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diff --git a/old/65596-0.txt b/old/65596-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f891d7c..0000000 --- a/old/65596-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3180 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Brief History of Printing in -England, by Frederick W. Hamilton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: A Brief History of Printing in England - A Short History of Printing in England from Caxton to the Present - Time - -Author: Frederick W. Hamilton - -Release Date: June 11, 2021 [eBook #65596] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing, Barbara Tozier, Bill Tozier, and the - Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A BRIEF HISTORY OF PRINTING -IN ENGLAND *** - - - - - - TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES FOR APPRENTICES—PART VIII, NO. 53 - - A BRIEF HISTORY - _of_ - PRINTING IN ENGLAND - A SHORT HISTORY OF PRINTING IN ENGLAND FROM CAXTON TO THE PRESENT TIME - - BY - FREDERICK W. HAMILTON, LL.D. - - EDUCATIONAL DIRECTOR - UNITED TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA - -[Illustration] - - PUBLISHED BY THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION - UNITED TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA - 1918 - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1918 - UNITED TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA - CHICAGO, ILL. - - - Composition and electrotypes contributed by - J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY - Philadelphia - - - - - PREFACE - - -The treatment of the material used in this volume will be found somewhat -different from that adopted in the two preceding. The narrower field of -inquiry makes possible a closer following of the ordinary chronological -method of arrangement rather than the topical method of the other -volumes. An attempt is made to trace the history of printing in England -through the centuries from Caxton to Morris and to include some insight -into legal regulations, trade conditions, and industrial development -generally. As before, it is to be remembered that this is a primer, a -book of introductions. No attempt, therefore, is made to go far into -details or to discuss disputed points or to include any considerable -amount of technical detail. It is hoped that the reader will get a -comprehensive view of the subject, will feel its human interest, and -will catch some glimpse of its larger relation to the general history of -the time. - -The writer has consulted a considerable range of authorities, a few of -the more accessible of which are cited in the short list of books for -supplementary reading. Mention should be made of the very excellent -study of John Baskerville, privately printed by Col. Josiah H. Benton, -of Boston. This book may perhaps be found in the larger public -libraries. Here, as always, it is to be regretted that although much has -been written on the subject of printing and of the history of printing a -good general history of the subject is still greatly to be desired. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I PAGE - - THE ENGLISH PIONEERS 7 - - CHAPTER II - - THE REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY AND THE COMPANY OF STATIONERS 18 - - CHAPTER III - - JOHN DAY AND THE DARK AGES OF ENGLISH PRINTING 34 - - CHAPTER IV - - THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION 49 - - CHAPTER V - - THE WHITTINGHAMS AND THE MODERN BOOK 68 - - SUPPLEMENTARY READING 76 - - REVIEW QUESTIONS 77 - - - - - PRINTING IN ENGLAND - - - - - CHAPTER I - THE ENGLISH PIONEERS - - -England was slow to take up printing and slow and backward in the -development of it. It was 25 years after the invention of printing -before any printing was done in England. It was many years after that -before the work of the English printers could compare with that done on -the continent. The reason for this is to be found in the conditions of -the country itself. Although the two great universities had long been in -existence, Oxford dating back to 1167 and Cambridge to 1209, England as -a whole was a backward country. In culture and the refinements of -civilization, as well as in many more practical things, England was not -so far advanced as the rest of Europe nor was it to be so for many years -to come. - -England at this time was an agricultural and grazing country. A colony -of Flemings had been brought over to start the cloth industry. There was -still, nevertheless, a large export of wool to Flanders, which was there -woven and sent back as cloth. The English nobles lived largely on their -estates, looking after their tenants, hunting for diversion, and doing a -little fighting occasionally when life became otherwise unbearably -uninteresting. They were not an educated class and the peasantry were -profoundly ignorant. The cities which, as always, depended upon -manufacture and commerce were just beginning to grow, with the exception -of some of the seaport towns which were already prosperous and wealthy. - -Not only was this general condition true, but there were special -conditions which rendered the middle of the fifteenth century -unfavorable to culture and to the introduction of a new invention -auxiliary to culture. In 1450 England was shaken and horrified by the -bloody insurrection of peasants, with its attendant outrages, known as -Jack Cade’s Revolt. Scarcely had order been restored when a disputed -succession to the crown plunged the country into the bloody civil war -between the adherents of the Houses of York and Lancaster, known as the -Wars of the Roses. This period of civil strife lasted for thirty years -and affected the general welfare of England very seriously. It was -especially marked by mortality among the noblest families in the realm, -many of which were actually exterminated. - -Some time within this bloody half-century the art of printing was -introduced into England. There is in existence a book printed in Oxford -and dated on the title page 1468. Upon the existence of this book, and -upon a somewhat doubtful legend, has been built a claim that English -printing originated in Oxford. This claim, however, has practically -ceased to be maintained. The legend appears to be baseless, and it has -been generally concluded that the date is a misprint and that it should -be 1478, an X having been dropped in writing the Roman date, a not -uncommon error in publications of this period. Historians have now -generally agreed that the introduction of printing in England is due to -William Caxton, one of the most interesting figures in the whole annals -of printing. - -Caxton was born in the Weald, or wooded land, of Kent, a place of simple -people and uncouth speech, about 1421. As a boy he was apprenticed to -Robert Large, a prominent mercer or silk merchant of London. On the -death of Large, not many years later, Caxton went to Bruges, in Belgium, -then part of the territory of the Dukes of Burgundy, and became -connected with the so-called English “Nation” or “House.” This was a -chartered company of merchant adventurers similar to the companies which -later settled certain portions of North America and to the famous East -India Company. Caxton appears to have been successful in business and -became Governor of the English “Nation” in 1462. - -Bruges was at this time a city of wealth and culture, the Flemings being -far in advance of the English in this respect. Life in these -surroundings caused Caxton to become interested in reading and good -literature, and in 1467 he undertook a translation into English of a -collection of stories of Troy, or as he called it “Recuyell of the -Historyes of Troye.” Shortly after this, Margaret, sister of Edward IV -of England, married the Duke of Burgundy and came to Bruges to live. -Caxton immediately came into friendly relations with the Duchess, who -shortly after gave him a position in her personal service. It is not -quite clear what this position was. It has been supposed by some that -the purpose of the Duchess was to enable Caxton to pursue his literary -labors with the special end of making continental literature known to -the English through translation. A more probable supposition, however, -is that he was the confidential business adviser to the Duchess. It is a -well-known fact that royal personages at this period engaged freely in -trade and that sometimes they engaged in extensive commercial -transactions with other royal personages although trade between their -two countries might be strictly prohibited by law, as was the case with -England and Flanders during part of the reign of Edward IV. At an early -period of their friendship Caxton showed the Duchess Margaret his -unfinished translation of the Troy stories. Fortunately for the world, -the Duchess was a friendly but candid critic. She saw both the strength -and the weakness of Caxton’s work, and while she took him to task -roundly for his rough and poor English she encouraged and commanded him -to complete his translation and at the same time improve himself in -English. Caxton thereupon renewed his work and completed the translation -of the Troy stories at Cologne in 1471. - -Caxton was immediately besieged with demands for copies of his -translations, which, of course, he was unable to furnish, although he -appears to have worked at it until time, strength, and eyesight failed. -He thereupon determined to learn the new art of printing so that he -might by that means multiply copies of this and other works which he -might execute. Unquestionably he saw printing presses in operation in -Cologne. It has been claimed that he learned to print there, and this -claim receives some support from an ambiguous statement attributed to -him many years later by Wynkyn de Worde. It is possible that Caxton may -have worked a little in one of the Cologne printing offices, but it -seems clear on internal evidence that Mr. Blades is right in his -conclusion that Caxton did not learn the art there. The early printed -work of Caxton is by no means equal to that of the Cologne printers, and -represents an earlier stage of development than that which had been -reached by Cologne at this period. Many of the compositor’s methods -which were familiar to the Cologne printers of 1470 did not appear in -Caxton’s books until years later. - -On Caxton’s return from Cologne he associated himself with one Colard -Mansion, who for a few years unsuccessfully attempted to carry on a -printing business at Bruges. The probability is that Caxton learned the -art during this association with Mansion. The association was terminated -in 1476 by the bankruptcy of Mansion. During this period, however, -Caxton and Mansion published five books, two in English and three in -French. The first to be published, and the first book to be printed in -English anywhere, was the translation of the Troy stories. One of the -other books was the first book that was ever printed in French. It is -interesting to note that the first book to be printed in French was done -by an Englishman in Flanders. - -In 1476 Caxton withdrew entirely from his business connections in -Bruges, went to England, taking with him his presses, type, and workmen, -and opened a printing office within the precincts of Westminster Abbey. -It has often been stated that Caxton’s printing office was in the abbey -building itself, but this is undoubtedly an error. English abbeys and -cathedrals are commonly surrounded by a considerable extent of ground -called a “close.” Within this “close” are dwelling houses and not -infrequently shops. The entire property belongs to and is controlled by -the abbey or cathedral authorities. Caxton’s shop appears to have been -in a building known as the “Red Pale” within the abbey “close.” Caxton -continued to print here until his death in 1491. - -Within this period he printed ninety-three books and perhaps eight or -ten more whose attribution is uncertain. Of these ninety-three, fifteen -ran to two editions and three of the fifteen ran to three editions. -Caxton was a good business man and was probably possessed of -considerable capital when he began. He not only made the business pay, -but took advantage of his somewhat independent position financially to -lead and create the popular taste instead of following it. Caxton was -thoroughly English. He knew his people and knew what they would take and -he printed accordingly. He did a good business in service books, school -books, and statutes or public printing. These were what we should call -to-day “pot boilers” and kept his office going on a sound business -basis. Beyond that he printed a large number of works of good -literature, but he took no unnecessary chances even in this field. He -always endeavored either to get the financial backing of some wealthy -noble or to assure himself of a reasonable sale before he undertook a -new publication. - -In the field of literature his work was different from that of almost -any other printer of his time. He printed no Bibles. Latin Bibles could -easily be imported from the continent, probably cheaper than he could -print them. English Bibles were not permitted to be printed unless the -English translation had been made before the appearance of Wickliffe’s -Bible in 1380. There were translations into English before Wickliffe, as -well as a considerable number of later date, but with the loose and -uncertain dating of manuscripts the printing of an English Bible was -altogether a more risky proposition than Caxton cared to undertake. He -printed no works on theology. There was no demand for theology in -English, and theology in Latin and Greek could be cheaply imported. -Moreover, although Caxton was a profoundly religious man and a perfectly -loyal son of the Church, he appears to have had no personal interest in -theology whatever. For similar reasons he printed no edition of the -Fathers and only two volumes of the classics. He left all of these -matters to the importers. - -His field of publication was the putting before the public of good, -recent literature in the English language. He did this partly through -printing the works of Chaucer, Langland, and other good English authors -and partly through translation of works in French and Latin. He was very -much interested in English history and works relating to England, -publishing several of the old chronicles and other matters of this sort. -He believed that there was great help to be found in reading stories of -good women and brave men and he attempted to lay a store of such stories -before his readers. His own translations cover over five thousand -closely printed folio pages, but he had many other translations made for -him. He was a good linguist in French, Flemish, and Latin and a tireless -worker at his literary and business labors. He meant that everything -which he printed should be helpful to his readers and should make for -the betterment of the life of his time, although he would have been the -first to disclaim the title of reformer or missionary. - -Two notable instances of his literary honesty appear. After the -publication of his first edition of Chaucer, an acquaintance came to him -and called his attention to the fact that he had followed a very -imperfect manuscript. His friend said that his father had a very fine -manuscript and Caxton at once arranged for a loan of it. Finding that -through following an imperfect text he had omitted many things from -Chaucer’s text and inserted many others which did not belong there, he -at once printed a correct edition, probably at very serious loss to -himself. The unsold copies of the first edition became useless and the -cost of a second edition was equal to the first, as the work had to be -entirely done over again from the beginning. The other instance must be -judged by the standards of his time rather than ours, but showed his -desire to present only correct texts to his readers. Caxton published in -1483 a translation of John Mink’s “Liber Festivalis.” An independent -translation was published at Oxford in 1487. A few years later Caxton -published a second edition, but followed the Oxford text rather than his -own earlier translation. - -Personally Caxton is a most interesting figure, a sturdy, honest, -high-minded, common-sensible English gentleman, a man who loved and -served God, honored the King, and helped his neighbor to the best of his -ability, and who did his country an inestimable service not only by the -introduction of a new art but by the opening of a new field of -literature. - -Caxton’s printing was not remarkable for typographical excellence. He -used soft type and thin ink, very much to the detriment of the beauty of -his impressions. The first type which he used was a font of black letter -made in imitation of the handwriting of the Burgundian clerks of the -time. This font had belonged to Mansion and was probably obtained by -Caxton from Mansion’s creditors. Later he cut for himself several other -fonts, some authorities say five, some seven. All of his fonts were -black-letter Gothic and all more or less related to the Burgundian -script with which he began. He used / instead of commas and periods. He -had a habit of correcting typographical errors by hand after the books -were finished. He went over the first copy, making the corrections -himself, and afterward the other copies were made to conform by clerks -or apprentices. - -While Caxton was at work a few other printers made their appearance in -England. Some time before 1478 Theodoric Rood, of Cologne, opened a -printing office at Oxford. The office was open for about eight years, -but seems to have done only a small business. We have fifteen books -which are known to have come from this press. They were printed from -three different fonts of type. Two of them were good letters imported -from Cologne. About 1487 Rood disappeared and is supposed to have gone -back to Cologne. In 1479 a press was started at the abbey of St. Albans. -This press published eight books that we know of, all for church use or -the direct use of the abbey. These books were printed from four fonts of -type, two of which are identical with two of Caxton’s. It is possible -that this was a side enterprise of Caxton’s, although it is equally -possible that the abbey may have bought the type of Caxton or obtained -the use of his matrices or even hired some type of him. The conclusions -based on apparent identity of type-faces are always