _et seq._ -Mommsen’s work also gives some space to the subject. False coining and -money-clipping were of course prevalent in this age and punishable -capitally, but there was also a class of magnates who arrogated to -themselves the right of coining, a privilege conceded in earlier -times, and who maintained private mints for the purpose. In spite of -legal enactments some of them persisted in the practice, and their -penalty was to be aggregated with all their apparatus and operatives -to the Imperial mints, there to exert their skill indefinitely for the -government; Cod. Theod., IX, xxi, xxii. Their lot suggests the Miltonic -fate of Mulciber: - - Nor aught availed him now - To have built in heaven high towers; nor did he ’scape - By all his engines, but was headlong sent - With his industrious crew to build in hell. - Paradise Lost, I. - - -[524] In 1885, a “guess” census taken by the Turkish authorities put -it at 873,565, but the modern city is much shrunk within the ancient -walls; Grosvenor, _op. cit._, p. 8. - -[525] The Avars, during an incursion made in 616, carried off 270,000 -captives of both sexes from the vicinity of the city; Nicephorus CP., -p. 16. - -[526] The largest reservoir, now called the “Bendt of Belgrade,” about -ten miles N.W. of CP. is more than a mile long. The water is conveyed, -as a rule, through subterranean pipes, and there is no visible aqueduct -within six miles of the city. The so-called “Long Aqueduct” is about -three-quarters of a mile in length. - -[527] Evagrius, iii, 38; Procopius, De Aedific., iv, 9; Chron. -Paschal., an. 512, etc. - -[528] In modern Hindostan somewhat of a parallel might be traced, but -very imperfectly. After the third century Gothic must also have become -a familiar language at CP. - -[529] The partial survival of the Latin language in the East during -these centuries is proved, not merely by the body of law, inscriptions, -numismatics, etc., but by the fact that some authors who must have -expected to be read generally at Constantinople, chose to write in -that tongue, especially Ammianus (“Graecus et miles,” his own words), -Marcellinus Comes, and Corippus. - -[530] This vulgar dialect has probably never been committed to writing. -Specimens crop up occasionally, particularly in Jn. Malala, also in -Theophanes, i, p. 283 (De Boor). See Krumbacher, _op. cit._, p. 770, -_et seq._ The cultured Greeks, however, even to the end of the Empire, -always held fast to the language of literary Hellas in her prime; see -Filelfo, _loc. cit._ - -[531] It is worthy of remark that assumption of the aspirate was in the -period of best Latinity a vulgar fault decried by Romans of refined -speech: - - Chommoda dicebat, si quando commoda vellet - Dicere, et hinsidias Arrius insidias.... - Ionios fluctus, post quam illuc Arrius isset, - Jam non Ionios esse, sed Hionios. - Catullus, lxxxii. - - -[532] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 27, 68. - -[533] In the absence of full contemporary evidence for a complete -picture of Byzantine life at the point of time dealt with, it has -often been necessary to have recourse to writers both of earlier and -later date; an exigency, however, almost confined to Chrysostom and -Constantine Porphyrogennetos. In taking this liberty I have exercised -great caution so as to avoid anachronisms; and if such exist I may -fairly hope them to be of a kind which will not easily be detected. -I have always tried to obtain some presumptive proof in previous -or subsequent periods that the scene as represented may be shifted -backwards and forwards through the centuries without marring its truth -as a picture of the times. In these unprogressive ages, wherever -civilization was maintained, it often had practically the same aspect -even for thousands of years. - -[534] It is generally conceded that iconoclastic zeal in respect of -primitive Roman history, under the impulse given by Lewis and Niebuhr, -has been carried too far. Even now archaeological researches with the -spade on the site of the Forum, etc., are producing confirmation of -some traditional beliefs already proclaimed as mythical by too astute -critics; see Lanciani, _The Athenaeum_, 1899. In any case the legends -and hearsay as to their origin, current among various races, have a -psychological interest, and may afford valuable indications as to -national proclivities, which must rescue them from the neglect of every -judicious historian. - -[535] Livy, iv, 52, etc. - -[536] The favourite title of Augustus was _Princeps_ or “First -citizen,” but the more martial emperors, such as Galba and Trajan, -preferred the military _Imperator_, which after their time became -distinctive of the monarch. By the end of the third century, under -the administration of Aurelian and Diocletian, the emperor became an -undisguised despot, and henceforward was regarded as the _Dominus_, -a term which originally expressed the relation between a master and -his slaves; see Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., i, 5; the series of coins in -Cohen’s Numismatics of the Empire, etc. - -[537] Strabo says it was full of Tarsians and Alexandrians; xiv, 5. -Athenaeus calls it “an epitome of the world”; i, 17; cf. Tacitus, Ann., -xv, 44; “The city which attracts and applauds all things villainous and -shameful.” - -[538] Tiberius made an end of the _comitia_ or popular elections, and -after his time the offices of state were conferred in the Senate, a -body which in its elements was constituted at the fiat of the emperor; -Tacitus, Ann., i, 15, etc. - -[539] Under Diocletian (_c._ 300) the legislative individualism of the -emperor attained maturity; see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, Edin., -1899, P. 353. - -[540] The choice of Galba by the soldiers in Spain (68 A.D.) first -“revealed the political secret that emperors could be created elsewhere -than at Rome”; Tacitus, Hist., i, 4. Trajan, if actually a Spaniard, -was the first emperor of foreign extraction. - -[541] In the quadripartite allotment by Diocletian, he himself fixed -his residence at Nicomedia, his associate Augustus chose Milan, -whilst the scarcely subordinated Caesars, Galerius and Constantius, -made Sirmium and Treves their respective stations; Aurelius Vict., -Diocletian. - -[542] Arcadius, as the elder, reigned in the East, a proof that it -was esteemed to be the most brilliant position. The Notitia also, a -contemporary work, places the East first as the superior dominion. No -doubt the new tyrants found themselves in an uncongenial atmosphere at -Rome, and the sterner stuff of the Western nations would not tolerate -their sublime affectations. They could stand the follies of Nero, -but not the vain-glory of Constantine, who soon fled from the covert -sneers of the capital and merely paid it a couple of perfunctory visits -afterwards. It is significant that the forms of adoration are omitted -from the Notitia of the West; cf., however, Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., xii, -18, 20. - -[543] About a year, but sometimes prolonged; he could be indicted -afterwards for misconduct, unless like Sulla, Caesar, etc., and the -aspirants to the purple later, he found himself strong enough to seize -on the supremacy. - -[544] See Mommsen, Das röm. Militärwesen, etc. Hermes, xxiv, 1889. - -[545] Aurelius Vict., Diocletian, etc. After Elagabalus Aurelian was -the pioneer in this departure, but in their case it seems to have been -not a policy so much as a love of pompous display. It is worth noting -that these emperors were men of low origin; Aurelian was a peasant, -Diocletian the son of a slave. Yet Aurelian would not let his wife wear -silk; Hist. Aug. Aurelian, 45. - -[546] The brood of eunuchs (bed-keepers) flows to us from prehistoric -times. Ammianus (xiv, 6) attributes the invention to Semiramis, whose -date, if any, is about 2000 B.C. They appear to be engendered naturally -by polygamy. Isidore of Seville characterizes them as follows: “Horum -quidam coeunt, sed tamen virtus in semine nulla est. Liquorem enim -habent, et emittunt, sed ad gignendum inanem et invalidum”; Etymolog., -x, _sb. voc._ Hence the demand for such an enactment as that of Leo, -Novel., xcviii, against their marrying, which, however, would be -unnecessary in the case of the καρξιμάδες. - -[547] The names of Eusebius, Eutropius, Chrysaphius, etc., are well -known as despots of the Court and Empire. “Apud quem [si vere dici -debeat] Constantius multum potuit,” is the sarcasm of Ammianus on the -masterful favourite Eutropius; xviii, 4. Ultimately members of the -royal family were castrated to allow of their being intrusted with the -office of Chamberlain, practically the premiership, whilst unfitting -them to usurp the throne; see Schlumberger, L’épopée byzant. au dix. -siècle, 1896, p. 6. - -[548] See Const. Porph., _passim._ The emperor cannot even uncover his -head without the castrates closing round him to intercept the gaze of -rude mankind; Reiske, ii, p. 259. - -[549] The use of numerical affixes to the names of monarchs did not -exist among the ancients, and hence many cruxes arise for antiquarians -to distinguish those of the same name. Popularly they were often -differentiated by nicknames. Thus we read of Artaxerxes the Longhanded, -Ptolemy the Bloated, the Flute-player; Charles the Bald, the Fat; -Philip the Fair, Frederic Barbarossa, etc. The grandson of the last, -Frederic II, seems to have been the first who assumed a number as part -of his regal title; see Ludewig, Vita Justin., VIII, viii, 53. - -[550] CP. fell to Mahomet II in 1453, and the kingdom of Trebizond, -a fragment which still existed under a Comnenian dynasty, in 1461. -Bosnia, Herzegovina, Roumania, Armenia proper, Georgia, and the lower -part of Mesopotamia did not, however, belong to the Eastern Empire, but -there was suzerainty over most of the adjacent territory except Persia. - -[551] The town itself was in the hands of the Bulgarians till 504, when -it was won by Theodoric for Italy; Cassiodorus, Chron. - -[552] This frontier was delimited by Diocletian, _c. 295_; Eutropius, -ix; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 19. - -[553] At this time Western Armenia, about one-third of the whole, was -called Roman, the rest Persian. It was divided at the end of the fourth -century, but no taxes were collected there by the Byzantines; see below. - -[554] Neither the north-eastern nor the north-western boundaries can -now be precisely defined. According to Theodoret, the north-eastern -verge of the Empire was Pityus, about seventy miles farther north; -Hist. Eccles., v, 34. After the reign of Trajan the Euxine was -virtually a Roman lake, and a garrisoned fort was kept at Sebastopol, -considerably north of the Phasis, Bosphorus (Crimea) under its Greek -kings being still allowed a nominal autonomy; Arrian, Periplus Pont. -Euxin. After 250, however, under Gallienus, etc., these regions were -overrun by the Goths. In 275 Trajan’s great province of Dacia was -abandoned by Aurelian, but he preserved the remembrance of it by -forming a small province with the same name south of the Danube; Hist. -Aug., Aurelian, 39, etc. - -[555] This geographical sketch is based chiefly on the Notitia, the -Synecdemus of Hierocles, and Spruner’s maps. - -[556] Less than the present population of England, which has barely a -tenth of the area of the Empire. - -[557] To take a few instances: Thessalonica and Hadrianople, former -population not less than 300,000 each, now about 70,000 each; Antioch, -formerly 500,000 (Chrysostom mentions 200,000, doubtless only freemen), -now 7,500; Alexandria, formerly 750,000, now again growing into -prosperity, 230,000; on the other hand, Ephesus, Palmyra, Baalbec, -etc., once great cities, have entirely disappeared. Nor have any -modern towns sprung up to replace those mentioned; Cairo alone, with -its 371,000, is an apparent exception, but it is almost on the site -of Memphis, still a busy town in the sixth century. For these and -many similar examples the modern gazetteers, etc., are a sufficient -reference. Taking all things into consideration, to give a hundred -millions to the countries forming the Eastern Empire, in their palmy -days, might not be an overestimate; and even then the density of -population would be only about one-third of what it is in England at -the present day. - -[558] Institut. Just., Prooem., etc. - -[559] Here, however, seems to have been the tract first known to the -Greeks as Asia, but the name was extended to the whole continent fully -ten centuries before this time. - -[560] Hierocles, _op. cit._ By the Notitia the civil and military -government of Isauria and Arabia are in each case vested in the same -person. - -[561] Now the Dobrudscha. - -[562] - - The birds their choir apply; airs, vernal airs, - Breathing the smell of field and grove, attune - The trembling leaves, while universal Pan, - Knit with the Graces and the Hours in dance, - Led on the eternal Spring. - Paradise Lost, IV. - - -[563] Including the small province of that name. - -[564] On the roll of precedence the Vicars and Proconsuls were -Spectabiles, the ordinary governors Clarissimi. The intendant of the -Long Walls was also called a Vicar; Novel., viii. - -[565] See the Notitia. - -[566] The independence of proconsular Asia has already been mentioned. - -[567] “Yielding only to the sceptre”; Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 5. On -the roll of precedence, however, he came after consuls and patricians, -but he was usually an ex-consul and patrician as well; see Godefroy -_ad_ Cod. Theod., VI, vi. - -[568] The most noted of these roads, the Via Appia, ran from Rome -to Brindisi. It was about fifteen feet wide, with raised footpaths -proportionately narrow. The only road in the Eastern Empire with -a special name was the Via Egnatia, leading from the coast of the -Adriatic through Thessalonica to Cypsela (Ipsala, about forty miles -north of Gallipoli). The Antonine Itinerary shows the distance -between most of the towns and ports in the Empire (_c. 300_). The -Tabula Peutingeriana is a sort of panoramic chart on which towns, -roads, mountains, forests, etc., are marked without any approach to -delineating the outline of the countries, except in the vicinity of -the Bosphorus and CP. (third century, but brought up to a later date; -about 15 feet × 1). There is a photographic reproduction, Vienna, 1888. -Strabo (IV, iii, 8) notes how careless the Greeks were, as compared -with the Romans, in the matter of public works of ordinary utility. - -[569] Cod. Theod., XV, iii. By the absence of this title from the Code -and from Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, 14; De Aedific., iv, 8; v, 5) we -can discern that the roads in the East were generally in bad condition. -No rubbish or filth or obstructive matter of any kind was allowed to -be discharged into the roads or rivers. All roads or canals, that is, -by-paths, were to be maintained in their primary condition, whether -paved or unpaved; Pand., XLIII, x-xv. Soldiers were enjoined not to -shock the public decency by bathing shamelessly in the rivers; Cod. -Theod., VII, i; 13. - -[570] The modern caravanserai, a great square building with open -central court and chambers on two floors (see Texier and Pullan, -_op. cit._, p. 142, for a description and plans of one attributed to -the times of the Empire), is supposed to represent not only these -mansions, but even the pattern of the original Persian _angari_ of the -classic period. Travellers could stop at them gratuitously and obtain -provender, etc. Cicero, Atticus, v, 16, etc. - -[571] About forty animals were kept at each station; Procopius, Anecd., -30. - -[572] Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 28, etc. 22½ lb. avd. seems absurdly -little for a horse to carry; a parhippus, an extra-strong horse, was -kept, and might take 100 lb. (75 avd.), but even that is only half the -weight of an average man; Cassiodorous, Var. Epist., iv, 47; v, 5. C. -remarks, however, that it is absurd to load an animal who has to travel -at a high speed. I think, therefore, that the load is in addition to a -rider (_hippocomus_). - -[573] Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 2. - -[574] The Jerusalem Itinerary (_c._ 350) shows the mansions and -mutations from Bordeaux to J., etc. The former seem to have been in or -near large towns, the latter by the wayside. - -[575] Cod. Theod., VIII, v, with Godefroy’s paratitlon. - -[576] Cod. Theod., VI, xxvii; called _Agentes in rebus_. - -[577] They appear to have originated in the _Frumentarii_ -(corn-collectors), who were sent into the provinces to purvey for the -wants of the capital. Encouraged on their return to tattle about what -they had seen, signs of disaffection, etc., their secondary vocation -became paramount; and under Diocletian they were reconstituted with a -more consonant title, whilst their license was restrained; Aurelius -Vict., Diocletian; Hist. Aug. Commodus, 4, etc. - -[578] Libanius, Epitaph. Juliani (R., I, p. 568); cf. Xenophon, -Cyropaedia, viii, 2. The Persian king was the original begetter of -“eyes and ears” of this description; Herodotus, i, 114. - -[579] Liban., Adv. eos qui suam Docendi Rat., etc. At this time they -were generally called _Veredarii_, _veredus_ being the name of the -post-horses they always rode; Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 16; De Bel. -Pers., ii, 20. - -[580] Vetus Glossarium, _sb. Vered. eq._ (Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., -VI, xxix, 1). - -[581] _Curiosi_; Cod. Theod., VI, xxix. - -[582] _Irenarchi_; _ibid._, XII, xiv; Cod., X, lxxv. - -[583] In no instance better exemplified than in that of Anastasius. - -[584] Galba, Pertinax, Alexander, Probus, Maurice, etc. - -[585] See their insignia and appointments in the Notitia; there was a -separate set for the East and West even after the extinction of the -Roman dynasty of the latter division. - -[586] Or more briefly, Masters of Soldiers, of Troops, or of the -Forces; in the Notitia the five military magnates are placed before the -Counts of the Treasury. - -[587] _In praesenti_, in the Presence; to be with the Emperor -travelling was to be _in sacro Comitatu_; to send anything to Court was -to send it _ad Comitatum_, etc. - -[588] For the probable daily order of the Consistorium see p. 92; Cod. -Theod., XI, xxxix, 5, 8; the materials at this date are too scanty to -fill an objective picture; cf. Schiller, Gesch. d. röm. Kaiserzeit, -Gotha, 1887, ii, p. 66. - -[589] Cod. Theod., VI, xii, and Godefroy _ad loc._ - -[590] _Ibid._, I, i, ii, with Godefroy’s paratitla. - -[591] They had much the force of a decree nisi, to be made absolute -only in the quarter where all the circumstances were known. The Codes -are full of warnings against acting too hastily on the Emperor’s -rescript; thus Constantine says, “Contra jus Rescripta non valeant,” -but his son on the same page, “Multabuntur Judices qui Rescripta -contempserint.” They had to steer between Scylla and Charybdis; in most -cases, however, an easy task enough in Byzantine administration; Cod. -Theod., I, i, 1, 5. - -[592] Julian, in his zeal for constitutional government, tried to make -it a real power in the state, but his effort was quietly ignored after -his short career by his successors; Zosimus, iii, 11. - -[593] In theory the Consul (Cod. Theod., VI, vi), but practically the -P.U.; _ibid._, ii, and Godefroy’s paratitlon; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. -Epist., i, 42, 43, etc. - -[594] Cod. Theod., VI, xxiii, 1; XII, i, 122; IX, ii, 1, etc. - -[595] Ammianus, xxviii, 1; Cod., I, xiv. Thus even Theodosius based -himself on a decree of the Senate before embarking on the war with -Maximus; Zosimus, v, 43, 44. - -[596] When there was no emperor in the East, after the death of Valens, -Julius, the Master of the Forces, applied for sanction to the Senate -before ordering the massacre of all the Gothic youth detained as -hostages throughout Asia; Zosimus, iv, 26. - -[597] As in the case of Anastasius himself; Marcellinus Com., an. 515, -etc. - -[598] Ammianus, xxviii, 1; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., iii, 32. - -[599] Cod. Theod., VI, ii, 4; XV, ix; Cod., I, xiv. Leo Sap. at last -abolished the Senatusconsulta; Nov. Leo., lxxviii. - -[600] References to, and a _résumé_ of, modern authorities who have -tried to work out the political significance of the Senate at this -epoch will be found in Schiller, _op. cit._ p. 31. I may add that -fifty members formed a quorum (Cod. Theod., VI, iv, 9), but a couple -of thousand may have borne the title of Senator; Themistius, xxxiv, -p. 456 (Dind.). Many of these, however, had merely the “naked” honour -by purchase (Cod. Theod., XII, i, 48, _et passim_), or received it on -being superannuated from the public service, but the potential Senators -inherited the office or assimilated it naturally on account of their -rank. Many of the titular Senators lived on their estates in the -provinces; Cod. Theod., VI, ii, 2; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., iii, -6, etc. - -[601] Cod. Theod., XII, i; Godefroy reckons seventy-nine Curiae in -the Eastern Empire, but there must have been many more not definitely -indicated; paratitlon _ad loc._ - -[602] Cod. Theod., I, xxix. - -[603] _Ibid._, XII, i, 151; Novel., xv; see Savigny, Hist. Roman Law, -I, ii. They seem to have been created by Valentinian I; Cod., I, lv, 1, -etc. - -[604] Cod. Theod., I, vii, 3; the first book contains most of Haenel’s -additions, and his numbers often differ from Godefroy’s, to which I -always refer on account of the commentary. - -[605] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 37; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., xi, -6. _Cancellarius_, from the _cancelli_ or grille, within which they sat -or stood. - -[606] Plutarch, Cato Min., 23, etc.; cf. Savigny, _loc. cit._ - -[607] Generally about 400 in number; the Count of the East was allowed -600; Cod., XII, lvi, lvii, etc. A sort of constabulary lower in rank -than ordinary soldiers; Cod., XII, lviii, 12, etc. - -[608] _Ibid._, I, xii. - -[609] _Ibid._, IV, xvii. - -[610] Cod. Theod., I, vii, 2; Cod., III, iii. Notwithstanding a long -article by Bethmann-Hollweg (Civilprozessen, Bonn, 1864, iii, p. 116), -nothing is known as to how they held their court, etc. - -[611] Cod. Theod., XI, xxx. - -[612] _Ibid._, I, v. - -[613] _Ibid._, I, vii, 5, 6. - -[614] Thus the first, the fifteenth, indiction were the first and -last years of the round of fifteen. This method of reckoning mostly -superseded all other dates, both in speaking and writing. The first -Indiction is usually calculated from 1st September, 312. Fundamentally, -indiction means rating or assessment. - -[615] Hyginus, de Limitibus, etc., is our chief source of knowledge as -to Roman land-surveying. Permanent maps were engraved on brass plates -and copies were made on linen, etc. See Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., XI, -xxvii. - -[616] Pand., L, xv, 4; Cod. Theod., IX, xlii, 7; Cod., IX, xlix, 7. - -[617] From a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, it appears that to every -_caput_ or _jugum_ of 1,000 solidi (£560) were reckoned 5 _jugera_ -(about ⅝ acre) of vineyard, 20, 40, or 60 of arable land, according -to quality, 250 olive trees, 1st cl., and 450 2nd cl.; see Mommsen on -this document, Hermes, iii, 1868, p. 429; cf. Nov. Majorian, i. The -amount exacted for each head varied with time and place. When Julian -was in Gaul (_c. 356_), the inhabitants were paying 25 solidi (£14) -_per caput_ or _jugum_, which he managed to reduce to 7 solidi (£4); -Ammianus, xvi, 5. - -[618] Cod. Theod., XI, i, 10; XIII, xi, 12; Cod., XI, lviii, etc. -Deserted lands were mostly near the borders, from which the occupiers -had been driven by hostile incursions. Barren lands presumably were put -in the worst class. - -[619] The duties of these officials are nowhere precisely defined, and -a consistent account must be presumed from the scattered indications -contained in the Codes, Cassiodorus, etc.; see Cod. Theod., XIII, xi; -Cod., XI, lvii, etc. - -[620] Cod. Theod., XIII, x, 5; xi, 4, etc. - -[621] _Ibid._, XIII, x, 8. - -[622] For this assessment the adult age was in general 18, but in -Syria, males 14, females 12; Pand., L, xv, 3. - -[623] “Capitatio humana atque animalium”; Cod. Theod., XI, xx, 6; cf. -Cedrenus, i, p. 627; Zonaras, xiv, 3; Glykas, iv, p. 493, etc. Owing -to the use in the Codes of the words _caput_ and _capitatio_ with -respect to both land-tax and poll-tax, these were generally confounded -together, till Savigny made the distinction clear in his monograph, -Ueber d. röm. Steuerverfassung, pub. 1823 in the Transact. of the -Berlin Acad. of Science. The poll-tax is usually distinguished as -_plebeia capitatio_. The epigram of Sidonius Ap. is always quoted, and -has often misled the expositors of the Codes, in this connection. To -the Emperor Majorian he says: - - Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum, - Hic capita, ut vivam, tu mihi tolle tria. - -The taxes must have been again very high for him to anticipate so much -relief from the remission of only three heads (_c._ 460). - -[624] Cod. Theod., XI, i, 14; “quantulacumque terrarum possessio.” - -[625] _Ibid._, XIII, x, 2. - -[626] _Ibid._, XIII, x, 4, 6. - -[627] _Ibid._, XIII, iii, iv. A list of thirty-five handicrafts -exempted is given, including professionals, such as physicians, -painters, architects, and geometers. I find no relief, however, in the -case of lawyers. - -[628] Cod. Theod., IV, xii; Godefroy could only recover one -Constitution of this title, but Haenel has been able to collect nine; -thirteen are contained in the corresponding title of the Code, IV, lxi. -On imported eunuchs ⅛ was paid; Cod., IV, xlii, 2. - -[629] _Ibid._, X, xix, 3, 12. - -[630] _Ibid._, IV, xii. - -[631] Cod., IV, lxiii, 2; “subtili auferatur ingenio.” - -[632] Cod. Theod., XIII, i; Cod., XI, i. Evagrius (iii, 39), one of the -nearest in time, is most copious on the subject of this tax. Cedrenus, -Glykas, Zonaras (“an annual tribute!”) evidently confused it with the -poll-tax, but their remarks show that every animal useful to the farmer -returned something to the revenue; a horse or an ox one shilling, an -ass or a dog fourpence, etc. - -[633] Evagrius alone mentions these; cf. Hist. August. Alexander, 34. - -[634] According to an old Biblical commentator, it was called the -_penalizing gold_, “the price of sorrow,” as we might say (aurum -poenosum or pannosum, the _gold of rags_, levied even on beggars); -see Valesius ad Evagr. _loc. cit._; Quaest. Vet. et Nov. Test. 75, -_ad calc._ St. August, (in Migne, iii, 2269). He also is thinking -of a poll-tax, _didrachma_, less than two shillings a head. The -Theodosian Code in twenty-one Constitutions is clear and precise as -to the incidence of the chrysargyron, and nothing can be interjected -extraneous to the definitions there constituted. The quadriennial -contribution of Edessa was 140 lb. of gold (£5,600); Joshua Stylites -(Wright), Camb. 1882, 31. - -[635] Zosimus, ii, 38. He is severe on Constantine for inflicting it, -but there must have been something like it before; see Godefroy _ad_ -Cod. Theod., XIII, i, 1. - -[636] Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 8, 14, 15; XIII, i, 11, etc.; VII, xx, 3, -9, etc. (also some Court officers; XI, xii, 3); XIII, iv; i, 10. - -[637] It is the signal action of Anastasius respecting it which has -caused so much notice to be taken of the impost; see esp. Procopius, -Gaz. Panegyric., 13. One Timotheus of Gaza is said to have aimed a -tragedy at the harshness of it; Cedrenus; Suidas, _sb._ Timoth. By -Code, XI, i, 1, it seems that traces of it remained permanently. -Evagrius alludes vaguely to some compensating financial measures of -Anastasius; iii, 42; cf. Jn. Malala, p. 394. - -[638] This was the regular procedure when state