doubtful, as this -identity may be accounted for in a considerable number of ways. - -In 1480 a printer appeared in London named John Lettou. Lettou was -evidently not an Englishman, but his origin is unknown. The word Lettou -is an old form of Lithuania. Attempts have been made to identify him -with certain continental printers, but as these attempts rest on -similarities of type-face they are uncertain. Soon after his appearance -Lettou was associated with William Machlinia or de Machlinia (William of -Mechlin or Malines in Belgium). Machlinia made a specialty of law books. -The business was later taken over by Richard Pynson. None of these made -any particular contribution to typography. Their interest lies chiefly -in the fact that they were the beginners of English printing. - -There was no successor to carry on Caxton’s traditions of scholarship, -of literary taste, or even of craftsmanship. Caxton, as we have said, -was a successful business man before he became a printer and was -doubtless financially independent during the whole of his later life. -His successors were men who were dependent entirely upon their craft for -their livelihood. Caxton’s immediate successors were two, Wynkyn de -Worde, a native of Lorraine, and Richard Pynson, a native of Normandy. -Both of these men appear to have learned their trade with Caxton. Wynkyn -de Worde carried on the business after Caxton’s death. De Worde appears -to have been a man of very little education. Pynson was a graduate of -the University of Paris, but he never became at home in the English -language. - -De Worde carried on the Caxton business from 1491 to 1534, at first in -Caxton’s own shop, afterward in London (Westminster and London have now -grown together, but at that time they were a considerable distance -apart). During this time De Worde published over six hundred books. His -books were cheap and poor in every way. De Worde was slow to start -publishing. He published almost nothing for a couple of years after -Caxton’s death. He appears to have lacked initiative and probably lacked -capital. He seems to have discovered that there was money in cheap -publications of a sort that catered to the popular taste, and he -diligently worked that line of business. He appears to have made money, -but cannot be credited with any higher type of success. He hired -translators and editors and he evidently hired cheap ones, as the -editorial work on his books is not good. - -Pynson printed from 1492 to 1529. He did a much higher class of work -than De Worde, although he is by no means eminent for his typography. He -made less money than De Worde, but appears to have kept out of financial -difficulties. His publications were mostly law books. He took over the -business of Lettou and Machlinia, but had specialized in law books on -becoming printer to the king in 1510. Pynson introduced the use of roman -type in 1509, although it was some time before it displaced the gothic -in common use. In 1523 to 1525 he printed Lord Berners’s translation of -the “Chronicle” of Froissart. In literature this is a notable event. -Froissart was really the first modern historian. The book marks the -transition from the dry chronicles of the Middle Ages to history proper. - -Robert Copeland, who began to print about 1514, is notable as being -probably the first English printer, that is to say, the first -native-born Englishman to go into the business. - -One of the few good printers of this early period was Thomas Berthelet -or Bartlett. Berthelet was a Welshman and was an excellent bookbinder as -well as a good printer. He was the first man in England to use gold -tooling on his binding. Berthelet enjoyed the position of royal printer. -Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch were the first printers of English -Bibles, which began to appear about the middle of the sixteenth century. - - - - - CHAPTER II - THE REGULATION OF THE INDUSTRY AND THE COMPANY OF STATIONERS - - -The middle of the sixteenth century marks a distinct change in English -printing. Up to this time the industry in England had been neither -organized, regulated, nor censored. It had been conducted under -conditions of freedom almost identical with those which exist to-day, a -state of things entirely anomalous in that period. The quality of -English printing in this period was generally very poor. In spite, -however, of the poor workmanship, there lingers something of the old -craftsman spirit. Although the books show glaring imperfections, they -also show a certain dignity and harmony which is reminiscent of the -spirit of the old craftsmen. In detail, however, the work was poor both -in composition and presswork. It showed an almost entire lack of -originality. Types, wood-cuts, initials, ornaments, and even the -printer’s devices were not only bought from the continent of Europe but -bought second-hand and used long after signs of wear had become -painfully evident. Wood-cuts especially were not only over-used but -misused. They were not infrequently inserted with absolute disregard of -the text. The printers not only stuck in pictures which had no bearing -whatever upon the subject matter, but they used the same picture more -than once in the same book. - -The reason for this is to be found in the fact that the proprietors of -the large shops were intent on profit and the proprietors of the small -shops had no capital. The experience of Wynkyn de Worde had shown that -the way to make money was by printing popular books which could be sold -cheap, and his successors learned the lesson only too rapidly. There was -no effective demand for good printing. The smaller printers had to buy -such materials as they could afford and compete as best they could. - -From about 1525, which will be recalled as the date of the publication -of Froissart’s “Chronicle,” there was a change in the demand for books. -The revival of learning was beginning to make itself felt in England. -The influence of Erasmus on the intellectual life of the age was very -great. This influence was especially felt in England because Erasmus had -himself spent considerable time there and was a friend of John Colet, -Dean of St. Paul’s, who was not only an influential clergyman but a very -great scholar. England was also beginning to feel the stirrings of -philosophical and religious discussion. There was a great demand for -educational books to meet the needs of the scholars and there began to -be a great output of controversial literature. Wynkyn de Worde sometimes -printed three or four editions of the same Latin grammar in one year, so -great was the demand for educational books. - -Up to the middle of the century, however, very little original work was -printed in England, or at any rate is now extant. The popular demand was -for reprints of old books and for translations of French poems and -romances. The classics and other works of more serious literature were -commonly imported. There was also a considerable amount of printing for -the English trade done on the continent. Not content with furnishing the -English with books in Greek and Latin and the modern languages, some of -the continental printers did a flourishing trade in the printing of -books in English. Their work was generally better and cheaper than that -of the English printers. - -As has already been said, English printing was left very much alone up -to 1557 excepting that privileges were granted by the crown rather -freely. Beginning with the privileges to print statutes and law books, -the practice spread until by the middle of the sixteenth century -practically all profitable printing was covered by privilege. - -During this period, and indeed for several centuries later, the industry -was free from labor troubles. The reason, however, is to be found in the -peculiar situation which existed under English law. Under English common -law all combinations of workmen were considered as contrary to public -policy, regarded as combinations in restraint of trade, and dealt with -very harshly. A single workman might work or refuse to work for whatever -pay or under whatever conditions he pleased, but an agreement of two or -more on this basis, that is to combine for pay, hours, and the like, was -a criminal conspiracy. Not only were any agreements such a group of men -might make absolutely void, but the very fact of entering such a -combination was itself a criminal offence. From the reign of Edward I -(1272–1307) to George IV (1820–1830) thirty or forty acts of Parliament, -commonly called “Statutes of Laborers,” were passed on this basis. The -reënactment of legislation on this subject from time to time was not -caused, as is usual in such cases, by the ineffectiveness of the -legislation but by the necessity of meeting special conditions which -were created by visitations of the plague, wars, and other events having -far-reaching industrial effects. - -The development of the factory system of production, beginning about the -middle of the eighteenth century, with the consequent gathering of great -groups of workmen in certain localities and the rapid increase in the -town population, rendered a continuance of the old regulations more and -more difficult. The laws against combinations of workmen were evaded by -the organization of secret societies, while the displacement of large -numbers of hand workers by the introduction of machinery caused serious -labor troubles and rioting. Other conditions too familiar to need -description arose which caused friction between the workmen and their -employers. Attempts were made at first to put a stop to the combinations -of the workmen by more and more stringent legislation. This proving -unsuccessful, the legislation was modified in the direction of leniency. -Gradually the unions won their way to recognition, although this -recognition was developed in the slow and inconsistent way which is -common with English legislation. - -In 1875 the whole matter was put on a new basis by the legal acceptance -of the principle that it is lawful for any combination of men to do any -act which it would be lawful for either of them to do singly. This, of -course, was a reversal of the fundamental principle of more than six -hundred years of labor legislation, that it was not lawful for a -combination of men to do things which any one of them might lawfully do. -Since that time the unions have rapidly won their way to full -recognition and to great importance in the industry. In England to-day -practically all trades are very thoroughly unionized. The printing -industry is no exception. Union membership is much more universal among -the workmen in the industry than it is in the United States. This -development of organization among the workmen has been accompanied by a -development of strong organizations of employers in all industries. -To-day practically all industrial bargaining in England is collective -bargaining carried on between associated employers and associated -employees. - -The same difficulties arising out of lack of regulation which had vexed -the industry on the continent had made themselves felt in England, but -with their usual good sense the English attacked the problem at a very -early period. Nearly sixty years before the organization of the -Community of Printers in France, in 1618, the English had put printing -in line with the other industries by the organization of the Stationers’ -Company in 1557, the last year of Queen Mary I. - -The organization of the Stationers was by no means an innovation. It was -rather the legalizing and regularizing of a condition which had risen -under the familiar conditions of English industry. As early as 1403 we -find the guild or fraternity of scriveners. This guild or fraternity -developed into the “Craft” of stationers, influential in fixing and -controlling trade customs. The growth of the craft or trade guilds in -England was not unlike that of similar organizations in Europe. Their -control of the situation, however, seems to have been even more close -than elsewhere. An ordinance of Edward II (1307–1327) compelled every -citizen of a town to be a member of some craft or mystery. - -In 1375 the election of the city officials of London was turned over to -the craft guilds or, as they were termed, liveried companies. The -liveried companies were so called because each had a distinctive dress -which was worn on formal occasions. From this time on the liveried -companies controlled the political and municipal power of London for -several centuries, electing the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, controlling the -train-bands, or city militia, and to a great extent holding the defence -of the kingdom in their hands. About seventy-six of these companies -still continue to exist. They survive mainly for charitable and -philanthropic purposes, conserving and administering the large funds -which were accumulated in early centuries. - -The Stationers’ Company was organized in 1557 partly because the -printers saw the necessity for organization and regulation of the -industry, and partly because the crown desired a better means for -controlling printing than had theretofore existed. It will be remembered -that this was in the midst of the age of religious controversy. King -Henry VIII had attempted to set himself up as the head of a national -church which was not Protestant and at the same time did not acknowledge -allegiance to the Pope. King Henry executed with great impartiality both -those who defended the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Pope and those -who professed Protestant opinions. His successor, King Edward VI, was a -Protestant and attempted to make England Protestant. His short reign was -followed by that of Mary I, who was a Catholic and attempted to make -England Catholic. Her comparatively short reign was followed by the long -reign of Elizabeth, in whose time Protestantism became the established -state church of England. It will be remembered that it was near the -close of Mary’s reign that the Stationers’ Company was chartered, and -the interest of the crown in securing a better control of the printing -press and its output is obvious. In 1560, the second year of Elizabeth, -the incorporation of the Stationers’ Company was rendered complete by -the enrolment of the new company in the list of the liveried companies -of London, and we shall presently see that the royal hand was laid -heavily upon the printers and their work. - -The Stationers’ Company was organized in the usual form, with its -administration in the hands of a Master and two Wardens. The terms of -the charter gave the company authority to govern the trade and to -enforce its regulations by the exercise of the right of visitation and -disciplinary control over its members. This extended not only to the -enforcement of the regulations of the Company but also to the -enforcement of royal proclamations and injunctions, and decrees of the -Star Chamber. - -The Star Chamber, frequently mentioned in English history in general, as -well as in the history of English printing, was a special court of high -officials. The powers and jurisdiction of this court were somewhat vague -and undefined. Theoretically it was intended to deal with matters which -could not be adequately dealt with by the regular courts because of the -necessity of immediate action, the important nature of the case, or -other conditions which made the action of the ordinary courts too slow -or not sufficiently effective. Naturally the existence of such a court -opened the way to serious abuses, and alleged abuses of its authority -played a very large part in the Revolution by which King Charles I lost -his head. As a result of these revolutionary movements, the court was -discontinued in 1641, after an existence of at least three hundred -years. It is supposed to have derived its name from the fact that the -ceiling of the room it sat in in early times was decorated with stars. - -After the organization of the Stationers’ Company the exercise of the -trade was limited to its members. The Company was required to keep -registers giving the names of the Masters and Wardens, of all the -members of the Company and their apprentices, and of all who “took up -freedom,” that is to say, became members of the Company from time to -time. All books printed were required to be registered with the Company -and a copy deposited in the archives accompanied by a fee. This was the -beginning of copyright. It was understood that the members of the -Company should respect each others’ rights to publications thus -registered, although it appears to have been a “gentleman’s agreement” -rather than a regulation. This requirement did not apply to books which -were published under royal privilege, but the members of the Company -were bound to respect these privileges and not in any way infringe upon -the rights which they conferred. The requirement of registration did not -apply to the king’s printers in so far as their patent for the royal -printing extended; that is to say, the royal printer was not required to -register statutes, law books, or other government printing, but he was -required to register all general publications. This legislation -requiring registration was not always strictly enforced. - -The powers of the Company were used much more for the regulation and -control of printing than for the improvement of the art. It was to the -Company that the government looked particularly for the enforcement of -the statutes regarding printing. For that reason, if a book were of -doubtful character and liable to be prohibited the publisher preferred -to run the chance of attempting to evade the regulation regarding -registration. Fortunately the registers of the Company containing the -records of all their transactions are for the most part still in -existence. They furnish an immense fund of valuable information -extending over a very long period. - -The Stationers’ Company included the printers, bookbinders, -type-founders, and booksellers. It had ninety-seven charter members. A -few of the London printers are known not to have joined the Company when -it was organized. Why they stood out we do not know. Very likely it was -simply the usual assertion of British independence and impatience of -control. The requirement of membership in the Company as a requisite to -carrying on the business was not enforced with regard to those printers -who were in business when