debtors were officially -forgiven—a ceremonial burning of the accounts; Cod. Theod., XI, xxviii, -2, 3, etc. - -[639] Cod. Theod., VI, ii, 1, 4, 13, etc. The idea of abolishing -these senatorial taxes was entertained in the time of Arcadius, but -the scheme fell through; Cod., XII, ii. Senatorial estates were kept -distinct from all others during peraequation at the quindecennial -survey; Cod. Theod., VI, iii, 2, 3. - -[640] Cod. Theod., VI, xxiv, 8, 9; XIII, iii, 15, 17, etc., see -Godefroy’s paratitlon to VI, ii. - -[641] _Ibid._, VI, ii, 5, 9; VII, xxiv, etc. - -[642] Cod., XII, iii, 3. - -[643] Cod. Theod., VII, xxiii. - -[644] _Ibid._, XII, xiii, and Godefroy’s commentaries. Cod., X, lxxiv. - -[645] Cod. Theod., VI, xxx, 2; Nov., xxx, etc. - -[646] Cod. Theod., X, vi; XV, x, and Godefroy _ad loc._ - -[647] _Ibid._, X, xix; Cod., XI, vi; see Dureau de la Malle (_op. -cit._, iv, 17), who summarizes with refs. our scanty information on the -subject. It seems that the ancient methods of working the ore were very -defective, and the _scoriae_ of the famous silver mines at Laurium have -been treated for the third time in recent years with good results; see -Cordella, Berg u. hüttenmän. Zeitung, xlii, 1883, p. 21; Strabo, IX, 1. - -[648] Cod. Theod., I, v, 1, etc. Chrysostom alludes to the severity -of the miner’s existence; Stagirium, 13; Mart. Aegypt., 2 (in Migne, -i, 490; ii, 697). During the Gothic revolt of 376 the Thracian miners -joined the insurgents; Ammianus, xxxi, 6. - -[649] Cod. Theod., XI, i, 1, 34; v, 3, 4; xvi, 8, etc. - -[650] Cod. Theod., XI, i, 15, 16; xxv; XII, vi, 15, etc. - -[651] _Ibid._, XII, vi, 2, etc. - -[652] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 14, 16, etc. - -[653] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 1, etc. - -[654] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 10, 13; VIII, viii, 1, 3; this privilege was -extended to the Jews’ Sabbath; II, viii, 3. - -[655] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 16, etc. - -[656] _Ibid._, XI, i, 34, 35; xxii, 4, etc. - -[657] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 3, etc. - -[658] _Ibid._, X, xvii; XI, ix; that is by auction. - -[659] _Ibid._, [?] xxviii; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., xi, 7. - -[660] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 2, 6, etc., cf. Cassiodorus, _op. cit._, iv, 14. - -[661] Cod. Theod., XI, i, 9, 21; XII, vi, 19, and Godefroy _ad loc._; -_ibid._, XII, vii, 2, etc. - -[662] _Ibid._, XII, vi, 19, 21, etc. - -[663] _Ibid._, XI, vii, 1; XIII, x, 1, etc. The demand notes had to be -signed by the Rector; XI, i, 3. - -[664] _Ibid._, XI, i, 19; xxvi, 2; XII, vi, 18, 23, 27. The Defender of -the City was generally present to act as referee on these occasions. -A single annone was valued at 4 _sol._ (£2 5_s._) per annum; Novel., -Theod., xxiii. It appears that the precious metals were accepted by -weight only to guard against adulteration, clipping, etc. Thus, in -321, Constantine enacted that 7 _sol._ should be paid for an ounce by -tale instead of six, indicating ⅐ alloy in his own gold coin at that -period; see Dureau de la Malle, _op. cit._, i, 10; Cod. Theod., XII, -vii, 1; cf. vi, 13. - -[665] _Ibid._, VII, vi; xxiii; XI, i, 9; cf. Cassiodorus, _op. cit._, -xi, 39. When it was found that sheep and oxen fell into poor condition -after being driven a long way the estimated price was exacted instead. - -[666] Cod. Theod., I, xv; one law only in Godefroy, 17 in Haenel. - -[667] Cod. Theod., VIII, v, 13, 18; X, xx, 4, 11, etc. - -[668] _Ibid._, XIII, v, 28; ix; Cod., XI, iii, 2, etc. In an emergency -any one possessing a ship of sufficient size was liable to be -impressed. The prescribed least capacity seems to have been about ten -measured tons according to the modern system (100 cub. ft. per ton -register), that is, cargo space for 2,000 _modii_, about 650 cub. ft. - -[669] There were three grand treasuries at CP., viz., that of the -Praefect of the East, of the Count Sacrarum Largitionum, and of the -Count Rerum Privatarum (his local agents were called _Rationales_, but -seem from the Notitia to have become extinct in the East), but the -Praefect was the chief minister of finance and ruled both the returns -and the disbursements; see Godefroy’s Notitia, _ad calc._; Cod. Theod.; -Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., ii, 27; Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., vi, 3, etc. -The Rectors and the Curiae could levy local rates for public works, to -which purpose a third of the revenue from the customs in each district -and from national estates (mostly property of abolished temples) was -regularly devoted; see Cod. Theod., XV, i, with Godefroy’s paratitlon -and commentaries. The Emperor indulged his fancy in building out of the -public funds or granted sums in the form of largess, as when Anastasius -bestowed a considerable amount on the island of Rhodes to repair the -damage done by an earthquake; Jn. Malala, xvi. There were some small -taxes I have not noticed, such as the _siliquaticum_, pay for the army, -by which each party to a sale gave a ½ _siliqua_ (3_d._). This was -devised by Valentinian III (Novel., Theodos., xlviii; Do. Valent., -xviii) and existed in the time of Cassiodorus (_op. cit._, iv, 19, -etc.), but does not seem to have been adopted in the East. - -[670] Antioch also had an allowance of free provisions, but there is no -precise evidence in this case. - -[671] Cod. Theod., VIII, iv, 6; XI, i, 11, etc. - -[672] _Ibid._, XI, xxvi. - -[673] Considerable obscurity envelops the office of _protostasia_. -I conjecture it to have been a supervision imposed on local nobles, -chiefly residential Senators, who had to serve for two years; Cod. -Theod., XI, xxiii. In theory all the superior offices had to be vacated -on the expiration of a year, but they were often prolonged. Thus a -trustworthy and efficient _Susceptor_ retained his post for five years; -_ibid._, XII, vi, 24. The latter were mostly elected by the Curiae, who -were liable for their defalcations; _ibid._, 1, etc. - -[674] Cod. Theod., VIII, viii; x; XI, vii, 17, etc. These palatine -emissaries, coming as _Compulsors_ or otherwise, were detested by the -Rectors, etc., who could scarcely show them the deference due to their -brevet-rank, which was high: doubtless they gave themselves airs; -_ibid._, VI, xxiv, 4; xxvi, 5, etc. They were entitled to be greeted -with a kiss and to sit with the Judge on his bench. - -[675] 320,000 lb. of gold; Procopius, Anecdot., 19. In the time of -Pompey it was thought a considerable achievement when that general -raised the income of the Republic to the trifling sum, according to -modern ideas, of £3,500,000; Plutarch, Pompey, 45. On the other hand we -have the statement of Vespasian, a century later, that he needed close -on £400,000,000 to keep the Empire on its legs, a sum almost equal to -the requirements of modern Europe, but the scope of his remark is not -plain; Suetonius, Vespas., 16. Antoninus Pius, again, with the finances -of the whole Empire under his hand during his reign of twenty-three -years saved £22,000,000, nearly the same amount per annum as Anastasius -for a similar extent of territory; Dion Cass., lxxiii, 8. Such small -savings by the most thrifty emperors do not argue a large income. In -our own best years a surplus may reach about five per cent. of the -receipts. This gives us grounds for a guess that the revenue of Rome -after Augustus was something like £20,000,000. - -[676] See p. 131 for the names of those hordes who shared the Western -Empire between them. Overflow of population and pressure by the most -powerful nomads, the Huns and Alani, were the general causes which -precipitated the barbarian hosts on the Empire. - -[677] About this time the Bulgarians made their first appearance on the -Danube as the foes of civilization. They were lured into a treaty by -Zeno; Müller, Fr. Hist. Graec., iv, p. 619 (Jn. Antioch.); cf. Zonaras, -xiv, 3, etc. - -[678] See p. 124. - -[679] The capitation tax was remitted in Thrace; Cod., XI, li. In fact, -hardly any taxes were drawn from that Diocese, for, as Anastasius -himself remarks, the inhabitants were ruined by barbarian irruptions; -_ibid._, X, xxvii, 2. How irrepressible were the wild tribes across the -Danube can best be appreciated by a perusal of Ammianus, xxxi, etc., -and Jordanes _passim_. - -[680] The new Persian Empire which dissolved the Parthian sovereignty -was founded, _c. 218_, by Ardashir (Artaxerxes); see Agathias, ii, 26, -etc. - -[681] See Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., VII, xiv, xv, xvii; Hist. Aug. -Hadrian, 11, 12; Probus, 13, 14; Ammianus, xxviii, 2, etc. The walls -of Hadrian and Antonine in North Britain are well known, and have been -exhaustively described. The camps are represented as military cities. -See Bruce’s Handbook to the Roman Wall, 1885, etc. - -[682] Cod. Theod., VII, xv, etc. - -[683] Arrian, Peripl. Pont. Eux. This force was reduced by Constantine; -Zosimus, ii, 34. - -[684] In the Notitia Or., there are two Counts and thirteen Dukes. All -of the latter, however, were Counts of the First Order, as evidenced by -their insignia. In rank they were _Spectabiles_, that is, a step higher -than the Rectors and ordinary Senators. - -[685] Evidently from the Notitia. - -[686] See Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., VII, i, 18; Mommsen, _op. cit._, -Hermes, 1889. In Agathias (v, 13) we have the vague statement that the -whole forces of the Empire amounted to 645,000 men at the period of -highest military efficiency. More than half of these would be assigned -to the East. But John of Antioch, in making a similar statement, seems -to have the Eastern Empire only in his mind; Müller, Fr. Hist. Graec., -iv, p. 622. - -[687] See p. 50. - -[688] Procopius, Anecdot., 24, 26; Agathias, v, 15. - -[689] See Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., VI, xxiv; XIV, xvii, 8, 9, 10. On -the Candidati see Reiske _ad_ Const. Porph., p. 77. In the field they -seem to have been the closest bodyguard of the Emperor, as were the -eunuchs on civil occasions; Ammianus, xxxi, 13. - -[690] See the Notitia and Mommsen, _op. cit._ - -[691] These are all given in the Notitia, some copies of which are -coloured. - -[692] The general appearance was probably: “The tuft of the helmet, -the lance pennon, and the surcoat were all of a fixed colour for each -band;” Oman, Art of War, p. 186. - -[693] For the ensign see Ammianus, xvi, 10; Vegetius, ii, 7, 13, 14, -etc.; Cod., I, xxvii, 1 (8); Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., i, 46; Maurice, -Strategikon, ii, 9, 13, 14, 19; Cedrenus, i, p. 298. The dragons were -hollow so as to become inflated with the wind; Gregory Naz., Adv. -Julian, i, 66. - -[694] The cavalry with mail-clad horses were called _cataphractarii_ or -_clibanarii_; Ammianus, xvi, 10; Cod. Theod., XIV, xxvii, 9. - -[695] Ammianus, xx, 11; xxix, 5; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 1; -Maurice, _op. cit._, XII, viii, 2, 4, 11, etc. There were fifteen -factories for the forging of arms; Notitia; see below. - -[696] Vegetius, i, 4, 5, 6; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, 3; xx, 12, etc. - -[697] Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, 8; Pand., XLIX, xvi, 11, etc. - -[698] Vegetius, i, 7; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, etc.; eighteen was the -usual age for the recruit, 5 ft. 8 in. the height. They were branded in -a conspicuous part of the body; Cod. Theod., X, xxi, 4, and Godefroy -_ad loc._ - -[699] Provided they were physically fit; Cod. Theod., VII, xxii. - -[700] Ammianus, xxi, 6; Cod. Theod., VII, xiii. An officer called a -_temonarius_ collected the quittance money for the recruits, which -varied from £14 to £20 apiece. - -[701] Ammianus, xvii, 13; xix, 11; xxviii, 5, etc.; Zosimus, iv, 12, -etc. Barbarians of this class were called _Dedititii_. - -[702] Cod. Theod., VII, xiii, 16, and Godefroy _ad loc._ - -[703] Jordanes, De Reb. Get., 21, 28. The enlistment of barbarians -seems to have reached its height under Justin II, when Tiberius led -150,000 mercenaries against the Persians (_c._ 576); Evagrius, v, 14; -cf. Theophanes, an. 6072, etc. - -[704] Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., VII, xvii; Vegetius, v (the Liburnian -galleys); Marcellinus Com., an. 508 (“centum armatis navibus totidemque -dromonibus.” By “armed ships” I presume he means bulky transports laden -with soldiers and munitions of war); Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 11, -etc. - -[705] Cod. Theod., VII, xx. - -[706] Evidently from Agathias, v, 15, and the following. - -[707] Rescript of Anastasius, Mommsen, _op. cit._, pp. 199, 256. - -[708] The _Limitanei_ and _Comitatenses_ are mentioned in the Code (I, -xxvii, 2 (8), etc.), but the Palatine troops do not occur by name in -the literature of the sixth century (?). - -[709] The term was used long before the word legion dropped out; Cod. -Theod., VII, i, 18, etc. By the Greeks the _Numeri_ were called the -_Catalogues_; Procopius, _passim_ (also in previous use). - -[710] Cod. Theod., [?] vii, 16, 17, etc.; Procopius, De Bel. Goth., -iii, 39; iv, 26. Applicants of all soils were on occasion attracted by -the offer of a bounty called _pulveraticum_. - -[711] Cod., XII, xxxiv, 6, 7. - -[712] Olympiodorus, p. 450; Novel., Theod., xx; Procopius, De Bel. -Vand., i, 11; De Bel. Goth., iv, 5, etc. - -[713] Cod., IV, lxv, 35; Novel., cxvii, 11; cf. Benjamin, Berlin -Dissert., 1892. - -[714] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., i, 2, 3; Agathias, ii, 7, 9, etc. There -were no true allies of the Empire at this time, although all those who -fought for her may not have been technically _Foederati_; cf. Mommsen, -_op. cit._, pp. 217, 272. - -[715] The name defines them as “biscuit-eaters,” in allusion to their -being maintained at the table of their lord. - -[716] Benjamin’s essay is written to oppose this view which is favoured -by Mommsen; _op. cit._, in both cases. - -[717] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 18. - -[718] _Ibid._, De Bel. Pers., i, 25; De Bel. Goth., iii, 1, etc. - -[719] _Ibid._, De Bel. Vand., i, 17; ii, 19, etc. - -[720] Cod., IX, xii, 10. - -[721] Ammianus, xiv, 2; xxvii, 9, etc. - -[722] Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., v, 16, 17. An order for 1,000 _dromons_ -was executed for Theodoric in an incredibly short time. “Renuntias -completum quod vix credi potest inchoatum.” - -[723] The general character given to Byzantine soldiers is -exceptionally bad: “The vile and contemptible military class”; Isidore -Pelus., Epist., i, 390: “as free from crime as you might say the sea -is free from waves”; Chrysostom, In Matth. Hom. LXI, 2 (in Migne, -vii, 590). These, of course, are priests, but cf. Ammianus, xxii, 4; -Zosimus, ii, 34, etc. Thus a century earlier the army had already -fallen into a wretched condition; see also Synesius, De Regno. - -[724] Maurice, _op. cit._, XII, viii, 16. - -[725] From the anonymous Strategike it would seem that the phalanx was -restored on occasion during the sixth century (Köchly and Rüslow). - -[726] See Arrian’s Tactica _v._ Alanos. For an interesting exposition -of the vicissitudes of warfare by means of cavalry, infantry, and -missiles pure, see Oman’s Art of War, but the author’s selection of the -battle of Adrianople (378) as marking a sharp turn in the evolution -of Roman cavalry is quite arbitrary and could not be historically -maintained. That disaster made no demonstrable difference in the -constitution of the armies of the Empire. The forces of Rome were -consumed to a greater extent at the battle of Mursa less than thirty -years previously (351), when the army of the victor contained, perhaps, -40,000 cavalry, half of the whole amount; Julian, Orat. I, ii (p. 98, -etc., Hertlein); Zonaras, xiii, 8, etc. - -[727] Constantine, according to Zosimus (ii, 33), first appointed a -Magister Equitum in the new sense; cf. Cod. Theod., XI, i, 1 (315). - -[728] Notitia Or. - -[729] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 13, etc. - -[730] Procop., De Bel. Pers., i, 13, etc. - -[731] _Ibid._, De Bel. Vand., i, 19. - -[732] _Ibid._, Anecdot., 24; Agathias, v, 15. Under Leo Macella the -Scholars consisted of selected Armenians, but Zeno introduced a rabble -of Isaurians, his own countrymen; these, of course, were chased by -Anastasius; Theodore Lect., ii, 9, etc. Leo also levied the Excubitors -to be a genuine fighting corps of the Domestics; Jn. Lydus, De Magist., -i, 16. - -[733] Longinus, brother of Zeno, expected to succeed him, but he was -seized promptly, shaved, and banished as a presbyter to Alexandria; -Theophanes, an. 5984, etc. - -[734] _Ibid._, an. 5985. To his power among the Isaurians Zeno owed -his elevation, being taken up by Leo as a counterpoise to Aspar and -his Goths, the authors of his own fortune, of whom he was in danger of -becoming the tool; Candidus, Excerpt., p. 473, etc. - -[735] Marcellinus Com., an. 498. - -[736] This was the end of the war according to Theophanes (an. 5988), -who gives it only three years; cf. Jn. Malala, xvi. - -[737] These brigands had been subsidized to the amount of 5,000 lb. of -gold annually (Jn. Antioch., Müller, v, p. 30, says only 1,500 lb.), -which was henceforth saved to the treasury; Evagrius, iii, 35. All the -most troublesome characters were captured and settled permanently in -Thrace; Procopius, Gaz. Paneg., 10. For a monograph on this war see -Brooks, Eng. Hist. Rev., 1893. - -[738] Kavádh in recent transliteration. Persian history has been -greatly advanced by modern Orientalists; see especially Nöldeke, -Geschichte der Perser, Leyden, 1887. But the history of Tabari is -absurdly wrong in nearly all statements respecting the Romans and the -translations of Nöldeke and Zotenberg vary so much that we often seem -to be reading different works. - -[739] Theodore Lect., ii; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 7, _et seq._; De -Aedific., iii, 2, _et seq._ - -[740] _Ibid._; De Bel. Pers., ii, 3. - -[741] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 7; cf. his parallel story of Attila -and the storks at Aquileia; De Bel. Vand., i, 4 (copied, perhaps, by -Jordanes). While such anecdotes may enliven the page of history, their -effectivity must always be accepted with suspicion. - -[742] If the statements of Zacharias Myt. and Michael Melit. can be -accepted, the town must have been very populous, as the number of -citizens slain is put by them at eighty thousand. - -[743] The Nephthalites or White Huns who occupied Bactria, previously -the seat of a powerful Greek kingdom under a dynasty of Alexander’s -successors. - -[744] Ammianus, xxv, 7. - -[745] Procopius, De Aedific., ii, 1; cf. Jn. Malala, xvi, etc. - -[746] Jordanes, 58. I am putting it, perhaps, too mildly in the text -if Theodoric, who was a vassal of the Empire, knew beforehand of the -course taken by his general. Sabinianus was chiefly supported by -Bulgarians in consequence of Zeno’s treaty with them; cf. Ennodius, -Panegyr. Theodor. Petza had only 2,000 foot and 500 horse. - -[747] Marcellinus Com., an. 505; Ennodius, _loc. cit._ - -[748] Marcellinus Com., an. 508. Doubtless this was the event which -caused Theodoric to build a large fleet; Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., v, -15, 16. - -[749] Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., i, 1, might apply here; in any case the -sentiments of Theodoric are clearly expressed by Jordanes, 59; cf. 57. - -[750] Jn. Antioch. and Jn. Malala, Hermes, vi (Mommsen), pp. 344, 389. - -[751] Marcellinus Com., an. 514; Jn. Malala, xvi; Theophanes, an. 6005, -etc. - -[752] Marcellinus Com., an. 514; Theophanes, an. 6005. The texts merely -imply, perhaps, that they deserted to Vitalian. Hypatius, the Byzantine -general, and nephew to Anastasius, was taken prisoner, deliberately -given up in fact. A second engagement, however, under Cyril, was -undoubtedly bloody; Jn. Malala, xvi. - -[753] Jn. Malala, xvi; Zonaras (xiv, 3) says the fleet was inflamed by -burning (concave) mirrors. - -[754] As a ransom for their captives; Marcellinus Com., an. 515; -Theophanes, an. 6006. The Senate negotiated for Anastasius. - -[755] Marcellinus Com., an. 515. - -[756] See, besides the above authorities, the correspondence between -Emperor and Pope (in Migne, S.L., lxiii, also Concil. and Baronius). - -[757] Theophanes, an. 6006; Cedrenus, i, p. 632. - -[758] All the chronographists relate the vision of Anastasius, to whom, -just before his death, a figure with a book appeared, saying: “For your -insatiable avarice I erase fourteen years.” Every one must regret the -inherent defect of character which deprived us of a centenarian emperor. - -[759] That of Anastasius is the last life written by Tillemont, which, -as usual, he has illustrated by his wide erudition in ecclesiastical -literature. But the infantile credulity of the man in theological -matters abates much of the critical value of his work. Thus he gravely -questions if the action of the Deity was correct when, for the benefit -of the Persian king, he allowed a Christian bishop to release a -treasure guarded by demons whom the Magi had failed to exorcise. He -believes implicitly that an orthodox bishop emerged from the flames -intact so as to convince an Arian congener of his error, etc. Rose’s -thesis (Halle, 1886) on these wars is of some value. - -[760] Strabo, II, i, 30, etc.; Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii, 112. The earth -was thought to be about 9,000 miles long and half that width, north to -south. - -[761] Cosmas Indicopleustes, a merchant who eventually turned monk, -in his Christian Topography is our chief authority for popular -cosmogony and trade in the sixth century (in Migne, S.G.). The -theories of philosophers jar with his Biblical convictions and excite -his antagonism. He writes to prove that the world is flat, that the -sun rounds a great mountain in the north to cause night, etc. Being -something of a draughtsman he explains his views by cosmographical -diagrams, and figures many objects seen in his travels. There is an -annotated translation by McCrindle, Lond., 1899 (Hakluyt Soc.). - -[762] Diodorus, Sic., v, 19, 22, etc. For tin to the Scilly Is., etc. - -[763] Phoenician trade is summarized with considerable detail by -Ezekiel, xxvii; cf. Genesis, xxxvii, 25. But a couple of centuries -earlier the race was well known to Homer, who often adverts to their -skill in manufactures, as also to their knavery and chicanery: - - Αὐτὴ δ’ ἐς θάλαμον κατεβήσατο κηώεντα, - Ἔνθ’ ἔσαν οἱ πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικῶν - Σιδονίων. κ.τ.λ. - Iliad, vi, 288. - - Ἔνθα δὲ Φοίνικες ναυσίκλυτοι ἤλυθον ἄνδρες - Τρῶκται, μυρί’ ἄγοντες ἀθύρματα νηῒ μελαίνῃ ... - Τὴν δ’ ἄρα Φοίνικες πολυπαίπαλοι ἠπερόπευον. κ.τ.λ. - Odyssey, xv, 415. - -The recently discovered ruins in Mashonaland (Rhodesia) prove, perhaps, -that their unrecorded expeditions reached to S. Africa; see works by -Bent, Neal and Hall, Keane, etc. - -[764] 326 B.C. In Arrian’s Indica, 18, _et seq._ - -[765] Strabo, XVII, i, 13. - -[766] Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 26; Pseud-Arrian, Peripl. Mar. Erythr., -57. For a discussion as to the date of Hippalus see Vincent, Commerce -of the Ancients, ii, p. 47, etc. The S.W. monsoon blows from April to -October, the N.E. in the interval. - -[767] Very small, however, according to modern ideas; Pliny (_op. -cit._, vi, 24) gives them 3,000 _amphorae_, not more than 40 or 50 tons -register. Arrian (_op. cit._, 19) marks the distinction between “long, -narrow war-galleys and round, capacious trading ships.” A few great -ships—floating palaces rather—were built by the Ptolemies and Hiero -of Syracuse, but they were never seriously employed in navigation; -Athenaeus, v, 36, _et seq._ Yet ships of at least 250 tons register -were in common use by 170; Pand., L, v, 3. - -[768] Pliny, _op. cit._, vi, 26, _et seq._; Pseud-Arrian, _op. cit._, -57. The vessels had to be armed lest they should fall in with pirates. -“The merchant floating down the stream; the caravan crossing the -desert, mounting the defile, looking out upon the sea and its harbours; -the ferry passing the river; the mariners in their little ship—they -are real figures, yet they are nameless, all but a few; they suffer -and they succumb without ever finding a voice for their story. On the -desert, perhaps, a cloud of robber horse burst upon them; on the river -the boat sinks, overladen; in the mountain passes they drop with cold; -in the dirty lanes of the mart they die of disease. Commerce is not -organized, safeguarded, universalized, as at present, but, such as it -is, it reaches wide, and its life is never quite extinct.” Beazley, -Dawn of Modern Geography, i, p. 177. - -[769] Pliny, _op. cit._, vi, 19. He remarks that Pompey, during the -Mithridatic war, first made the existence of this trade known to the -Romans; cf. Strabo, XI, ii, 16; the geographer notes that Dioscurias, -about 50 miles north of Phasis, was a great barbarian mart frequented -by 70, or even, as some said, by 300 different nations; see also -Ammianus, xxiii, 6. - -[770] Cosmas, _op. cit._, ii; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 20. - -[771] So called from a sophist who was murdered there; Libanius, -Epist., 20. Previously Nicephorium. - -[772] Cod. Theod., VII, xvi, 2, 3, and Godfrey _ad loc._; Cod., IV, -lxiii, 4. - -[773] The inhabitants were a mixed race, containing Semitic and -Hellenic elements, etc. Greek inscriptions were common there; Cosmas, -_op. cit._, ii; cf. Philostorgius, iii, 6, etc. - -[774] For the transport of an army to the opposite coast the king was -able to collect 120 Roman, Persian, and native vessels; Act. Sanct. -(Boll.), lviii, p. 747 (not 1,300 as Finlay, i, p. 264, which comes -from adding a cipher to the figures in Surius). - -[775] Called Taprobane by the Greek and Roman writers. It was -distinguished by the possession of an immense lustrous jewel (ruby -perhaps) which scintillated from the top of a temple; Cosmas, _op. -cit._, xi. - -[776] The junks from Annam, as it appears, ploughed round the Malay -peninsula to Galle; Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, 1885, p. 178. -The Cingalese took no active part in the trade!; Tennant, Ceylon, i, p. -568 (_ibid._). - -[777] Cosmas, _op. cit._, xi. His own trade seems to have lain chiefly -between Adule and Malabar. In this age all the southern regions -eastward of the Nile were commonly referred to as India; and that river -was often named as the boundary between Africa and Asia. Hence the Nile -was said to rise in India; Procopius, De Aedific., vi, 1, etc. - -[778] Now Somaliland. - -[779] Cosmas, _op. cit._, xi; cf. Strabo, XVI, iv, 14. When Nonnosus -went to Axume, _c._ 330, he saw 5,000 elephants grazing in a vast -plain; Excerpt., p. 480. - -[780] Cosmas, _op. cit._, ii. This kind of wordless barter was also the -mode of trading with the Serae or Chinese on the higher reaches of the -Brahmaputra (?); Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 24; Ammianus, xxiii, 6; cf. -Herodotus, iv, 196. - -[781] Pliny, _op. cit._, xii, 30. This district was also called the -land of Frankincense; cf. Strabo, XVI, iv, 25; Pseud-Arrian, _op. -cit._, 29. There was also a port called Arabia Felix on or near the -site of modern Aden. - -[782] Cosmas, _op. cit._, xi. White slaves, especially beautiful -females for concubinage, were among the most important exports to -India; Pseud-Arrian, _op. cit._, 49. One Eudoxus tried to reach -that country by rounding West Africa with a cargo of choir girls, -physicians, and artisans, but twice failed; Strabo, II, iii, 4. In the -time of Pliny the Empire was drained by the East yearly to the amount -of £800,000 in specie; Hist. Nat., xii, 41. Statues and paintings were -also exported from the Empire; Strabo, XVI, iv, 26; Pseud-Arrian, _op. -cit._, 48; Philostratus, Vit. Apol., v, 20. The import of precious -stones, etc., may be conceived from the statement that Lollia Paulina -appeared in the theatre wearing emeralds and pearls to the value of -£304,000; Pliny, _op. cit._, ix, 58. - -[783] Cosmas, _op. cit._, ii. - -[784] Malchus, p. 234; Theophanes, an. 5990. The island was taken -by the Scenite (tent-dwelling) Arabs under Theodosius II, but was -recovered by Anastasius. - -[785] _Ibid._ - -[786] Antoninus Martyr, Perambulatio, etc., 38, 41 (trans. in Pal. -Pilgr. Text Soc., ii). The martyr, however, is a liar, as he professes -to have produced wine from water at Cana, unless some brother monk in -copying has been anxious to enhance his reputation. Clysma is now Suez. - -[787] Rhinocolura, near Gaza, was the depôt for this trade in the time -of Strabo (XVI, iv, 24). - -[788] Strabo, XVII, i, 45; Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 26; Pseud-Arrian, -_op. cit., passim_. Cosmas does not mention Berenice, but it was -flourishing in the time of Procopius (De Aedific., vi, 2). - -[789] Strabo, XVII, i, 45; Pliny, _op. cit._, vi, 26. - -[790] Strabo, XVI, iv, 24; XVII, iv, 10, _et seq._ There was a canal -from the Red Sea to the Nile, but it silted up too rapidly to be -permanently used. In Roman times Trajan last reopened it; see Lethaby -and S., _op. cit._, p. 236, for monographs on this subject. - -[791] Notitia Or., X, XII; Cod. Theod., X, xx, xxi, xxii, and -Godefroy’s commentaries; Cod., XI, viii, ix, x. - -[792] Strabo, XVI, iv, 24; Pliny, _op. cit._, v, 16. There were -different shades of purple and only the imperial shade was prohibited; -Pliny, _op. cit._, xxi, 22. The murex was gathered in several other -places, especially Laconia, where it was inferior only to that of Tyre; -Pausanias, iii, 21, etc. - -[793] Sozomen, v, 15. Much money was also coined at Cyzicus. - -[794] Cod. Theod., X, xx, 8. - -[795] Cod., IV, lxxxiii, 6. This doubtless applied only to great -houses, not to petty retail dealers and shopkeepers (to the -ἔμπορος not the κάπηλος); the number seems too large to understand it -of the capital alone. - -[796] Pliny, _op. cit._, viii, 73; Athenaeus, i, 50; xv, 17, etc. - -[797] Strabo, XII, viii, 16; Pliny, _op. cit._, 73, etc. - -[798] Athenaeus, ii, 30; vi, 67. - -[799] Pliny, _op. cit._, xi, 27, etc. It is a question whether the -transparent Coan fabrics were of silk, linen, or cotton, or a mixture. - -[800] Procopius, Anecdot., 25. - -[801] _Ibid._ - -[802] Athenaeus, i, 50. - -[803] Pliny, _op. cit._, xxxv, 46. - -[804] Strabo, XVI, ii, 25; Pliny, _op. cit._, xxxvi, 65. False stones -were plentifully manufactured; _ibid._, xxxvii, 78, etc. - -[805] Strabo, XIII, iv, 17. - -[806] Athenaeus, i, 50; xiii, 24. - -[807] Pliny, _op. cit._, xiii, 21. - -[808] Strabo, XVII, i, 15; Pliny, _op. cit._, xiii, 22; Hist. August. -Firmus, etc. - -[809] Pausanias, v, 5; vii, 21. - -[810] Strabo, XIII, iv, 14. - -[811] Cod. Theod., XV, xi; Cod., XI, xliv. Indigenously called Mabog. -It was a mart of venal beauty as well as of beasts; Lucian, De Syria -Dea. - -[812] Ammianus, xxix, 4; Procopius, Anecdot. 21. - -[813] Pliny, _op. cit._, iv, 27; xxxvii, 11. - -[814] Pliny, _op. cit._, xiv, _passim_; Athenaeus, i, 52, 55; x, -_passim_. - -[815] Strabo, XVII, iii, 23; Pliny, xxiv, 48; measuring more than 100 -by 30 miles. What silphium really was is now indeterminate, but it -was economically akin to garlic and asafoetida. It seems to have been -indispensable in ordinary cooking. - -[816] Totius Orb. Descript. (Müller, Geog. Graec. Min., Paris, 1861) -36; Procopius, De Aedific., v, 1. - -[817] Tot. Orb. Descr., 51, 53. This tract from a Greek original (_c._ -350) summarizes the productions of the whole Empire, and for the most -part confirms the continuance of the industries adverted to by the -earlier and more copious writers. - -[818] Athenaeus, i, 49. - -[819] _Ibid._ - -[820] Strabo, VII, vi, 2; Pliny, ix, 17, _et seq._ - -[821] Cosmas, _op. cit._, ii. - -[822] Several “embassies” from Rome are mentioned in the Chinese -annals, but nothing seems to have been known of them in the West. Stray -merchants sometimes penetrated very far; Strabo, XV, i, 4. At first -Rome is disguised as _Ta-thsin_, but later (643) the Byzantine power -figures as _Fou-lin_; see Pauthier, Relat. polit. de la Chine avec les -puiss. occid., 1859; cf. Hirth, _op. cit._, who was without books to -pursue the inquiry; Florus, iv, 12, etc. - -[823] Aristotle, Hist. Animal., v, 19; Pliny, _op. cit._, xi, 26; -Pausanias, vi, 26. - -[824] Cosmas, _op. cit._, ii. - -[825] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 30. - -[826] A serf was called _colonus_, _inquilinus_, or _adscriptus -glebae_, terms fairly synonymous; Cod., XI, xlvii, 13. Godefroy’s -paratitlon to Cod. Theod., V, ix, x, is an epitome of everything -relating to the serfs of antiquity; cf. Savigny, Römische Colonat -u.s.w. Berlin Acad., 1822-3. The name of modern works on slavery and -serfdom is legion. - -[827] Cod., XI, xlvii, 21. - -[828] _Ibid._, 18, 23. - -[829] Cod. Theod., X, xv, and Godefroy _ad loc._; Pand., XLVII, vi; -Novel., xvii, 17; lxxxv, 4, etc. This general disarmament of the -industrial classes often left them defenceless against the barbarian -raiders, as is instanced practically by Synesius, Epist. 107. Yet in an -age of non-explosives peasants armed only with agricultural implements -could become terrible, as was shown in Paphlagonia (359), when the -incensed Novatian sectaries routed the legionaries sent against them -with their hatchets, reaping-hooks, etc.; Socrates, ii, 30; Sozomen, -iv, 21. - -[830] Cod. Theod., X, xx, 16. - -[831] _Ibid._, X, xx, xxi, xxii; Cod., XI, viii, ix, x. To be a public -baker (_manceps_) was a particular sort of punishment; Cod. Theod., -XIV, lii, 22, etc. - -[832] _Ibid._, X, xx, 3, 5, 10, 15. Male and female alike, as well as -their offspring, became bound to the sodality into which they married. -The _addicti_ were branded on the arm like recruits; _ibid._, X, xxi, -4; cf. IX, xl, 2; Cod., XI, ix, 2. Scarcely less stringent were the -rules by which even the private guilds or colleges were governed. All -the trades were incorporated in such associations under an official -charter; Cod. Theod., XIV, ii-viii. But the note of personal liberty -had already been sounded, and the more coercive restrictions were -omitted from the later Code; cf. Choisy, L’art de batir chez les -Byzantins, Paris, 1883, p. 200, etc. (Mommsen’s pioneer work on guilds -is well known). - -[833] Cod. Theod., XIII, v, vi, ix; Cod., X, ii, etc. (and Godefroy). - -[834] Procopius, De Aedfiic., v, 1. - -[835] Although their property was held in lien by the state as security -for the maintenance of ships, it appears that they could grow rich -through the facilities they enjoyed for private commerce and possess an -independent fortune; Cod. Theod., XIII, vi; cf. Pand., L, iv, 5. Hence -some joined voluntarily. - -[836] Cod. Theod., XII, i. This title, the longest of all (192 laws), -provides us with a plummet with which we may sound the depths of their -misery, and exemplifies their eagerness to escape to any other mode of -existence as well as the stringency with which they were reclaimed. - -[837] Hence their property was always in chancery, as we may say, -and the Curia to which they belonged was their reversionary heir, -necessarily to a fourth; Cod., X, xxxiv. In the Code the laws relating -to them are reduced to about seventy; X, xxxi, _et seq._ Their duties -and liabilities are indexed in Godefroy’s paratitlon. Libanius had seen -people of substance reduced to beggary by these obligations; Epitaph. -Juliani (R., I., p. 571). Majorian (457-61) attempted reforms in the -West. - -[838] See Libanius, Epist., 248, 339, 825, 1079, 1143, etc. The sophist -had much interest owing to the number of pupils he had trained to -succeed in advocacy, etc., and could often beg off one old disciple -by appealing to another. A Rector’s nod in such cases was more potent -than an Imperial rescript; Cod. Theod., XII, i, 17; _ibid._, 1, -notwithstanding. Zeno enacted that even some Illustrious officials -should not be exempt after vacating their office; Cod., X, xxxi, 64, 65. - -[839] Fathers of a dozen children were released or not called upon; -Cod. Theod., XII, i, 55; Cod., X, xxxi, 24. Otherwise disease or -decrepit old age seem to have the only effective claims for relief, -apart from interest, bribery, etc. The general result of this political -economy was that the Empire resembled a great factory, in which each -one had a special place, and was excluded from everywhere else. -“In England a resident of Leeds is at home in Manchester, and has -judicially the same position as a citizen of Manchester, whereas in the -Roman Empire a citizen of Thessalonica was an alien in Dyrrachium; a -citizen of Corinth an alien in Patras”; Bury, Later Rom. Emp., i, p. 38. - -[840] The Verrine sequence of Cicero’s speeches remains a picture up -to this date of the usual tyranny of a Roman governor. Few went to the -provinces with any other idea but that of rapine. “Cessent jam nunc -rapaces officialium manus,” says Constantine, “cessent inquam: nam -si moniti non cessaverint, gladiis praecidentur,” etc.; Cod. Theod., -I, vii, 1. The revolution of two centuries brings no improvement: -“Confluunt huc (Constantinople) omnes ingemiscentes, sacerdotes, et -curiales, et officiales, et possessores, et populi, et agricolae, -judicum furta merito et injustitias accusantes,” etc.; Novel., viii, -Pro. For this law, ineffective as ever, all are enjoined to return -thanks to God! a vain parade of legislation. - -[841] Cod. Theod., X, xxiv; XII, ix; Salvian, De Gubern. Dei, v, 4, _et -passim_. Titles x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv (of X) deal with the self-seekers -who, in the guise of delators or informers, infested the Court in -unsettled times and tried to oust people from their possessions by -accusing them of treason; cf. Ammianus, xix, 12, etc. - -[842] Cod. Theod., XI, vi; Ammianus, xvii, 3; Salvian, _op. cit._, v, -7, etc. - -[843] So Verres, ii, 38, etc. - -[844] Cod. Theod., XII, vi, 27, etc. - -[845] _Ibid._, XI, vi, viii; XV, i; and Godefroy’s commentaries. The -Defenders of the Cities seem to have been in general too cowed to -exercise their prerogative or were gained over. - -[846] _Ibid._, VIII, xv. In this, as in other instances, I refer to the -laws against the offences which were committed in disregard of them. -Godefroy usually supplies exemplifications. - -[847] _Ibid._, XI, xxx, 4; xxxiv. - -[848] Cod. Theod., X, ix, 1, and Godefroy _ad loc._; cf. _ibid._, i, -2; Novel. xvii, 15; Agathias, v, 4. They even attempted to invalidate -Imperial grants. Notices on purple cloth were suspended to denote -confiscation of estates to the crown. - -[849] Cassiodorus, Var. Epist., v, 34; ix, 14, etc. - -[850] Palladius, Vit. Paphnutii; Hist. Lausiaca, 63 (not by Jerome, as -Godefroy _ad_ Cod. Theod., III, iii). - -[851] Synesius, Epist., 79, 96, etc. These may have been isolated -devices of Andronicus at Ptolemais. One of his subordinates used to -seize objects of art _à la_ Verres. Yet these men were only reached by -the happy thought of excommunicating them. In this the great Athanasius -had set the example. - -[852] Cod. Theod., IX, xxxv, and Godefroy. This was the regular method -of scourging, but illegal as a means of enforcing payment of taxes; -_ibid._, XI, vii, 7. The Egyptians were particularly obstinate, and -even proud to show the weals they had suffered sooner than pay; -Ammianus, xxii, 6, 16. - -[853] Cod. Theod., XI, xxviii, 10, 14; cf. vii, 20. - -[854] Evagrius, iii, 39. He pretended to have made a sad mistake, and -spread a report that he would promptly reimpose it were he not without -documentary evidence to enable the books to be reopened. Enticed by -this ruse the knavish collectors brought in the accounts they had kept -back and a second conflagration was made with them. - -[855] Under Arcadius the traffic was barefaced by Eutropius, and -probably little less so in the succeeding reign by Chrysaphius: - - Vestibulo pretiis distinguit regula gentes. - Tot Galatae, tot Pontus, eat, tot Lydia nummis. - Si Lyciam tenuisse velis, tot millia ponas, etc. - Claudian, In Eutropium, i, 202. - -Afterwards it was more underhand; see Novel. viii. - -[856] As Bury well observes; Gibbon, v, p. 533. - -[857] Cod., I, xlviii. - -[858] Novel. viii; xcv; clxi. - -[859] Cod. Theod., III, iii; V, viii; XI, xxvii, and Godefroy’s -illustrations. Sold in this way, Roman citizens were not held in -perpetual bondage, but regained their liberty after serving for a term; -cf. Cassiodorus, Var. Ep., viii, 33. Constantine was shocked to find -that deaths from starvation were frequent in his dominions, and so -advertised a measure of outdoor relief, which Rectors were instructed -to exhibit conspicuously in all parts; cf. Lactantius, Divin. Inst., -vi, 20. The same Constantine is the author of an extravagant law by -which lovers who elope together are subjected to capital (?) punishment -without any suffrance of accommodation, whilst even persons who may -have counselled them to the step are condemned to perish by having -molten lead poured down their throats. By such frantic whims could -legislation be travestied in those days; Cod. Theod., IX, xxiv. - -[860] Cod. Theod., II, xiv; Cod., II, xvi; Augustine, Enarr. in Psalm. -XXI, etc. - -[861] Cod., IX, xii, 10. See Priscus for a general outline of some of -the grievances dealt with in this article; Hist. Goth. Excerpt., p. -190; cf. Nov. xxxiii, etc. - -[862] Cod. Theod., XI, xxiv; Cod., XI, liii; cf. liv. Libanius in the -East and Salvian in the West, at the distance of nearly a century, -complain in analogous terms of the manner in which the wealthy -residents turned the tribulations of their poorer neighbours to their -own profit; De Prostasiis (ii, p. 493 R.); De Gubern. Dei, v, 8, 9; cf. -Nov. xxxiii, etc. - -[863] Cod. Theod., XIII, i, 16; XVI, ii, 10, etc. “Distincta enim -stipendia sunt religionis et calliditatis” is the caustic taunt -put into the mouth of Arcadius. The concessions were withdrawn by -Valentinian III (Novel. II, xii), ineffectively we may safely assume -from Nov. xliii; 1,100 duty-free shops at CP. belonging to St. Sophia -alone. - -[864] Cod. Theod., XII, xiv. - -[865] _Ibid._, IX, xxx, 2, 5; xxxi. A further hardship was the -quartering of soldiers on private persons, but this, of course, -was only local and temporary. The Goths and other barbarians were -especially harsh and grasping among those who had to receive them when -in transit through the country; see Jos. Stylites, _op. cit._, 86. -Generally the military were arrogant towards, and contemned the civil -population; Zosimus, ii, 34. - -[866] There seems to be no good reason why children should not now be -taught from a primer of scientific cosmology, and have a catechism -of ethics as well to the exclusion of everything mythological. The -human brain is a weak organ of mind, and requires, above all things, -a tonic treatment. Nothing can be more enfeebling than any teaching -which causes children to imagine that they are surrounded by unseen -intelligences having the power to affect them for good or evil. In most -instances, a mind so subdued never recovers its resiliency; liberty -of thought is always hampered by dread of the invisible; and many of -our greatest men have been unable in after life to free themselves -from this fatuity. There should, however, be places of public assembly -where people could resort for ethical direction and encouragement, -without the lessons taught being vitiated or nullified by being made to -depend on mythology. But the objectionable name “agnostic” should be -discarded, as if to be properly educated were to belong to a peculiar -sect. It suggests a country in which a special designation has to be -given to all who are neither diseased nor deformed. - -[867] Even Cicero affects to think it _infra dig._ for him to show any -correct knowledge of the most famous Greek sculptors; Verres, II, iv. - -[868] Suetonius, De Ill. Gram., 2; De Clar. Rhet., 1; Aul. Gell., xv, -11. Crates Mallotes has the credit of being the first Greek Grammarian -who taught at Rome, _c. 157_ B.C. The Rhetoricians had migrated -earlier, and in 161 a SC. was launched against them, and again a few -years later. - -[869] When the system was fully organized under Ant. Pius (138-161), -the largest communities were allowed ten Physicians, five Rhetoricians -(or Sophists), and three Grammarians; the smallest recognized under the -scheme, five Physicians, three Rhetoricians, and three Grammarians; -Pand., XXVII, i, 6; Hist. August. Ant. Pius, 11. Antonius Musa, -physician to Augustus, seems to have been the first learned man to -whom public honours were decreed at Rome, viz., a statue of brass on -the recovery of the Emperor, 23 B.C.; Suetonius, August., 59, 81. He -was even the cause of privileges being conferred on his profession -generally; Dion Cass., liii, 30. Vespasian was the first to give -regular salaries to Rhetoricians; he also gave handsome presents to -poets, artists, and architects, and granted relief from public burdens -to physicians and philosophers; Suetonius in Vita, 18; Pand., L, iv, -18(30). But the idea of remitting their taxes to learned men was old; -Diogenes Laert., Pyrrho, 5. That of selling philosophers for slaves -when they could not pay them, was also old; _ibid._, Xenocrates; Bion. -Hadrian, called _Graeculus_ from his pedantry, also did much for the -cause of learning; Hist. August. in Vita, 1, 17, and commentators. The -Athenaeum at Rome was his foundation, an educational college of which -no details are known; Aurel. Victor, in Vita. Alexander Sev. went -further than any of his predecessors in granting an allowance to poor -students; Hist. August. in Vita, 44. - -[870] Cod. Theod., XV, i, 53, and Godefroy _ad loc._ - -[871] Zacharias, De Opific., Mund., 40, _et seq._ (in Migne, S. G., -lxxxv, 1011); See Hasaeus, De Acad. Beryt., etc. Halae Magd., 1716. The -humblest school was adorned with figures of the Muses; Athenaeus, viii, -41; Diogenes Laert., Diog., 6. A lecture hall was generally called a -“Theatre of the Muses”; Himerius, Or., xxii; Themistius, Or., xxi. - -[872] Diogenes Laert., Theophrastus, 14; Eumenius, De Schol. Instaur.; -Themistius, Or., xxvi, etc. - -[873] Gregory Naz., Laud. Basil, 14, _et seq._ In Julian, ii; Zosimus, -v, 5. Synesius pictures the schools as deserted when he visited Athens -(_c. 410_); no philosophers, no painted porches, nothing in evidence -but the jars of honey from Hymettus. Hypatia, in fact, was attracting -every one to Alexandria. After her murder, however, it doubtless began -to recuperate (_c_. 415). Themistius inveighs against those parents -who sent their sons to a _place_ on account of its repute, instead of -looking out for the _best man_. He mentions that pupils came to him -at CP. from Greece and Ionia; Or., xxvii; xxiii. The students of this -age are described as extremely fractious. At Athens, a great commotion -greeted the arrival of a freshman, who was put through a rude ordeal -until they had passed him into the public bath, whence he issued again -as an accepted comrade; Gregory Naz., Laud. Basil., 16. There also they -fought duels, and Libanius reprobates their presenting themselves to -him slashed with knives; Epist., 627; Himerius, Or., xxii. Practical -jokes amongst themselves, or played on the professors, were often -pushed by the students to the verge of criminality; Pand. praef., -2(9). At Carthage St. Augustine found his class for rhetoric so unruly -that he threw it up and migrated to Rome. There, indeed, they were -more orderly, but indulged in the galling practice of flocking in a -body to a certain teacher, whom they suddenly abandoned after a time, -forgetting to pay their fees. Sick of it all, he eagerly closed with an -offer of the P. U. to take up a salaried post at Milan; Confess., v, 8, -12, 13. - -[874] Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 3; Cod., XI, xviii. - -[875] _Ibid._ - -[876] Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 2. Constantius seems to have founded the -first great library (_c._ 351), and another was originated by Julian; -Themistius, Or., iv; see p. 88. Themistius says that he spent twenty -years in studying the “old treasures” of literature at CP.; Or., xxxiii -(p. 359, Dind.). - -[877] Themistius, Or., xxiii; xxviii, etc. Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant. -Hom. xvii, 2 (in Migne, ii, 173). - -[878] See p. 58; Themistius, Or., xxiv; cf. Cresollius, Theatr. Vet. -Rhet., Paris, 1620, a huge repertory of details relating to this class. - -[879] Themistius, Or., xxviii, etc. - -[880] Themistius, Or., xiii; Chrysostom, In Epist. ad Ephes. Hom. xxi, -3 (in Migne, xi, 153); Eunapius, Proaeresius. These popular lectures -were often merely colloquial entertainments, such as used to be -associated with the name of Corney Grain, without the music. See the -correspondence of Basil Mag. with Libanius, Epist., 351 (Migne), _et -seq._, L.’s most effective piece, a dialogue in which he mimicked the -fretfulness of a morose man. - -[881] Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 1, and Godefroy _ad loc._ At this time, -however, pagan professors were often much persecuted by Christian -fanatics, and Themistius complains that they were even officially -muzzled; Or., xxvi, and _ibid._ Professors were naturally the last to -become converts. As to the general esteem in which the class was held, -see the poetical commemoration of the Bordeaux professors by Ausonius. -Lucian deals satirically with philosophers in his Eunuch, De Merc. -Cond., Hermotimus, etc. - -[882] Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 7, and Godefroy _ad loc._; Cod., X, lii, -8; Themistius, Or., xxi, etc. Chrysostom, _loc. cit._ (note 4 _supra_). - -[883] Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 5. A law of Julian to facilitate his -ousting Christian professors, but retained for its literal application. - -[884] Themistius fairly covers the ground as to this question; Or., -xxi; xxiii. The inferior teachers were exacting, and even extortionate. -They accused him of requiring a talent (£240?), but he asked nothing at -CP. where he was subsidized; on the contrary, he assisted needy pupils. -Still, he received a great deal of money as presents. At Antioch, where -it was the custom, he took fees like the rest. For more ancient times -and generally, see Cresollius, _op. cit._, v, 3, 4, etc. What the -government paid is uncertain. Augustus gave V. Flaccus £800 a year for -acting exclusively as tutor to his nephews; Suetonius, De Ill. Gram., -17. £1,040 has been conjectured as the salary of Eumenius (600,000 -_nummi_, _op. cit._). In Diocletian’s Act for fixing prices, ordinary -schoolmasters are allowed only about 4_s._ a month, professors 12_s._; -for each pupil in a class, of course. The case of M. Aurelius bestowing -£400 per ann. on the professors at Athens is also to be noted; Dion -Cass., lxxxi, 31. - -[885] Chrysostom, Genesis, i, Hom. iii, 3 (in Migne, iv, 29); In Epist. -ad Coloss. Hom. iv, 3 (in Migne, xi, 328); Paulus Aegin., i, 14; cf. -Quintilian, i, 1, etc. Youths from the provinces studying at Rome were -packed home again at twenty, but this order seems to have been dropped -later on; Cod. Theod., XIV, ix, 1 (not retained in Code). - -[886] On first methods with children, see Quintilian, i; Jerome, -Epist., 107; Chrysostom, Ad Pop. Ant. Hom. xvi, 14 (in Migne, ii, -168); De Mut. Nom. ii, 1 (in Migne, iii, 125); Genesis, i, Hom. iii, -3; Epist. Coloss. i, Hom. iv, 3 (in Migne, xi, 329), etc. Libanius, In -Chriis (Reiske, ii, p. 868). The first book of Augustine’s Confessions -gives many particulars as to his own bringing up in childhood. Greek -nursemaids were hired at Rome so that young children might learn the -language; Tacitus, De Caus. Cor. Eloq., 29. Wooden or ivory letters -were used as playthings. These schoolmasters are represented as very -harsh instructors, who cowed the spirit of their pupils. The rod was -freely used, and chiefly by the paedagogue. Even scholars of maturer -age were corrected by whipping. Libanius used to “wake up the lazy ones -with a strap, the incorrigible he expelled.” Epist., 1119. Chrysostom -himself accepts as axiomatic that nothing can be done with boys without -beating; Act. Apost. Hom. xlii, 4 (in Migne, ix, 308). Quintilian and -Paul of Aegina, however, advise going on the opposite tack; _loc. cit._ - -[887] Pand., L, v, 2, etc. - -[888] Martianus Capella, an African who lived in the fifth century, is -the author of the only self-contained manual of liberal education which -has come down to us. His treatise seems to contain all the book-work a -student was expected to do while under oral teaching by the professors. -Cassiodorus has left a slight tract, but he recommends other volumes to -supplement his own merely tentative work. Isidore of Seville, a century -later, has also included an epitome of the seven liberal arts in the -first three books of his Etymologies, but his exposition is almost as -thin as that of Cassiodorus. The remaining seventeen books are a sort -of encyclopaedic dictionary with explanatory jottings on almost every -subject, well worth dipping into. - -[889] Introduced, perhaps, by Boethius; De Arith., i, 1. -Τετρακτὺς is found in Greek; Anna Comn.; i, pref.; see Ducange, -_sb. voc._ The latter word is really the original and goes back to -Pythagorean times. - -[890] See Priscian, Partitiones, xii, Vers. Aen., etc. - -[891] After Rome had produced good writers, such as Virgil, Horace, -Livy, etc., they were added to the course of literature in the West; -Quintilian, i, 8; x. - -[892] There is some obscurity about his date, which suggests that he -was a centenarian. Ordericus Vit. says he died in 425; cf. Cassiodorus, -De Orthograph., 12, etc. - -[893] “One father,” says Chrysostom, “points out to his son how some -one of low birth by learning eloquence obtained promotion to high -office, won a rich wife, and became possessed of wealth with a fine -house, etc., or how another through a mastery of Latin achieved a great -position at Court”; Adv. Oppug. Vit. Mon., iii, 5 (in Migne, i, 357). - -[894] The details of teaching are presented most circumstantially in -the rhetorical catechism of Fortunatianus (_c. 450_). - -[895] Cresollius has brought together an immense amount of information -on this branch of the art in his Vacationes Autumnales, Paris, 1620; -cf. Kayser in his introduction to the lives of Philostratus (Teubner). -Blandness of voice was sedulously pursued by professional sophists, and -_plasmata_, or emollient medicaments were much resorted to. There was -a _phonascus_, or voice-trainer, who paid special attention to such -matters. - -[896] Libanius has outlined very clearly the course of instruction -through which he put his class; Epist., 407. - -[897] Nothing could be more meagre than the allusions to this subject; -even the treatise on geometry by Boethius, which seems to have been -the only one current, contains little more than enunciations of -propositions. - -[898] I have already referred to the geography of this period, see p. -182. - -[899] - - Altera pars orbis sub aquis jacet invia nobis, - Ignotaeque hominum gentes, nec transita regna, - Commune ex uno lumen ducentia sole, etc. - Manilius (Weber), i, 375. - -The Christian fathers ridicule the antipodes severely. “More rational -to say that black was white”; Lactantius, Div. Inst., iii, 24; Epitome, -39. “The earth stands firm on water [going back to Thales] and does -not turn”; Chrysostom, Genesis, Hom. xii, 3, 4 (in Migne, iv, 101); In -Titum Hom. iii, 3 (in Migne, xi, 680); cf. Cosmas Ind., _op. cit._, x, -for other theological authorities on cosmology. - -[900] Such as that five represents the world, being made up of three -and two, which typify male and female