the Company was chartered, its application -being restricted to those who might thereafter desire to enter the -business. Some of the independents afterwards joined the Company. The -remainder stayed out permanently. - -The organization of the Company was not in itself sufficient to secure -the desired control of the industry. As has already been pointed out, an -immense flood of printed matter was being brought out on account of the -bitter religious and political controversies of the time. Most of it was -very poor printing. The end desired was to get it out as quickly as -possible and as cheaply as possible. Much of it was objectionable to the -government and the organization of the Company was immediately followed -up by repressive legislation. - -In 1558 Queen Elizabeth laid the foundation of legislation for the -control of the press by issuing “injunctions” which required that every -book should be licensed either by the Queen or by the members of the -Privy Council, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, by the Chancellor of one -of the two universities, or by other authorities specified in the act. -Frequent proclamations and orders show that the injunctions were not -obeyed. It may be laid down as a fundamental principle in the study of -history that the frequent repetition of legislation on any one subject -shows that the subject is considered very important by the government -and that the legislation is not effective. So seriously was this matter -regarded by the government that very extreme measures were adopted in -dealing with offending printers. One William Carter, for instance, who -had been several times punished for breach of the printing regulations, -finally printed a seditious book, “a treatise of schisme,” for which he -was tried for high treason, condemned to death and hanged, -disembowelled, and quartered according to the ghastly custom of that -time. - -By way of further tightening of the regulations a Star Chamber decree -was issued in 1586 much more strict than any preceding order. By the -provisions of this decree all presses then working had to be reported in -the same way as already provided. No presses whatever were allowed -outside of London, excepting one each at Oxford and Cambridge. Previous -to the charter of the Company provincial presses had been started at -Oxford, York, Cambridge, Abingdon, Tavistock, St. Albans, Bristol, -Ipswich, Canterbury, and Norwich, in the order named. These, of course, -were all swept away by this act excepting those of Oxford and Cambridge. -No more presses were to be permitted until the number in use had been -reduced to a number which should be pronounced sufficient for the needs -of the kingdom by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London. -Vacancies in the number of licensed printers were to be filled by three -stationers (members of the Company) who would be nominated by the -Company and licensed by an ecclesiastical commission. The censorship, -both ecclesiastical and lay, was developed and enforced by further -provisions of the act. - -These are the conditions under which that great literature which is -known as Elizabethan literature was created and published. It seems -incredible that such literature could have been produced under such -conditions. The fact that it was so produced seems to show that the -censors made a conscientious attempt to enforce the legislation in such -a way as to prevent the actual abuse of the printing press and to -protect the government from danger arising from these sources, while -leaving pure literature as free as the conditions permitted. Of course, -we of to-day regard any system of press censorship as wrong and cannot -approve any such legislation. It is worth while, however, to remember -that these men made an earnest effort to live up to the moral and -political standards of their own time. - -In the execution of this edict the Stationers’ Company made weekly -official visits to every shop. These visitations were intended to -ascertain: - -1. How many presses each printer possessed. - -2. What he printed. - -3. How many impressions were taken of each piece of work. - -4. How many workmen and apprentices there were in each plant. - -5. Whether unauthorized persons were employed or allowed to remain about -the plant. - -The regulations of the edict and also the private regulations of the -Company seem to have been enforced at this time with all the -thoroughness in the power of the Company. The registers show that its -officers frequently seized and destroyed editions of unlicensed books -and in other ways enforced the edicts against all persons. Its own -members were frequently disciplined. The registers show discipline for -printing an unlicensed book, for selling a prayer book of Edward VI in -place of one of Elizabeth, for infringing a copyright, for printing -indecent or offensive matters, for selling books to other than -book-shops, for selling books “disorderly printed,” for keeping open on -Sundays and festival days, and for keeping unregistered apprentices. The -phrase “disorderly printed” appears to refer to the careless and -inaccurate printing of the books rather than to the nature of their -contents. The printing standards of the time were not high, but this -would appear to indicate a disposition to maintain them, such as they -were. The punishment for selling to other than book shops is interesting -as showing that at that early period the book trade suffered from one of -the things which to-day causes much complaint among booksellers. Sales -by department stores, drug stores, and other parties disposed to cut -rates are regarded as serious difficulties in the book trade of to-day -and it is evident that the same difficulty occurred three hundred and -fifty years ago. - -The difficulties of the printers were by no means limited to those -created by the edicts or regulations. One of the great sources of -difficulty lay in the privileges and monopolies which had been -recklessly granted for a considerable period. These privileges had a -most unfortunate effect upon the industry both on the side of business -and on that of craftsmanship. On the side of business they gave to -certain printers a monopoly of practically all of the work which was -certain to produce good financial returns, leaving to the unprivileged -printers the doubtful enterprise of producing current literature. On the -side of craftsmanship they took away the spur of competition. The -greater part of the literature of this period was produced by -unprivileged printers, most of it with very little profit to them. On -the other hand, the privileged printer, being secured in his monopoly of -a certain kind of production, was not held to any artistic standards. -Competition being impossible, he could print as cheaply and as badly as -he chose and generally did so. In both directions the effect was -paralyzing. - -Naturally the unprivileged printers were constantly tempted to infringe -upon the monopoly rights of the others, with the result that there was -constant friction and appeals to authority were taken on both sides. The -matter finally came to a head in a serious revolt of the unprivileged -printers under the leadership of one John Wolfe. Wolfe was a member of -the Fishmongers’ Company, but had undertaken to do printing and declared -boldly that he proposed to lead a movement which would revolutionize the -entire situation. The revolt was sufficiently serious to bring about a -compromise by which a considerable number of privileges were given up -entirely or turned over to the Company to be re-distributed by them -among the printers. The extent to which these privileges were granted -may be seen by the fact that John Day, of whom we shall hear more -presently, alone gave up fifty-three privileges, although he kept -several of the most important and profitable ones. Wolfe transferred his -membership from the Fishmongers’ to the Stationers’ Company. As a member -of the Stationers’ Company he obtained certain privileges for himself -and it is interesting to note that not long afterward the registers of -the Company show Wolfe appealing because somebody had infringed upon a -privilege of his. Wolfe rose to become an officer of the Company and -distinguished himself as a prosecutor of offending printers and a -staunch upholder of law and order. - -The natural result of the reduction of the number of offices under the -edict of 1586 was that the trade was seriously overmanned and there were -too many apprentices, as the reduction in the number of offices did not -affect the number of either journeymen or apprentices. The Company dealt -with the matter in a rather successful fashion by an order issued in -1587. This order limited the number of apprentices and attempted to make -as much work as possible for the journeymen. It provided that no -apprentice should be allowed to work in either the composing room or the -press room if there were any competent journeymen in need of work. When -we remember the small number of offices in London and the fact that -there were only two in England outside of London, we can readily see -that this order was not so difficult of enforcement as might appear. No -form was to be kept standing to the injury of workmen. The meaning of -this is clearer when we remember that all composition at this time was -hand composition and that stereotyping and other methods of preserving -forms were not known and consequently a reprint or re-issue was, -excepting for absence of editorial work, a new job. If there was -expectation that a new reprint might soon be required and the printer -had the type to spare he might leave a form standing and so avoid the -labor of recomposition. This regulation meant that as soon as the first -impression was taken the type must be distributed so that in case of -reprinting the compositor would have a new job. For like reasons the -number of copies to be printed was limited in ordinary cases to 1250 or -1500, so that if the book proved to be popular work might be provided in -setting up repeated editions. These regulations seem to have been -reasonably successful so far as the journeymen were concerned, but, of -course, they materially increased the price of books. - -The period of apprenticeship was from seven to eleven years. It was -intended that apprenticeship should end at 24, and the length of the -apprenticeship depended upon the age at which it was begun. At the end -of the apprenticeship the indenture required that the master should make -the apprentice free of the Company “if he have well and truely served.” -As the limit of membership of the Company was only about 25, for a long -period only about one-half of the apprentices ever became masters; the -rest of them remained permanently in the position of journeymen. As -elsewhere in Europe, the apprentice might become heir to the business -and the place in the Company by marrying either the daughter or the -widow of a master printer. Apparently the business went to the widow -rather than to the daughter if the widow survived. Widows even seem to -have taken the business in preference to sons. Consequently the widow of -a master printer was a very desirable match for an ambitious apprentice -in spite of any difference in age, and several instances are recorded -where a business changed hands twice by successive re-marriages of the -widow. - -There was a strong tendency, which we shall discuss more at length -later, for the bookseller to get control of the situation. Copyrights -generally belonged to the booksellers. They purchased them from the -authors and held them as against the printers. It must be remembered -that an author could not obtain a copyright, as copyright was secured by -registration in the Stationers’ Company and this registration could be -made only by a bookseller or a printer. Consequently the author was -obliged to content himself with what the purchaser of his work was -willing to give him. The bookseller naturally got his printing done as -cheaply as he could and printers cut prices then just as they do now, -and got poor as a result, just as they do now. - - - - - CHAPTER III - JOHN DAY AND THE DARK AGES OF ENGLISH PRINTING - - -One name stands out among English printers of this period, that of John -Day, who has been described as “one of the best and most enterprising of -printers.” Day was born in 1522 and began to print in 1546. His business -career lasted for thirty-eight years. He died in 1584, at the age of 62. -Day began his business life at a period when English printing was very -poor. His first books were as bad as those of his contemporaries. They -were printed from worn type, the presswork was bad, they were without -pagination, and he did not even use a device such as was customary among -printers at that time. His first important work was a Bible, printed in -1549. This Bible was illustrated by wood-cuts which were very evidently -second-hand, as they extended beyond the letter-press on the page. On -the accession of Queen Mary I, in 1553, he went abroad, possibly for -religious reasons, but probably not, as Day, like most printers of this -particular time, found no difficulty in conforming himself to the -religious views of the government. As a rule they accepted the peculiar -position of Henry VIII which has already been described, printed -Protestant books under Edward VI, Catholic books under Mary, and -Protestant books under Elizabeth. They seem to have been quite content, -in other words, to take what was brought them and to accept whatever -government regulations might be in existence. - -This attitude on the part of the printers reflects the general attitude -of the English people at this time. There is very little doubt that the -mass of the people were neither staunchly Catholic nor aggressively -Protestant. While there were earnest and aggressive spirits in both -parties, it seems quite clear that the vast majority of the people were -ready to accept either Catholicism or Protestantism as a state church. -England did not become aggressively Protestant until well into the reign -of Elizabeth. Unfortunately for the interests of religion and of -religious toleration, the church question became a political question, -and when Spain and the other Catholic powers attempted to overthrow the -government of England and make England dependent upon Spain, patriotism -and Protestantism came to be regarded by the English as synonymous -terms. Here, as elsewhere, the Reformation was a political more than a -religious question. - -Just when Day returned to England is not clear, but it was before the -death of Queen Mary, as he was a charter member of the Stationers’ -Company, which was chartered in the last year of her reign, and -published a book dated the same year. Evidently Day studied abroad. Very -probably that was his purpose in travel, for we find that in 1559 his -books began to show excellence and they improved in quality until we -find him soon producing the best printing which had yet been done in -England. From this time on his work was marked by accuracy, taste, and a -high grade of excellence in both typography and presswork. - -He was greatly encouraged and at times assisted by Matthew Parker, who -was Archbishop of Canterbury from 1559 to 1575. Parker was by no means a -great man, but he was just the sort of man whom the autocratic Elizabeth -wished to have for Archbishop of Canterbury. He was moderate in his -views and easygoing in temperament, a scholar and collector of beautiful -things and a patron of the arts and sciences. Parker not only encouraged -and patronized Day but employed him to print on the private press which -the Archbishop had set up at Lambeth. Day’s best piece of work was an -edition of Asser’s “Life of Alfred the Great” which he printed for -Parker in 1574. - -Day published and printed the first edition of Foxe’s “Book of Martyrs,” -a huge folio volume of 2008 pages. In 1578 Day published a book in Latin -and Greek. The Greek was the best face yet seen in England and was equal -to the work of Estienne. Other notable achievements of Day were the -printing of the Psalter with musical notes, the cutting of Hebrew words -in wood to be used in printing the life of Bishop Jewel, published in -1573, and the cutting of a font of Saxon type which appears to have been -the first used in England. This font contained twenty-six capitals and -twenty-seven lowercase letters. The capitals consisted of eighteen old -roman letters and eight Saxon characters, two of which were diphthongs. -The lowercase contained fifteen roman and twelve Saxon characters. Day -also cut italic types to match roman, the first time this had been done. -Day’s work was mainly religious, although he published some of the first -English plays and some other works of general literature. - -As usual with men of great excellence, Day suffered much from the -antagonism of jealous rivals, but this antagonism was not sufficient to -deprive him of success. The excellence of his work was rewarded not only -by success in business but by the award of a large number of privileges -which were sources of great profit. We have seen, however, that he -relinquished a large number of these at the time of Wolfe’s revolt. -Those that he saved seem to have been by far the most profitable. - -A few other printers of this period need mention for various reasons. -The best work after that of Day was done by Vautrollier. Tottell, whose -name is variously spelled in the records of the time, printed many -things of great value to English literature. He was an enterprising -printer of contemporary publications. Robert Darker, king’s printer to -James I, printed the statutes, proclamations, and editions of the Book -of Common Prayer of that period and deserves to be remembered as the -original printer of the so-called Authorized Version of the Bible, -published in 1611. This English text, sometimes called the Authorized -and sometimes called the King James Version, was the only text of the -English Bible received among English-speaking people until the revision -made in the latter part of the eighteenth century. It may be worth while -to note that this version is not uncommonly erroneously referred to as -the St. James Version. There is absolutely no justification for this -common error. The book was authorized by King James and for that reason -is known as the Authorized or King James Version. King James, however, -was