respectively; or that seven -equates Minerva, the virgin, neither contained or containing; and -other Pythagorean notions; see M. Capella, vii, and the arithmetic of -Boethius. - -[901] Such is the well-known system elaborated by Hipparchus and -Ptolemy, but the Pythagoreans put the sun at the centre, though without -definite reasons and with imaginative details; see Diogenes Laert. -and Delambre’s Hist. Astron. Ant. Although Democritus, Epicurus, and -others held that there were an infinite number of worlds (κόσμοι), they -regarded the objective universe as only one of them, and had no idea -that myriads of systems similar to that in which they lived lay before -their eyes. - -[902] Thus M. Capella states that Mercury and Venus revolve round -the sun; and Isidore of Seville says the crystalline sphere runs so -fast that did not the stars retard it by running the opposite way the -universe would fall to pieces; Etymolog., iii, 35. - -[903] See Themistius, Or., xxvi (p. 327 Dind.); cf. Boethius (?), De -Discipl. Scholar., iii. - -[904] Graduated from about A below treble stave to E in fourth space (A -to E″ = La_{2} to Mi_{4}), but there seems to have been great variety -in pitch. - -[905] Cassiodorus often alludes to the organ of his time, especially in -Exposit. Psal. CL, where he describes many instruments. See Daremberg -and Saglio, _sb. voc._ - -[906] See M. Capella, ix; Boethius on Music, etc., and Hadow’s Oxford -History of Music, 1901. - -[907] See Plato, Protagoras, 43, etc. Even in the time of Homer the -Greek warriors were practical musicians, but the Romans were not -so originally. I can make no definite statement as to how far the -Byzantine upper classes were performers on instruments at this date, -but see Jerome, Ep., 107. Further remarks on Greek education, with -references to an earlier stratum of authors, will be found in Hatch, -Hibbert Lectures, 1888, ii, _et seq._ There is a great compilation by -Conringius (De Antiq. Academ., Helmstadt, 1651), which I have found -extremely useful. From the observations of Chrysostom (see p. 118), it -appears that little advantage was taken of educational facilities in -his day, but it may be assumed that the foundation of the Auditorium -caused mental culture to be fashionable, at least for a time. - -[908] Themistius, Or., xxvi, _loc. cit._ Theodosius II was the first -Christian emperor who systematically fostered philosophy by creating -a faculty at CP. and extending clearly to philosophers the immunities -granted to other professors; Cod. Theod., XIII, iii, 16; XIV, ix, -3; Cod., X, lii, 14, etc. We are continually reminded that Socrates -brought down the sophists of his time from star-gazing and speculation -as to the origin of things to the ethics of common life. Thence arose -a succession of dialogues in which Utopian republics were discussed, -where wives should be in common so that everybody might be the -supposititious brother, etc., of every one else. A more harmonious -community could not be engendered by such a device; cf. Herodotus, iv, -104. - -[909] See the elogium of Berytus in Nonnus, Dionysiacs, xli. From -389, etc., Hasacus (_op. cit._) thinks that the school was founded by -Augustus after the battle of Actium, but it is first distinctly noted -as flourishing _c. 231_; Gregory Thaum., Panegyric. in Origen, 1, 5 (in -Migne, S. G., 1051). - -[910] Pand. praef., 2 [7]; Totius Orb. Descript.; Gotlefroy _ad_ Cod. -Theod., XI, i, 19, etc. - -[911] Nowhere definitely expressed, but inferred from Pand. praef., 2 -(superscription), with confirmative evidence; see Hasaeus, _op. cit._, -viii, 2, _et seq._ - -[912] The freshmen rejoiced in the “frivolous and ridiculous cognomen” -of _Dupondii_ (equivalent to “Tuppennies,” apparently); in the second -year they became _Edictionaries_ (students of Hadrian’s Perpetual -Edict); thirdly, _Papinianistae_ (engaged on the works of Papinian); -fourthly, Αύται (when reading Paulus); fifthly, the last year, -_Prolytae_ (mainly given up to reviewing previous studies); Pand. -praef., 2. The last two terms are not explained; the idea is evidently -that of being _loosed_ or dismissed from the courses. Cf. Macarius -Aegypt. Hom. xv, 42 (in Migne, S. G., xxxiv, 604), who presents a -different scheme, perhaps, from the Alexandrian law-school. - -[913] The first attempt at consolidating the laws was the Perpetual -Edict of Hadrian, _c. 120_. - -[914] Pand., _loc. cit._ And many more were probably dragged up in -court from time to time, which it would be the bent of despotism to -taboo. Cod. Theod., I, iv, gives the rule as to deciding knotty points -by the collation of legal experts. - -[915] It was specially decreed by Diocletian that students might remain -at B. to the age of twenty-five; Cod., X, xlix, 1. This law could -doubtless be pleaded even against a call to their native Curia. We -need not suppose that the periods allotted to the various branches of -education were always rigidly adhered to in spite of circumstances. -Thus Libanius complains that his pupils used to run off to the study -of law before he had put them through the proper routine of rhetorical -training, the moment they had mastered a little Latin in fact; iii, p. -441-2 (Reiske). - -[916] Sufficiat medico ad commendandam artis auctoritatem, si -Alexandriae se dixerit eruditum; Ammianus, xxii, 16. This celebrity was -won _c. 300_ B.C. through the distinction acquired by Erasistratus and -Herophilus. See Conringius, _op. cit._, i, 26. - -[917] Cod., I, ii, 19, 22; this and the next title for charities -_passim_. - -[918] Even Plato held this notion (Timaeus, 72), but it was flouted at -once by Chrysippus; Plutarch, De Stoic. Repug., 29. - -[919] Galen gives very correct descriptions of the action of the -larynx; Oribasius, xxiv, 9; and tells us how he satisfied himself by -various vivisections that the blood actually flowed in the arteries; An -Sanguis in Arter. Nat. Cont.; De Placit., i, 5; vi, 7, 8, etc. - -[920] Themistius, Or., i. - -[921] What appears to be an epitome of current knowledge of natural -history and botany is given by Cicero in De Nat. Deor., ii, 47, etc. - -[922] See especially Dioscorides, ii. Tinctures and ointments made from -toads, scorpions, bugs, woodlice, centipedes, cockroaches, testes of -stag and horse, etc., were staple preparations. The realistic coloured -illustrations in the great edition published by Lonicerus in 1563 with -a colossal commentary, are worth looking at. The pills of seminal fluid -(_à la_ Brown-Séquard) decried in the _Pistis Sophia_ appear to have -been merely a mystic remedy. - -[923] The profession did not yet stand apart from the lay community -as pronouncedly as at present. Thus Celsus, author of a noted medical -treatise, was an amateur, a Roman patrician in fact; and the precious -MS. of Dioscorides, with coloured miniatures, preserved at Vienna, was -executed (_c. 500_) for a Byzantine princess, Julia Anicia, daughter of -Olybrius, one of the fleeting emperors of the West. - -[924] Less than a century previously Plutarch had declared the common -opinion that Fortune, having divested herself of her pinions and winged -shoes, had settled down as a permanent inhabitant of the Palatine Hill; -De Fortuna Rom. - -[925] Art in the time of Augustus and Tiberius has to be judged mainly -by the wall-paintings recovered at Rome and Pompeii, many of which are -highly meritorious. For succeeding centuries a series of sculptures -remain which allow us to keep the retreat of art in constant view. -The chief landmarks are: 1. The arch of Titus and the column of -Trajan; 2. The Antonine column and the arch of Severus; 3. The arch -of Constantine, remarkable for its crudity and for some spaces being -filled by figures ravished from that of Titus; 4. The Theodosian -column at CP.; though much defaced, the incapacity of the executant is -still recognizable. The reproduction of the Arcadian pillar published -by Banduri (see p. 49) cannot be regarded as a faithful copy, it -being evident that the artist has elevated the bas-reliefs to his own -standard. In Agincourt, _op. cit._, and Mau’s Pompeii these subjects -are pictorially represented, as well as in many other works. - -[926] Cod. Theod., XIII, iv, 1. Architectis plurimis opus est, sed quia -non sunt, etc. (334). His buildings were so hastily run up that they -soon went to ruin; Zosimus, ii, 32. Hence, perhaps, C.’s opinion that -there were no proper architects. - -[927] Cod. Theod., XIII, iv, 1, 4. Few, however, of these regulations, -if any, were new; they were mostly in force before the reign of -Commodus; Pand., L, vi, 9. - -[928] In the eleventh century, after a flush of splendour in the -already greatly contracted Empire, owing to the conquests of the -Saracens, this particular form of degeneracy began to be manifested. -“Les personnages sont trop longs, leur bras trop maigres, leur gestes -et leur mouvements plein d’affectation; une rigidité cadavérique est -repandue sur l’ensemble”; Kondakoff, Hist. de l’art byz., Paris, 1886, -ii, p. 138. - -[929] This was not altogether new to the Greeks; for in the -juxtaposition of Athenian and Assyrian bas-reliefs at the British -Museum it can be seen that even the school of Phidias adhered to some -types which had originated in the East, drawing of horses, etc. - -[930] See Lethaby and Swainson for arguments on this head. Certain -churches in the domical style at Antioch, Salonica, etc., are -maintained by some authorities to be anterior to the sixth century; -_op. cit._, x. For illustrations see Vogüé, Archit. de la Syrie cent., -Paris, 1865-77. - -[931] Thus even maidens in a state of nudity engaged publicly in the -athletic games at Sparta and Chios; Plutarch, Lycurgus; Athenaeus, -xiii, 20. The parade of virgins before Zeuxis at Agrigentum in order -that he might select models for his great picture of the birth of -Venus, as related by Pliny, has often been quoted; Hist. Nat., xxxv, -36. Yet even among the Greeks a squeamish modesty existed in some -quarters, as is evidenced by the famous statue of Venus by Praxiteles -having been rejected by the Coans in favour of a draped one, previous -to its being set up at Cnidus; _ibid._, xxxvi, 4; cf. Lucian, Amores. - -[932] Thus Shakespeare: - - See what a grace was seated on this brow: - Hyperion’s curls; the front of Jove himself; - An eye like Mars, to threaten and command; - A station like the herald Mercury, - New-lighted on a heaven-kissing hill. - Hamlet, III, 4. - - -[933] See p. 109. - -[934] They vary in merit considerably; see some reproductions of the -better ones in Bayet, L’art byz., Paris, 1892, ii, 3, and other similar -works, especially Gori, _op. cit._ Specimens at South Kensington. - -[935] Choricius of Gaza (_c._ 520) has left us an elaborate description -of such a church interior and also of the frescoes in a palace. The -whole has been republished by Bertrand in his work, Un art crit. dans -l’antiq., Paris, 1882. Modern Greek churches are precisely similar, -and those belonging to the monasteries of Mt. Athos are especially -noteworthy; see Bayet, _op. cit._, iv, 2. Two can be inspected in -London. That in Bayswater is a “Kutchuk Aya Sofia.” Walsh’s CP., Lond., -1838, has a good engraving; ii, p. 31. See also the striking mosaics -of St. George’s, Salonica (Texier and P., _op. cit._), the Pompeiesque -style of which suggest an early date in church building—vistas of -superimposed arcades raised on a forest of fantastically graceful, but -impossible columns, architecture run wild in fact. - -[936] “Du moment qu’il avait exécuté une composition dans la manière -antique et qu’il y avait mis toute la splendeur de sa palette, il -ne se demandait pas si le dessin de ses personnages était correct -ou non, s’ils se trainaient bien sur leur jambes, s’ils étaient -réellement assis sur une chaise ou un fauteuil, ou simplement appuyés -contre ces meubles”; Kondakoff, _op. cit._, i, 108. Of existing MSS. -with coloured miniatures, only some six or eight date back to these -early centuries. Labarte’s Hist. des arts indust., Paris, 1892, with -coloured facsimiles is the most satisfying work in which to study -mediaeval art objectively. At South Kensington a variety of specimens -are to be found, including ivories, enamels, paper casts of mosaics, -reproductions of frescoes, etc., many of which go as far back as the -sixth century. - -[937] Oribasius, physician to Julian, seems to be the genuine father of -bookmaking, the real prototype of the “scissors and paste” author, but -he foreran the swarming of the brood by a couple of centuries. - -[938] Gregory Nys., De Vit. S. Macrinae (in Migne, iii, 960). Whence it -appears that it was unusual for them to be taught to apply themselves -to the distaff or the needle. Maidenhood was mostly passed in luxury -and adornment; Chrysostom, Qual. Duc. Sint Uxores, 9 (in Migne, iii, -239); in Epist. ad Ephes., iv, Hom. xiii, 3 (in Migne, xi, 97); cf. -Jerome, Epist., 128, 130. The latter sets forth his ideas as to the -training of a girl at some length. As soon as she has imbibed the -first rudiments she is to begin psalm-singing and reading of prophets, -apostles, etc. Later she should proceed to the study of the fathers, -especially Cyprian, Athanasius, and Hilarius. She should spend much -time in church with her parents, and must be guarded circumspectly from -the attentions of the curled youth (_cincinatti_, _calamistrati_). She -rises betimes to sing hymns, and employs herself generally in weaving -plain textures. Silks and jewellery are to be rigorously eschewed; -and the saint cannot reconcile himself to the idea of an adult virgin -making use of the bath, as she should blush to see herself naked; -Epist., 107. His remarks, of course, apply directly to life at Rome. - -[939] From Jerome’s letter just quoted it appears that it was usual for -girls to play on the lyre, pipe, and organ. - -[940] See her life by Gregorovius, 1892. Her cento of Homeric verses -applied to Christ is extant. To her inspiration most probably is due -the foundation of the Auditorium at CP., and the prominence given -to philosophy. Pulcheria was occupied in building churches and in -disinterring the relics of martyrs. - -[941] She is best known from the epistles of Synesius. Nothing of -hers is extant. Murdered 415, wife or maid uncertain; see Suidas, -_sb. nom._ She was scraped to pieces with shells, a mode of official -torture peculiar to the Thebais, which may have been inflicted often on -Christian ladies during Pagan persecutions. In other districts an iron -scraper was used; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., viii, 9; 3, etc. - -[942] I need not refer more particularly to the phenomena of -radio-activity and cathode rays, information concerning which has been -exploited by every popular periodical. The atoms (electrons) which -become visible in the low-pressure tube have been calculated to be of -but 1∕800 the magnitude of the hydrogen atom, and many physicists are -inclined to regard them as the first state of matter on its way to -resolution into the formless protyle or ether. - -[943] A great part of modern books on chemistry is now devoted to -synthesis. Not only have such well-known organic substances as indigo, -vanilla, citric acid, etc., been prepared artificially, but also those -new articles of commerce, the aniline dyes, saccharine, etc. Numbers of -new drugs for therapeutic experiment are synthetized annually in the -great German laboratories of Bayer, Merck, etc. - -[944] Especially suggestive are the ingenious experiments with -ferments, which tend to show that the anabolic and katabolic activities -of living matter may soon be imitated in the laboratory; see Buchner, -Bericht d. deutsch. chem. Gesel., xxx, xxxi, xxxii; also recent -physiological treatises in which are contained the speculations of -Pflüger and others as to the “biogens” of protoplasm, etc. Most -important of all is Loeb’s discovery of the possibility of chemical -fertilization; see Boveri, Das Problem der Befruchtung, Jena, 1902. - -[945] Archytas, with his flying wooden dove, was the most noted -mechanician in this line; A. Gellius, x, 12, etc. - -[946] Even windmills were unknown until they were introduced into -Europe by the Saracens in the twelfth century. - -[947] It appears that of late years a dearth of candidates for orders -in every religious denomination of Christendom has been experienced, -but this may be due merely to the usual poverty of the career. The -Church should fall to principle not to poverty. And here we may -catch a glimpse of the process by which the various Protestant sects -may ultimately die out naturally: that young men of high character, -ambitious of honourable distinction, will avoid a profession which -entails an attitude of disingenuous reserve towards those whom they -are deputed to instruct. On the other hand it may be foreseen that the -Romish and Orthodox churches, upholding as they do a gross superstition -and instituting the members of their priesthood almost from childhood, -will retain their power over the masses for a much longer period, -until at last they have to face suppression by force. Those who at the -present time are engaged in impressing a belief in obsolete mythologies -on the community should realize that they are doing an evil service to -their generation instead of exerting themselves for the liberation and -elevation of thought. However brilliant their temporary position, they -deserve, much more than the oblivious patriot, to go down - - To the vile dust from whence they sprung, - Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung. - - -[948] Grotius has made a large collection of those passages in -classical and other ancient writers, which seem to support the -creation-myth of Genesis; De Veritate Relig. Christ., i, 16. For the -Chaldaean or Babylonian variations, and some earlier associations of -Adam, see King’s Seven Tablets of Creation, Lond., 1903. It appears -that the protoplast in the original account was created by Marduk, the -tutelary deity of Babylonia, out of his own blood, a circumstance which -the “priestly” redactor of Genesis has suppressed, together with many -other interesting details; cf. Radau, Creation Story of Genesis i, -Chicago, 1903. Margoliouth’s attempt to show that Abraham’s Jehovah was -the male moon-god of Ur is interesting; Contemporary Review, 1896. - -[949] In this country the subject of comparative mythology and the -origin of theistic notions has been exhaustively treated by Herbert -Spencer, Andrew Lang, J. G. Frazer, and others. Nevertheless, it -cannot be determined whether the fear of ghosts or the innate bent of -the human mind to speculate as to casuality is the germ of religious -systems. Their development has, no doubt, always been much indebted to -the ascendancy to be gained as the reward of successful imposture in -such matters. - -[950] Avowed atheists were rare among the Greeks, as there was always -some personal risk in ventilating opinions which clashed with the -popular superstitions. Some, however, incurred the odium of holding -such views. Of these the most noteworthy was Diagoras, who is said to -have impiously chopped up his image of Hercules to boil his turnips; -Athenagoras, Apol., 4. The jaunty impiety of Dionysius, tyrant of -Syracuse (_c. 400_ B.C.), was celebrated in antiquity. After pillaging -the temple of the Locrian Proserpine, he sailed back home and, finding -the wind favourable, remarked to his companions, “See what a fine -passage the gods are granting to us sacrilegious reprobates.” He seized -the golden cloak from the shoulders of Jupiter Olympus, observing that -it was “too heavy for summer and too cold for winter, whereas a woollen -one would suit him well for all seasons.” Noticing a gold beard on -Æsculapius at Epidaurus, he removed it, saying, that it was “improper -for him to wear it, since his father, Apollo, was always represented -beardless.” Whenever in the temples he met with statues proffering, -as it were, jewels and plate with their projecting hands, he took -possession of the valuables, asserting that it “would be folly not to -accept the good things offered by the gods.” The pious were aghast at -the example of such a man enjoying a long and prosperous reign and -transmitting the throne to his son; Cicero, De Nat. Deor., iii, 34; -Lactantius, Div. Instit., ii, 4, etc. With a view to such instances, -Plutarch wrote a treatise to prove that “the mills of God grind slow, -but very sure.” Euhemerus and Palaephatus transformed mythology into -history by a rationalizing process, assigning the origin to popular -exaggeration of common occurrences. - -[951] A system of verbal trickery originated with the Eleatics, of -which Zeno (_c. 400_ B.C.) was the chief exponent. Their catches were -generally ingenious; that disproving the reality of motion is best -known—“If a thing moves, it must do so in the place in which it is, or -in a place in which it is not; but it cannot move in the place in which -it is, and it certainly does not move in a place in which it is not; -therefore there is no motion at all;” Diogenes Laert., Pyrrho, 99, etc. -See Plato’s Euthydemus for a sample of ridiculous word-chopping. - -[952] There were six principal sects which achieved a sort of -permanency and retained their vitality for several centuries. They may -be characterized briefly: Academics (Plato), sceptical and respectable; -Peripathetics (Aristotle), inquisitive and progressive; Stoics (Zeno -of Citium, Chrysippus), ethical and intense; Cynics (Antisthenes, -Diogenes), squalid, morose, and sententious; Epicureans, tranquil -enjoyment and indifference; Cyreneans (Aristippus), pure hedonism with -discretion. In general the Epicureans are wrongly associated with the -last conception. - -[953] Aristotle (_c. 350_ B.C.) was the first to perceive the -importance of collecting facts and disposing them into their proper -groups. Thus zoology, botany, anatomy, physiology, mineralogy, -astronomy, meteorology, etc., began to take form in his hands, each -being relegated to a separate compartment for consideration as a -concordant whole and to receive future additions. - -[954] Even with his limited outlook Aristotle had sufficient astuteness -to divine that nature might become the “slave of man,” and expresses -himself clearly to that effect; Metaphysics, i, 2. Such a claim may -provoke a smile from the modern who reviews the mild conquests of the -embryo science of his day. - -[955] A few of their utterances may be quoted: - - Ἐχθρὸς γάρ μοι κεῖνος ὁμως Αἰδᾶο πύλησιν, - Ὅς χ’ ἕτερον μὲν κεύθῃ ἐνὶ φρεσὶν ἄλλο δὲ εἴπῃ. - _Iliad_, ix, 312. - Ἔργον δ’ οὐδὲν ὄνειδος, ἀεργίη δέ τ’ ὄνειδος. - _Op. et Dies_, 311. - Μὴ κακὰ κερδαίνειν, κακὰ κέρδεα ἷσ’ ἄτῃσιν. - _Ibid._, 352. - - -[956] From the Golden Verses of Pythagoras; Epictetus, iii, 10. - -[957] Hence Socrates would not save his life by flight from Athens -after his condemnation, although his friends had made everything secure -for his escape; see the Crito. - -[958] Plato, Gorgias, 55, etc.; Protagoras, 101, etc. - -[959] Isocrates, Ad Nicoclem, 61. This maxim, in slightly differing -forms, has been attributed to Confucius and many others. Pythagoras -enjoined his disciples to love a friend as oneself; see Bigg, Christian -Platonists, London, 1886, p. 242. “Love your fellow men from your -heart,” says Marcus Aurelius, viii, 34. - -[960] Cicero, De Officiis, iii, 8. In this treatise the author is for -the most part merely voicing the sentiments of the Stoic Panaetius. - -[961] Epictetus, ii, 2. - -[962] _Ibid._, i, 18. - -[963] Marcus Aurelius, xii, 12. - -[964] Seneca, Epist., 47; De Beneficiis, 18, etc. To a master who -ill-treats his servants Epictetus addresses himself: “Slave! can you -not be patient with your brother, the offspring of God and a son of -heaven as much as you are”; i, 13. - -[965] Tuscul. Disp., ii, 17. - -[966] Epist. 7. - -[967] Lucian, Demonax. - -[968] It was, however, prohibited early at Thebes; Aelian, Var. Hist., -ii, 7. - -[969] Pand., XXV, iii, 4; see Noodt’s Julius Paulus, etc., 1710. -Aristotle upheld the custom without scruple; Politics, viii, 16. - -[970] Then Valentinian proscribed it with a penalty, but the -legislation was tentative, and the practice was scarcely suppressed -until modern times; Cod. Theod., V, vii; Cod., VIII, lii, 2; cf. -Lactantius, Div. Inst., vi, 20. It was palliated by the institution of -the brephotrophia; see p. 82. - -[971] Odyssey, xx, 55. - -[972] See Lysias, Orat., Ὑπερ τοῦ ἀδυνάτου, etc., Plutarch, Aristides -_ad fin._ - -[973] See p. 81. - -[974] Trajan appears to have established orphanages and homes for the -children of needy parents; see Pliny, Panegyric., 27, etc. The fact is -also indicated by coins (ALIMENTA ITALIAE), and a sculptured slab found -in the Roman forum; Cohen, ii, p. 18; Middleton, Rome, etc., Lond., -1892, p. 346. Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius, also busied herself -in a similar way, as is evidenced by well-known coins (PUELLULAE -FAUSTINIANAE); Cohen, ii, p. 433. - -[975] Isis and Serapis, after a stormy career which lasted more than a -century, became finally seated in the city under Vespasian; see “Isis” -in Smith’s Classical Dictionary and similar works. But the greatest run -was on Mithras, a sun-god extracted from the Persian mythology, who -grew in favour from the time of Pompey until his worship reached even -to the north of Britain. Quite a literature exists under his name at -present; see Cumont, Mysteries of Mithras, Lond., 1903. For the account -of a regular invasion of Syrian deities see Hist. August., Heliogabalus. - -[976] Polybius complains of the rising scepticism at Rome in his time; -vi, 56. I need not reproduce the oft-quoted lines of Juvenal (ii, 149), -but the following are not generally brought forward: - - Sunt, in fortunae qui casibus omnia ponunt, - Et nullo credant mundum rectore moveri, etc. - xiii, 86. - -Such unbelief, however, did not penetrate beyond the upper social -stratum; and even at Athens in the second century those who scouted -the ancient myths were considered to be impious and senseless by the -multitude; see Lucian, Philopseudes, 2, etc. The voluminous dialogues -of Cicero are sufficient to prove how practised the Romans had become -in tearing the old mythology to pieces. But the pretence of piety was -kept up in the highest places. “The soul of Augustus is not in those -stones,” exclaimed Agrippina in a moment of vexation when she found -Tiberius sacrificing to the statues of his predecessor; Tacitus, Ann., -iv, 52. - -[977] There were many grades of charlatans from Apollonius of Tyana, -who seems to have been a genuine illusionist or mystic, to Alexander -Abonoteichos, an impudent impostor, and Marcus, an infamous rascal; -Philostratus, Vit. Apol.; Lucian, Pseudomantis; Irenaeus, i, 13. - -[978] But he never left Rome and the duties were performed by Pomponius -Flaccus; Tacitus, Ann., ii, 32; vi, 27, etc. Jn. Malala mentions one -Cassius, p. 241. - -[979] That is, sufferers from epilepsy, St. Vitus’s dance, mania, -etc., diseases which might be cured by hypnotic suggestion, neuroses -of various kinds. This popular fallacy was not held universally, but -was derided by the more educated, including the medical faculty; see -Philostorgius, viii, 10. - -[980] Thus a century later, when a true messianic note was struck, -half a million of Jews rushed frantically to destruction in the wake -of Barcochebas, the leader of their revolt under Hadrian, though not -without the satisfaction of dragging 100,000 Gentiles to their doom -at the same time. Some exegetes are tempted to see in John, v, 4, an -allusion to this war, and hence to find a date for that gospel (the -bridge, via Philo Judaeus, between Judaeism and Hellenism), _c._ 140. - -[981] Rufus (or Fufius) and Rubellius are probably meant; Lactantius, -De Morte Persec., 2. See the differing statements in the Chronicles -from Jn. Malala onwards; also articles on biblical chronology in recent -encyclopaedias, Chron. of Eusebius, Consular Fasti appended to Chron. -Paschal., etc. By the synoptical gospels the ministry of Jesus seems -to have lasted one year only, but two, three, and even four years have -been assumed from the later composition of John, _e.g._, in Jerome’s -chronicle, _sb._ A.D. 33. - -[982] It is, however, improbable that any Christian could have given a -consecutive account of the life of Jesus prior to 120 or thereabouts. -The newly-discovered Apology of Aristides seems to be the earliest -evidence for the existence of gospels. It was presented to Hadrian, -perhaps, _c._ 125. On the other hand First Clement, moored at 95, but -with an incorrigible tendency to rise to 140, is clearly by a writer -who possessed no biography, but merely Logia of Jesus. - -[983] They were coated with inflammable matter, pitch, etc., and used -for torches to illuminate the public gardens at night (Nov., 64); -Tacitus, Ann., xv, 44; Suetonius, Nero, 16, etc. - -[984] Dion Cass., lxvii, 14; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, 18, _et -seq._; cf. Lactantius, De Morte Persec., 3; Suetonius, Domitian. -Clement, a cousin of this emperor, appears to have been put to death -for being a Christian, and has been claimed by some as one of the first -popes. - -[985] Pliny, Epist., x, 97, 98. This correspondence and, indeed, the -whole book which contains it has been stigmatized as a forgery by some -investigators; see Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 33, for refs. The same -suspicion rests, in fact, on every early allusion to the Christians. It -certainly seems strange that they should be such unfamiliar sectaries -to Trajan and Pliny if they were well known at Rome under Nero and -Domitian. Much less can we believe that in the destruction of Jerusalem -Titus was actuated chiefly by a desire to extinguish Christianity, -or that he had weighed the differences in theological standpoint -between Jews and Christians; Sulp. Severus, Hist. Sacr., ii, 30. Such -is history “as she was wrote” at that epoch. The whole evidence that -Christians were popularly known and recognized politically during the -first century is scanty and unsatisfactory. Trajan achieved a great -reputation, which never died out even among the Christians, perhaps on -account of the tolerant attitude attributed to him on this occasion. He -was prayed out of hell by one of the popes along with one or two other -noted pagans whom the Church was anxious to take under its wing. - - Quivi era storiata l’alta gloria - Del roman prince, lo cui gran valore - Mosse Gregorio alia sua gran vittoria: - Io dico di Traiano imperadore; etc. - Dante, Purg., x; Parad., xx. - - -[986] Hence the anti-Christian philosopher Celsus (_c._ 160) exclaims: -“You say that no educated, wise or intellectual person need approach -you, but only those that are ignorant, silly, and childish. In fact you -are able to persuade the vulgar only, slaves, women, and children”; -Origen c. Celsum, iii, 44. - -[987] Minucius Felix, Octavius, 12, etc. Their gloomy austerity is -strongly brought out by Tertullian in his tract De Spectaculis. - -[988] Tertullian, De Idololatria, 17, _et seq._; De Corona Militis, 11; -Origen c. Celsum, viii, 55, 60, _et seq._ Not only did they refuse the -quasi-divine honours to the Emperor, but they would not even join in -the illumination and floral decoration of their houses required of all -loyal citizens during imperial festivals; Tertullian, De Idololatria, -13, _et seq._; Ad Nationes, i, 17; Theophilus, Autolycus, i, 11, -etc. The causes of the unpopularity of the Christians can be studied -very completely with the aid of Gieseler (Eccles. Hist., i, 41), who -has brought together numerous extracts and references bearing on the -subject. As was natural under the circumstances, atrocious libels began -to be spread abroad against them, such as that they worshipped an -ass’s head, that the sacrifice of new-born infants was a part of their -ritual, etc.; Tertullian, Apology, 16; Minucius Felix, 9, etc. - -[989] Origen c. Celsum, viii, the latter half especially. As early as -500 B.C. Xenophanes had said “God is the One,” but this was recondite -philosophy which could not penetrate to the masses, and, if preached -openly, would have aroused popular fanaticism; Aristotle, Metaphysics, -i, 5. - -[990] The prohibitive campaign was almost confined to Lyons and Vienne -in Gaul; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., v, 1, _et seq._ The animus against -the Christians was so intense that slaves were even allowed to inform -on their owners, ordinarily a criminal act; Pand., XLVIII, xviii, 1, -18, etc. The Acts of the Martyrdom of Polycarp (_c._ 155-161), after -holding their ground so long, are now at last beginning to be classed -as spurious; see Van Manen in Encyclop. Biblica, _sb._ Old Christ. -Literat. - -[991] See Tertullian’s Address to the Martyrs; also Cyprian’s -restrained efforts to modify the reverence paid to them; Epist., 22, -83, etc.; cf. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine; Lactantius, De Morte -Persec.; Neander, Church Hist., ii. - -[992] Ten persecutions were reckoned by those who wished to make up -a mystic number to accord with the ten plagues of Egypt, Revelat., -xvii, etc., but the specification of them does not correspond in -different writers. After a certain date, which cannot be accurately -fixed, there was always local animosity against the sect, the practical -issue of which varied relatively to the temper of the populace and the -provincial governor; see Gieseler, i, 56. - -[993] Lactantius, De Morte Persec., 48; Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., x, 5. -Advanced critics, however, are now beginning to doubt the authenticity -of this decree as presented by the Fathers of the Church; see Seeck, -Gesch. d. Untergangs d. antiken Welt, 1895, ii, pp. 457, 460. - -[994] At present it appears that some nourish a hope of the reality of -miracles being still believed in by supposing them to have occurred as -an “extension of the natural.” In this way it may become credible that -cartloads of baked bread and cooked fish—vertebrate animals with all -their physiological parts—suddenly sprang into existence out of the -air. A travesty of the ridiculous, not an extension of the natural, is -the more proper description of such assumptions. Natural phenomena, -observed, but so far ill understood, lie in quite a different plane -from contradictions of natural law in which consists the essence of -legendary miracles. - -[995] The more timorous critics still cling to one or two of the -Epistles grouped together under the name of St. Paul, but the -advanced school has decided to reject them in their entirety; see Van -Manen, Encycl. Biblica, _sb._ “Paul.” I may exemplify the general -discrepancy of views still prevailing in this field of research by -a single illustration: “It has now been established that the latter -(Epistles of Ignatius) are genuine”; Encycl. Britan., _sb._ “Gospels” -and “Ignatius”: “certainly not by Ignatius”; Encycl. Biblica, _sb._ -“Old Christ. Lit.” Such opposing statements will continue to be put -forward as long as we have Faculties of Divinity at Universities -filled by scholars who are constrained to treat historical questions -in conformity with the requirements of an established ministry; and so -long shall we be edified by the spectacle of men engaged in balancing -truth and error in such a manner as to pretend not to be refuting the -latter, so that in perusing their treatises we must either suspect -their candour or distrust their judgement. Yet in not a few instances -the men may be observed exulting amid the ruins of the fortress which -they had entered to hold as an invincible garrison. - -[996] A. D. Loman decided in 1881 that Jesus had not been a real -personage, but he now thinks he went too far; Encycl. Biblica, -_sb._ “Resurrection.” Edwin Johnson, author of _Antiqua Mater_, -1887, has marshalled the evidence against his existence very fully -and fairly, but in some of his later work he has gone too far, and -such exaggerated scepticism, while it may often amuse, can scarcely -succeed in convincing. Jn. M. Robertson, author of A Short History of -Christianity, 1902, and previous works of some magnitude from similar -studies, argues on the same side. Havet says, “Sa trace dans l’histoire -est pour ainsi dire imperceptible”; Le Christianisme, iii, 1878, p. -493. Bruno Brauer concludes that “the historic Jesus becomes a phantom -which mocks all the laws of history”; Kritik d. evang. Geschichte, -1842, iii, p. 308; see also Frazer’s Golden Bough, 1900, iii, p. 186, -_et seq._ Disregarding the Gospels, a form of narrative which could not -be accepted by us as historical in connection with any other religion, -the slight allusions to Jesus in known writers (Josephus, Tacitus, -Suetonius), are evidently mere hearsay derived from the Christians -themselves. Hegesippus, a lost church historian (_c._ 170), gives -some details as to the death of “James, the brother of the Lord,” and -also states that some poor labourers of Judaea, for whom a descent -from the Holy Family was claimed, were brought before Domitian and -dismissed as of no account; fragments in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, -20. Remarkable is the silence, in his voluminous writings, of Philo -Judaeus, a philosophico-theological Jew of Alexandria, a prominent -citizen, and a man of middle age at the time of the Crucifixion. -So close to the scene itself he could scarcely have failed to have -heard of any popular agitation centring round a Messiah at Jerusalem. -When Augustus was told that Herod had executed two of his sons he -observed that “it was better to be Herod’s pig than his son.” In -ignorant repetition at a later date this remark was construed into an -allusion to the slaughter of the innocents; Macrobius, ii, 4. Several -(non-extant) Jewish historians, Justus Tiberiensis for example, made -no mention of Jesus. Still worse is the case for the Apostles; they -are not noticed outside the N. T. unless in Acts conceded on all -hands to be apocryphal. Most singular is it that no descendants of -theirs were ever known. Towards the middle of the second century when -the Christians loom into view as a compact body of co-religionists -we should assuredly expect to find relations of the Apostles, direct -or collateral, moving with extraordinary prestige among the Saints -on earth. But, beyond a vague allusion to two daughters of Philip -(Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iii, 39), there is no trace of any such -individuals. The descendants of Mahomet alone were numerous a century -after his death, but the Twelve proved as barren of progeny as if they -had never existed. With respect to the canon of the N. T. it is known -that it was formed almost as at present before the third century, a -great many similar works being put aside as apocryphal or unsuitable. -Those selected were altered to some extent to meet the requirements of -doctrine; Origen c. Celsum, ii, 27; Dionysius of Corinth in Eusebius, -_op. cit._, iv, 23, etc. They were, in fact, edited from time to -time in the interests of orthodoxy or heresy, interchangeable terms, -as is shown by Origen, Epiphanius, and Jerome; see Nestle’s Textual -Criticism, Lond., 1899. Much of the Apocrypha remains to this day, -including circumstantial accounts of the childhood of Jesus; see -Clark’s Ante-Nicene Library, in which Tatian’s Diatessaron (_c._ 170, -an Arabic version only remains), shows the absence of texts now found -in the Gospels, especially that relating to the Church being founded -on a rock (Peter). The striking likeness between the legend of Buddha -(_c._ 500 B.C.), and the life of Jesus has been set forth by several -Orientalists; see Seydel, Die Buddha-Legende und das Leben Jesu, 1884. -The resemblance to early Egyptian folklore may be seen in Griffith’s -High Priests of Memphis (story of Khammuas), 1900 (from recent demotic -papyri). Some interesting questions are raised in Mead’s Did Jesus -Live 100 B.C.? (on Talmudic legends or libels). It must be borne in -mind that scarcely a MS. of a classical author (excepting some scraps -recently recovered in Egypt) exists, which has not passed the pen of -monkish copyists. Hardouin taxes them with having forged nearly all -patristic literature, both Greek and Latin. They had, he says, suitable -materials for various ages, parchments, inks, etc., and executants -who practised various styles of writing. In recording his conclusions -he deprecates the accusation of insanity. Such is the deliberate -verdict of a Roman Cardinal whose learning is indisputable, and whose -discrimination in other matters has not been impugned; Ad Censur. -Vet. Script. Prolegomena, Lond., 1766. At any rate the acknowledged -forgeries make up an enormous bulk, Gospels, Acts, Epistles, laws, -decretals, etc. It seems scarcely possible that the question as to the -existence of Jesus and the Twelve can ever be definitely disposed of; -and it must take its place beside such problems as to whether there -was ever a Siege of Troy, a King Arthur, etc. In the cases of Pope -Joan and William Tell, local and contemporary records were obtainable -sufficiently comprehensive to prove a negative; but no evidence is -likely to come to hand close enough to exclude the credible details of -the Gospel narrative from the possible occurrences at Jerusalem during -the period. The English reader now possesses in the Encyclopaedia -Biblica, a repertory in which Biblical investigations are treated in -a manner as free from bias and obscurantism as is attainable at the -present time. Such a work has long been needed in English literature, -and marks a national advance. But much more remains to be done, and -within a score or two of years we may see such discussions take up a -stable position between the advanced critics who still feel obliged to -entertain some illogical propositions, and the rather wild free-lances -who would dissipate all marvel-tainted evidence by their uncompromising -scepticism, in which they sometimes do more harm than good by their -disregard of critical sanity. By that time a liberal application of the -critic’s broom will have swept many documents now held up to public -respect into the limbo to which they properly belong. - -[997] Previous to the overthrow of Biblical and other ancient -cosmogonies by the extension of natural knowledge the historic inquiry -as to the truth of supernatural religion was paramount. As recently as -the fifties of the last century a sceptic, if asked to give reasons for -his disbelief, might have answered that it was due to the absence of -witnesses of known position and integrity to attest the occurrences; -and that if such evidence were forthcoming he should certainly consider -that Christianity rested on foundations which could never be shaken. -Let us see whether it is in our power to prove that if a religion -based on miracles could pass such an ordeal it would not necessarily -even then hold an impregnable position. In 1848 certain phenomena, -termed the “Rochester knockings,” occurring at a place in New England, -impelled a wave of credulity as to spiritual manifestations throughout -Christendom, which has not wholly subsided up to the present date. -Prof. Robt. Hare, an eminent chemist and electrician, was attracted to -investigate the matter with the firm intention of exposing the folly. -But he became convinced instead, and by the aid of a lady who could -produce “raps,” apparently unconnected with her person, he devised a -code of signals from which resulted a couple of bulky volumes devoted -by the professor to explicit details of the doings in, and the beauties -of, the spirit-land, the whole recounted by deceased relations of his -own; Spiritualism Scientifically Demonstrated, New York, 1855. But the -spirits did not for long restrict themselves to merely audible signs; -they responded generously to the attention paid to them and soon began -to reveal their hands, faces, and even their whole persons for physical -observation, often pelting the audience with flowers, presenting them -with bouquets, and showing themselves to be accomplished musicians -in the negro mode by performances on unseen instruments. Although -their deeds were never dark, yet they always insisted on darkness as -indispensable for the perpetration of them. In 1852, after the craze -reached England, many men of academical and scientific repute observed -and attested incredible phenomena, of which Prof. Challis of Cambridge -said that, if the statements had to be rejected, “the possibility of -ascertaining facts by human testimony must be given up.” Mr. A. R. -Wallace, the congener of Darwin, became a convert, and bore witness to -the miracles of Mrs. Guppy, her floral materializations, etc.; Modern -Miracles and Spiritualism, 1874, etc. (I cannot omit to mention that -this author, at one time at least, was an anti-vaccinationist). Sir -W. Crookes, the celebrated scientist, had séances in his own house, -where he walked and talked with a young lady from the Orient, dead -a century before, subjected her to a quasi-medical examination, and -possessed himself of a lock of her hair; Researches on the Phenomena -of Spiritualism, 1870. The professors of Leipzig University received -the celebrated medium, Dr. Slade, in their private study on several -occasions, when he satisfied them of his ability to perform the -impossible by producing untieable knots, passing matter through matter, -and causing writing to appear on slates from invisible correspondents; -Transcendental Physics, by Prof. Zöllner, Lond., 1883. Other observers -who upheld the reality of spiritual achievements are Sir R. Burton, -Mr. Cromwell Varley, F.R.S., Dr. Lockhart Robinson, Lord Lindsay, etc. -The list of veracious witnesses is, in fact, a long one and a weighty. -Yet all these eminent men have been deceived by cunning impostors. -See the Reports of the Societies for Psychical Research, English and -American, which have been issued regularly for nearly twenty years. -Hallucinations, ghost-stories, and hypnosis have been exhaustively -investigated, but no spirits have ventured to materialize themselves -whenever conclusive tests were insisted on. At the most it has been -demonstrated that telepathy, a kind of wireless telegraphy between -brain and brain, may occur under favourable but rare conditions. -Whenever trickery was excluded the pretended mediums were invariably -unsuccessful. The redoubtable Dr. Slade, when he found that dupes -failed him, retired from the profession, and shortly after, on meeting -a friend who challenged him, replied, “you never believed in the -old spirits, did you?” The absurdities which were effective among -the credulous when their superstitions were appealed to were often -a ludicrous feature. A stone picked up by the wayside and ejected -adroitly from the medium’s pocket during a dance is looked upon as a -supernatural occurrence. See Truesdell’s ridiculous exposure of Slade -and other charlatans of that class; Bottom Facts of Spiritualism, -N.Y., 1883. The career of an English impostor has been unveiled -throughout by a confederate in Confessions of a Medium, Lond., 1882. -The literature on both sides is very large and is still accumulating. -Several spiritual journals are published with the support of thousands -of believers in Europe and America, etc. This modern illustration -teaches us very conclusively: (1) That had the Gospels come down to us -as the acknowledged writings of some of the best known and trustworthy -men of antiquity, their contents would still have to be discredited -as originating in fraud or illusion: (2) That devotion to a branch of -science, or even to science generally, is not essentially productive -of any critical insight into matters theological or professedly -supernatural: (3) That phenomena of cerebration, normal, aberrant, and -perhaps supranormal (exalted sensitiveness), may easily be utilized -for purposes of imposture; and are a proper subject for methodized -psychical study. Since a contemporary religion, supported by a mass of -direct and definite evidence thus collapses before a strict scrutiny, -we must ask what truth could reside in those generated in the womb of -Oriental mysticism, for which no solid foundations can be perceived? -When we see that even scientists do not always succeed in persuading -themselves that nothing is credible but fact, _quod semper, quod -ubique, quod omnibus demonstrabile sit_, how little reliance can be -placed on popular reports and unauthentic tracts. Even if we had not -spiritualism to hand, a practically similar lesson might be taught from -a consideration of Shakerism, Mormonism, Harris’s Brotherhood of the -New Life, the Zion Restoration Host, with its reincarnated Elijah, etc. -See Oxley’s Modern Messiahs, 1889, for many interesting details as to -popular illusionists who have assumed the prophet’s mantle. - -[998] Timaeus, 9, _et seq._ Plato is not here inventing, but for the -most part merely co-ordinating previous notions, especially those -of the philosopher whose name is affixed to the dialogue. Reference -to some other dialogues is necessary to complete the picture of his -religion and theology. - -[999] Parmenides; Republic, vi, 19; Plotinus, Enneads, vi, 9. - -[1000] That is fire, air, water, and earth; not our chemical elements. - -[1001] The original (?) Trinity here invented consists of: 1. The -ποιητής, πατήρ, or δημιουργός. 2. Νοῦς. 3. Ψυχή. From the spurious -Epinomis Νοῦς may be equaled with Λόγος. - -[1002] Phaedo, 19, 25, etc. - -[1003] Thus the period of eclecticism was entered on, for an account of -which see Zeller’s Eclectics, Lond., 1883. It began about the age of -Cicero, but a definite system did not crystallize out of it till the -time I am treating of. - -[1004] Born at Lycopolis in 205; died in Campania, 270. - -[1005] There was no creed in Neoplatonism, and, therefore, what was -believed has to be deduced from a study of the Enneads of Plotinus, -so-called as consisting of a series of books, six in all, each -containing nine treatises. The logical germ of the conception is that -the One emits continually the Nous or intelligence; and the latter the -Soul. The Soul animates the world, but becomes lost should it allow -itself to coalesce with matter by yielding to sin. The subject has been -treated exhaustively by Vacherot, L’école d’Alexandrie, Paris, 1846; -and by Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, iii, Leipzig, 1881. Neither -of these works has been translated, but there is an excellent summary -by Bigg (Neoplatonism, Lond., 1892), who has dealt with some phases of -the movement at length in his Christian Platonists of Alexandria, 1886. -According to Bigg’s expression, the Christian Father, Clement Alex. -(_c._ 190), “separated the thinker from the thought, and thus founded -Neoplatonism.” Numenius, who was, perhaps, a Jew, made some advances -in the definition of the Platonic trinity; and Plotinus was accused of -borrowing from him; see Bigg’s latter work, pp. 64, 250, etc. Ammonius -Saccas, a porter of Alexandria, was the teacher of Plotinus, and is -considered to be the immediate begetter of Neoplatonism. - -[1006] Philo Judaeus (_c._ 20) is the first known to have taught this -doctrine of ecstasy, but it is not certain that the Neoplatonists -utilized his works. He also was the first to corrupt the rigid -monotheism of the Jews by assuming the Platonic (?) Logos as a -necessary mediator between Jehovah and the world; see Harnack, History -of Dogma, Lond., 1892, i, p. 115, etc.; also Bigg as above, and the -Histories of Philosophy by Zeller, Ueberweg, etc. - -[1007] The details of the life of Plotinus are due to Porphyry, who -gives the most succinct account of his doctrine, and describes his -excursions into the higher sphere by means of self-hypnosis. The whole -field of modern spiritualism seems to have been cultivated by the -Neoplatonists, and, indeed, by other mystics long before; allusions -by Plotinus himself will be found in Enneads, v, 9; vi, 7; iii, 8, -etc. Porphyry relates that during the six years of his intimacy with -him, his master attained to ecstatic union on four occasions. It will -be seen, therefore, that Plotinus was very abstemious in indulging in -such a luxury; he would have much to learn from modern improvements -under which Mrs. Piper and other trance-mediums enter the vacuous realm -regularly day by day; see the Psychical Society’s Reports; cf. Bigg, -Christian Platonists, etc., p. 248; also Myers’ Classical Essays, 1883, -p. 83, _et seq._ - -[1008] “Only the cultured,” he remarks, “can aspire to the summit -and upwards; as for the vulgar crowd, they are bound down to common -necessaries”; Enneads, II, ix, 9. - -[1009] The Stoics began this allegorizing of the ancient books; see -Zeller (Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, Lond., 1892) for an account -of their conceits. Philo Judaeus performed a similar service for -the Pentateuch, of which the Jews do not seem to have believed much -literally in his day; nor, in fact, did the early Christian Fathers; -see Origen, Comment. in Genesim, etc. He notices, amongst other things, -the difficulty which arises from the production of light before the -sun was created; Gen., i, 3, 16. Porphyry’s treatise on the Cave of -the Nymphs (Odyssey, xiii, 102) remains to show the method of exegesis -adopted by the Neoplatonists in order to demonstrate the divine -inspiration of the old Greek poets. Kingsley’s novel, “Hypatia,” gives -a good picture of Neoplatonism in some of its popular aspects. - -[1010] A treatise emanating from the school of Iamblichus is extant, -viz., The Mysteries of the Egyptians, an exposition supposed to be -written by Abamon in answer to a sceptical letter from Porphyry to -Anebo, assumed characters apparently. It includes a whole system of -Neoplatonic magic and theurgy, and describes the various appearances -of daemonic phantasms with the accuracy of one accustomed to be -familiarly associated with them. Objectively the series descends from -the celestial light which defines the personality of a god to a turbid -fire indicative of the form of a lower daemon, perhaps of malignant -propensities. There is a recent edition of this work in English, -probably a venture addressed to spiritualistic circles. - -[1011] Irenaeus, i, 23; Hippolytus, vi, 7, etc. His contests with St. -Peter were a favourite subject in early Christian literature; see -Ordericus Vitalis (ii, 2), who has extracted some amusing incidents -as to their rivalry at Rome, etc. In the Clementine Homilies and -Recognitions, which form a kind of religious novel, at the time put -forward as genuine, he fills the stage as the villain of the piece, -but is considered to be merely a pseudonym for St. Paul, a name which -typified a policy to which the author of the composition was opposed. -See the article on Simon in any comprehensive encyclopaedia of recent -date. - -[1012] Mansel’s Gnostic Heresies (1875) supersedes to a great -extent the larger treatises of Matter and others, as it embodies a -discussion of details more recently derived from Hippolytus, etc. -Their sects increased rapidly in number, from the thirty-seven dealt -with by Irenaeus (_c._ 185), to the eighty refuted by Epiphanius -(_c._ 350). There were two main schools of Gnostics, the Syrian and -the Alexandrian. The former was frankly dualistic, but the Egyptian -assimilated Buddhistic notions, which saw in matter the essence of -evil; only, however, when vitalized by the celestial emanations after -they had become impoverished, as the result of their descent to an -infinite distance from the throne of light. In general the attitude -of Gnostics towards Christianity was rejection of the Jewish creator -as an evil demiurge, and the acceptance of Jesus as an emissary from -the god of love to rescue the world from