no saint. The authorization was simply a license or permission. -Darker published the book as a commercial venture at his own expense. He -used the same type and the same ornaments as those used in the Bishop’s -Bible, an English translation published in 1568. - -John Norton, another one of the group of printers favored by James I, -cut some of the best Greek types which have ever appeared in England. He -was a worthy successor in this field of John Day. William and Isaac -Jaggard printed the famous folio edition of Shakespeare’s plays in 1623. -Typographically it was a poor piece of work, but as a literary landmark -it is of the utmost importance. - -The standards of Day were not long maintained. There were a few good -printers in the seventeenth century, but for the most part they were -poor and the tendency was decidedly toward deterioration. Political and -religious controversies broke out afresh in the reign of James I -(1613–1625) and were continued with increasing bitterness until they -finally broke into the storm of civil war which swept over England in -the reign of Charles I. A natural result of these conditions was a -tightening of the restrictions upon the press, which became more and -more burdensome. The controversies called forth floods of literature, -much of which had to be clandestinely printed. The restrictions, as we -shall presently see, were almost unbearable and the market was greatly -disturbed. The consequence was that English printing reached its -low-water mark in the last half of the seventeenth century. The period -which we are considering, however, shows one important invention which -in its field was a distinct improvement. Copperplate engraving was -introduced into England in 1540, but it was a long time before it came -into general use. Later we find it used first for portraits, then for -engraved title pages, some of which were of great beauty, and then for -general purposes of illustration. - -James I strengthened the Company of Stationers by withdrawing several -valuable privileges from private persons and giving them to the Company. -This action was probably taken with a view to making the Company more -reliable as the agent for the enforcement of the press laws, which were -not materially changed during James’s reign. With the political and -religious dissensions which followed the accession of Charles I in 1525 -came renewed efforts to meet the rising tides of discussion and to dam -up the flood of pamphlets, mostly badly printed, first by the more -stringent enforcement of the old laws and then by the enactment of new -ones. The Company’s registers at this time show a long list of -penalties, including fines, cropping of ears, imprisonment, and -expulsion from the Company. It is only just to King Charles, however, to -say that he did attempt to foster learning and encourage good printing, -provided the learning were politically and religiously orthodox -according to King Charles’s standards and the printers were amenable to -authority. - -In this connection there is a rather interesting incident of an attempt -by King Charles to set up a Greek press. In 1631 Barker and Lucas -printed the so-called “Wicked Bible,” which derived its name from an -unfortunate typographical error, the omission of the word “not” in the -seventh commandment. Barker and Lucas were fined for their carelessness -£300, a very heavy fine, equal, if we make allowance for the difference -in the purchasing power of money, to about $12,000 to-day. In settlement -of this fine they were commanded instead of paying the money into the -treasury to purchase £300 worth of Greek type and to print one Greek -book a year at their own cost and risk, the Archbishop of Canterbury to -fix the size of the edition. They gladly agreed to this, but owing to -the political conditions which immediately followed very little came of -it. - -In 1637 a Star Chamber decree was issued which marks the high-water mark -of governmental regulations in England. By this decree all books of -every sort were to be licensed. Law books were to be licensed by the -Lord Chief Justice and the Lord Chief Baron; books dealing with history -by the Secretaries of State; books on heraldry by the Earl Marshal; -books on any other subjects by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop -of London, or the Chancellors or Vice-Chancellors of the two -universities. Two copies of every book submitted for publication were to -be handed to the licenser, one of which he was to keep for future -reference. Catalogues of books imported into the country were to be sent -to the Archbishop of Canterbury or to the Bishop of London, and no -consignments of foreign books were to be opened until the -representatives of one of these dignitaries and of the Stationers’ -Company were present. - -It was further decreed that no merchant or bookseller should import from -abroad any book printed in the English language. The main purpose of -this enactment was probably to prevent evasion of the English press laws -by the importation from abroad of books objectionable to the government. -It was also, although this purpose was probably secondary, intended to -protect England from foreign competition. The name of the printer, the -author, and the publisher, and the place of publication and sale were to -be placed in every book. No person was permitted to erect a printing -press or to let any premises for the purpose of carrying on printing -without first giving notice to the Company, and no carpenter was -permitted to make a press without similar notice. - -The number of master printers was limited to twenty. Every master -printer had to give a bond of £300 for good behavior. The Master and the -Wardens of the Stationers’ Company might have three presses each and -three apprentices. No other printer could have more than two presses. A -master printer on the livery (a member of the Company) might have two -apprentices, others only one. The master printers were to give work to -journeymen when requested to do so. This enactment was not made out of -any tenderness for unemployed journeymen but for the reason that the -unemployed journeyman was always tempted to pick up an occasional -shilling by printing unlicensed or objectionable books. It was -considered desirable to keep him employed where his work could be -supervised. All reprints had to be licensed exactly the same as new -publications. The Company was confirmed in its right of search. This -meant not simply a right of supervision of printing offices, but the -right to search any place where it might be suspected that printing was -being carried on. One copy of every book had to be filed in the Bodleian -Library at Oxford. Only four type-founders were permitted to carry on -business. Books could be sold only by booksellers. The punishments -imposed for infractions of these laws included destruction of stock, -fines, imprisonment, and whipping at the cart’s tail. The allowance of -type-founders, small as it was, seemed to be ample, in spite of the fact -that English type-founders had now ceased to cut type. English -type-founding had generally been poor up to this time and was to -continue so for some time to come. What new type came into use in the -English printing offices was mainly bought on the continent. - -Up to this time a great deal of printing had been done on the continent -for the English market. The works of the Fathers, the classics, and the -greater part of the serious publications of the time, being printed -mostly in Latin, were in the hands of the continental printers. With -their facilities for the production and distribution of books they held -the market so securely that English printers did not even attempt -competition. In addition to that a great deal of printing in the English -language for the English market continued to be done on the continent. -As has already been indicated, a good deal of this was political and -religious and could not safely be published in England. A considerable -quantity of it, however, was work in general literature, which was done -better than most English work and cheaper than English work of a -corresponding quality. The act of 1637 shut off a great deal of this -foreign printing, especially so much of it as was controversial. - -Further legislation was enacted in order to develop English printing. -For a long time printing was not an English industry. It will be -remembered that although Caxton was English born most of the early -printing was done by foreigners who came to England for that purpose, -and for a long time there was a very large foreign element in the -industry. In 1523 a law was passed that no alien engaged in the printing -business in England could take any but English-born apprentices. In 1529 -an act was passed that no alien not already naturalized could set up any -house or shop for the exercise of any handicraft in England. In 1534 it -was further enacted that no books should be imported bound and ready for -sale and that no unnaturalized alien could sell foreign printed books -except at wholesale. - -The decree of 1637 was fortunately not long-lived. The political -ascendency of Parliament soon began to be felt and in 1641 the Star -Chamber was abolished. While the abolition of this court did not -directly affect the decree of 1637, indirectly it made it practically -void. For a short while Parliament permitted the decree to lapse and -left the printers very much to themselves. This was not because -Parliament was any more liberal than King Charles in its views on the -subject of printing. It was only that while Parliament was strong enough -to suffer the law to be evaded and so to give free rein to the -scribbling propensities of its supporters, it was not yet strong enough -to muzzle the writers on the other side. Parliament was also very busy -with other concerns and for the time being was content to let the -printers alone. - -The result was an enormous flood of printing, most of it worse than -ever. An examination of the publications of the time shows that -everything that would go on a press was dug up and utilized. We find in -use old type and blocks which had formed part of the stock of Wynkyn de -Worde and Pynson. As soon, however, as Parliament got well seated in -power it proceeded to deal with printers along the old lines. In 1643 it -reënacted the decree of 1637 with the important modification that the -number of printers was not limited. In 1649 sixty printers in London and -the two university towns gave the bonds for good conduct required by law -as a requisite to carrying on the business. It will be remembered that -the decree of 1637 limited the number in London to twenty, with one in -each of the universities. This act called forth one of the noblest -pieces of literature in the English language, Milton’s “Areopagitica,” -or plea for unlicensed printing, in which Milton brings all the -resources of his great learning and matchless literary skill to the -defence of the freedom of the press. The plea, of course, fell on deaf -ears for the time, but it remains one of the jewels of English -literature. The Parliamentary government held the act as a weapon which -could be used in case of need. It was strictly enforced with regard to -political and religious books and newspapers. It seems to have been very -little enforced outside these limits. - -When Cromwell took the reins of power as Lord Protector of England he -enforced the press laws very strictly. Cromwell was a masterful man and -was not disposed to permit criticism of his person and government or -discussion of matters of public policy upon which the government had -decided. On the death of Cromwell there followed a period of political -uncertainty during which the enforcement of the act was relaxed, only to -be renewed at the accession of King Charles II in 1660. - -Shortly after the accession of King Charles a group of the best printers -unsuccessfully petitioned for the incorporation of a Company of Printers -as distinguished from the Stationers. They alleged that the Company of -Stationers was controlled by the booksellers and that they cheapened -printing and impoverished the printers, that the Company of Stationers -was so large that only old men could attain to the dignity of masters or -wardens, and that only once in ten or twelve years was it possible for a -journeyman printer to become a master printer. They claimed that a new -Company would free the printing industry from these shackles, that it -would improve the quality of printing, and that it would secure for the -government better supervision of the output of the press. This last was -probably a bait to the hook. The petition was not granted, however, and -things went on in the old fashion. - -In 1662 a new act similar to the preceding ones was passed, containing -only one important variation by which the privilege of having a printing -press was extended to the city of York. This act was for a time very -strictly enforced. The police power necessary to the enforcement of the -act was taken away from the Stationers’ Company and entrusted to Sir -Roger Lestrange, who was appointed censor of the press. He was given -control of the printing office and power of search. With a few reserved -exceptions the entire licensing of books was placed in his hands and he -was given a monopoly of the publication of news. Sir Roger seems to have -taken himself quite seriously and to have discharged his functions for -some years with a considerable degree of efficiency. Many books, -however, were published without licenses. Some were published -clandestinely, while it is probable that Sir Roger was more concerned to -exercise the powers of office for the suppression of political and -religious controversy and for the protection of his monopoly than for -the control of pure literature. The act was reënacted in 1685 for a -period of seven years. It was then reënacted for a period of one year -and finally disappeared in 1694. - -In spite of the wretched condition of printing at this period a few -lights appear in the gloom. Thomas Roycroft did some very excellent -printing. He achieved one of the most remarkable tasks which had yet -been accomplished by an English printer in the publication of his famous -Polyglot Bible. This Bible gave the text in Hebrew, Latin, Greek, -Chaldean, Syriac, Arabic, Samaritan, Persian, and Ethiopic. Of course, -these languages did not all appear in all parts of the Bible. The Greek, -Latin, and Arabic texts appear throughout. The Hebrew and Chaldean -appear in the Old Testament, the Ethiopic in the Psalms and New -Testament only, and the Persian only in the New Testament. The types -used came from four foundries, one of them being a face cut by John Day. -The work was published in six great volumes, pages 16 x 10 inches. The -text was so arranged that when the Bible was opened at any point each -double page showed all the languages used for that particular passage. -The first volume was published in September of 1654. The second appeared -in 1655, the third in 1656, and the other three in 1657. Cromwell -encouraged the work by ordering the admission of the paper duty free. - -In 1688 the largest office in London was that of James Fletcher, who had -five presses and employed thirteen journeymen and two apprentices. One -of the printers of this period, John Barber, arrived at the distinction -of Lord Mayor of London. He was a very popular Lord Mayor and he must -have been very prosperous in business or he would not have acquired the -means necessary to holding the position. He was in no way remarkable as -a printer, however. - -During this period there were four type-founders of importance—Joseph -Moxon, the Andrews brothers, the Glover brothers, and Thomas James. The -most famous of these was James Moxon. Primarily a man of science, he was -distinguished as a mathematician and hydrographer. To these interests he -added type-founding. Like Dürer in Germany and Geoffry Tory in France, -he worked out a theory of type design in exact mathematical proportions, -but like these and other attempts of the same sort it was not -successful. While it is true that there must be proportion in -type-faces, it is also true that a beautiful and legible type-face must -have qualities other than a mere mathematical exactness. Moxon is known -chiefly by his important work, “Mechanick Exercises.” Part II of this -book is an exhaustive study of printing and type-founding. So thorough -was Moxon’s study of these subjects and so accurate his presentation -that the work is yet a standard authority on many fundamental points. - -Joseph and Robert Andrews, although not very good workmen, made an -extensive variety of type and found a good sale for it. They used the -Moxon fonts, but added to them new roman and italic fonts, learned -fonts, so called, Anglo-Saxon, and Irish. James and Thomas Glover cast -two fonts of black letter from the matrices cut by Wynkyn de Worde and -some foreign letters. They do not appear to have undertaken competition -with Andrews and James in the ordinary forms of letter. Thomas James, -who shared with the Andrews brothers a large portion of the business, -used two sets of matrices cut in Holland. Of course, these few -type-founders hardly made a beginning of supplying the English printers -with type. The greater part of the printing of this period was done from -type imported from Holland. It was in order to compete with this -imported type that James obtained possession of the two fonts of Dutch -matrices which were the backbone of his type-foundry. - -After the Restoration of 1660, we find the Oxford Press rapidly -advancing to the commanding position in English printing which it came -to occupy in later years and still holds. Oxford had been a centre of -royal influence in the civil wars. King Charles I held court there for -some time and the university was always staunchly loyal to the Stuarts. -Naturally it enjoyed the sunshine of royal favor when the Stuarts came -back in the person of Charles II. - -In 1667 Dr. John Fell, Vice-Chancellor of the University and afterward -Bishop of Oxford, gave the University a complete type-foundry with -matrices of roman, italic, black-letter Saxon, and several Oriental -tongues. Ten years later Francis Junius added to the equipment of the -foundry a splendid collection of out-of-the-way types, including Runic, -Gothic, Saxon, Icelandic, Danish, and Swedish, together with a -considerable number of types of the more common sorts. This equipment of -type for learned work and foreign language printing enabled the Oxford -Press to take a position without a rival as a producer of learned -literature. The presswork and composition done at Oxford were well -maintained on the level of their type equipment, so that the Oxford -University Press soon came to hold a unique position. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION - - -The eighteenth century was a very important time in the history of -English printing. It was the period of the changes and inventions which -led over from the mediævalism of the seventeenth century to the -modernism of the nineteenth. Three special changes took place: first, -the invention of stereotyping; second, the rise of the modern publisher; -and, third, the dawn of modern ideas in types and typography. - -The story of the invention of stereotyping is the tale only too common -in industry of the inventor who is ahead of his time, the selfish and -thoughtless crowd who opposed him, the apparent failure of the -enterprise, and final success for the idea when the inventor is no -longer alive to enjoy his triumph. About 1720 it occurred to a Scotchman -named Ged that it ought not to be difficult to cast type by the page. He -hit upon the idea of making a plaster-of-paris mould of the type-set -page and from it casting the plates. As usual in such cases, he needed a -partner with capital and some technical knowledge. In 1727 he associated -himself with an Edinburgh printer, who soon became alarmed at the -apparent prospective cost and withdrew from the enterprise. Soon after -this Ged got acquainted with a London stationer named William Fenner. -Fenner in turn introduced him to Thomas James, the type-founder, and the -three associated themselves in partnership for the development of the -new process. For some reason James proved treacherous. Apparently the -investment which he was making should have served to keep him faithful. -Whether he became alarmed by a fancied danger to his business or was -frightened or bought off by the printers is not clear. At any rate, his -cooperation was only halfhearted. Instead of furnishing Ged with the -best of type from which to make his moulds he furnished him with very -poor type and his workmen wilfully damaged the forms. - -While this was going on Ged was appointed printer to the University of -Cambridge, where he met with the same experiences at the hands of the -printers. Under great difficulties and discouragements he succeeded in -producing two prayer books which were printed from his plates, but the -animosity of the printers was so violent that the authorities suppressed -the books and destroyed the plates. The reason for this animosity is not -far to seek. The journeymen had not yet recovered from the fear and -danger caused by the old statutes which had limited the number of shops -without limiting the number of journeymen, thus causing extensive lack -of employment. It must be remembered also that the old customs were -still in force which limited editions and prohibited keeping type -standing. It looked to the printers as if the invention of a process -which would fix type by pages and make possible indefinite reprints from -one setting of type was a most serious threat to the industry. From the -point of view of the knowledge and the conditions in the second quarter -of the eighteenth century we shall have to admit that their fears were -well founded. They could not possibly foresee the enormous increase of -printing which was to make the stereotype indispensable. - -To complete the tale of his misfortune, Ged’s partners, James and -Fenner, now fell out between themselves. The partnership was broken up -and Ged, discouraged and bankrupt, went back to Edinburgh. His -discouragement was not permanent, however, and he made another attempt, -but not a printer could be found in Edinburgh who would set type for -him. Ged’s son learned composition and set up a few books, working by -night, which were printed at Newcastle. Ged died in 1749, apparently -defeated. Later in the century, however, his work was taken up and made -practical by Didot in France and his invention developed to great -proportions. - -The early printers were their own publishers and booksellers. Previous -to the invention of typography the maker and seller of the book were not -ordinarily the same person. It was only natural that in a short time the -stationers, that is to say, the sellers of manuscript books and of -writing materials, should sell printed books also. Both the printer and -bookseller were interested in an attempt to cut out one profit. If the -printer sold to the bookseller and the bookseller sold to the public, -both must profit by the transaction. If the printer could sell directly -to the public or the bookseller could print his own books, obviously the -whole or the greater part of both of these profits might go to one man. -In this competition, however, the bookseller had three advantages. One -came from the fact that the carrying on of a printing plant was a -business enterprise and the additional care of maintaining a selling -organization for marketing books with the public was more than most -printers were equal to. The second was that the bookseller could buy a -whole edition or contract for its publication. In this way while he -reduced the printer’s profits he also greatly reduced his risks. The -third was that privilege and copyright attached themselves to -manuscripts. If the bookseller bought the manuscript it could not be -printed except by arrangement with him. When the bookseller became the -owner of manuscripts, or became sufficiently confident of his power to -market books to employ the printer to produce such books as he could -use, he became a publisher in the modern sense of the word. He might -either set up a printing establishment of his own or he might have his -work done by contract by one or more outside printers. - -The business methods of the old printers were very simple. We have seen -how Schoeffer did the first piece of commercial printing when he struck -off for distribution a list of the books which he had on sale. We have -seen how Jenson and Aldus and the other early printers sold their books -at their printing offices, advertised them by correspondence, and sent -them to the Frankfort Fair and other similar places. The Plantin -workshop, which is still maintained as the Plantin Museum in Antwerp, -still shows the little salesroom which was part of the original -business. Caxton, with his sound business sense and trained business -habits, had a way of assuring or forecasting beforehand the sales of his -books, thus anticipating to a considerable extent the methods of the -modern publishers. - -It soon became the habit of the printers to open shops apart from their -printing offices for the sale of their productions. These salesrooms -developed into book-shops through carrying in stock the books of other -printers. In the old-world cities trades had a habit of congregating in -one place. If a man wanted to open a book-shop, instead of trying to -find a good location where there were no other book-shops very near at -hand, he tried to get a location as near as he could to all the other -book-shops. In this way certain streets or quarters of the cities, and -particularly of London, were given up to certain industries. The centre -of the English book trade of the seventeenth century was the churchyard -of the old St. Paul’s Church. This was the smaller church which occupied -the site where now stands the magnificent St. Paul’s Cathedral built by -the great architect Sir Christopher Wren after the fire of 1660. - -A glimpse of the way in which the business was done may be obtained from -the following description of John Day’s book-shop: “He got framed a neat -handsome shop. It was but little and low, a flat roof, and leaded -[covered with sheets of lead] like a terrace, railed and posted, fit for -men to stand upon in any triumph or show.” Evidently thrifty John Day -was not above turning an honest penny by renting the roof of his shop to -those who desired to see the Lord Mayor’s show or some other glittering -procession. All processions of any importance passed St. Paul’s. We are -told that this shop cost £40 or £50, which would be equivalent, making -allowance for the difference in the purchasing power of money, to from -$1200 to $1600 to-day. We are told that £150,000 worth of books were -burned at St. Paul’s churchyard and in the crypt of the church in the -fire of 1666. This represents no less than $4,000,000 in our present -money. - -Advertising was done largely by means of the so-called “title post,” a -sort of primitive bulletin board. On a post in the shop were put up the -titles of new books on sale, with perhaps a brief bit of description. -Books were sold either bound, stitched, or in sheets. The bindings in -favor were leather-covered boards, perhaps vellum with silk ties to -counteract the tendency of vellum to warp, or velvet and other textiles, -often ornamented with elaborate embroidery. The books which were sold -bound, however, were ordinarily in the plainer styles of binding. The -more wealthy and particular book buyers preferred to buy their books in -sheets and to have them placed in bindings which were ornamented with -their coats of arms or with other devices of a personal nature. The -stitched books were at first sewed by being pierced through the sheets -with a bodkin and tied with a string. In 1586 a limit was set to the -size and thickness of books which might be sold in this form. Those -beyond the limit must be sewed on a regular binder’s machine and made -ready for the cover to be put on. Sewed books were often covered with -cloth or pasteboard to preserve them and keep them clean. This was -substantially what is now known as binding in cases. - -For a long time the relations between printers, booksellers, and authors -were confused and irregular. Up to the end of the seventeenth century -there was nothing in the nature of copyright except registration with -the Stationers’ Company, but that registration was made by the owner of -the manuscript, who was not necessarily the author. Originally these -owners were generally the printers because the printers and publishers, -as has just been pointed out, were the same. Later, as the ascendency of -the booksellers increased, it was they who held the manuscripts. -Sometimes due regard was paid to the rights of the author and sometimes -not. This appears to have depended entirely upon the arrangements which -author and publisher were able to make. In many cases the author got -decidedly the worst of the bargain. The protection which the Company -undertook to extend was limited to the holder of the copyright. The -situation was further complicated by the survival of privileges or -monopolies of various sorts. - -Toward the end of the seventeenth century, with the passing away of the -mediæval conditions which had previously prevailed, the Company’s -control of the situation broke down. When the printing acts finally went -into disuse in 1594, as has already been described, nobody had any -protection. Everything in the way of copyright was entirely abolished. -This condition was soon felt to be intolerable and in 1709 an Act of -Parliament provided a system of copyright and recognized the author’s -right to his work. By this act the owners of old books and unpublished -manuscripts, whether they were the authors or not, had proprietary right -in them for twenty-one years, beginning April 10, 1710. This part of the -act, of course, was a temporary provision for existing conditions. New -books were to be controlled by the author for fourteen years. If at the -end of that time the author was still living his copyright might be -renewed for fourteen years more. Within the limits during which the -copyright was valid it could be transferred. Such transference did not -act as an extension. The copyright was secured by registration with the -Stationers’ Company as before. - -This was really a booksellers’ act, as at that time they held nearly all -of the copyrights and doubtless expected to be able to secure all the -new ones of any value. That was what happened at first. The protection -given to the authors by the new act greatly altered the terms upon which -the booksellers or publishers could obtain the manuscripts. It was some -years before the authors came to a full realization of their rights -under the new law. When they did arrive at this knowledge authorship as -a profession became possible. For a long time authors sold their -manuscripts outright to the publishers. The royalty system, under which -the author shares the profits of the work, was a later development. - -From this time on new work was controlled by the authors and the use of -their manuscripts could be obtained only by some sort of bargain. All -old work not covered by copyrights existing in 1709, and after 1731 all -work upon which copyrights had expired, might be freely printed by any -one. From that time on the publication of such works became, as it is -now, purely a manufacturing proposition. Whether or not such books shall -be published and whether or not the publication is a commercial success -depend entirely upon the soundness of the publisher’s judgment and the -accuracy with which he gauges the popular demand for standard literature -at a given price. - -The publication of new work depends upon a variety of circumstances. The -publisher pays either in cash or in royalty, or both, according to the -prospects of sale. In case of authors of reputation this prospect can be -reasonably well gauged. In case of unknown authors the publisher must -take a risk if he buys a manuscript. In many cases the publisher will -require a guarantee against loss on an edition of a certain size. He may -require this guarantee because he has doubts about the success of the -work or because it is a book of such limited circulation, although it -may be of the most important character, that the publication will not be -commercially profitable. Of course, if an author is determined to see -himself in print and no publisher will take his work on any terms, he -can hire a printer to make up an edition, can get it copyrighted, and -can dispose of it in such way as he may find possible or desirable. - -From this legislation really dates the differentiation of the trade. -This was a matter of economic growth rather than of legislation. The -author might print and publish and sell his work, the printer might -publish and sell, the bookseller might print and publish, but in either -case there was an added risk combined with a possibility of greater -profit. Most persons are content with smaller profits, providing they -can be released from risk. Under the system which now developed the -publisher assumed the risk. In that way he became the patron of both -author and printer. - -The first of the modern type of publishers was Jacob Tonson, the elder, -who began business in 1678. A consideration of the development of the -publishing industry would take us too far afield and it will be touched -upon only as it directly concerns the development of printing. - -About 1720 a forward step was taken in the development of English -printing by the entrance of William Caslon into the field of -type-founding. Born in 1692, we know little of his early life. In 1706 -we find him, then twenty-four years old, carrying on a little business -in London as an engraver of gun locks and a maker of binders’ tools. -Through this last he came in contact with printers, particularly John -Walter and William Bowyer, the younger, two of the well-known London -printers of that day. His connection with the printing trade, his -artistic skill, and his training as an engraver led him to undertake the -designing and cutting of type, in which he was encouraged by his printer -friends. His type was immediately successful not only in England but on -the continent, which had hitherto never looked to England for type. His -type was very legible and had a certain air of distinction which made it -much superior to any English type made at that time. His roman was -regular, graceful, and well proportioned, a worthy successor of the -types of Jenson and Aldus. His italic was almost as good as his roman. -The influence of Caslon upon English and afterwards upon American -type-cutting has been very great. Many of the types in most common use -are either Caslon’s letter or some modification of it. This book is -printed in one of the Caslon types. For many years no English -type-founder could compete with him successfully. - -The principal types of distinction which were then in the field were -three, that of Giambattista Bodoni, that produced by the Didot family, -and that made in Holland. Bodoni type was characterized by long -ascenders and descenders, over-long serifs, and protracted hair lines. -This general style of letter was very common in Italy for a long time -both in typography and in manuscript. In the last century the so-called -Italian hand, a handwriting showing these characteristics, was for a -long time very fashionable, especially among ladies. The Didot type was -characterized by sharp contrasts, the thick lines being very thick and -the thin lines being razor-edged in their thinness. The Dutch type was -rounded and regular with very little contrast between the thick and the -thin lines. Caslon’s type was a rather successful effort to retain the -good qualities and avoid the defects of all three. Avoiding the -exaggeration of Bodoni, it retained, though in modified form, the -contrasts of Didot and preserved the regularity of the Dutch without its -monotony and lack of contrast. Toward the end of the century poor paper, -poor presswork, and poor ink led to an attempt to get clearness and -legibility by thickening the type lines. The result was the -introduction, about 1800, of a very ugly, fat-faced type which had wide -use. Mrs. Caslon, a widow, who was then in charge of the Caslon foundry, -attempted to meet these demands by thickening the lines of the Caslon -type, producing a modified form which had considerable success for some -time. The old Caslon was revived by Whittingham about 1845. The better -paper, ink, and presswork of those days revealed anew the excellence of -the Caslon type and since that time it has never lost favor. - -An