sin and darkness. Their -Christology was docetic; that is, the Saviour was merely a phantom who -appeared suddenly on the banks of the Jordan, in the semblance of a man -of mature age. Their greatest leader, though not a pure Gnostic, was -Marcion of Pontus. His bible consisted of the Pauline Epistles, and -a Gospel said to be Luke mutilated, but more justly recognized as an -independent redaction of the primitive tradition. Marcion’s Jesus said, -“I come not to fulfil the law, but to destroy it”; see Tertullian, Adv. -Marcion, iv, 7, 9. The modern Christian might imagine that his faith is -dualistic, owing to the power and prominence given to the devil, but -such a view would be inexpiable heresy. Satan and his crew are merely -rebellious angels, whose relations to Jehovah are similar to that of -sinful men in general, so much so that some of the Fathers in the early -Church held that Christ would descend into Hell to be crucified there a -second time for the salvation of devils; see Origen, De Principiis, I, -vi, 2, 3; Labbe, Concil. (1759), ix, 533, can. 7, etc. - -[1013] Unless it should be maintained that Christianity germinated in -Gnostic soil, the most vigorous growth which overshadowed and in the -end annihilated its weaker associates, a not untenable hypothesis. - -[1014] The two portly folios devoted to the history of Manichaeism -(Amst., 1734), by Beausobre, must now be supplemented by more recent, -though less extensive, works, owing to the activity of modern scholars -among Oriental sources. St. Augustine was a Manichaean for eight years, -and the most reliable details are to be collected from his writings -after he became a Christian, and issued diatribes against his former -teachers. Socrates gives a short life of Mani, fabulous in great part -most likely; i, 22; the latest researches are those of Kessler. The -best summary will be found in Harnack, Hist. of Dogma, iii, p. 317, to -which is appended a bibliography of the subject. - -[1015] An old Persian notion; see Xenophon, Cyropaedia, vi, 1. - -[1016] “Not the devilish Messiah of the Jews, but a contemporaneous -phantom Jesus, who neither suffered nor died”; Harnack, Encycl. Brit., -_sb._ “Manichaeism.” - -[1017] The text of his edict, with references to the sources, is given -by Gieseler, Hist. Eccles., i, 61. The enactment, however, is regarded -with suspicion, and is never mentioned unless accompanied by a query as -to its genuineness. See also Haenel, Cod. Theod., 44^*. - -[1018] See the laws against mathematicians, etc., for so were sorcerers -and witches designated at the time, from the Antonines onwards; Cod. -Theod., IX, xvi; Cod., IX, xviii. - -[1019] As Harnack remarks (_loc. cit._), it commended itself -successfully to the partly Semitic inhabitants of North Africa, among -whom was Augustine. But it permeated Europe as well, and in a more -Christianized form flourished among such comparatively modern sects as -the Cathari, Albigenses, Bogomils, etc. Its fate in these quarters is -traced out by Gieseler and other church historians. But the Manichaean -pedigree of these sects is not now accepted so freely as formerly; see -Bury’s Gibbon, vi, p. 543. At one time all heretics were stigmatized as -Manichaeans in the vituperation of the orthodox, especially when their -views approached the docetism held by all Gnostics, as in the case of -the Monophysites; Labbe, Concil., v, 147, etc. - -[1020] Justin. Apol., i, 11; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., v, 16; see -Gieseler, _op. cit._, i, 41, 48, etc. The belief in the Millennium -was, doubtless, the most potent influence in segregating the first -Christians from their fellow subjects. It was conceived by some that as -the world was created in six days it would last for six thousand years, -and the seventh thousand would be distinguished by the reign of Christ -on earth; see the Church Histories and Harnack’s article “Millennium,” -in Encycl. Brit., etc. As the chronology was uncertain the critical -transition might be revealed at any moment. Christian writers now began -to date from the creation of the world as per Genesis; some made it -about 5500 B.C., so that the Millennium should have been entered on -during the reign of Anastasius. But according to others it should have -begun under Nero or Trajan. Michael Melit. (Langlois); Jn. Malala, p. -428, etc. - -[1021] See Apostolical Constit., ii, 25; Hatch, Early Church, pp. 40, -69, etc. The Emperor Julian was rather exasperated at finding that -the Christians took the wind out of his sails by their indiscriminate -charity, and so cultivated the good will of all the lower classes; -Epist. (frag.), p. 391 (H). He seems to be addressing some Pagan priest. - -[1022] See The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, 11, _et seq._; -Gieseler, _op. cit._, i, 30. It is uncertain whether the first -assemblies were convened after the pattern of the Jewish synagogue -or the guild meetings of the Empire; probably after one or the other -according to local affinity. - -[1023] It may be imagined that this transformation was not effected -without a conflict when parties with opposed views found themselves -at the parting of the ways. This rupture was called Montanism, from -Montanus, a Phrygian who, with two “prophetesses,” proclaimed a renewal -of the original dispensation. The movement spread to the West, where -the celebrated Tertullian became one of its most ardent advocates. See -Gieseler, _op. cit._, i, 48, etc., or Harnack in Encycl. Brit., _sb. -nom._ - -[1024] Origen c. Celsum, iii, 9. - -[1025] Some details of the catechetical course are known. The -student was first taken through the “science” of the period until, -like Socrates, he found that he knew nothing. Then the current of -Jewish-Christian legend and mythology was allowed to flow, and -everything was lighted up instantly as by an electric illumination; -Gregory Thaumaturgus, Panegyr. in Origen, 5, _et seq._ Almost the -strongest argument the Fathers found for the acceptance of their -creed was the failure of Greek philosophical speculation to explain -the universe. Many of them dwell at great length on this subject; see -Tatian, Athenagoras, Lactantius, etc. One of the best summaries of -ancient metaphysics is given by Hippolytus in his first book against -heresies. But Clement and Origen were more concerned to correlate -the two, thinking there was something divine in both. Eusebius is on -similar ground in his Praep. Evang., etc. - -[1026] As late as 160, or so, the Christians were taunted with having -no visible places of worship; Origen c. Celsum, viii, 17, 19, etc.; -Minucius Felix, 10. About a century later the handsome churches began -to be erected; Apostolic Constit., ii, 57; Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., -viii, 1; x, 4, etc. An inventory of the actual contents of a church at -Cirta, in N. Africa, _c._ 300, is extant; Routh, Reliquiae Sacrae, ii, -p. 100. - -[1027] See the account of Hierocles, the hostile proconsul, in -Lactantius, Div. Inst., v, 2; De Morte Persec., 16. He and the Emperor -Galerius appear to have been the prime movers of the Diocletian -persecution in 303; cf. Eusebius, _op. cit._, viii, 2, etc. After -several years, however, Galerius found the task of stamping out -Christianity beyond him, and issued an edict of toleration. Hence there -was really no call for Constantine to legislate anew. This Hierocles -was one of those who set up the idealized Apollonius of Tyana as an -avatar of the Deity, and tried to exalt him as an object of adoration -above Jesus. But the attempt failed; Apollonius was a real personage -with a familiar name; Jesus was a dream; see the controversial tract of -Eusebius against Hierocles. - -[1028] Cod. Theod., XVI, vii, 1; x, 1, 7, etc., and Godefroy _ad -loc._ About this time (380) Gratian discarded the dignity of Pontifex -Maximus, which the previous Christian emperors had continued to assume; -Zosimus, iv, 36. - -[1029] A civil war was opened throughout the East by many bishops, who -proceeded to demolish the temples at the head of gangs of monks and -other enthusiasts. On both sides infuriated mobs fought zealously for -their religion, and much slaughter resulted. The most violent commotion -was occasioned by the destruction of the great temple of Serapis at -Alexandria (389); see the ecclesiastical historians: Socrates, v, 16; -Sozomen, vii, 15; Theodoret, v, 21, etc. Such doings became official -under Arcadius; Cod. Theod., XVI, x, 16 (399); cf. Gieseler, i, 79. - -[1030] In 367 Damasus and Ursinus fought a battle in one of the Roman -churches for the papal seal; 137 corpses were removed next day from the -pavement of the sacred edifice. “I am not surprised at the contention,” -says Ammianus, “when I consider the splendour of the dignity. The -successful aspirant is enriched by the offerings of matrons, rolls -about in his chariot sumptuously apparelled, and surpasses the -profusion of royalty in his banquets”; xxvii, 3. As the Vicar of God, -bishops professed to stand above temporal princes; Apostol. Constit., -ii, 34. The Bishop of Tripolis declared to the Empress Eusebia (_c._ -350) that he would not visit her unless she descended from the throne -to meet him, kissed his hands, and waited his permission to reseat -herself after he had sat down, etc.; Suidas, _sb._ Λεόντιος. St. Martin -of Tours (_c._ 370) was waited on at table by the Empress; he handed -the cup to his chaplain, thus giving him precedence over the Emperor; -Sulp. Severus, Vita St. M., 20; Dial., ii, 6. See further Gieseler, -_op. cit._, i, 91. - -[1031] See the original church historians. Theodoret’s account is the -most definite and satisfactory; i, 2, _et seq._ Recently Arianism has -been treated by Gwatkin in a separate work. Harnack’s exposition of -it is, as usual, most lucid and interesting; Hist. Dogma, iv. This is -the great controversy in which the celebrated words _Homoousios_ and -_Homoiousios_ were combined to distinguish the contending theories: - - D’une syllabe impie un saint mot augmenté - Remplit tous les esprits d’aigreurs si meurtrières, - Et fit de sang chrétien couler tant de rivières, etc. - Boileau, Sat. xii. - -_Homoean_ and _Anomoean_ denote Arian sub-sects who differed more or -less from orthodoxy. In fact, the Arian heresy has never really died -out, and is now represented by Unitarianism. - -[1032] “Tradendi ratio sicca est, memoriaeque potius, quam -intelligentiae accommodata”; Mosheim, Eccles. Hist., IX, ii, 3. The -first great theological debates concerned the mutual relations of the -persons of the Trinity in their celestial abode; and were decided -against those who confounded the persons (Sabellians, Monarchians) or -divided the substance (Arians). Such momentous matters being settled -as finally registered in the so-called Athanasian Creed, the Fathers -descended to earth and busied themselves in analyzing the mystic -conjunction of the Godhead with the flesh, viz., the Incarnation of -Jesus. These controversies were determined by the ejection from the -fold of Orthodoxy of those who maintained the existence of but one -nature or one will in the God-man (Monophysites, Monotheletes), and -also of a small party who propounded the incorruptibility of the body -of Jesus (Aphthartodocetae). The erection of this fabric of dogma was -essential to Orthodoxy, the underlying conception of which was that God -became man so that man might become God; ii Clement, 9; cf. Bigg, _op. -cit._, p. 71. Hence if the Saviour were made out to be merely a sham -human being the whole scheme of redemption must fall through at once. -The last step led them to consult about the mundane relatives of Jesus, -and ended in the dogma that Mary’s was an asexual birth, the Immaculate -Conception, and that, as she could never have been sullied by any -carnal conversation, the brothers of Jesus, as represented, must merely -have been his cousins. But the Church did not approach some of these -latter considerations till a later age. - -[1033] His laws have already been referred to. For the result as -represented by an educated Pagan, see Libanius, De Templis. This -Council enacted that the Bishop of CP. should hold the next rank to -the Roman Pontiff; Socrates, v, 8 (Concil., can. 3). About this time -the title of Patriarch began to be restricted to the higher bishops; -_ibid._ Constantine’s pagan temples at CP. were now ruined; Jn. Malala, -p. 345. - -[1034] The chief source for the Council of Chalcedon is Evagrius, ii, -1, _et seq._ By Canon 21 the equality of the Byzantine Patriarch with -the Pope was affirmed; Labbe, Concil., vii, 369; cf. Cod. Theod., XVI, -ii, 45, etc. - -[1035] Evagrius, iii, 13, _et seq._ It was composed by Acacius, the -Patriarch of the capital. - -[1036] See pp. 104, 180. To the Monophysites, Anastasius is, of course, -“the pious and orthodox Emperor”: see John of Nikiu (Zotenberg); -Zachariah of Mytilene (Hamilton), etc. - -[1037] Cod., I, v, 12; Codinus, p. 72; Procopius, De Aedific, i, 4. See -Ducange, CP. Christ., _sb. nom._, for a collection of passages relating -to St. Mocius. - -[1038] In 423 Theodosius II considered that Paganism was virtually -extinct, so little in evidence were those who still adhered to the old -religion; Cod. Theod., XVI, x, 22. But subsequent events proved that -his confidence was premature. I have anticipated the use of the word -“Pagan” (_paganus_, rustic, villager) as a term of reproach to those -who had not been illuminated by Christianity. In this sense it is first -found in a law of Valentinian I: Cod. Theod., XVI, ii, 18 (365). It -arose at a time when the urban population exhibited a sharp contrast to -the country people in the matter of religion. Long after the former had -been converted _en masse_, polytheism lingered in the rural districts, -the scattered inhabitants of which did not come into touch with the -Christian propagandists and their new creed for a considerable time. -Hence the idea of a country fellow became synonymous with that of a -worshipper of the gods long since despised. - -[1039] The history of their migration and subsequent activity at the -local source of their inspiration will deserve our attention in a -future chapter. - -[1040] Valentinian I and the succeeding emperors legislated definitely -against them; Cod. Theod., XVI, v, 3, 18, 40, 43, 59; cf. Cod., I, v. -The whole title against heretics contains sixty-six laws, a monument -of Christian bigotry and intolerance. The novelty of the Christian -doctrines and the constant dissensions of ecclesiastics as to the -proper mode of apprehending them, caused all classes to be infected -with a mania for drawing theological distinctions, _ex. gr._, “If you -require some small change, the person you address will begin to argue -about ‘begotten and unbegotten’; should you ask the price of bread you -will hear that the Father is greater and the Son inferior; or in reply -to an inquiry whether your bath is prepared, the attendant will define -for your benefit that the Son was made out of nothing”; Gregory Nys., -Orat. De Deitate, etc., 2 (in Migne, i, 557). Yet sometimes a prelate -would assume a jocular tone in the pulpit when speaking on these grave -questions. Thus Eudoxius, Bishop of CP., began his discourse one day -with the assertion, “The Father is impious, but the Son is pious.” -The congregation seemed awe-struck, but he at once continued, “Be not -alarmed; the Son is pious because he worships the Father, but the -Father worships no one”; Socrates, ii, 43. Marrast has devised some -scenes to bring out the absurd way in which theological hair-splitting -disturbed everyday social relations at this period; _op. cit._, p. 89. - -[1041] Chrysostom mentions the fact with exultation. Objectors fear -that the race may die out as the result of the widespread celibacy, -but the Saint knows better; the women who remain will be rendered more -fecund by the Deity, and thus the numerical complement of mankind -will be maintained. He also knows that there is a countless host -of heaven, asexual, who are propagated in a passionless manner by -divine ordination; In Epist. Rom. Hom. xiii, 7 (in Migne, ix, 517); -De Virginitate, 14, _et seq._ (in Migne, i, 544); cf. Ambrose, De -Virginitate, 3; Rufinus, Hist. Monach., 7 (in Migne, 413). - -[1042] Monks are enjoined by Theodosius I “deserta loca et vastas -solitudines sequi atque habitare”; Cod. Theod., XVI, iii. - -[1043] The literature of early monkish life, descriptive and laudatory, -is very extensive; see Gieseler, Eccles. Hist., i, 95, 96, etc. The -most striking picture will be found in Evagrius, i, 21; iv, 33, etc. He -is lost in admiration of them; they suppressed their natural appetites -so rigidly that they looked like corpses wandering away from their -graves. Some lived in dens and caves where they could neither stand -nor lie. Some dwelt in the open air almost naked, exposed to excessive -heat or cold. Others rejected human food and took to grazing like -cattle, shunning human beings as if they were wild beasts. Both sexes -embraced such lives of unremitting castigation. Some of the males -made a practice of repairing from time to time to the cities in order -to demonstrate their sexual frigidity by bathing in the public baths -amongst nude women. They applied themselves to prayer, of course, until -they brought themselves to the verge of exhaustion; cf. Sozomen, vi, -28, _et seq._ One Apelles had a conflict with the devil similar to that -related of the English St. Dunstan. - -[1044] The celebrated Simeon Stylites was the inventor of this sublime -method of serving the Deity. From 420 he lived on columns near Antioch -for thirty-seven years; Evagrius, i, 13; see Gieseler, i, _loc. cit._, -for reference to fuller accounts, separate biographies, etc. - -[1045] He was contemporary with Athanasius, who wrote an extant life of -him; see Sozomen, i, 13, etc. - -[1046] Sozomen, iii, 14. - -[1047] Socrates, iv, 23; Sozomen, i, 12, _et seq._ Previous to -Christianity there were at least two communities of Jewish ascetics in -the near East, the Essenes, who dwelt west of the Dead Sea, and the -Therapeutae, who lived by Lake Moeris, near Alexandria. The first have -been described briefly by Pliny (Hist. Nat., v, 15) and the second by -Philo Judaeus in a separate tract (De Vita Contemplativa) respecting -the authorship and date of which, however, opinion continually -fluctuates; I do not know whether at present it is on the crest of the -wave or in the trough of the sea. These solitaries consisted of males -and females, and were recruited regularly by persons who became sick of -the world and determined to fly far from the madding crowd. About them -generally see Neander, Church Hist., Introd. - -[1048] Socrates, iv, 21; Gregory Nazianz., Laud. Basil (in Migne, ii, -577). - -[1049] Nicephorus, Cal., xv, 23; see p. 78. Not psalmody, however, -says Card. Hardouin, but restless application to work. Manufacture of -fictitious documents he insinuates, doubtless. - -[1050] Cod., XII, i, 63; Orosius, vii, 33; Jerome, Chron., an. 375; cf. -Socrates, iv, 24. - -[1051] The histories of monachism are numerous and voluminous, -especially those composed some two or three centuries ago. Helyot’s -Hist. des Ordres Mon., Paris, 1714, etc., in 8 vols., may be read for -amusement as well as instruction. - -[1052] Epicurus, the unavowed disciple of Leucippus and Democritus, the -earliest atomists, conceived the coalescence of the particles to result -from their rushing onwards always under the influence of a certain -natural deflection which led to their meeting continually so as to -become conjoined. As an Academic, and, therefore, a sceptic, Carneades -could not accept this or any other theory, but in criticizing its -fortuity, he remarked that it might have been perfected, or, at least, -made more intelligible if Epicurus had conferred some faculty of will -or intention on his atoms; Cicero, De Finibus, i, 6; De Fato, 11. With -our increased knowledge of physics, we may now venture to supply the -deficiency in accordance with the suggestion of Carneades. Not even in -the process of crystallization can the motion of the atoms or molecules -be considered as fortuitous, since they seem to be borne towards each -other under the influence of some irresistible desire. The recent -investigators strongly uphold the vitality of the process. - -[1053] The question of abiogenesis or spontaneous generation, remains -still indeterminate. Substances in transitional stages between the -vital and the non-vital state have not been observed; perhaps because -such matter is too inconspicuous to have been discovered so far and -recognized, or, it may be, that the swarm of germs by descent is now -so great, that the incipiently organic at once becomes their prey, and -forms, perhaps, their constant pabulum. If identical atoms underlie all -kinds of matter, and the recent _début_ of electrons brings the proof -appreciably nearer that it is so, we are still at a loss to explain why -they should at one time, by their association, exhibit vital phenomena, -and at another reveal to us their versatility in aggregating under the -species of gold, sulphur, etc. The statement in the text might run that -the chemical compounds combine with each other in greater complexity to -form the elements of protoplasm. - -[1054] That the effective origin of evolution consists in will capable -of responding to a stimulus, being an essential attribute of matter, -is a conclusion to which we are led necessarily by a consideration -of the subject. When an amoeba protrudes a process, incited from -within or without by some desire, it is already on the way to evolve -itself into a higher form; and when a hygienist essays to preserve or -prolong life by his studies in bacteriology, etc., in his immeasurably -higher sphere, he literally does no more. The earlier evolutionists, -Huxley, for example, were inclined to hold that the potency of cosmic -evolution became evanescent progressively with the elaboration of -purposive intelligence and social institutions, but such a view is -manifestly erroneous, and would not now, I presume, be maintained by -any contemporary scientists. - -[1055] Our means of astronomical research are not sufficiently definite -to enable us to explain conclusively the appearance of previously -unobserved stars (_e.g._ Nova Persei, 1901), but there is good reason -to suppose that these new lights sometimes signal to us the catastrophe -of millions of beings more or less similar to ourselves. We are, -however, well acquainted with the convulsions of nature, which often -bring swift destruction to thousands of those dwelling on this small -globe; for instance, the Mont Pelée eruption of 1903, which claimed -some 40,000 victims. It might indeed be imagined from the occurrence of -such disasters that animated nature is merely a kind of surface disease -of the earth, which undergoes a spontaneous cure from time to time by -means of earthquakes, floods, volcanic action, etc. Certainly, if we -are the only result of the activities of this solar system, there would -seem to be much superfluous expenditure of power and materials. The -conception of God, when cleared of all irrelevancy, is merely that of -a perpetual source of energy; and that we must find in the medium we -exist in or nowhere. It is nugatory to talk of beginnings and endings -when dealing with the infinite, unless as regards phases of phenomena; -if there had to be an end of the universe, there would never have been -a beginning. - -[1056] Amongst some follies, the Stoic philosophers, in their -pantheistic conception of nature, reached the highest level which has -yet been attained in the expression of theocratic dogma. With them, the -universe is the very body of the divine essence, and the good and wise -man is in no way inferior to the sublimest manifestation of it. He is -rightly called a god upon earth, and his intellect is an efflux of the -Deity. “Back to the Porch for your ideas of God and nature,” the modern -philosopher may cry to his age. “You are gods yourselves, and nature -is your realm to conquer and hold in subjection.” The religion of the -future will be more akin to Stoicism than to any other doctrine which -has been formulated by thinkers in the past—a high ethical code upheld -by a pride of race and a devotion to the evolution of humanity. The -Stoic would not now be ready to make his own quietus with a bare bodkin -should the currents turn awry. He would stand to his post till the last -hour, working for the advancement of science. “Les stoiciens n’étaient -occupés qu’a travailler au bonheur des hommes, à exercer les devoirs -de la société: il semblait qu’ils regardassant cet esprit sacré qu’ils -croyaient être en eux-mêmes, comme une espèce de providence favorable -qui veillait sur le genre humain”; Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, xxiv, -10. See Plutarch, De Stoic. Repug., 13; Adv. Stoicos, 33; Seneca, De -Provid., 1; Epist., cvi; cxvii, etc.; Epictetus, ii, 8, 9; Lactantius, -Div. Inst., i, 5, 27, etc. - -[1057] Accepting the identity of the evolutionary process at all grades -of its prepotency, we may suppose that future advancement will be -the result of deliberate effort; and that the more determinate such -effort, the more rapid must be the progress. While the aptitude of -our faculties must be increased by their being constantly exercised -in study and research, the knowledge attainable by such work may -ultimately win for us some controlling influence over our physiological -constitution. The wild dreams of mediaeval alchemists now seem to us -less unreal since we have had experience of the properties of radium; -and the vision of an _elixir vitae_, which illuded those investigators, -appears more realizable in the light of recent research. The arrest of -senility may come within the range of the future therapeutist; and a -new Demeter may subject the modern Triptolemus to some alchemical fire, -to render him proof against mortality. Less remotely, the systematic -administration of sexual associations would exert a powerful influence -over mental and bodily development; and it would be physiologically -correct if famous stallions should stand to cover brood mares in the -human as well as in the equine world. The Spartans realized something -of this in practice; Plutarch, Lycurgus. The tendency to equalization -of the sexes which has been growing of late years, is undoubtedly a -forward movement on the path of evolution. The possibility of man in -the future being endowed with greatly increased intellectual power -must not be lost sight of. Exceptional gifts of genius, in some cases -uniquely manifested, and the occurrence of “prodigies,” especially -in relation to mathematics, music, and art, teach that the mental -faculties of the human race may yet be evolved in a much higher degree. -The limitations imagined by Greg, which are, perhaps, generally -entertained, must now be contemplated with suspended judgement: “Two -glorious futures lie before us: the progress of the race here, the -progress of the man hereafter. History indicates that the individual -man needs to be translated in order to excel the past. He appears -to have reached his perfection centuries ago.... What sculptor has -surpassed Phidias? What poet has transcended Homer?” etc.; Enigmas -of Life, 1891, p. 177. This is an evident misconception of the pace -at which evolution moves; such short periods count for nothing. In -evolutionary time, Homer and Phidias are our contemporaries. We know -nothing of the final state of such beings as ourselves after they have -passed through some millions of years, to which most probably the life -of this planet must extend. They may well attain to some condition -resembling that of the “gods” of Epicurus, who existed with a “quasi -corpus, quasi sanguis,” etc. The chemist and biologist have a wide -field before them in which they will yet make many conquests. - -[1058] Compare the account of the soldier Ammianus with those of the -church historians; Socrates, iii; Sozomen, v; Philostorgius (an Arian), -vii; Theodoret, iii, etc. These are honest writers and, although they -often relied on mere hearsay, most of the matter they bring forward is -historical. On the other hand the Church History of Eusebius, who was -infinitely above them in abilities and learning, contains little but -popular report and legend. It is improbable that Julian inflicted any -physical persecution on the Christians, but no doubt his subordinates -did so on the strength of his attitude towards them and he afterwards -got all the credit of it. - -[1059] It is generally suggested that the constant immigration of -barbarians and their wholesale collocation in the army must have -gradually undermined the civilization of the Empire. But a great state -is able to digest an enormous quantity of such accretions; and in the -pride of their recent elevation such new citizens would have become -more Roman than the Romans themselves. The great Transatlantic Republic -has been built up during three centuries by the immigration of alien -barbarians. For a good summary of the peaceful settlement of barbarians -in the Roman territories see Bury, _op. cit._, i, p. 31. - -[1060] See Gieseler (_op. cit._, i, 99), where the assimilation of -heathenism is well summarized and instanced. Augustine (_c._ 400) draws -a striking picture of the impostors, who, in the garb of monks, tramped -the country selling sham relics, phylacteries, etc.; De Op. Monach., -28, 31, etc.; Epist. ad Jan. (118). Jerome, in his diatribe against -Vigilantius, unwittingly makes a display of the gross superstition -which that earnest reformer sought to suppress. Bayle’s article on -Vigilantius (Dictionnaire, etc.) is a full and interesting account -of the subject, but there is more still in Gilly’s V. and his Times, -Lond., 1844. - -[1061] The first victims of ecclesiastical rancour were the -Priscillianists, who arose in Spain about 380. They were tainted with -Manichaeism, and two bishops persuaded the tyrant of Gaul, Maximus, -to put several of them to death in 385. Generally the Fathers of the -Church were shocked at this execution, but the utility of subjecting -heretics to the capital penalty was soon perceived and the practice -thenceforward became an intrinsic part of Christian discipline. The -result is well known to students of Church history and the religious -wars waged against the Paulicians, Albigenses, Huguenots, etc., and -the horrors of the Inquisition are familiar subjects in popular -literature. During three centuries in Spain (1471-1781), the first and -the last scene of the judicial slaughter of heretics, nearly 250,000 -persons were dealt with by the Inquisitors, a circumstance which Galton -considers to have been equivalent to the suppression of national genius -and to account for “the superstitious and unintelligent Spanish race -of the present day”; see Hereditary Genius, 1869, p. 359. The same -reasoning would, of course, apply to any process, such as is occurring -in Russia at the present day, by which the more active and effective -members of a community are being constantly weeded out. Paganism was -not, of course, absolutely free from intolerance; and the cases of -Socrates, Anaxagoras, etc., will occur to every one. Even Cleanthes, -the Stoic, denounced Aristarchus of Samos for running counter to the -popular religion when he put forth some astronomical anticipations of -the Copernican system; Plutarch, De Facie in Orbe Lunae, 6. Even Cicero -in his “Laws” (ii, 8) decidedly proscribes nonconformity with the -state religion. Polytheism was tolerant because it was comprehensive -and could easily assimilate all kindred beliefs. Thus a hospitable -reception was ensured to any new arrival who was fairly accredited as a -member of the Olympian family. - -[1062] Seven Crusades to Palestine were undertaken between 1096 and -1270. During that period more than 7,000,000 persons are said to have -started from Western Europe on their way to the East. Perhaps the -weeding out of the worst fanatics in this way may have conduced to -subsequent progress. - -[1063] Dante (1265-1321) may be considered as the first prominent -figure of the Renaissance; Wycliffe (1325-84) of the Reformation, but -Arnold of Brescia (_c._ 1100-55) has some claim to the credit of being -the first Protestant. - -[1064] In the daily press of March 15, 1896, we read the utterance of a -R. C. prelate when speaking of the Anglican clergy: “Do they claim the -power to produce the actual living Jesus Christ by transubstantiation -on the altar, according to the claims of the priesthood of the Eastern -and Western Churches?” Persons who address a public audience in the -Metropolis in this manner are not considered to be insane nor are they -classed as charlatans. Concomitantly with such proceedings we find that -the greatest of English encyclopaedias is published with introductory -articles in which it is allowed that the old religion is now a mere -phantasm on the stage of reality. At the present moment every form of -religious belief rests secure and stable on the broad back of popular -ignorance; and it remains for posterity in ages to come to solve the -problem as to how long humanity will have to wait for the evolution -of that elevation of mind which will decline to pay the tribute of -hypocrisy and reticence for the assurance of a stipend. - -[1065] Sooner or later the progress of colonization is always resisted -by the aborigines, but the numbers of them who fall in war would soon -be regenerated and their gradual extinction is due to the restrictions -imposed on them by civilization or to their becoming addicted to its -vices. The decrease of the U. S. Indians (303,000, 1880; 266,000, -1900; previous decrease unknown) and of the Maoris (100,000, 1780; -46,000, 1901) is partly due to conflicts with the whites, but that -of the Hawaiians (200,000, 1780; 31,000, 1900) results solely from -the immigration of higher races. Similarly the Tasmanians have become -extinct in the last half of the nineteenth century. The peaceful -pioneer of civilization, perhaps a missionary, is more deadly to the -native races than periodical invasions by an armed force. - -[1066] The ecclesiastical dictatorship of the Byzantine emperors, for -which the term “Caesarpapism” has been coined, is specially illustrated -by Gfrörer, Byzant. Geschichte, Graz, 1874, ii, 17, _et seq._ - -[1067] All the chronographers connect his death with a thunderstorm, -and it appears at least probable that he was affected with brontophobia -in his later years. He is even said to have built a chamber to retire -into, for fear of being struck by lightning; Cedrenus, etc. - -[1068] Theodore Lect., ii, 7, etc. - -[1069] It appears that he set up a private chair or stand in one of the -churches, from which he used to address a crowd to gain converts for -his doctrine. He was ejected thence by the same Patriarch, who shortly -afterwards had to crown him; Theophanes, an. 5982; Suidas, _sb._ -φατρία; see p. 104. - -[1070] Evagrius, iii, 34. - -[1071] He tried to obtain its acceptance in 496, and again 508; Victor -Ton., an. 496; Theophanes, an. 6001, etc. He even tried to convert the -Pope, Anastasius II; Theodore Lect., ii, 17. - -[1072] He favoured the Reds, a mere appendix of the Greens, and so kept -himself free from any absolute partisanship; Jn. Malala, xvi. Rambaud -(_op. cit._, 4, 5) is successful in proving by texts that the Demes -did not represent definitely any political or religious party; and the -notion of comparing them to a sort of popular house, with “supporters -of the government,” and an “opposition” cannot be substantiated. -They were rivals in the games and threefold rivals for the Emperor’s -favour, in the Hippodrome, for interpreting his will to the people, and -for conveying to him the popular sentiment. Thus they had a place in -the administration, but not one that can be paralleled in any modern -constitution. They were practically indifferent to creed or policy. The -numbers recruited under each colour at CP. might be from 900 to 1,500; -Theophylact Sim., viii, 7. - -[1073] See p. 155. But the exactions of Marinus the Syrian, P.P. who -committed the local supervision of the taxes to so-called _vindices_ -of his own creation, instead of to the Decurions, ultimately branded -A. with the opprobrium of being a grasping character: Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 36, 46, 49; Evagrius, iii, 42, etc. - -[1074] The large sum he left in the Treasury has already been alluded -to; see p. 163. - -[1075] The closest personal view of him is to be got from Cyril -Scythop., Vit. S. Saba, 50, _et seq._ He was surnamed Dicorus -(double-pupil), because his eyes differed in colour. - -[1076] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 10; De Aedific., iii, 2, etc.; Jn. -Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 47, _et passim_. - -[1077] Especially Evagrius and Cyril Scythop., both of whom condemned -him as a heretic. - -[1078] Marcellinus Com., an. 518. Now Uskiub, a flourishing Turkish -town, nearly on the same site. The whole district has recently been -explored by Evans; Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum, Archaeologia, -xlix, 1885. - -[1079] The Balkans. See generally Tozer’s Travels in the Turkish -Highlands, 1869, i, 16, etc. - -[1080] Procopius, De Aedific., iv, 1. It seems that they are still -represented by villages called Taor and Bader; see Tozer, _op. cit._, -ii. Append. - -[1081] See Tozer’s narrative of his journey through the Pass from -Prisrend to Uskiub; _loc. cit._ - -[1082] Novel. vii, 1. The extensive remains of the Latin occupation -still to be seen are described by Evans, _op. cit._ - -[1083] Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, 16. - -[1084] _Ibid._, Anecdot., 6. The names of the other two are given as -Zimarchus and Ditybistus, but I see no reason to call them his brothers -as is sometimes done. Justin was cowherd, or swineherd, or field -labourer according to Zonaras, xiv, 5. - -[1085] Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[1086] According to Alemannus (pp. 361, 461), however, Zimarchus as a -centenarian (!) was active in important posts; Theophanes, an. 6054-5. -cf. Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 490 - -[1087] Jn. Antioch. (Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., v, p. 31); Procopius, -_loc. cit._ - -[1088] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 8. - -[1089] Theodore Lect., ii, 37; Const. Porph. De Cerim., i, 93, etc. His -title was Count of the Excubitors. - -[1090] Jn. of Antioch., _loc. cit._, p. 35. - -[1091] Procopius, Anecdot., 6. - -[1092] _Ibid._, De Aedific., iv, 1. - -[1093] _Ibid._, Anecdot., 12; Theophanes, an. 6024. The name seems to -have been common at this epoch; see Socrates, v, 21, etc. - -[1094] The girl’s name was Vigilantia; Procopius, De Bel. Vand., ii, -24, etc. Probably her mother’s name. - -[1095] Corp. Insc. Lat., v, 8120. - -[1096] Inferred from subsequent history. The point is discussed by -Ludewig, _op. cit._, viii, 5; cf. Alemannus, p. 437, _et seq._ - -[1097] Victor Ton., an. 520; Const. Porph., _op. cit._, i, 93. - -[1098] The circumstances and date of the adoption are not recorded, but -that it must have taken place appears evident from Cod., II, ii, 9; -Novel. xxviii, 4, etc. Ludewig argues against it in the face of facts. - -[1099] Almost certainly: the correct form would have been Justinus -Sabbatianus, but the Byzantines were ignorant or varied old rules _ad -lib._ There seems to have been no classical Justinian, but two of that -name flit across the stage under Honorius; Zosimus, v, 30; vi, 2. - -[1100] See pp. 103, 104. - -[1101] From Chron. Paschal. and Theophanes it might be argued that -there was an interregnum, but the contemporary accounts of Peter -Magister (Const. Porph., _loc. cit._) and Cyril Scythop. (_op. cit._, -60) prove that Anastasius died early in the morning on July 9, and -that Justin was elevated on the same day. Some give Justin the credit -of having betrayed the cause of the eunuch by his astuteness, but it -appears rather that his greatness was thrust upon him; Jn. Malala, -xvii; Evagrius, iv, 12; Zonaras, xiv, 51, etc. - -[1102] The official record of the election by Peter Magister (_loc. -supra cit._) has been preserved. It was Justin’s own duty to announce -publicly that the throne was vacant. The Circus was immediately filled -and, as there was no known claimant to the succession, a wild scene -ensued. First one of Justin’s subordinates was set up on a shield by -a company of the guards, but the Blues, disapproving, made a rush and -dispersed the throng. Then a patrician general was seized on by a body -of the Scholars, but the Excubitors attacked them and were dragging the -unlucky officer away to lynch him when he was rescued by the Candidate -Justinian, who was watching the tumult. Upon this the crowd scurried -round Justinian himself, but he declined the dangerous distinction, -being doubtless aware that a decisive election was maturing behind the -scenes among responsible representatives. Still, however, the attempts -to create an emperor went on, until at last the doors of the Cathisma -were thrown open and Justin appeared, supported by the Patriarch, the -Senate, and the chief military officers. All then perceived that an -emperor had been chosen by legitimate methods, and both factions with -the rest of the populace applauded the new monarch in the usual way: -“Justin Augustus, may you be victorious! Reign as you have lived!” -etc. It will be observed that Justin did not ascend the throne as the -emperor of the Blues or the Greens, but that both Demes joined in their -acquiescence. This apparently was always the case unless some party -usurper, such as Phocas, managed to seize the reins of power; see -Theophanes, an. 6094. - -[1103] Procopius, Anecdot., 6. Nearly all the chronographers note his -illiteracy. A certain Marinus painted in one of the public baths a -sequence of pictures in which he portrayed the career of Justin from -his youth upwards. For this he was taken to task by the Emperor, but he -extricated himself by explaining that his intention was an ethical one, -in order to teach the people that in the Byzantine Empire a man might -raise himself by his talents from the dunghill to the first position in -the state; Zachariah Mytil., viii, 1. - -[1104] Theodore Lect., ii, 37, etc. The name Lupicina was, of course, -the popular sobriquet for a prostitute, being connected with _lupa_, -_lupanar_, etc. - -[1105] Victor Ton., an. 523; Cyril Scythop., _op. cit._, 68. - -[1106] Marcellinus Com., an. 527. He also took over his uncle’s post of -Count of the Excubitors; Hormisdas, Epist., 37. - -[1107] Procopius, Anecdot., 6; De Bel. Vand., i, 9; Jn. Lydus, De -Magistr., iii, 51, etc. - -[1108] Zonaras, xiv, 5. - -[1109] Procopius, Anecdot., 6. He was probably the _ex officio_ -president of the Consistorium. It was generally anticipated that -Anastasius would have chosen a successor from one of his three -nephews, Hypatius, Pompeius, and Probus, all of whom he had raised to -important positions. His failure to do so is accounted for seriously -by a singular story. Being undecided as to which of them he should -select to inherit the Empire, he arranged that they should dine -together at the Palace on a certain day in an apartment by themselves. -Here he provided three couches, on which, according to custom, they -would take a siesta after the meal. One of these he designated in his -own mind as the Imperial bed, and kept watch in order to see which -of them would occupy it. As it happened, however, two of the three -threw themselves down together on the same couch, and the significant -position remained vacant. Judging that a higher power had ruled the -event, he then prayed that his successor might be revealed to him as -the first person who should enter to him next morning. This proved to -be that very likely officer of his household, Justin, a result which -appears to have satisfied him; Anon. Vales., 13. Such relations cannot -be rejected in this age on the grounds that so-and-so had too much good -sense, etc. On the contrary, they serve to indicate the mental calibre -of the time. The slaughter of several “Theos” as possible successors -by Valens (Ammianus, xxix, 1) may be remembered, and Zeno is said to -have executed an unfortunate silentiary anent of a silly prediction; -Jn. Malala, xv; Theophanes, an. 5982. But Justin and Justinian, being -arrested on two occasions, as it is said, were providentially preserved -by visions which enjoined their release; Procopius, Anecdot., 8; -Cedrenus, i, p. 635, etc. - -[1110] Procopius, Anecdot., 6; Jn. Malala, xvii (the fuller transcript -by Mommsen, Hermes, vi, 1885, p. 375); Zachariah Mytil., viii, 1, etc. -The cruel fate of Theocritus is specially indicated by Marcellinus -Com., an. 519. Before the death of Anastasius, Amantius was indulged -with a pre-vision of his destiny, having seen himself in a dream on the -point of being devoured by a great pig, symbolizing, of course, Justin -the swineherd. - -[1111] The massacres of Monophysites in Asia Minor are described -at length with the names of numerous sufferers by Michael Melit. -(Langlois). Among them, two stylites with their pillars were hurled to -the ground. - -[1112] Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. - -[1113] _Ibid._ It was proposed that he should become one of the two -Masters of the Forces _in praesenti_. - -[1114] Zachariah Mytil., viii, 2. This was the church in which the -great Council of Chalcedon was held. Evagrius gives a picturesque -description of it. - -[1115] Zachariah Mytil., viii, 2; Procopius, Anecdot., 6. After this -Justinian spoke of him as his “most distinguished brother”; Hormisdas, -Epist., 55. - -[1116] In the government of the Church he showed great activity, traces -of which will be found in Concil. and Baronius, etc., during these -years. - -[1117] Jn. Malala, especially in Hermes, _loc. cit._ - -[1118] Procopius, _loc. cit._; Evagrius, iv, 3; Victor Ton., an. 523. -As to the _Delphicum_, or banqueting room, see Procopius, De Bel. -Vand., i, 21. - -[1119] Marcellinus Com., an. 520. Theophanes says he was killed in -an _émeute_ by the Byzantines to avenge those who perished through -his insurrection under Anastasius, but this is evidently a report -circulated later on to cover Justinian’s guilt. Zonaras mentions both -versions of the murder. - -[1120] Const. Porph., De Them., i, 12. - -[1121] Memorials of this consulate still exist, and samples of the -diptychs are preserved at Paris and Milan; Corp. Insc. Lat., _loc. -cit._ Unfortunately they are simple in design and do not attempt -a likeness of Justinian. From them we learn that at this time he -had assumed the names of Flavius Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus; for -reproductions see Molinier, Hist. gen. des Arts, etc., Paris, 1896, -and Diehl, _op. cit._ Perhaps the later diptych in Gori represents -him; see p. 50. As to the adulatory attempts to fasten the name of -Anicius on Justin and his nephew in order to connect them with the most -distinguished Roman family of the age, see Ludewig and Isambert (_op. -cit._), who have discussed the question at length. Justinian and St. -Benedict, a contemporary, are brought into relationship and presented -as scions of the same race as the existing royal house of Hapsburg. - -[1122] Marcellinus Com., an. 521. Trajan, after his conquest of -the Dacians, exhibited 10,000 gladiators and 11,000 animals in the -Colosseum; Dion Cass., lxviii, 15. Under Claudius I a naval battle for -sport on Lake Fucinus brought 100 ships, manned by 19,000 combatants, -into play; Tacitus, Ann., xii, 56; Dion Cass., lx, 33. Real warfare -among the Grecian states was often on a less extensive scale. -Justinian’s display cost about £150,000, his first considerable draught -on the savings of Anastasius. - -[1123] Const. Porph., De Them., i, 12. - -[1124] Procopius, De Aedific., i, 4; Codinus, p. 87; see p. 37. cf. -Chron. Paschal., an. 605 - -[1125] A history of the reign of Justin is enumerated among the works -of Hesychius of Miletus, but nothing remains to us but the jottings, -more or less brief, of the chroniclers. Nicephorus Callistus (_c._ -1400) has rolled into one nearly all previous Church historians. - -[1126] Jn. Malala, xvii; cf. Marcellinus Com., an. 523, etc. Theodotus, -the P.U. of CP. was especially severe in his repressive measures and -went too far in executing a man of rank. On the strength of a serious -illness of Justinian it seems likely that he even aimed at the purple, -but Justinian recovered and immediately brought him to trial for his -excesses. By the influence of Proclus he escaped with exile; Procopius, -Anecdot., 9; Jn. Malala, xvii; cf. Alemannus, p. 368. - -[1127] Paulus Diaconus, Hist. Miscel., xvii. - -[1128] _Ibid._; Marcellinus Com., an. 525; Theophanes, an. 6016, etc. - -[1129] Paulus Diac., _loc. cit._; Anon. Vales., 16. These writers, -however, represent Justin as conceding everything demanded, although -the statement is at variance with the general tenor of their own -account, and there is no trace of a wave of leniency in the literature -of the East. That John got the credit of having betrayed his trust in -the interests of orthodoxy is shown by a spurious letter in which he -is seen urging the Italian bishops from his prison to persecute the -Arians; Labbe, Concil., viii, 605. - -[1130] Pliny (Hist. Nat., vi, 15) adverts to the common error of -calling them Caspian, instead of Caucasian. Properly the Caspian, also -Albanian Gates (now Pass of Derbend), were situated at the abutment of -the Caucasus on the sea of that name. There were other Caspian Gates -south of that sea in Hyrcania. - -[1131] On the Russian military road from Vladikavkaz to Tiflis. It -rises to 8,000 feet. - -[1132] Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi, 12; Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 10. An -old way of blocking dangerous passes; Xenophon, Anab., i, 4. - -[1133] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 52, _et seq._ - -[1134] _Ibid._, Procopius, _loc. cit._ - -[1135] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._ - -[1136] Zachariah Mytil., viii, 5. Cavades demanded 500 lb. of gold -(£20,000) each year. - -[1137] Al Mundhir (Nöldeke). - -[1138] Zachariah Mytil., _loc. cit._; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, -17. - -[1139] Zachariah Mytil., _loc. cit._ This account seems to emanate -from a contemporary native of Syria; cf. Procopius, De Bel. Pers., -ii, 28. Al Lât and Al Uzzâ, names of a lascivious duality, held sway -at Mecca till overthrown by Mahomet. This Arab, like most of his -tribe, appears to have possessed a subtle wit, a circumstance which -was utilized for the invention of a skit pointed at the Monophysites. -It was related that two bishops of that sect, paying him a visit in -the hope of converting him to Christianity, found him apparently in a -state of great despair. On being questioned, Alamundar replied that -he was shocked at having just heard of the death of the archangel -Michael. The missionaries assured him that the death of an angel was an -impossibility. “How then,” exclaimed the Arab, “can you pretend that -Christ, being very God, died on the cross, if he had but one divine -nature?” The bishops retired discomfited; Theodore Lect., ii, 35, etc. - -[1140] Rufinus, x, 10; Socrates, i, 20, etc. A Christian captive, a -female, won over the royal family by miraculous cures, etc. - -[1141] In the classical period Iberia was the usual name for Spain -among the Greeks. - -[1142] Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. The tables (see p. 90) of his cloak, were -embroidered with the likeness of Justin. - -[1143] Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. - -[1144] See p. 176. - -[1145] Jn. Malala, _loc. cit._, etc. - -[1146] Khosrau (Nöldeke); also called Nushirvan (Anosharwán), as -Zotenberg always names him in his translation of Tabari. - -[1147] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 11. He even tried to make out -that it was a cunningly devised plot to annex the Empire to Persia. -The power of Proclus, who seems to have been an alarmist, is clearly -brought out by this incident. - -[1148] Procopius, _loc. cit._ Theophanes (followed by Clinton, Fast. -Rom.) places this affair in 521, a date which removes it altogether out -of its setting; 525 is the most likely year. - -[1149] Hypatius and Probus, the nephews of Anastasius. - -[1150] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12. - -[1151] Procopius, De Bel. Pers., i, 12. As, however, the Roman guard -could only be victualled by the active co-operation of the Lazi, and -after a short time they proved too lazy to bring in provisions to the -fort, it was evacuated and left to the Persians; _ibid._ - -[1152] _Ibid._ - -[1153] “Sidus cometes effulsit; de quo vulgi opinio est tanquam -mutationem regnis portendat,” etc.; Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 22; cf. xv, 47. -As Milton expresses it: - - Satan stood - Unterrified, and like a comet burn’d, - That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge - In the arctic sky, and from his horrid hair - Shakes pestilence and war. - Paradise Lost, ii. - - -[1154] The fullest account of these calamities is given by Jn. Malala, -xvii. - -[1155] Cedrenus and Zonaras place it in this reign. Jn. Malala a little -later. - -[1156] This was not the first occurrence of the kind, and all the -chronographers are anxious to record that a slab now came to light with -a punning inscription or prophecy, which may be rendered in English as, -“The river Skip will skip some evil skippings for the townspeople”; as -anxious as they are to note the peregrinations of a Cilician giantess, -over seven feet high, who tramped the Empire, begging a penny at all -the workshops for showing herself. After its restoration Edessa was -called Justinopolis in legal acts. - -[1157] Procopius puts it as high as 300,000; De Bel. Pers., ii, 14. - -[1158] Jn. Lydus, De Magistr., iii, 54. - -[1159] Zachariah Mytil., viii, 4. - -[1160] Nearly all these particulars are due to John Malala, who, from -the amount of detail he supplies about his native city, may be called -the historian of Antioch. From him we learn that the Olympic games -continued to be celebrated at Antioch, but were finally suppressed in -521 by Justin, for reasons similar to those which about half a century -ago led to the abolition of Donnybrook Fair. - -[1161] Cedrenus, i, p. 641. Perhaps he is only speaking figuratively. - -[1162] Jn. Lydus, _loc. cit._ - -[1163] Evagrius, iv, 6. Jn. Malala (xviii, p. 443) puts the -re-christening in 528. He adds that Justinian remitted three years’ -taxes to several of the towns then damaged by earthquakes. - -[1164] His death is said to have resulted from the recrudescence of -an old wound in the foot at the age of seventy-five (Jn. Malala) or -seventy-seven (Chron. Paschal.). The higher number is to be preferred, -as Procopius says that at his accession he was τυμβογέρων, that is, an -old man “with one foot in the grave”; Anecdot., 6; cf. Alemannus, p. -385. - -[1165] The age of Justinian is not satisfactorily known, but Cedrenus -and Zonaras give him forty-five years at his coronation. I need only -allude to the reputed life of Justinian by his so-called tutor, Bogomil -or Theophilus, quoted implicitly by Alemannus, a historical puzzle -for nearly three centuries, but at last solved a few years ago; see -Bryce, English Hist. Rev., 1887. It is little more than a MS. leaflet -(in the Barberini library at Rome), and proves to be devoid of any -sort of authenticity. The chief non-corroborated statement is that -Justinian spent some time at Ravenna, as a hostage, with Theodoric the -Goth. Justinian himself was, in fact, a barbarian