interesting figure of this period is Samuel Richardson (1689–1761). -Richardson was a very good printer and did a considerable business, but -was tempted into authorship and became one of the first of the modern -English novelists. He wrote, printed, and published three novels which -yet survive, “Pamela,” “Clarissa Harlowe,” and “Sir Charles Grandison.” -The new vein which these novels struck in English literature was -immediately successful. The novels, though very long and written in a -style which to modern readers seems anything but lively, were not only -widely successful themselves, but were immediately imitated, and the -good old printer’s modest efforts were the beginning of the flood of -novels which is now poured out from the press. Because Richardson was a -pioneer his novels are remembered and students of literature are set to -read them, at least in part. It is doubtful, however, if anybody reads -them to-day unless he has to. It is said that through the treachery of -one of Richardson’s journeymen a Dublin printer got out a pirated -edition of “Sir Charles Grandison” and sold it in Dublin before -Richardson got it bound and published in London. This was possible -because the English copyright law did not then apply to Ireland. - -An interesting glimpse of the trade at this period may be obtained -through the pages of Woodfall’s ledger from 1734 to 1747, which has been -published. The student of these matters can find therein very -interesting material for a study of comparative prices and the like. One -entry shows that he charged for the printing of Pope’s translation of -the Iliad, demy paper, long primer and brevier, 2000 copies, 6 volumes, -68½ sheets, £143 and 17 shillings, equal to about $1700 in American -money. - -Perhaps the most interesting and important printer in the eighteenth -century in England was John Baskerville (1706–1775). Baskerville was of -unknown and humble origin. At seventeen we find him a servant in the -house of a clergyman at Birmingham. He was a good penman, however, and -his employer soon set him to teach penmanship to the poor boys of the -parish and afterwards got him a position as a teacher of penmanship and -bookkeeping in a school. Baskerville was not only interested in -penmanship but also in the cutting of letters in stone. Unlike Caslon, -this interest did not lead him directly to take up type-founding or -printing as his life work. In 1736 a man by the name of John Taylor set -himself up in business at Birmingham as a manufacturer of japanned ware. -Baskerville became interested in Taylor’s work and learned Taylor’s -trade secrets by following him about and whenever he went into a shop -and made a purchase going in himself and buying the same things in the -same quantities. In this way he learned the composition of the japanning -mixture and shortly set up a business for himself. This was his main -business and source of revenue throughout his life and was very -prosperous. Baskerville did not imitate Taylor and was hardly his rival, -but won success in making other and better things than those made by -Taylor. Curiously enough, although Baskerville remained in this business -for many years and was very successful, not a single piece of work -survives which is known to be his. Meanwhile he did not lose his early -interest in the correct formation of letters and he became actively -interested in type-founding about 1750. By this time, however, his ideas -had spread beyond the mere designing and founding of type. - -He conceived the idea of better books than had yet been made in England. -He considered the matter in its broadest possible aspects. He realized -the fact that a book is the result of many operations. He believed that -the making of the best books, such as he had in mind, meant the best -possible paper, type, ink, machines, and workmanship. Beginning with the -type; he employed a skilful type-cutter to work from his designs and is -said to have spent £600 or £800 ($3000 or $4000) before getting a font -to suit him. He never attempted to cut many types. His roman differs -from Caslon’s, but is equal to it in legibility. It is beautifully -clear, regular, and well proportioned. Perhaps a certain lack of -character and a too mechanical perfection would be the general criticism -which could be brought against it. His italic was the best which had as -yet been seen in England. - -Baskerville also cut a font of Greek type. This experiment has been -regarded as unsuccessful and his Greek type has been somewhat -criticised. It was unsuccessful, but not through the fault of the type -itself. His type was excellent, but it differed considerably from that -to which the scholars were then accustomed and the learned world did not -care to adopt it. Minor changes in the formation of English letters are -not important, providing the general form of the letter is retained. In -languages using a different character, however, even slight -modifications are liable to be confusing and scholarly conservatism -naturally shrinks from changes of this sort. It is probable, moreover, -that the universities and the few persons doing printing in Greek did -not encourage the new character as it would have involved a considerable -expenditure for new type. With the comparatively small use for Greek -type one font would last for a very long time. - -Excellent as Baskerville’s types were, they were not generally adopted. -The printers stuck to the work of Caslon and Jackson, partly from the -fact shortly to be noted that Baskerville did not get on very well with -the printers and publishers and partly because of the expense. They -preferred sticking to the standard fonts and buying sorts which could be -easily procured when necessary to undergoing the expense of buying new -fonts from the new founder. Although the admirers of Baskerville -consider his type better than Caslon’s, it was not enough better to -drive it out of the market. Baskerville’s type, moreover, was much -criticised on its own account. It was claimed that owing to its -proportions and owing to its sharp contrasts it was hard on the eyes. -This criticism, however, was probably very largely the result of -prejudice and dislike. - -Benjamin Franklin was a friend of Baskerville and tells an amusing story -about this kind of criticism. He says that some printers were at his -lodging in London and complained vigorously of the objectionable -character of Baskerville’s type and of the eye strain and headache which -it caused to its users. Franklin thereupon stepped into another room and -came back in a moment with a sheet of Caslon’s specimens from which he -had removed the heading. He handed this sheet to the critics who had -been berating Baskerville and praising Caslon and said that he could not -help thinking that they were influenced somewhat by their prejudice and -he wished that they would examine this sheet and see if they actually -did experience the unpleasant results of which they had complained. -Supposing the sheet to be Baskerville’s type, they studied it with some -care and unanimously declared that they found the same difficulties and -experienced the same discomforts which they had always met with in -reading Baskerville’s type. Franklin refrained from pointing out the -trap into which he had betrayed them, but satisfied himself that their -criticisms really were the result of prejudice. - -Type-founding, however, was only a part of Baskerville’s scheme. As has -been said, he had conceived the idea of the perfect book, or at least a -book nearer perfection than England had yet seen. It is one of the most -interesting things about Baskerville that he did not arrive at his -conceptions by a process of experimentation and production of mediocre -work. He conceived his idea and elaborated it in his mind first and then -undertook to realize it in a product. He was the artist who conceives -rather than the craftsman who slowly elaborates. The designing and -cutting of new fonts of type was only one step in that direction. He -determined that he would attempt to produce the whole book himself and -he therefore set up a printing office of his own. He selected the paper -for his editions with the greatest care. It is not certain that he did -not even go so far as to make the paper for some of them, but whether or -not this is true he gave it great attention. He took equal care with his -ink, using every precaution to secure the production of a bright, clear -ink which should work well and be permanent. He also had a special press -built. This did not involve any innovations in design, but was built -with the greatest care so as to secure the best possible impression. In -order to give smoothness and shine to his pages and prevent the type -from pressing into the damp paper and making an impression on the -reverse side of the sheet he devised what is known as the hot press -method of finishing. As soon as the damp sheets came from the press they -were placed between plates of hot metal and subjected to pressure. This -gave the paper a perfectly smooth, shiny surface. This was another of -the points of criticism of Baskerville’s work. Those who were familiar -with the coarse paper and rough impressions in common use declared that -the shine of the smooth paper hurt their eyes. Baskerville also gave -great attention to the typographical design of his books. He used ample -margins and developed a style of dignified simplicity, free from -extraneous ornamentation and extremely reserved in the use of all forms -of ornament. - -As a result of this care Baskerville produced the best books which had -yet been made in England. They were very expensive. No cost was spared -in their production and there was no catering to the popular taste which -would enable him to reduce unit costs by publishing large editions. -Baskerville frankly printed for the few. He believed that there were -lovers of good books and good literature who were ready to pay what -might be necessary to obtain their favorite authors in a fitting dress. -In this he was somewhat disappointed. The number of such persons was -less numerous than he had supposed and it is probable that on the whole -Baskerville lost rather than made money by his printing and -type-founding enterprises. He printed about sixty-seven books, all of -which were reprints of the classics or standard authors. Not a single -new book came from his press, although these were the flourishing days -of Samuel Johnson, Goldsmith, Pope, Gray, Burke, Chesterfield, Young, -Akenside, and other famous writers. The booksellers would not support -him. He was not willing to cheapen his work or to lower his prices to -meet their wishes, nor would he consent to being, like so many printers, -a mere servant of the publisher. He felt that he had his artistic -message to give to the world and he insisted upon giving it in his own -way, making himself his own publisher as well as printer. Very likely -his editions would have made a larger sale if he had had the support of -the booksellers in putting them on the market, but this was denied him. - -Disheartened and disgusted by the lack of appreciation and support, -Baskerville tried to sell out his type-foundry, but was unsuccessful. He -negotiated with several of the leading printers of the continent and -with Franklin, but was not able to effect a sale. Twenty years after his -death, however, his type was used in the famous Boydell Shakspeare. His -type obtained partial recognition. His work has been called too artistic -for his time. It is said that Baskerville was an artist, but the England -of the eighteenth century was not artistic. Perhaps it might better be -said that Baskerville’s standard of perfection was higher than his time -could appreciate and that he failed because there was not yet a -sufficiently large public ready to spend considerable money for de luxe -book making. Baskerville unquestionably possessed great taste and a very -high degree of mechanical skill. One does not find in his work, however, -the artist’s spirit which manifests itself in the work of the old -masters or their late nineteenth century followers. Baskerville’s work, -nevertheless, was not in vain. No man can ever do anything better than -it has yet been done without contributing to the progress of true art, -even though his productions are appreciated by but few people. -Unquestionably Baskerville’s work influenced the Whittinghams, who are -the great figures in the world of printing in the early nineteenth -century. - -It is interesting to note, before passing to the consideration of the -work of the Whittinghams, that several of the great English printing -houses whose names are familiar to all readers of books run back far -into the eighteenth century. The Rivington house was established in -1711, Eyre and Spottiswoode not much later, Longmans in 1724, John -Murray in 1768, William Blackwood & Son in 1804, A. C. Black in 1815, to -mention only a few of the more familiar. In many cases these firm names -have been several times changed, but the firms have maintained -continuous existence. - - - - - CHAPTER V - THE WHITTINGHAMS AND THE MODERN BOOK - - -Charles Whittingham, the elder, founder of the business which is now -known as the Chiswick Press, was born in 1767. He began work as a -printer in 1789 on a very small scale. His first work was small job work -such as cards, letterheads, billheads, and the like. It was not until -1792 that he did any book work at all. His first job was part of an -edition of Young’s “Night Thoughts.” It was not uncommon at this time -for publishers to parcel out a book among a number of small printers, -giving to each a certain number of signatures. Like his great -predecessor Day, Whittingham started out doing printing as badly as -anybody else. The work which he did on his first book order shows all -the vices of the time. - -Fortunately for the art, Whittingham was not content to remain a poor -printer, although he must have been perfectly aware that he was such. He -early made the acquaintance of William Caslon, from whom he bought type -and from whom he not improbably received typographical suggestions. In -1798 he published a book of a sort much in vogue at that period, called -“Pity’s Gift.” In choice of type, design of title page, and other -regards this book shows a great improvement over the work of previous -years. It was illustrated and was the beginning of the long series of -illustrated books for which the house afterwards became famous. The -illustrations, however, were poor in themselves and poorly printed. Here -again Whittingham began on a level with his contemporaries, but by study -and labor raised himself far above that level. - -In a few years Whittingham was recognized as the best printer in England -and had built up a good and profitable business. He won this success in -spite of the fact that he, even more than Baskerville, failed to get on -with the publishers. The publishers wanted cheap printing and large -profits. Whittingham refused to lower his standards to meet their -desires and insisted on printing to suit himself and, as he believed, -the public. Less ambitious than Baskerville, but equally conscientious, -Whittingham published small books, well printed, which could be sold at -a reasonable price, although not at the price of trash. He was right in -his estimate of the public demand and, secure in public support, was -able to defy the publishers. When they refused to give him their work he -told them to keep it, and entirely disregarded their hostility. He -carried the war into the enemies’ country by refusing to be bound by -certain trade customs. These customs were survivals of the old -privileges and monopolies which kept certain books in certain hands. -There was no foundation for these customs except their antiquity, and -Whittingham proposed to publish certain books which from time immemorial -had been held to be the property of others. Of course, the publishers -called him a pirate, but he never infringed upon a real copyright and -his conduct in the matter is entirely free from moral reproach. - -Whittingham was an enterprising business man as well as desirous of -artistic improvement. He bought the first Stanhope press which was sold -to a printing house, in 1800, and his house was among the first to adopt -improved machinery and methods of all sorts. There is, however, one -notable exception. Whittingham and his nephew and successor believed -that it was not possible to do the best work on anything but a hand -press, and no power presses were used in the Chiswick Press until 1860. - -About the opening of the century a man by the name of Potts invented a -process for making paper-stock from old rope by removing the tar and -dirt. Whittingham got possession of this process and opened a -paper-stock factory. He did not, however, open a paper mill, but sold -the stock to Fourdrinier, the great French paper maker. The paper-stock -mill was at Chiswick, and Whittingham opened in 1811 a second printing -office in the neighborhood, which he called the Chiswick Press. For a -time he carried on the two printing offices, the paper-stock mill, a -book-shop, several publishing ventures, and a business of some sort, it -is not now known what, in Jersey. It was not many years, however, before -he saw the danger of this extension and gradually disposed of the -outside things, concentrating his interest in the Chiswick Press, which -he preferred to continue rather than the London office. - -During this period his work steadily continued to improve. He invented a -secret process for giving permanent brilliancy to his ink. He gave the -greatest attention to the design and layout of his books, proportion in -the matter of margins and the like, and to presswork. This last was -doubly important because of his determination to improve the process of -illustration. Of course, the modern processes were not then in use. -Black and white was done either from wood blocks or steel and copper -plates, and color work was done by the use of solid color on blocks. In -order to secure better results in black and white, Whittingham invented -the over-lay process. Some of his work in color was the best ever -produced by the methods which were then known. An indication of the -resources of the establishment may be gathered from the story of the -production of his British Poets, sets of which may still be occasionally -bought in old book-shops. The design for the series was planned in 1819. -It was shortly announced that they were to be published on a given day -in 1822. When the day came the whole set was published as announced. It -consisted of one hundred royal 18mo volumes, illustrated. Five hundred -sets were printed, making a total of 50,000 volumes. - -Shortly after this the younger Charles Whittingham, nephew of the elder, -appears upon the scene. He was his uncle’s apprentice and became his -partner in 1824. The partnership lasted for four years and was -apparently not a very harmonious arrangement. The elder Whittingham, -like many strong and successful men, was masterful and was not disposed -to share either power or responsibility. The young man, although having -no occasion to complain of any unfairness, felt that although nominally -a partner he was really merely an employee. In 1828 he left the Chiswick -Press and set up for himself in London. He continued in business there -for ten years and then his uncle, who was now old and in failing health, -called him back to take charge of the Chiswick Press. In spite of the -fact that their partnership had not been satisfactory, the old man -doubtless realized that his nephew was the only man in England who was -competent to continue the business which he had built up with so much -toil and in which he took so much pride. From this time until the date -of the death of the elder man the younger Whittingham was the moving -spirit in the establishment. After the death of the elder Whittingham -the plant was moved back to London without change of name. - -Shortly after the younger Whittingham took over the management he became -acquainted with William Pickering and formed an association with him -which had momentous effects on English printing and publishing. -Pickering had started an old-book business in 1821 and had made money. -Although not a practical printer he was interested in books and he had -very intelligent ideas as to what qualities made books good, considered -as pieces of work. Pickering desired to publish fine editions of old -writers and entered into an alliance with Whittingham to produce them. -For twenty-five years these two men worked together doing the best -book-making which England had yet seen. Comparatively little of it was -new work. It was mainly the printing of fine editions of so-called -standard literature. In 1844, dissatisfied with the types in current -use, they induced Henry Caslon, who was then the head of the Caslon -foundry, to revive the old William Caslon type, known technically as -old-face roman, and this revival was the beginning of the permanent -restoration of the Caslon types to favor. - -Pickering and Whittingham together may be said to be the fathers of the -modern book. Together they worked out many improvements. The excellent -work in illustration which had been developed by the elder Whittingham -was continued and improved. In 1840 they were doing color printing from -wood blocks which was the best ever done by that process in England, and -later they began to produce ornamental books with initials, borders, -head pieces, and the like, printed from wood blocks, but superior to -anything which had been seen since the days of illuminated manuscripts. -Pickering and Whittingham were in constant consultation. They spent -their Sundays and much other time together. The completeness of their -cooperation is shown by Whittingham’s answer to the question which of -the two had the greater influence on the other. He replied, “My dear -sir, when you tell me which half of a pair of scissors is the more -useful, I will answer your question.” - -Pickering died in 1854, bankrupt through indorsing notes for a friend. -The death of Pickering was a great blow to Whittingham, but the -bankruptcy did not in any way involve the Chiswick Press. Whittingham -never took the same interest in the business afterward, although the -house had become sufficiently strong to continue and maintain its -standards. Whittingham was always actuated by the true craftsman’s -spirit. He was successful in his business, but he was more anxious for -artistic than for financial success. There is not the slightest doubt -that if he had been willing to do so he might have amassed a large -fortune. Upon one occasion he was called in as an expert to figure the -price which the government should offer for a very large contract. -Instead of calling for bids the government had a price figured which it -proposed to offer for the work. Whittingham figured a price which would -be just to the government and at the same time offer a good margin of -profit to the contractor. After he had completed his labors, he was -offered the contract himself, but refused, stating as he did so that he -would rather print fine books than make money. - -The history of English printing shows one more epoch-making figure. It -is that of William Morris, poet, socialist, idealist, and craftsman. -Morris is in many ways one of the most picturesque figures of the -nineteenth century. Interested in many kinds of craftsmanship, he was -particularly interested in printing and in 1891 he set up the Kelmscott -Press in order to express his idea of what a book should be. Morris was -above all things a man of the Middle Ages. Like the even more famous -Ruskin, his spirit revolted from many of the characteristics of the -nineteenth century. Whatever he did, thought, or said is influenced by -this underlying spirit of mediævalism. In his books and his types we -find exhibited the spirit and forms of the fifteenth century, but the -vital thing is the spirit and not the form. Although deeply influenced -by fifteenth century forms, Morris’s work is not mere imitation. It is -rather a reproduction of the old-time spirit. Morris said that in -printing it was important to consider “the paper, the form of the type, -the relative spacing of the letters, words, and lines, and lastly the -position of the printed matter on the page.” The harmony and -completeness of the whole, a harmony extending beyond mechanism to the -harmony of literary spirit and typographic form, was his fundamental -idea. In working this out he adopted as a unit not the single page of -type, as had been commonly the case, but the double page, on the ground -that when the book is opened we have before our eyes not one page but -two, and therefore the two together form a unit of book composition. - -Morris designed three types, named from the books in which they were -first employed. The first was the Golden, from the Golden Legend, a -heavy black roman letter with distinct gothic influence. The second was -the Troy, from an edition of Caxton’s Troy book, a modification of a -Koburger gothic of the fifteenth century. The third was the Chaucer, so -called from an edition of some of Chaucer’s work, which was the Troy -reduced in size and slightly modified in face. The initial letters were -designed by Morris in imitation of a set used by Sweynheim and Pannartz. - -Unfortunately Morris lived only five years after he began to print and -his press did not survive him. During that period he published -fifty-three books in sixty-five volumes, none of them in large editions. -The influence of Morris, however, was very great. Although he was not -extensively copied directly, he led in a marked revival of the spirit of -the old craftsman and in a renewal of the old conception of the unity -and harmony of the book as a whole. The Kelmscott Press was hardly -closed when Charles Ricketts opened the Vale Press, which operated from -1896 to 1904. Ricketts had much of the spirit and many of the methods of -Morris, but unlike Morris, who approached his type problem from the side -of manuscript, Ricketts conceived his forms as cast in metal. Another -continuer of Morris’s work was the Dove Press, which was started in -1900. - -Morris’s influence extended beyond the Atlantic and shows itself in some -of the best American printing, particularly that of Mr. Daniel Berkeley -Updike of the Merrymount Press of Boston and Mr. Bruce Rogers of the -Riverside Press of Cambridge. - - -The central feature in the history of printing of the last century has -been the development of periodical and commercial printing. Previous to -the last hundred years the particular thing was the book, but book -printing is now only a small part of the industry. A study of periodical -and commercial printing would be extremely interesting, but it lies in -the domain of typography rather than in that of the history of printing. -With the brief consideration which we have made of the so-called revival -of printing under Morris and his successors we may properly take leave -of this branch of our subject. - - - - - SUPPLEMENTARY READING - - - William Caxton. By Charles Knight. (Popular and in a few respects - inaccurate, but excellent for its sketch of the life and conditions - of Caxton’s time.) - - Life and Typography of William Caxton. By William Blades. (The - standard authority, but suited only for somewhat advanced students.) - - A Short History of English Printing. By Henry R. Plomer. (A fairly - good general view of the subject.) - - The Cambridge History of English Literature. Vol. II, Chap. xiii; Vol. - IV, Chap. xviii; Vol. VII, Chap. xv; Vol. XI, Chap. xiv. (This work - is made up of monographs written by distinguished specialists. The - chapters indicated contain a very good general view of the - development of British printing and publishing and of the beginnings - of journalism in England.) - - See files of the Inland Printer (Chicago) for excellent articles by - Mr. Henry L. Bullen. These articles are notable for their valuable - illustrations. - - - - - REVIEW QUESTIONS - - - SUGGESTIONS TO STUDENTS AND INSTRUCTORS - - The following questions, based on the contents of this pamphlet, are - intended to serve (1) as a guide to the study of the text, (2) as an - aid to the student in putting the information contained into definite - statements without actually memorizing the text, (3) as a means of - securing from the student a reproduction of the information in his own - words. - - A careful following of the questions by the reader will insure full - acquaintance with every part of the text, avoiding the accidental - omission of what might be of value. These primers are so condensed - that nothing should be omitted. - - In teaching from these books it is very important that these questions - and such others as may occur to the teacher should be made the basis - of frequent written work, and of final examinations. - - The importance of written work cannot be overstated. It not only - assures knowledge of material but the power to express that knowledge - correctly and in good form. - - If this written work can be submitted to the teacher in printed form - it will be doubly useful. - - - QUESTIONS - - 1. What general conditions made England slow to take up printing? - - 2. What special conditions existed in England about the time of the - invention of printing? - - 3. What is the truth about the story that the first English printed - book was dated 1468? - - 4. Tell the story of Caxton’s life up to his return to England. - - 5. Tell the story of the rest of his life. - - 6. How many books did he print, and of what sort? - - 7. What remarkable omissions are there in his work, and why? - - 8. What was his special field? - - 9. What sort of man was Caxton? - - 10. What can you say about Caxton’s typography? - - 11. What other printers appeared in England during Caxton’s life? - - 12. What was the great difference between Caxton and his successors? - - 13. Who was Caxton’s successor in business, and what do you know about - him? - - 14. Who was Pynson, and what did he do? - - 15. What do you know about Copeland; Berthelet; Grafton and - Whitchurch? - - 16. Describe the condition of English printing up to 1550, and give - the reason. - - 17. What change took place after 1525? - - 18. What books were imported, and why? - - 19. What was the situation in England all through the Middle Ages with - regard to labor troubles? - - 20. What social change took place in the nineteenth century, and what - was the result? - - 21. How did the English deal with the problem of the regulation of - printing? - - 22. What can you say about English craft guilds? - - 23. What were the reasons for the organization of the Company of - Stationers? - - 24. What was the form of organization of the Company? - - 25. What was the Star Chamber? - - 26. What were the powers and the duties of the Company? - - 27. What followed the organization of the Company? - - 28. Give the substance of the edict of 1586. - - 29. What did the Company do in the execution of this edict? - - 30. What difficulties, other than those caused by the edicts, troubled - the printers? - - 31. Tell the story of John Wolfe. - - 32. What was the result of the reduction in the number of offices, and - what was done about it? - - 33. Describe English printing apprenticeship at this period. - - 34. What were the relations between author, printer, and bookseller? - - 35. Tell the story of John Day. - - 36. Mention other printers of this time, and give some distinguishing - fact about each. - - 37. What tendency appears in English printing after Day, and why? - - 38. How did printing fare under James I; under Charles I? - - 39. Give the substance of the edict of 1637. - - 40. What legislation was enacted to protect English printing? - - 41. What happened when Parliament got the upper hand, and why? - - 42. How did printing fare under Cromwell? - - 43. Tell the story of the attempt to incorporate the Company of - Printers. - - 44. Sketch the course of government regulation from 1662 to 1694. - - 45. Tell about Roycroft and his work. - - 46. Tell about the four type-founders of this time. - - 47. Describe the rise to prominence of the Oxford Press. - - 48. What three special changes took place in the eighteenth century? - - 49. Tell the story of the invention of stereotyping. - - 50. Tell how the publishers became the principal power in the book - business. - - 51. Give the substance of the copyright act of 1709. - - 52. What was the effect of this act on the author and on the - manufacture of books? - - 53. Tell the story of William Caslon. - - 54. Tell the story of Samuel Richardson. - - 55. Tell the story of the life of Baskerville. - - 56. Tell about Baskerville as a type-founder. - - 57. Tell about Baskerville’s press; his methods; the reason for his - lack of success. - - 58. Was Baskerville’s work a failure, and why? - - 59. Tell the story of Charles Whittingham, the elder. - - 60. Tell the story of Charles Whittingham, the younger. - - 61. Tell the story of Pickering and his alliance with Whittingham. - - 62. Tell the story of Morris and the Kelmscott Press. - - 63. Describe Morris’s ideas and tell about his work. - - 64. What was the effect of Morris’s work? - - 65. Name a few of the printers most influenced by him. - - - - - TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES FOR APPRENTICES - - -The following list of publications, comprising the TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL -SERIES FOR APPRENTICES, has been prepared under the supervision of the -Committee on Education of the United Typothetae of America for use in -trade classes, in courses of printing instruction, and by individuals. - -Each publication has been compiled by a competent author or group of -authors, and carefully edited, the purpose, being to provide the -printers of the United States—employers, journeymen, and -apprentices—with a comprehensive series of handy and inexpensive -compendiums of reliable, up-to-date information upon the various -branches and specialties of the printing craft, all arranged in orderly -fashion for progressive study. - -The publications of the series are of uniform size, 5 × 8 inches. Their -general make-up, in typography, illustrations, etc., has been, as far as -practicable, kept in harmony throughout. A brief synopsis of the -particular contents and other chief features of each volume will be -found under each title in the following list. - -Each topic is treated in a concise manner, the aim being to embody in -each publication as completely as possible all the rudimentary -information and essential facts necessary to an understanding of the -subject. Care has been taken to make all statements accurate and clear, -with the purpose of bringing essential information within the -understanding of beginners in the different fields of study. Wherever -practicable, simple and well-defined drawings and illustrations have -been used to assist in giving additional clearness to the text. - -In order that the pamphlets may be of the greatest possible help for use -in trade-school classes and for self-instruction, each title is -accompanied by a list of Review Questions covering essential items of -the subject matter. A short Glossary of technical terms belonging to the -subject or department treated is also added to many of the books. - -These are the Official Text-books of the United Typothetae of America. - -Address all orders and inquiries to COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION, UNITED -TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U. S. A. - - - - - TYPOGRAPHIC TECHNICAL SERIES _for_ APPRENTICES - - - PART I—_Types, Tools, Machines, and Materials_ - - 1. =Type: a Primer of Information= By A. A. Stewart - - Relating to the mechanical features of printing types; their - sizes, font schemes, etc., with a brief description of their - manufacture. 44 pp.; illustrated; 74 review questions; glossary. - - 2. =Compositors’ Tools and Materials= By A. A. Stewart - - A primer of information about composing sticks, galleys, leads, - brass rules, cutting and mitering machines, etc. 47 pp.; - illustrated; 50 review questions; glossary. - - 3. =Type Cases, Composing Room Furniture= By A. A. Stewart - - A primer of information about type cases, work stands, cabinets, - case racks, galley racks, standing galleys, etc. 43 pp.; - illustrated; 33 review questions; glossary. - - 4. =Imposing Tables and Lock-up Appliances= By A. A. Stewart - - Describing the tools and materials used in locking up forms for - the press, including some modern utilities for special purposes. - 59 pp.; illustrated; 70 review questions; glossary. - - 5. =Proof Presses= By A. A. Stewart - - A primer of information about the customary methods and machines - for taking printers’ proofs. 40 pp.; illustrated; 41 review - questions; glossary. - - 6. =Platen Printing Presses= By Daniel Baker - - A primer of information regarding the history and mechanical - construction of platen printing presses, from the original hand - press to the modern job press, to which is added a chapter on - automatic presses of small size. 51 pp.; illustrated; 49 review - questions; glossary. - - 7. =Cylinder Printing Presses= By Herbert L. Baker - - Being a study of the mechanism and operation of the principal - types of cylinder printing machines. 64 pp.; illustrated; 47 - review questions; glossary. - - 8. =Mechanical Feeders and Folders= By William E. Spurrier - - The history and operation of modern feeding and folding machines; - with hints on their care and adjustments. Illustrated; review - questions; glossary. - - 9. =Power for Machinery in Printing Houses= By Carl F. Scott - - A treatise on the methods of applying power to printing presses - and allied machinery, with particular reference to electric - drive. 53 pp.; illustrated; 69 review questions; glossary. - - 10. =Paper Cutting Machines= By Niel Gray, Jr. - - A primer of information about paper and card trimmers, hand-lever - cutters, power cutters, and other automatic machines for cutting - paper. 70 pp.; illustrated; 115 review questions; glossary. - - 11. =Printers’ Rollers= By A. A. Stewart - - A primer of information about the composition, manufacture, and - care of inking rollers. 46 pp.; illustrated; 61 review - questions; glossary. - - 12. =Printing Inks= By Philip Ruxton - - Their composition, properties and manufacture (reprinted by - permission from Circular No. 53, United States Bureau of - Standards); together with some helpful suggestions about the - everyday use of printing inks by Philip Ruxton. 80 pp.; 100 - review questions; glossary. - - 13. =How Paper is Made= By William Bond Wheelwright - - A primer of information about the materials and processes of - manufacturing paper for printing and writing. 68 pp.; - illustrated; 62 review questions; glossary. - - 14. =Relief Engravings= By Joseph P. Donovan - - Brief history and non-technical description of modern methods of - engraving: woodcut, zinc plate, halftone; kind of copy for - reproduction; things to remember when ordering engravings. - Illustrated; review questions; glossary. - - 15. =Electrotyping and Stereotyping= By Harris B. Hatch and A. A. - Stewart - - A primer of information about the processes of electrotyping and - stereotyping. 94 pp.; illustrated; 129 review questions; - glossaries. - - - PART II—_Hand and Machine Composition_ - - 16. =Typesetting= By A. A. Stewart - - A handbook for beginners, giving information about justifying, - spacing, correcting, and other matters relating to typesetting. - Illustrated; review questions; glossary. - - 17. =Printers’ Proofs= By A. A. Stewart - - The methods by which they are made, marked, and corrected, with - observations on proofreading. Illustrated; review questions; - glossary. - - 18. =First Steps in Job Composition= By Camille DeVèze - - Suggestions for the apprentice compositor in setting his first - jobs, especially about the important little things which go to - make good display in typography. 63 pp.; examples; 55 review - questions; glossary. - - 19. =General Job Composition= - - How the job compositor handles business stationery, programs and - miscellaneous work. Illustrated; review questions; glossary. - - 20. =Book Composition= By J. W. Bothwell - - Chapters from DeVinne’s “Modern Methods of Book Composition,” - revised and arranged for this series of text-books by J. W. - Bothwell of The DeVinne Press, New York. Part I: Composition of - pages. Part II: Imposition of pages. 229 pp.; illustrated; 525 - review questions; glossary. - - 21. =Tabular Composition= By Robert Seaver - - A study of the elementary forms of table composition, with examples - of more difficult composition. 36 pp.; examples; 45 review - questions. - - 22. =Applied Arithmetic= By E. E. Sheldon - - Elementary arithmetic applied to problems of the printing trade, - calculation of materials, paper weights and sizes, with standard - tables and rules for computation, each subject amplified with - examples and exercises. 159 pp. - - 23. =Typecasting and Composing Machines= A. W. Finlay, Editor - - Section I—The Linotype By L. A. Hornstein Section II—The Monotype - By Joseph Hays Section III—The Intertype By Henry W. Cozzens - Section IV—Other Typecasting and Typesetting Machines By Frank H. - Smith - - A brief history of typesetting machines, with descriptions of their - mechanical principles and operations. Illustrated; review - questions; glossary. - - - PART III—_Imposition and Stonework_ - - 24. =Locking Forms for the Job Press= By Frank S. Henry - - Things the apprentice should know about locking up small forms, - and about general work on the stone. Illustrated; review - questions; glossary. - - 25. =Preparing Forms for the Cylinder Press= By Frank S. Henry - - Pamphlet and catalog imposition; margins; fold marks, etc. Methods - of handling type forms and electrotype forms. Illustrated; - review questions; glossary. - - - PART IV—_Presswork_ - - 26. =Making Ready on Platen Presses= By T. G. McGrew - - The essential parts of a press and their functions; distinctive - features of commonly used machines. Preparing the tympan, - regulating the impression, underlaying and overlaying, setting - gauges, and other details explained. Illustrated; review - questions; glossary. - - 27. =Cylinder Presswork= By T. G. McGrew - - Preparing the press; adjustment of bed and cylinder, form rollers, - ink fountain, grippers and delivery systems. Underlaying and - overlaying; modern over-lay methods. Illustrated; review - questions; glossary. - - 28. =Pressroom Hints and Helps= By Charles L. Dunton - - Describing some practical methods of pressroom work, with - directions and useful information relating to a variety of - printing-press problems. 87 pp.; 176 review questions. - - 29. =Reproductive Processes of the Graphic Arts= By A. W. Elson - - A primer of information about the distinctive features of the - relief, the intaglio, and the planographic processes of - printing. 84 pp.; illustrated; 100 review questions; glossary. - - - PART V—_Pamphlet and Book Binding_ - - 30. =Pamphlet Binding= By Bancroft L. Goodwin - - A primer of information about the various operations employed in - binding pamphlets and other work in the bindery. Illustrated; - review questions; glossary. - - 31. =Book Binding= By John J. Pleger - - Practical information about the usual operations in binding books: - folding, gathering, collating, sewing, forwarding, finishing. - Case making and cased-in books. Hand work and machine work. Job - and blank-book binding. Illustrated; review questions; glossary. - - - PART VI—_Correct Literary Composition_ - - 32. =Word Study and English Grammar= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about words, their relations, and their - uses. 68 pp.; 84 review questions; glossary. - - 33. =Punctuation= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about the marks of punctuation and their - use, both grammatically and typographically. 56 pp.; 59 review - questions; glossary. - - 34. =Capitals= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about capitalization, with some practical - typographic hints as to the use of capitals. 48 pp.; 92 review - questions; glossary. - - 35. =Division of Words= By F. W. Hamilton - - Rules for the division of words at the ends of lines, with remarks - on spelling, syllabication and pronunciation. 42 pp.; 70 review - questions. - - 36. =Compound Words= By F. W. Hamilton - - A study of the principles of compounding, the components of - compounds, and the use of the hyphen. 34 pp.; 62 review - questions. - - 37. =Abbreviations and Signs= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about abbreviations and signs, with - classified lists of those in most common use. 58 pp.; 32 review - questions. - - 38. =The Uses of Italic= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about the history and uses of italic - letters. 31 pp.; 37 review questions. - - 39. =Proofreading= By Arnold Levitas - - The technical phases of the proofreader’s work; reading, marking, - revising, etc.; methods of handling proofs and copy. Illustrated - by examples. 59 pp.; 69 review questions; glossary. - - 40. =Preparation of Printers’ Copy= By F. W. Hamilton - - Suggestions for authors, editors, and all who are engaged in - preparing copy for the composing room. 36 pp.; 67 review - questions. - - 41. =Printers’ Manual of Style= - - A reference compilation of approved rules, usages, and suggestions - relating to uniformity in punctuation, capitalization, - abbreviations, numerals, and kindred features of composition. - - 42. =The Printer’s Dictionary= By A. A. Stewart - - A handbook of definitions and miscellaneous information about - various processes of printing, alphabetically arranged. - Technical terms explained. Illustrated. - - - PART VII—_Design, Color, and Lettering_ - - 43. =Applied Design for Printers= By Harry L. Gage - - A handbook of the principles of arrangement, with brief comment on - the periods of design which have most influenced printing. - Treats of harmony, balance, proportion, and rhythm; motion; - symmetry and variety; ornament, esthetic and symbolic. 37 - illustrations; 46 review questions; glossary; bibliography. - - 44. =Elements of Typographic Design= By Harry L. Gage - - Applications of the principles of decorative design. Building - material of typography: paper, types, ink, decorations and - illustrations. Handling of shapes. Design of complete book, - treating each part. Design of commercial forms and single units. - Illustrations; review questions; glossary; bibliography. - - 45. =Rudiments of Color in Printing= By Harry L. Gage - - Use of color: for decoration of black and white, for broad poster - effect, in combinations of two, three, or more printings with - process engravings. Scientific nature of color, physical and - chemical. Terms in which color may be discussed: hue, value, - intensity. Diagrams in color, scales and combinations. - Color theory of process engraving. Experiments with color. - Illustrations in full color, and on various papers. Review - questions; glossary; bibliography. - - 46. =Lettering in Typography= By Harry L. Gage - - Printer’s use of lettering: adaptability and decorative effect. - Development of historic writing and lettering and its influence - on type design. Classification of general forms in lettering. - Application of design to lettering. Drawing for reproduction. - Fully illustrated; review questions; glossary; bibliography. - - 47. =Typographic Design in Advertising= By Harry L. Gage - - The printer’s function in advertising. Precepts upon which - advertising is based. Printer’s analysis of his copy. Emphasis, - legibility, attention, color. Method of studying advertising - typography. Illustrations; review questions; glossary: - bibliography. - - 48. =Making Dummies and Layouts= By Harry L. Gage - - A layout: the architectural plan. A dummy: the imitation of a - proposed final effect. Use of dummy in sales work. Use of - layout. Function of layout man. Binding schemes for dummies. - Dummy envelopes. Illustrations; review questions; glossary; - bibliography. - - - PART VIII—_History of Printing_ - - 49. =Books Before Typography= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about the invention of the alphabet and - the history of book-making up to the invention of movable types. - 62 pp.; illustrated; 64 review questions. - - 50. =The Invention of Typography= By F. W. Hamilton - - A brief sketch of the invention of printing and how it came about. - 64 pp.; 62 review questions. - - 51. =History of Printing—Part I= By F. W. Hamilton - - A primer of information about the beginnings of printing, the - development of the book, the development of printers’ materials, - and the work of the great pioneers. 63 pp.; 55 review questions. - - 52. =History of Printing—Part II= By F. W. Hamilton - - A brief sketch of the economic conditions of the printing industry - from 1450 to 1789, including government regulations, censorship, - internal conditions and industrial relations. 94 pp.; 128 review - questions. - - 53. =Printing in England= By F. W. Hamilton - - A short history of printing in England from Caxton to the present - time. 89 pp.; 65 review questions. - - 54. =Printing in America= By F. W. Hamilton - - A brief sketch of the development of the newspaper, and some notes - on publishers who have especially contributed to printing. 98 - pp.; 84 review questions. - - 55. =Type and Presses in America= By F. W. Hamilton - - A brief historical sketch of the development of type casting and - press building in the United States. 52 pp.; 61 review - questions. - - - PART IX—_Cost Finding and Accounting_ - - 56. =Elements of Cost in Printing= By Henry P. Porter - - A primer of information about all the elements that contribute to - the cost of printing and their relation to each other. Review - questions. Glossary. - - 57. =Use of a Cost System= By Henry P. Porter - - The Standard Cost Finding Forms and their uses. What they should - show. How to utilize the information they give. Review - questions. Glossary. - - 58. =The Printer as a Merchant= By Henry P. Porter - - The selection and purchase of materials and supplies for printing. - The relation of the cost of raw material and the selling price - of the finished product. Review questions. Glossary. - - 59. =Fundamental Principles of Estimating= By Henry P. Porter - - The estimator and his work; forms to use; general rules for - estimating. Review questions. Glossary. - - 60. =Estimating and Selling= By Henry P. Porter - - An insight into the methods used in making estimates, and their - relation to selling. Review questions. Glossary. - - 61. =Accounting for Printers= By Henry P. Porter - - A brief outline of an accounting system for printers; necessary - books and accessory records. Review questions. Glossary. - - - PART X—_Miscellaneous_ - - 62. =Health, Sanitation, and Safety= By Henry P. Porter - - Hygiene in the printing trade; a study of conditions old and new; - practical suggestions for improvement; protective appliances and - rules for safety. - - 63. =Topical Index= By F. W. Hamilton - - A book of reference covering the topics treated in the Typographic - Technical Series, alphabetically arranged. - - 64. =Courses of Study= By F. W. Hamilton - - A guidebook for teachers, with outlines and suggestions for - classroom and shop work. - - - - - ACKNOWLEDGMENT - - -This series of Typographic Text-books is the result of the splendid -cooperation of a large number of firms and individuals engaged in the -printing business and its allied industries in the United States of -America. - -The Committee on Education of the United Typothetae of America, under -whose auspices the books have been prepared and published, acknowledges -its indebtedness for the generous assistance rendered by the many -authors, printers, and others identified with this work. - -While due acknowledgment is made on the title and copyright pages of -those contributing to each book, the Committee nevertheless felt that a -group list of co-operating firms would be of interest. - -The following list is not complete, as it includes only those who have -co-operated in the production of a portion of the volumes, constituting -the first printing. As soon as the entire list of books comprising the -Typographic Technical Series has been completed (which the Committee -hopes will be at an early date), the full list will be printed in each -volume. - -The Committee also desires to acknowledge its indebtedness to the many -subscribers to this Series who have patiently awaited its publication. - - COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION, - UNITED TYPOTHETAE OF AMERICA. - - HENRY P. PORTER, _Chairman_, - E. LAWRENCE FELL, - A. M. GLOSSBRENNER, - J. CLYDE OSWALD, - TOBY RUBOVITS. - - FREDERICK W. HAMILTON, _Education Director_. - - - - - CONTRIBUTORS - - - =For Composition and Electrotypes= - - ISAAC H. BLANCHARD COMPANY, New York, N. Y. - - S. H. BURBANK & CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - J. S. CUSHING & CO., Norwood, Mass. - - THE DEVINNE PRESS, New York, N. Y. - - R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS CO., Chicago, Ill. - - GEO. H. ELLIS CO., Boston, Mass. - - EVANS-WINTER-HEBB, Detroit, Mich. - - FRANKLIN PRINTING COMPANY, Philadelphia, Pa. - - F. H. GILSON COMPANY, Boston, Mass. - - STEPHEN GREENE & CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - W. F. HALL PRINTING CO., Chicago, Ill. - - J. B. LIPPINCOTT CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - MCCALLA & CO. INC., Philadelphia, Pa. - - THE PATTESON PRESS, New York. - - THE PLIMPTON PRESS, Norwood, Mass. - - POOLE BROS., Chicago, Ill. - - EDWARD STERN & CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - THE STONE PRINTING & MFG. CO., Roanoke, Va. - - C. D. TRAPHAGEN, Lincoln, Neb. - - THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, Cambridge, Mass. - - =For Composition= - - BOSTON TYPOTHETAE SCHOOL OF PRINTING, Boston, Mass. - - WILLIAM F. FELL CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - THE KALKHOFF COMPANY, New York, N. Y. - - OXFORD-PRINT, Boston, Mass. - - TOBY RUBOVITS, Chicago, Ill. - - =For Electrotypes= - - BLOMGREN BROTHERS CO., Chicago, Ill. - - FLOWER STEEL ELECTROTYPING CO., New York, N. Y. - - C. J. PETERS & SON CO., Boston, Mass. - - ROYAL ELECTROTYPE CO., Philadelphia, Pa. - - H. C. WHITCOMB & CO., Boston, Mass. - - =For Engravings= - - AMERICAN TYPE FOUNDERS CO., Boston, Mass. - - C. B. COTTRELL & SONS CO., Westerly, R. I. - - GOLDING MANUFACTURING CO., Franklin, Mass. - - HARVARD UNIVERSITY, Cambridge, Mass. - - INLAND PRINTER CO., Chicago, Ill. - - LANSTON MONOTYPE MACHINE COMPANY, Philadelphia, Pa. - - MERGENTHALER LINOTYPE COMPANY, New York, N. Y. - - GEO. H. MORRILL CO., Norwood, Mass. - - OSWALD PUBLISHING CO., New York, N. Y. - - THE PRINTING ART, Cambridge, Mass. - - B. D. RISING PAPER COMPANY, Housatonic, Mass. - - THE VANDERCOOK PRESS, Chicago, Ill. - - =For Book Paper= - - AMERICAN WRITING PAPER CO., Holyoke, Mass. - - WEST VIRGINIA PULP & PAPER CO., Mechanicville, N. Y. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 2. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - 3. 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