of some tribe, and -the bogus name given him, _Uprauda_, seems to have some affinity with -“upright” and “Justinian.” - -[1166] The characters of Helen, Andromache, and Penelope, as they -appear in the Iliad and Odyssey, have taken a place permanently in -modern literature. - -[1167] See Plutarch’s account of the legislation of Lycurgus. A king -of Sparta was fined by the Ephors for marrying a wife of poor physique -for money, instead of choosing a strapping young lady with a view to -having a vigorous family; _ibid._, Agesilaus; Athenaeus, xiii, 20. The -Spartans applauded the adulterous union of Acrotatus and Chelidonis, -because they seemed to be physically well matched for the production of -offspring; Plutarch, Pyrrhus. In fact Lycurgus thought that wives might -properly be lent to suitable mates for breeding purposes. As an example -of noble character in the female, the conduct of Chelonis is recorded: -also the resolution and bravery of the female relatives of Cleomenes -when they all met their death at Alexandria; _ibid._, Agis; Cleomenes. - -[1168] On the Athenian women in general, see Becker-Göll, Charicles, -Excurs. - -[1169] To a female visitor from another country it seemed that the -Lacedaemonian women ruled the men; Plutarch, Lycurgus; cf. Aristotle, -Politics, ii, 9. He makes out that things were muddled at Sparta, owing -to interference by the women. - -[1170] Herodotus, vii, 99; viii, 87, etc. Several of her ruses in war -are mentioned by Polyaenus, Stratagems, viii, 53. - -[1171] Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxxvi, 5, etc. The fragments of it to a -large amount are now in a special room of the British Museum, together -with attempted restorations in the solid and on the flat. It was -delightfully situated on the Bay of Halicarnassus, a sight in itself, -and a point of sight for a splendid prospect of sea, contained in a -circuit of rising coast, covered with specimens of Greek architecture. -Herodotus himself hailed from this town. - -[1172] Polyaenus, Stratagems, viii, 60. - -[1173] Athenaeus, xiii, 10. - -[1174] Diodorus Sic., xix, 52; 11; 51; Justin, xiv, 5, 6, etc. - -[1175] Laodicea in Phrygia (and elsewhere), by Seleucus after his -mother Laodice; Thessalonica by Cassander, and Nice (Nicaea) in -Bithynia, of ecclesiastical fame, by Lysimachus, from their wives. -These were generals and successors of Alexander, _c._ 320 B.C. - -[1176] The most illustrious lady of this age was Phila, wife of -Demetrius Poliorcetes (her third marriage). She acted the part of -political adviser and ambassadress; and was amiable and pacific as -well as intellectual; Plutarch, Demetrius; Diodorus Sic., xx, 93. A -flatterer of D. raised a temple to her, and called it the Philaeum; -Athenaeus, vi, 65. - -[1177] Justin, xxxix, 1, 2. - -[1178] _Ibid._, 4. These queens flourished _c._ 100 B.C. - -[1179] Justin, xxvi, 3. He was called Demetrius the Handsome, son of -the D. above-named, but not by Phila. She stood at the door of the -chamber, while the ministers of her vengeance were operating within, -calling out to them to spare her mother (_c._ 250 B.C.). Her own fate -was to be put to death by her son, Ptolemy IV of Egypt, in 221 B.C. - -[1180] That is, her hair cut off and suspended in the temple of -Aphrodite to propitiate divine favour for her husband (Ptolemy III), -during his Syrian war, _c._ 245 B.C. It became a constellation -according to the adulators of the day, as is shown in the poem of -Catullus, a translation from the Greek of Callimachus. - -[1181] The constitution of the Roman family can be apprehended readily -by running through the consecutive expositions in Muirhead’s Private -Law of Rome, Edin., 1886, pp. 24, 64, 115, 248, 345, 514. In law the -mother and children were practically the slaves of the _paterfamilias_: -he could divorce his wife at pleasure, and yet 500 years elapsed before -a husband made use of this power, so potent was the high ethical code -which sustained the Republic. - -[1182] The story or legend of Cloelia used to be well known. Being -delivered as a hostage, with a number of other maidens, to Porsena, she -encouraged them to escape, and headed the band in swimming across the -Tiber. But they were all punctiliously returned (_c._ 508 B.C.); Livy, -ii, 13; Plutarch, Publicola, etc. - -[1183] Portia, daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus, the assassin of -Caesar, aspired to be the confidante of her husband, but, distrusting -her feminine nature, she refrained from soliciting him to trust -her, until, by stabbing herself in the thigh, she felt satisfied -of possessing sufficient masculine strength of mind to become the -repository of state secrets (44 B.C.); Plutarch, Brutus, etc. See -Shakespeare’s delineation of her in _Julius Caesar_, where she recounts -her action to Brutus. - -[1184] The accomplishments of Cornelia, the fifth wife of Pompey, are -given in detail by Plutarch. She was well read in literature, played -the lyre, had made progress in geometry, and fortified herself by -the study of philosophy. Julia, the mother of Mark Antony, is called -“a most learned woman” by Cicero, Catiline, iv, 6. Greek culture was -fashionable at this time among the Romans. But an earlier Cornelia -(_c._ 330 B.C.) became famous in infamy as the centre of a female -society for poisoning men of note; Livy, viii, 18. - -[1185] Tacitus, Ann., xiii, 5. - -[1186] Hist. Aug. Heliogabalus, 2, _et seq._ She “lived the life of a -prostitute,” and she also instituted a “petty senate” of females, which -prescribed the fashions of the day to women. Manners, dress, jewellery, -style of carriages, choice of draught-animals, horses, asses, or oxen, -etc., were the subject of their jurisdiction. - -[1187] _Ibid._, 17, _et seq._ Both were murdered, and their bodies -dragged through the streets by the Praetorian guard, before their reign -had lasted quite four years. - -[1188] She was a daughter of the great Theodosius. The turning-point -in the fall of the Western Empire was the sacking of Rome by Alaric -in 410. From about 425 her authority was paramount at Ravenna, the -provisional capital or rather refuge of the mouldering government. Most -information about her is contained in Zosimus, vi, 12, and Procopius, -De Bel. Vand., i, 3, _et seq._ - -[1189] I have several times had occasion to mention this princess. -There is no consecutive history of this period, but merely scraps to be -collected from brief chronicles, Church historians, and fragments of -lost works, etc. - -[1190] See pp. 103, 302. - -[1191] Const. Porph., i, 93; see p. 303. - -[1192] Jn. Malala, xv.; Theophanes, an. 5967, _et seq._ - -[1193] Tacitus, Ann., iv, 19; the case of Sosia Galla. Cf. the account -of Salonina and her gorgeous appearance, riding in the van of the army -with her husband Caecina; _ibid._, Hist., ii, 20. - -[1194] Tacitus, Ann., iii, 33. - -[1195] _Ibid._, i, 69. - -[1196] _Ibid._, ii, 55, 74; iii, 17, etc. As she acted with the secret -approval of the Court, she was acquitted at a mock trial (20), but a -dozen years later, on the death of her accessories, she anticipated her -fate by suicide; _ibid._, vi, 26. - -[1197] _Ibid._, iii, 33. Plutarch (De Mul. Virt.), has collected -twenty-seven instances of the notable doings of women, and Polyaenus -(Stratagemata, viii) has repeated most of them, and added almost as -many more. The latter record extends up to about 170. - -[1198] Herodotus, i, 199. This applies to Babylon and Cyprus, but -there were several other places, and the custom was carried by the -Semites as far west as Sicca Veneria, in Numidia, N. Africa; Valerius -Max., ii, 6 (15). See the commentators on the passage of Herodotus; -Strabo, XVI, i, 20, etc. At all times the simplicity of devout females -was liable to be abused, several instances of which are recounted. -For example, an ancient rite ordained that a Phrygian damsel should -on the eve of her marriage bathe in the Scamander, whilst invoking -the river-god to accept her virginity. In this custom on one occasion -a youth of the neighbourhood found his opportunity. Hearing of the -nuptials of a young lady who was socially unapproachable to him, but -of whom he had long been enamoured, he bedizened himself with reeds -and water-flowers and posted himself in a recess to await her coming. -On her entering the water he came forward thus in the guise of the -divinity she was supposed to meet, and the guileless maid permitted him -to embrace her without resistance, devoutly unconscious of anything -being wrong. Subsequently, as she was walking in the bridal procession, -her eyes fell upon him among the spectators, whereupon she made him a -profound obeisance and pointed him out to those who accompanied her -as the genius of the sacred stream; Aeschines, Epist., 10. This was -an isolated and comparatively blameless case, but later on some of -the semi-Christian charlatans managed such matters wholesale; see the -account of Marcus in Irenaeus, i, 13. - -[1199] Strabo, VIII, vi, 20 - -[1200] Athenaeus, xiii, 25. St. Augustine was of the same opinion: -“Aufer meretrices de rebus humanis, turbaveris omnia libidinibus”; De -Ordine, ii, 4 (in Migne, i, 1000). - -[1201] Athenaeus, xiii, 46. Nicarete of Megara is noted as being a -disciple of Stilpo of the same town, a philosopher who achieved a great -and lasting reputation; _ibid._, 70; Diogenes Laert. in Vita, “A wife -is legally countenanced in sulking and keeping to the house, but a -hetaira knows that it is only by her social talents that she can attach -friends to herself”; Athenaeus, xiii, 7. - -[1202] The names of these biographers are preserved, viz., Aristophanes -of Byzantium, Apollodorus, Antiphanes, Ammonius, and Gorgias of Athens, -but their works are lost; Athenaeus, xiii, 21, 46. The first-named -composed as many as 135 lives, and Apollodorus exceeded even this -number. The gist of their writings, however, seems to have been -preserved by Athenaeus in his thirteenth book; and among the moderns, -Jacobs has attempted to reconstruct all the principal biographies; -Attische Museum, 1798-1805. The accounts of them are almost wholly -made up of anecdotes as to their witty remarks and rejoinders. But -at least one modern author has written biographies of courtesans; -see Devaux-Mousk, Fleurs du Persil, Paris, 1887 (with portraits and -autographs). - -[1203] Plutarch, Pericles, etc. At the same time it was not beneath her -to become a procuress, and it is said that all Greece was supplied with -girls by her agency. It was even maintained that the immediate cause of -the Pelopennesian war was the abduction of one of these girls imported -from Megara; Athenaeus, xiii, 25; Plutarch, _loc. cit._ Parallels to -Aspasia are not altogether wanting in very recent times. Thus of Cora -Pearl (_née_ Crouch, of Plymouth) we read: “For some time she excited -the greatest interest among all classes of Parisian society, and ladies -imitated her dress and manners”; Dict. Nat. Biog., _sb. nom._ - -[1204] Memorabilia, iii, 11. - -[1205] Diogenes Laert., Epicurus; Cicero, De Nat. Deor., i, 33; see an -imaginary letter of hers in Alciphron, ii, 2. - -[1206] Athenaeus, xiii, 37, 38, 56. Timotheus, when it was thrown -in his teeth that his mother was a prostitute, replied that he was -very much obliged to her for making him the son of Conon. The son of -Pericles by Aspasia was legitimated and became a general. - -[1207] _Ibid._, 40, 38. Hieronymus, the last king of Syracuse, is said -to have married a common prostitute, but their issue did not succeed to -any crown; _ibid._ In modern times the assumption of the premiership of -Bavaria by the notorious Lola Montez (_née_ Gilbert of Limerick) will -be remembered. “She now ruled the kingdom of Bavaria, and, singular to -say, ruled it with wisdom and ability. Her audacity confounded alike -the policy of the Jesuits and of Metternich”; Dict. Nat. Biog., _sb. -nom._ Her _régime_ did not, however, last more than a year, being -unable to stem the tide of revolution in 1848. More fortunate was -the _castrato_ singer, Farinelli, who retained a position differing -little from that of prime minister under Philip V of Spain and his -successor for nearly twenty-five years. The reign of courtesans in the -seventeenth century, when the aristocratic blood of France and England -was enriched by “legitimated princes” and peers under Louis XIV and -Charles II is too well known to need comment here; but the acquisition -of governmental power at the hands of Louis XV by Jeanne Vaubernier -(Countess Du Barry), a low-class strumpet, doubtless helped decidedly -to bring that disgraceful epoch to a close; see Voltaire’s _Louis XIV_ -and _Louis XV_, etc. - -[1208] Athenaeus, xiii, 38; Alciphron, ii, 1. - -[1209] Athenaeus, xiii, 60. Here, again, a parallel is afforded by -Cora Pearl. During the war of 1870 she transformed her house into an -“ambulance,” where she spent her time and money to the amount of £1,000 -in nursing wounded soldiers. Afterwards she claimed to be reimbursed, -but £60 only was granted to her by the government; see her Mémoires, -Paris, 1886. Ultimately she was expelled from Paris. - -[1210] _Ibid._, xiii, 7, 31. - -[1211] _Ibid._, xiii, 70; Polyaenus, viii, 45, etc. - -[1212] Athenaeus, xiii, 34. - -[1213] _Ibid._, xiii, 54. A figurative memorial, a lioness tearing a -ram; Pausanias, ii, 2. - -[1214] _Ibid._, xiii, 59; Aelian, Var. Hist., ix, 32. Crates, the -Cynic, said that it was an advertisement of the profligacy of Greece. - -[1215] Athenaeus, xiii, 69; and another at Babylon, the seat of his -governorship. Plutarch (Phocion) says it cost about £7,000, and was -poor value for the money, but Pausanias extols it; i, 37. - -[1216] Athenaeus, xiii, 34. - -[1217] _Ibid._, vi, 62. Plutarch tells us that he fined the Athenians -£70,000, which he handed over to Lamia and the rest of his harem to buy -_soap_! - -[1218] A _licentia stupri_ was issued to each woman by the _aediles_; -Tacitus, Ann., ii, 85. - -[1219] Plutarch, Sulla. - -[1220] _Ibid._, Pompey. - -[1221] Plutarch, Lucullus. - -[1222] In the year 19 Rome was shocked by Vistilia, a married woman of -noble birth, applying for a licence. She was banished, and a law passed -to prevent the repetition of such an occurrence; Tacitus, Ann., ii, 85. -Half a century later probably no notice would have been taken, but the -ethics of the day varied regularly with the character of the reigning -emperor. - -[1223] Dion Cass., lxvi, 14. As a proof of the meanness of Vespasian, -he relates that Titus expostulated with his father on the unseemliness -of maintaining a tax on the collection of urine, whereupon the Emperor, -drawing a handful of gold from his pocket, tendered it to his son, -saying, “Smell, does it stink?” cf. Suetonius, 23. - -[1224] Socrates, v, 18. The punishment of an adultress at this epoch -took the ridiculous form of impounding her in a narrow cabinet next -the street, where she was forced to prostitute herself to all comers. -Every time she received a companion a jingling of little bells was -kept up to publish the circumstance to passers by. At the same period -immense underground bakeries were run by contractors for the supply -of the Steps (see p. 81), and they hit on a remarkable expedient for -procuring slaves to work in them. Taverns served by prostitutes were -set up contiguous to the vaults; and customers, chiefly strangers, were -lured into a compartment, from which they were suddenly lowered into -the cavity beneath, by a sinking floor. There they ended their days in -enforced labour, being never again allowed to see the light. A bold -soldier of Theodosius, however, being thus entrapped, drew a dagger and -fought his way out. He then laid information, which brought about the -destruction of all such infamous dungeons; _ibid._ - -[1225] In the Middle Ages the absence of judicious and uniform -legislation is one of the most marked features, and in every province -the extremes of sociological phenomena are commonly to be observed. -Side by side with measures for the total abolition of prostitution we -find brothels tolerated as a regular department of royal palaces. In -1546, for example, prostitution was suppressed at Strasbourg, and at -Toulouse in 1587. On the other hand, from the eleventh century onwards, -a community of courtesans was maintained as part of the establishment -of the kings of France. They were placed in the charge of an officer, -named _le Roi des Ribauds_. His position, however, was low, and his -right to eat at the same board with the other members of the household -was disputed; see Rabutaux, La Prostitution (_au moyen âge_), Paris, -1851, ff. 16, 21, 32, 33. Again, it is well authenticated, though -almost incredible, that in the sixteenth century nobles and generals of -the south of Europe kept in the camp elegantly caparisoned goats for -amatory purposes; see Bayle, _sb._ Bathyllus. - -[1226] See p. 89. - -[1227] Our knowledge of these facts in detail is due to Procopius -(Anecdota or Hist. Arcana), but sufficient corroboration from other -sources is not wanting. The question as to the authenticity of this -work of Procopius has been finally set at rest by the recent researches -of Dahn and Haury. It is doubtless as true as all history in detail, -_i.e._, vitiated by prejudice, ignorance, and mistakes. The life and -literary activity of P. will be noticed later on. - -[1228] Procopius, Anecdot., 10. - -[1229] This was a staple piece of “gag” for centuries, and is another -instance of the uniformity of Byzantine life during long periods; see -Tertullian and Gregory Naz., as quoted by Alemannus, _op. cit._, p. 380. - -[1230] See Mirecourt (Les Contemporains, Paris, 1855, 78) for an -amusing account (with portrait) of Lola Montez, and her bold procedure -in dispensing with her _maillots_, “to the delight of the gentlemen -of the orchestra,” when dancing at Paris. Some may still remember the -popularity of “the Menken,” as Mazeppa at Astley’s, the result of her -having been counselled to turn “to account her fine physique”; see Dic. -Nat. Biog., _sb. nom._, for her career and distinguished associates. -Her apology, protesting against the performance being denounced as an -exhibition of nakedness, was published, and is extant. This hetaira -approached somewhat to her Greek prototypes, and issued a volume of -poems, which, if not equal to Sappho’s, had a merit of their own. The -same significance cannot, however, be attached to such displays as at -the present day. The indiscriminate bathing was only just passing into -disrepute, and ingenuous exhibitions of that kind were still possible. -See, for instance, Aristaenetus (i, 7), where a “modest” young lady -trips down to the beach, coolly divests herself of her clothing, and -asks a young gentleman, who happens to be reclining there, to keep an -eye on her things while she is in the water. This author, waiting _c._ -500, could scarcely have deemed such an incident preposterous in his -time. As to naked women in the theatre, in addition to the notices -already given from Chrysostom, see In Matth. Hom. xix, 4 (in Migne, -viii, 120). - -[1231] Her proceedings are described by Procopius, with the openness -and detail which was natural to the age in which he lived. For this, -however, he has been censured, to the damage of his historical credit, -as if he thereby proved himself to be a dissolute person, unusually -experienced in the vices of the times. But the charge is unjust, and -might be urged with greater force against almost all of the Christian -fathers who continually inveigh against abuses of the sexual instinct, -in the intricacies of which they show themselves to be far better -versed. Beginning with the Epistle of Barnabas they never tire of -decrying circumstantially all sexual relations, especially those -who “medios viros lambunt, libidinoso ore inguinibus inhaerescunt”; -Minucius Felix, 28; cf. Arnobius, Adv. Gen., ii; Lactantius, Div. -Inst., vi, 23, etc. Their rigid text is “genitalem corporis partem -nulla alia causa nisi efficiendae sobolis accepimus”; _ibid._ Nor was -it regarded as proper that the knowledge and discussion of such matters -should be ordinarily thrust out of sight; on the contrary they were -included in the category of topics habitually invested with interest to -“society.” Thus the polished Agathias in an amatory epigram (28), after -lamenting the pangs and torments of love, makes his point with: - - Πάντ’ ἄρα Διογένης ἔφυγεν τάδε, τὸν δ’ Ὑμέναιον - ἤειδεν παλάμῃ, Λαΐδος οὐ χατέων. - -This graphic effusion duly found its place in that book of “elegant -extracts,” compiled for the delectation of the Byzantine drawing-room, -the Greek Anthology, where it remains enshrined amid a crowd of -companions, at least ten times as remote as itself from modern ideas of -decency. - -[1232] One example of her unusual turpitude may be reproduced. After -enlivening a party of ten or more young men for a whole evening, -she “παρὰ τοὺς ἐκείνων οἰκέτας ἰοῦσα τριάκοντα ὄντας ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, -ξυνεδυαζετο μὲν τούτων ἑκάστῳ”; Procopius, Anecdot., 9. Unconsciously -she was emulating the activities of the Empress Messalina five -centuries previously: - - Claudius audi - Quae tulerit: dormire virum cum senserat uxor ... - Intravit calidum veteri centone lupanar ... - Excepit blanda intrantes, atque aera poposcit: - Mox lenone suas jam dimittente puellas, - Tristis abit; etc. - Juvenal, Sat. vi, 115, _et seq._ - -Pliny discusses her proclivities in the inquiring mood of a -physiologist; Hist. Nat., x, 83. - -[1233] This is in direct opposition to the established views of -Byzantine superstition; see p. 119. - -[1234] The age of Theodora is nowhere mentioned, but Ludewig and -Isambert favour 497. Nicephorus Cal. (xvi, 39) says that she was -born in Cyprus, an assertion which cannot be contradicted, but which -is, on the whole unlikely, and some of his collateral statements are -erroneous. The following information _pour rire_ has found its way -into so considerable a work as Hefner-Altneck’s Trachten: “Theodora -was the daughter of Acacius, Patriarch of CP., and was trained by -her mother (!) for the theatre, in which she distinguished herself -by her art as a pantomimist”; i, p. 124. The Patriarch Acacius was -doubtless a celibate. The whitewashing of Theodora has, of course, been -undertaken, but late, not till 1731, by Ludewig. She was, in fact, in -bad odour with the Church, and the worst that could be said of her -was acceptable. Recently a further attempt has been made by Débidour -(L’Impératrice Theodora, Paris, 1885, Latin Thesis, 1877), called forth -by Sardou’s well-known play of _Theodora_, in which she is undoubtedly -misrepresented. A pendant to this _brochure_, containing all the facts -of the defence, will be found in Eng. Hist. Rev., 1887 (Mallet). -Present flatterers were, of course, ready to swear that she was an -Anician! See p. 308. - -[1235] Procopius, Anecdot., 10, 17. His horror at the practice of -abortion teaches us that a great revulsion of public sentiment must -have taken place since the time of Aristotle, who counsels resorting to -it when over-population is threatened; Politics, vii, 16. - -[1236] Procopius, Anecdot., 17. - -[1237] _Ibid._, 9. - -[1238] Codinus, p. 104 (Anon. of Banduri). This information dates from -the early part of the eleventh century, but must have been copied from -some earlier document. It is in general agreement with Procopius, -Anecdot., 9. - -[1239] Socrates, iv, 28. The Novation purists made great headway there; -_ibid._, ii, 30, etc. - -[1240] Contiguous to the church of St. Panteleemon, which stood on the -Propontis to the east of the Theodosian Port; see Notitia, reg. ix and -Ducange _sb. Homonoea_. The suburban St. P. is said to be indicated by -ruins still existing at the foot of the “Giant’s Grave,” on the Asiatic -side of the Bosphorus; see Gyllius, De Bosp., iii, 6; Procop., etc., -Notitia, reg. ix; Ducange, _sb. Homonoea_; Procopius, De Aedific., i, 9. - -[1241] Codinus, _loc. cit._ - -[1242] Procopius, Anecdot., 9. - -[1243] _Ibid._, 10. He allows that she was sufficiently well looking, -but he also states that her countenance was disfigured by debauchery; -_ibid._, 9. At a later date he praises her beauty as something almost -superhuman, but this was intended for the eyes of the Court; De -Aedific., i, 11. - -[1244] In natural gifts she may have had some resemblance to Cleopatra; -see Shakespeare’s presentation of the latter: - - Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale - Her infinite variety, etc. - Act ii, 2. - - -[1245] Procopius, Anecdot., 9; cf. John of Ephesus, Com. de Beat. -Orient. (Van Douven and Land), p. 68, where the words occur, “ad -Theodoram τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πορνείου, quae illo tempore patricia erat.” She -is often mentioned in this work in a laudatory strain, with which -this sentence, as Diehl (_op. cit._) forcibly observes, is decidedly -incongruous. Probably, therefore, it has been introduced by a copyist, -but of what date I cannot surmise. - -[1246] Probably she now took up her residence in the palace of -Hormisdas; see pp. 37, 309. - -[1247] As shown by subsequent events; Theophanes, an. 6019; Victor -Ton., an. 566; Jn. Malala, xviii, p. 430; _ib._, an. 6020. - -[1248] Her position was now very similar to that of Caenis under -Vespasian; see p. 336. - -[1249] See p. 108. - -[1250] Procopius, Anecdot., 10; the law itself, Cod., V, iv, 23 (De -Nuptiis). This relaxation, however, was quite in accordance with the -development of Christian sentiment. Thus Chrysostom expresses it: -“Inflamed by this fire (Christian repentance) the prostitute becomes -holier than virgins”; In Matth. viii, Hom. vi, 5 (in Migne, vii, 69). - -[1251] Procopius, Anecdot., 9. The spurious life by Theophilus (see -p. 320) tells us also that Justinian’s mother, her name Biglenitza -(Vigilantia), opposed the marriage, not on account of unchastity, but -because Theodora was too clever and addicted to magic, etc. There is no -historical mention of this Vigilantia. - -[1252] _Ibid._, 10. - -[1253] Jn. Malala, xvii, etc. - -[1254] According to Michael the Syrian, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, -Theodora was the daughter of an “orthodox” (_i.e._, Monophysite) -priest, who would not part with his daughter until Justinian had -pledged his word not to coerce her to conform to Chalcedon! See -Chabot’s trans. from the Syriac, 1901, ix, 20. She built St. P. (p. -344) on the site of her chaste pre-nuptial life. - -[1255] Procopius, Anecdot., 1. Aimoin (Hist. Franc., ii, 5), a western -author of the eleventh century, but in great part fabulous, relates -that Belisarius and Justinian entered a brothel and chose there two -prostitutes, Antonina and _Antonia_, sisters, whom they subsequently -married. If this is not merely loose hearsay emanating originally -from a reader of Procopius, it shows the sort of stories which were -popularly current on the subject. Although the anecdote is scarcely -far-fetched, it is rendered impossible by the fact that the ages of the -two men differed by something like a score of years. - -[1256] Later we hear from Procopius (De Bel. Goth., i, 5) that in 535 -he had just become old enough to receive a separate command in the -army; which probably indicates that he had then attained to the age of -eighteen, the period when a young Roman was freed from his guardian -(_curator_) and became _sui juris_. About nine years earlier (_c._ 526, -De Bel. Pers., i, 12) Belisarius is referred to in very similar terms, -so that the relative ages of these two characters can be determined -with tolerable accuracy. Belisarius was then “πρῶτος ὑπηνήτης.” - -[1257] Antonina and her son Photius are personages almost peculiar -to Procopius and do not come to light noticeably in the ordinary -chronographers. - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN AND THEODORA, -VOLUME 1 (OF 2) *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |