diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/65605-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/65605-0.txt | 6568 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 6568 deletions
diff --git a/old/65605-0.txt b/old/65605-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 21422cb..0000000 --- a/old/65605-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6568 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Indians of Lassen Volcanic National -Park and Vicinity, by Paul E. Schulz - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Indians of Lassen Volcanic National Park and Vicinity - -Author: Paul E. Schulz - -Release Date: June 13, 2021 [eBook #65605] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF LASSEN VOLCANIC -NATIONAL PARK AND VICINITY *** - - - - - - INDIANS - OF - LASSEN VOLCANIC NATIONAL PARK AND VICINITY - - - by - Paul E. Schulz - - - Published by the - - Loomis Museum Association - Lassen Volcanic National Park - Mineral, California - - - Copyright - 1954 - - Printed in the United States of America - Susanville _Lassen Litho_ California - - - - - _PREFACE_ - - -It is with some temerity that the author, a geologist by training and an -interpretive naturalist by occupation, undertakes to compile this -booklet on Indians who once inhabited the vicinity of Lassen Peak. - -The main mission of a naturalist, as he functions in the National Park -Service, is to act as an interpreter of technical information gathered -together by research scientists. It is his obligation as well as his -privilege to make these data of history and natural history available -for visitors to units administered by the National Park Service of the -United States Department of the Interior. The Park Naturalist is -challenged to create in visitors an eager interest by presenting -information in an appealing manner so that the great stories of the -respective areas may be learned easily and pleasantly. In doing this, -visitors gain fuller understanding and hence better appreciation of the -significance of these areas. This leads to greater enjoyment of the -scenic masterpieces, the scientific natural wonders, and the historic -shrines of areas of the National Park System. Not only is the visitor’s -enjoyment enhanced by his active reception of the interpretive -facilities and services offered him by the Federal Government, but his -pride is stimulated in these areas which have been set aside for his own -use as well as for the benefit of future generations. A citizen’s pride -in his park areas in turn develops a love of country. It also promotes a -sense of responsibility which helps the National Park Service fight -vandalism, fire carelessness, and litter carelessness to the ultimate -benefit of all concerned. - -Little on the pages which follow may be classed as original material for -it is in the role of interpreter that the undersigned has assembled -information gleaned by qualified students. - -The term “Amerind” instead of the traditional word “Indian” was -seriously considered for use in this book but finally rejected. Ever -since Christopher Columbus’ historic mistake the word Indian has had a -confusing two-fold meaning. Columbus, of course, thought that he had -been successful in reaching India when his little fleet touched the -shores of the New World. Hence he applied the word Indian to the people -he found there, supposing them to be natives of India. The term Amerind -is a coined contraction of the words: American Indian. The use of -Amerind has been advocated by some authors to do away with confusion, -and it does seem to be an excellent name, but it has not enjoyed wide -usage by the American public. - -I am deeply indebted to the following named persons whose research and -learned writings have provided the bulk of the information contained in -the present publication. The bibliography carries the titles of the -specific references used. - - Dr. Roland B. Dixon - Mr. Thomas R. Garth - Dr. E. W. Gifford - Dr. Robert F. Heizer - Dr. Stanislaw Klimek - Dr. A. L. Kroeber - Dr. Saxton T. Pope - Dr. Carl O. Sauer - Dr. Edward Sapir - Dr. Leslie Spier - Miss Erminie W. Voegelin - Dr. T. T. Waterman - -Properly, specific credit should be given in the text for each fact and -quotation taken from the works of others, but the result would in this -case have been unwieldy and of no practical benefit to the readers whom -this book is intended to reach. It is hoped that professional -ethnologists into whose hands this volume may fall will forgive this -unorthodox usage of the research results of serious students. - -Mrs. Selina La Marr (Boonookoo-ee-menorra) was a valuable and gracious -informant. Thanks are due again to Dr. E. W. Gifford, Director of the -Museum of Anthropology at the University of California, for many -courtesies, including donation of a copy of Dixon’s rare “Yana Indians” -and also for his constructive perusal of the manuscript. Others who -assisted the author were Mrs. Grace Schulz, Miss Lois Bell of the -University of California “University Explorer” radio program, and Mr. -Louis Caywood, National Park Service archeologist. Dr. J. H. Woolsey, -M.D., earned gratitude of the author by donation of his personal copy of -Pope’s “Medical History of Ishi”. Miss Lilian Nisbet of the Tehama -County Library was helpful in the securing of other reference materials. - -Most Californians are vitally interested in the Indians of this state, -yet few are aware of the excellent California State Indian Museum -operated by the Division of Beaches and Parks. The Indian Museum is open -to the public daily, free of charge, in a separate building on the -grounds of Sutter’s Fort State Historical Monument in Sacramento. The -author highly commends this museum to you. It contains a wealth of -authentic materials which have been organized into handsome and exciting -story-telling exhibits of first quality by Curator Jack Dyson. - - Paul E. Schulz - Park Naturalist - Lassen Volcanic National Park - Fall 1954 - - - - - _CONTENTS_ - - - Preface I - Contents III - Prehistoric Man Comes to North America 1 - Early Cultures in North America 4 - The California Indians 8 - Indian Tribes of the Lassen Area 16 - Indian-Pioneer Conflict; the Ishi Story 20 - Hunting 38 - Fishing 43 - Gathering and Preparation of Other Foods 48 - Houses and Furnishings 60 - Household Implements, Tools, and Weapons 66 - Basketry and Textiles 80 - Tanning, Cordage, and Glue 96 - Transportation 99 - Domestic Animals and Pets 103 - Clothing 105 - Beauty and Personal Grooming 111 - Wealth 117 - Ceremonial Dress 119 - Tobacco and Smoking 120 - Music and Arts 122 - Games and Social Gatherings 126 - Dances 129 - Political Organization of Tribes 131 - War and Peace 133 - Birth and Babies 136 - Adulthood Rites 141 - Marriage and Divorce 143 - Death and Burial 145 - Counting, Time, and Place 149 - Concepts of Sun, Moon, and Stars 151 - Weather Phenomena 153 - Earthquake Beliefs 155 - Creation Beliefs and Other Legends 157 - Medical Treatment 162 - Spirits and Ghosts 164 - Shamanism and Doctoring 166 - Miscellaneous Magic 173 - Bibliography 175 - - [Illustration: Association logo] - - - - - Chapter I - PREHISTORIC MAN COMES TO NORTH AMERICA - - -Archeological studies of human remains from all over the world have -shown beyond serious question that man originated in the Eastern -Hemisphere about a million years ago. Meager remnants of prehistoric -skeletons of man and his tools, hearths, and debris heaps have been -found in deposits of late Cenozoic time, Chapter Five of earth’s -history. This late Cenozoic period starting about a million years ago is -called the Pleistocene or Ice Age. These discoveries show the orderly -processes of survival of the fittest and of evolution developing -successive generations of man with refined physical and mental -qualities, ultimately producing modern man. - -During the Ice Age there were four separate times during which ice -formation on all continents of the earth increased tremendously. Just -what caused changes in climate to make this possible is not definitely -known. Slight changes in amount of carbon dioxide in the air, which -could have been affected by the amount of volcanic activity or by major -changes in the amount of plant life in existence, may have affected the -climate. Slight variations in the orbit of the earth in its course -around the sun may also have had their influence. Even today it would -require a drop of only a few degrees in the average annual temperature -of the earth’s climate to produce a large increase in ice formation. All -that is required is that a little more snow falls each winter than will -melt in the summer. Thus, each year the excess would gradually build up -glaciers and continental ice sheets, producing another “ice stage” in a -few thousands of years. - -The area of ice in the world today is relatively small: under 6 million -square miles, about the same as that existing during each of the four -interglacial (warm climate) stages of the Pleistocene. During the four -glacial stages of the Ice Age, continental ice sheets increased their -areas by three or four times, also becoming larger in size in each -successive cold cycle. The latest and most extensive of these glacial -times, the Wisconsin Stage, actually saw two ice advances with a brief -recession separating them about 60,000 years ago. - -During each glacial stage tremendous amounts of water were removed from -the oceans and deposited on the continents as ice fields. This involved -amounts of as much as 20 million cubic miles of water, causing -world-wide lowering of sea level of about 150 or 200 feet. Today the sea -between Alaska and Siberia is very shallow. It is not difficult to -realize that lowered sea level during the glacial stages of the ice age -drained the water from this and other shallow sea floors exposing these -as land links or “land bridges” which extended between continents and -islands. This state of affairs made possible the overland migration of -man to the Western Hemisphere. - -In his illuminating paper “Early Relations of Man to Plants” Sauer has -pointed out that early man’s migrations to the New World were not the -result of mere aimless wanderings. Peking Man of the first interglacial -stage about 900,000 years ago in Asia used fire in established hearths. -He ate both cooked meats and vegetables. This evidence indicates at -least a semi-sedentary family life. Since he had learned to make himself -more comfortable generally by remaining in one favorable place, it -follows logically that even primitive Peking Man migrated only when he -could improve his lot by doing so. He moved on only when he was forced -to do so by a failing food supply or because of crowded conditions -caused by increasing numbers of his fellow men. It is believed that not -only Peking Man, but his descendants were as sedentary as their food -supply allowed them to be. Dr. Sauer observes that - - “... the history of human population (numbers) is a succession of - higher and higher levels, each rise to a new level being brought about - by the discovery of more food either through occupation of a new - territory or through increase in food producing skill.” - -The invention of a better tool, improved food preparation, discovery of -new foods, better storage, or utilization would bring about this -increase in food availability. - -Apparently the twin circumstances of the need for more food and the -existence of a dry land connection between Asia and North America -enabled a series of migrations of prehistoric men to the New World. The -migrations did not occur just during one glacial stage, nor during the -last 15 or 25,000 years as some have claimed, but continued -interruptedly over a period of many thousands of years. Perhaps such -migrations started as long ago as 300,000 years—whenever land -connections permitted and other conditions warranted. As a result, we -find a number of stocks of Old World Man at various levels of cultural -development coming into the Americas. Naturally a variety of plant and -animal species migrated in both directions between the Old and New -Worlds of their own accord, in addition to those which might have been -brought along by prehistoric man. - -A classic example of plant migration to the New World is that of -California’s celebrated redwoods. In China just a few years ago the -little changed ancestors of these trees, the still-growing Metasequoia -were discovered. In rocks of the most recent era (Chapter Five of -earth’s history) the step by step migration of the changing redwood -ancestors can be followed by studying successively younger rock layers -in Siberia, Alaska, and in Canada and northwest United States. These -relics and imprints of the foliage, fruits, and even of wood texture of -these ancient trees were covered by sands and muds, and thus preserved -in stone as fossils. This has made it possible to identify the ancestral -redwood species and to demonstrate their march to California. It is -interesting to note how the redwoods changed in the process, evolving by -degrees to cope with new conditions of climate and soil during their -slow migrations. At length today two distinct and unique Sequoias are to -be found living only in California. One, the Coast Redwood, has adapted -itself to coastal fogs and reproduction by sprouting root shoots. The -other, restricted to drier areas of the west slope of the Sierra, the -Sierra Redwood or Big Tree, has its needles reduced to small scales to -withstand the drier climate, and reproduces only by seed. - -Sauer observes that the stone implements of prehistoric man are the best -preserved relics of his culture and are the most easily found. -Unfortunately the less durable and less easily recognized relics of -skin, bone, wood, and vegetable fibers which are equally or often even -more important clues to the past, have been altered beyond recognition -or completely destroyed. As a result these disappeared or their -camouflaged remnants have been overlooked and passed unrecognized by -even careful students seeking to learn the details of this fascinating -story of the how’s and why’s and when’s of your ancestors and mine in -Europe and also of the Indians in Asia and in North America in general, -and of those of the Lassen area in particular. - - - - - Chapter II - EARLY CULTURES IN NORTH AMERICA - - -The fact that skeletons of primitive forms of man have so far not been -discovered in the Western Hemisphere does not mean that ancestral forms -preceding modern man did not migrate to the New World in remote times. -It is that erroneous idea which has caused some persons to reason that -man arrived here only in the final glacial stage. Good evidence has been -presented to suggest that the sites he would have been most likely to -inhabit might be submerged at present or may have been especially -vulnerable to destruction by erosion. - -Certain primitive peoples of the New World (in South America) do no -boiling of foods and do not have the dog, indicating very early -immigration from the Old World. Dr. Sauer suggests a date during the -third glacial stage, the Kansan, about 300,000 years ago instead of the -Wisconsin Glacial Stage of 15,000 or 25,000 years ago as some have -contended. - -At the present level of archeological and paleontological knowledge of -prehistoric man in North America, Sauer recognizes five basic early -cultures. These are listed below in the order of their apparent -appearances in the New World. - -The most primitive and oldest culture of man recognized to date is very -difficult to detect, for its evidences were of a fragile nature. Few -traces of it remain to be seen today. This first culture known in North -America lacks both stone weapon points and grinding stones. These items -were also found lacking in the cultures of some isolated contemporary -peoples of both North and South America. - -The second oldest culture in North America was that of the Ancient Food -Grinders which appears to have been widespread in the rather rainy -climate of the Mississippi and Pacific regions of North America. These -people built fireplaces or hearths—beds of collected stones. They used a -grinding slab of stone on which a handstone was rubbed to crush hard -seeds. This indicates a greater variety of foods than used in the -earlier culture. A number of crude pounding tools such as choppers and -scrapers were employed as were a few rude knives of stone. It is of -interest and significance that use of the grinder and grinding slab -disappeared completely from most or all of this area later. The well -known metate and mano grinding devices of the Southwest were introduced -much later, along with the growing of corn or maize, from the Central -American region. Coiled basketry appears to be identified with this -second culture too, such articles being essential as containers for -collection of seeds, winnowing, et cetera. Studies of the evidence in -the field show also that these peoples were sedentary to the extent of -developing refuse mounds or middens. The fact that this culture is not -found in Europe or in Asia indicates that it developed in the Western -Hemisphere. - -About 35,000 years ago the third culture appears to have developed. It -was one in which hunting was of major importance. These hunters were not -nomads, however, for the building of hearths, accumulations of -artifacts, and also the general use of seed grinding stones, all -indicate rather sedentary habits. This culture is characterized by the -presence of dart or spear throwers, an invention of European origin. -This indicates more recent migrations from the Old World. These darts -were stone tipped and propelled with a spear thrower or atlatl, making -hunting of animal food much more effective than in the case of earlier -cultures. - -The fourth culture is that known by the names Folsom and Yuma. In these -people interest in plant foods and fibers was slight, for this was -primarily a mobile hunting culture. The people were not sedentary, but -moved around. - -Well after the disappearance of the glaciers of the Ice Age, late comers -from the Old World brought a fifth culture to the Americas. These people -used the bow and arrow with its small and finely worked stone point. -Fish hooks were used and many stone implements were well polished. This -too is the first culture of the New World with which the dog was -associated. - -In Eastern North America, and particularly well known in the Southwest, -are abundant archeological evidences from easily recognized prehistoric -living sites. These reveal a succession of more recent cultures and -changes within cultures, as well as movement of early peoples. In -contrast there are relatively few recognized prehistoric sites in -California which tell much about early customs and material culture of -aboriginal man. Some productive areas which have been found are notably -the following: The Farmington Reservoir area of Stanislaus County more -than 4,000 years old—possibly much older, Kingsley Cave, the Santa -Barbara area, and the off-shore islands to the southwest of it. There -are also a few shell mounds in the Los Angeles—Ventura area and more -numerous and extensive ones in the San Francisco Bay vicinity. Of the -latter shell mounds A. L. Kroeber writes: - - [Illustration: AREAS AND SUBAREAS OF CULTURES IN AND ABOUT - CALIFORNIA - after A. L. Kroeber] - - NORTHWESTERN CALIF. - NORTH PACIFIC COAST AREA - CENTRAL CALIFORNIA - SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA - PLATEAU AREA - PLAINS AREA - CALIFORNIA-GREAT BASIN AREA - SOUTHWEST AREA - LOWER COLORADO - - “... all the classes of objects (shells, refuse, mortars, pestles, - obsidian, charmstones, and bone awls) in question occur at the bottom, - middle, and top of the mounds, and ... they occur with substantially - the same frequency. In other words, the natives of the San Francisco - region traded the same materials from the same localities one, two, or - three thousand years ago as when they were discovered at the end of - the eighteenth century. They ate the same food, in nearly the same - proportions (only mammalian bones became more abundant in higher - levels), prepared it in substantially the same manner, and sewed - skins, rush mats, and coiled baskets similarly to their recent - descendants. Even their religion was conservative, since the identical - charms seem to have been regarded potent. In a word, the basis of - culture remained identical during the whole of the shell-mound period. - - “When it is remembered that ... the beginning of this period - (occurred) more than 3,000 years ago, it is clear that we are here - confronted by a historical fact of extraordinary importance. It means - that at the time when Troy was besieged and Solomon was building the - temple, at a period when even Greek civilization had not yet taken on - the traits that we regard as characteristic, when only a few - scattering foundations of specific modern culture were being laid and - our own northern ancestors dwelled in unmitigated barbarism, the - native Californian already lived in all essentials like his descendant - of today. In Europe and Asia, change succeeded change of the - profoundest type. On this far shore of the Pacific, civilization, such - as it was, remained immutable in all fundamentals. - - “... The permanence of Californian culture ... is of far more than - local interest. It is a fact of significance in the history of - civilization.” - -Successive intrusions of different peoples and the isolation of the -resultant developing Indian tribes, century after century, gave rise to -many diverse languages. Although some were mere dialects, there were -about 750 different North American Indian languages. - - - - - Chapter III - THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS - - -Dr. A. L. Kroeber’s map shows all tribes within the present political -boundaries of the State of California. The tribes of the extreme -northwest corner and those of the southern tip of the state are not -typical of what we generally think of as “California Indians”. - -Although it may not be scientifically sound to do so, it is often -convenient to refer to the Indian tribes of the California region -collectively. The term “Digger Indians” is frequently used for this -purpose with a somewhat disparaging connotation. The origin of this name -is traceable to white traders and pioneers who observed that local -Indians dug extensively for a number of food items, hence the name -Digger was applied. However, this is a poor name as digging was but one -of many methods the Indians used to secure food. Besides, digging was by -no means peculiar to Indians of the California area. It is best, -therefore, simply to use the term California Indians, if one wishes to -refer to this group of tribes as a whole. - -In connection with the nickname Digger Indian, it is of interest to note -that the California tribes used the conspicuous pine of the foothills, -_Pinus sabiniana_, as a source of edible pine nuts and for other -purposes too. Because the so called Digger Indians used these trees so -much, the pioneers named the conifers Digger Pines, a name recognized -today as the proper common name of that tree. - -California tribes are usually not considered high culturally among -Indians generally, yet Yurok, Pomo, and Chumash are equal to any tribe -in North America in wood, bone, steatite, obsidian, feather, and skin -work, while local tribes of the Lassen area made basketry of a variety -and quality unsurpassed elsewhere. - -Although there were local differences in food habits, the California -Indians as a group had a highly diversified diet in contrast to the -so-called one-food tribes in surrounding areas. Of course it is an -over-simplification to speak of one-food tribes, for all ate quite a -variety of foods. Yet, it is true that several cultures had been built -upon the great abundance and importance of one particular food item as -compared to all other foods eaten. North of California, Indians built -their culture largely upon the salmon. To the east were tribes which -depended upon the bison for most of their needs, and southeast of -California the Southwest Indians built their culture around the all -important maize or native corn. In any of these regional groups, if the -main food item failed, disaster struck the tribes. In contrast, the -Californians, with diversified eating habits, had four major food -sources: fish, game, roots, and seeds or nuts. Each was important and -the failure of any one caused hardship, but by no means the serious -disaster which befell the more specialized groups of Indians if their -main food supply item failed. If any one item of the California Indian -diet were to be selected as the most important and universal food, one -of the nuts, the acorn would have to be named. - - [Illustration: INDIAN TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION IN NORTHERN CALIFORNIA - after A. L. Kroeber] - - TOLOWA - YUROK - KAROK - UPPER - LOWER - SHASTAN - SHASTA - OKWANUCHU - ACHOMAWI - ATSUGEWI - KORO MINU - NEW RIVER - MODOC - NORTHERN PAIUTE - LASSEN VOL. NAT. PARK - PYOT - WHILIOUT - ATHABASCAN - CHILULA - HUPA - NONGATL - SINKYONE - LASSIK - WAILAKI - KATO - YUKI - YUKI - HUCHNOM - COAST YUKI - POMO - N. - C. - S.W. - E. - S.E. - WAPPO - CHIMA RIKO - WINTUN - NORTHERN - CENTRAL - SOUTHWESTERN - SOUTHEASTERN - COSTANOAN - SAN FRANCISCAN - SANTA CLARA - SANTA CRUZ - YANA - N. - CENTRAL - SOUTHERN - YAHI - MAIDU - NORTHEASTERN - NORTHWESTERN - SOUTHERN - WASHO - MIWOK - COAST MIWOK - PLAINS - NORTHERN - CENTRAL - SOUTHERN - YOKUT - NORTH VALLEY - -California Indians are often regarded to have been lazy and shiftless. -To be sure there were such individuals, but we have that type of person -in our midst too, and I dare say in equal or greater percentage. As a -matter of fact, Indians generally could not afford to be lazy—there was -no beneficent government to coddle them. It was largely a case of sink -or swim. They had to provide their own shelter, food, and clothing as -well as what amusement and extras—hardly to be called luxuries—they -wished to enjoy. These things were all wrought from the wilderness with -their own bare hands, using only wood, stone, and fire as tools. These -native Americans lived in a stone-age culture. Metals, the wheel, -domesticated herd animals, and agriculture were unknown to California -Indians. Although there was some seasonal migration, there were no truly -nomadic or wandering tribes in California. - -In California there were 103 separate tribes each speaking its own -language. To be sure, some were mere dialects of others, but there were -21 tongues completely distinct from each other and mutually -unintelligible. These belonged to several unrelated language families, -as shown on the second map. - -As suggested above, Kroeber has shown that we are technically incorrect -in referring to the California Indians as a single group of tribes. -Within the political boundaries of the State of California there were -actually three separate cultures with a number of subcultures, which -were as follows: The small area in the northwest corner of the state, -the Klamath River drainage, was occupied by the Northwest California -Sub-culture, a part of the North Pacific Coast Culture which extended -into British Columbia. The California-Great Basin Culture had three -representatives in the state: the smallest or Lutuami Sub-culture, -represented by the Modoc tribe only, extended down from the north across -the east central portion of the northern boundary of California. The -next larger was the Great Basin Sub-culture just east of the -Cascade-Sierra backbone. The third and largest sub-culture of the -California-Great Basin Culture was that of the Central California tribes -(the Diggers of the pioneer), extending westward from the Cascade-Sierra -crest to the Pacific Ocean across the bulk of the state. The fifth -sub-culture is known as the Southern California comprising the area -south of the Tehachapi Mountains from the coast east across the Colorado -River, being a part of the Southwest Culture. - - [Illustration: LINGUISTIC FAMILIES - INDIAN LANGUAGE GROUPS OF NORTHERN CALIFORNIA and the families to - which they belong, after A. L. Kroeber] - - Lutuamian - LUTUAMI - Hokan - KAROK - SHASTAN - CHIMARIKO - POMO - WASHO - YANA - Shoshonian - PAIUTE - Penutian - WINTUN - MAIDU - MIWOK - YOKUT - COSTANOAN - Algonkian - YUROK - Athabascan - ATHABASCAN - Yukian - YUKI - -Nevertheless, some generalities hold, and at the risk of the inaccuracy -which is typical of generalizations, we might set forth the following -customs as being characteristic of California Indians: - -Animal flesh bulked a smaller volume of food eaten than did vegetable -materials—or, in the case of coastal peoples, than did seafoods. Dog and -reptile flesh were considered poisonous or undesirable, but insects and -worms were generally eaten. Acorns were the most important single food. -All tribes utilized seeds of such plants as buckeye, grass, sedge, and -sunflower family plants. All items, but the first, were collected with a -basketry seed beater in a conical burden basket, parched, winnowed, -ground, and eaten either dry, as unleavened bread, or as boiled mush. - -Although the fish hook and line were known throughout the area, most -fishing was done by means of nets, weirs, use of poison, and harpoons -thrust, but not thrown. - -Hunting with bow and arrow was most important. Disguise and dogs were -used in the north, but surrounding the game was the common means of -hunting in the south. - -The northern bow was short, broad, and sinew backed while southern -Californians used long narrow bows without reinforcement. - -Arrows were usually two-piece and tipped with obsidian points. Three -different arrow releases were used among California Indians. Northern -arrows were straightened by use of a hole through a piece of wood or -similar material, and were polished by use of horsetail stalks while a -grooved squarish soapstone (steatite) did both jobs in the south. - -Basketry was highly developed, being California’s best art form. The -northern quarter of the area did twined basketry; coiled basketry -prevailed elsewhere. - -Cloth was unknown, but woven rabbit skin strip blankets were universal, -especially for bedding. Rush mats were twined and sewn. - -Pottery was unknown except for a very crude undecorated form in the San -Joaquin Valley, an intrusion from the Southern California Sub-culture -where pottery became important. - -Music of California was characterized by singing, rattles, whistles, -split slap sticks, flute, and musical bow. The last two instruments were -the only ones which were able to make real melodies, but amazingly, -neither one was used for dances or ceremonies. California Indians were -virtually without any drums—the exception being a single headed flat -foot drum used in ceremonial sweathouse chambers of the tribes in the -Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys. - -Dress of California women was a front and a back apron of -skin—especially buckskin—or of plant fiber. Men wore nothing or a folded -skin about the hips or between the legs. In bad weather both sexes used -cape-like or wrap-around (over one arm and under the other) skin robes. -In localized areas the brimless dome-shaped basketry cap was worn by -women. Hair of both sexes was long (but shorn in mourning) and -frequently put up in nets by men. Men removed their beards by pulling -with their fingers. - -In mountain areas social and religious cults were lacking. In the -extreme northwest corner wealth dances were held; in central California -the secret society and Kuksu dances, in the south the Jimsonweed -initiation system, and in the Colorado River area the dreamsong ceremony -flourished. - -Houses varied from open enclosures and brush or bark shelters to frame -structures more or less completely dug into the ground and covered with -bark, brush, and dirt, usually with a roof entrance and or one to the -south; this was the earth lodge. In the extreme northwest housing was -not the earth lodge, but a structure built on top of the ground; -hand-split planks were used in its construction. - -Sweat houses were of the earth lodge type, often of daily service and in -northern areas, lived in too. Sweat houses of California were not heated -by steam, but directly with fire. - -Boats generally were of rushes tied into balsa rafts or into boat -shapes. In addition one-piece dugout canoes from tree logs were typical -of the northern portion of California, becoming progressively more -refined in workmanship and in design to the northwest. A unique lashed -split board canoe was made by channel island tribes in the Santa Barbara -vicinity. - -The tribe as a political unit, so common elsewhere in America, did not -exist in California. What we call a tribe was actually a number of -groups of Indians, each of whom had a chief, spoke the same language -dialect, had the same customs, intermarried regularly, and were usually -mutually friendly. There was no tribal chief as such. - -In the northwest portion of California wealth was so important that real -chieftain leadership was lacking. In central and southern California the -chief was a powerful local leader on a hereditary basis. Between the two -extremes was a zone where tribes struck a compromise; the hereditary -local chief had moderate authority and usually was well to do, but not -necessarily so. Rich men in smaller political divisions were influential -headmen under the local chief. - -Warfare was only for revenge and not for plunder or for a desire for -distinction. Except for the Northwest Sub-culture, scalps were generally -taken and included the victim’s skin down to his eyes or nose, and -including the ears. Not infrequently the whole head was taken by a -victorious warrior. The weapon was the bow and arrow, with rocks -employed in close combat. Such war implements as shields, clubs, spears -(throwing), and tomahawks were not used. - -Guessing games, usually played by men, were universal, with variations, -and heavy gambling was the rule. Shinny in several different forms was -widely played. - -Shamans were employed for curing diseases which were believed due to the -presence in the body of some foreign hostile object. This was removed by -sucking accompanied by singing, dancing, and tobacco smoking. - -The girls’ adulthood or puberty ceremony and dance was important to all -California tribes. - -Population figures even on the most scholarly basis, Kroeber states, are -at best reasonable guesses. As nearly as can be determined there were -originally about one million Indians in North America, three million in -Central America, and three million in South America. California probably -had about 133,000 Indians or nearly one per square mile. This is a -density three or four times greater than for the whole of North America. - -Today the North American Indian population (including about 30% -half-breeds) is less than 10% of what it was. Over 90% of our Indians -have been destroyed by wholesale killing at the hands of the white man, -by new diseases, unfavorable changes in diet, clothing, and dwellings -plus such Caucasian cultural factors as settlement, concentration, and -the like. The decline in Indian population varied directly with the -degree of civilized contact the several tribes experienced. It is -interesting to note that virtually all of the Indians exposed to the -Spanish missions commencing 1769 are gone except for a few in the -extreme south who were only partly missionized. Kroeber states: - - “It must have caused many of the fathers a severe pang to realize, as - they could not but do daily, that they were saving souls only at the - inevitable cost of lives. And yet such was the overwhelming fact. The - brute upshot of missionization, in spite of its kindly flavor and - humanitarian root, was only one thing: death.” - -Kroeber also points out that some tribes had much less resistance and -hence suffered greater decline in population in response to equal white -contact than others did. As in the case of other living things, there -were favorable circumstances under which the Indian flourished—where -life was relatively easy and secure. Such conditions produced virile -stock and a rich culture both materially and spiritually—a condition -found in broad valleys drained by the great rivers of California: the -Klamath, the Sacramento, and the San Joaquin. As is also the case with -specific plants and animals, Indians in less favorable sites lived -submarginally—a difficult existence, poor in material and spiritual -culture. Under such circumstances it takes just a small amount of -additional unfavorable influence to make existence impossible. On this -basis Kroeber explains the extinction or near extinction of poor -mountain tribes upon contact with the whites while the Indians of the -fertile valleys, although suffering more intensive Caucasian contact, -were able to survive in reasonable numbers. This is a specific exception -to the general observation made above that population decrease varied -directly with the degree of contact. There are examples in California; -the local one is the survival of valley Maidu and Wintun populations as -compared to the surrounding mountain people with poorer cultures: the -Yahi, Yana, Okwanuchu, Shasta, New River Shasta, Chimariko, and the -Athabascan tribes of the west with survival percentages today of up to -only 5% at best. - -There is another factor which caused greater devastation of the -economically insecure mountain tribes. White settlers were able to use -to their own advantage some of the labor, services, and even food which -the valley Indians afforded them. Thus it was not to the interest of the -whites to wipe out these Indians. On the other hand, the mountain tribes -with a poorer economy were prone to steal livestock to supplement their -food supplies as they had no means to gain wealth to enable them to buy -from the whites. Such depredations were a major cause of retaliation by -white man in the form of bloody punitive attacks on Indians from whom -the settlers had nothing to gain. - - - - - Chapter IV - INDIAN TRIBES OF THE LASSEN AREA - - -Lassen Peak with an elevation of 10,453 feet above sea level is the -central high point of a somewhat topographically isolated mountain mass -of volcanic origin. The slopes descending in all directions from Lassen -Peak are clothed in coniferous forests, dotted with small lakes of -glacial origin, and drained by a few fish bearing streams flowing -radially from the mountain. There are also a few hot spring areas and -some barren expanses where recent eruptions have produced mudflows and -lavas. For the most part, game abounds in the Lassen highland, but the -winters are snowy and severe, making it unsuitable for Indians to live -there the year around. - -As shown on the map, parts of the lands of four distinct tribes of -Indians lay within what are today the boundaries of Lassen Volcanic -National Park. Permanent homes and villages of Atsugewi, Yana, Yahi and -mountain Maidu tribes were at lower elevations in the Ponderosa Pine and -Digger Pine belts, and situated near streams. There food was relatively -easily available and winters were the least severe within the limits of -the respective tribal territories. - -Each summer when deer migrated to higher elevations, the Indians also -moved toward Lassen Peak to hunt and to fish trout, spending the whole -summer in temporary camps. - -There was some contact between the four tribes during their sojourns in -the uplands of the park area, but the activities of each Indian group -were pretty well confined to its own territory. The four Lassen tribes -did on occasion engage in small battles, but this was the exception -rather than the rule—generally speaking they lived harmoniously as -neighbors, and there was even occasional inter-marriage between tribes. - -These tribes all had simple hill or mountain cultures which, in spite of -some difference of custom, were surprisingly alike. It is believed that -this is due to the fact that the four tribes all lived under very -similar conditions of environment—the same type of country in many -respects. The similarity of their cultures is all the more interesting -in that the Atsugewi were of the Hokan Family, speaking a Shastan -language. Yana and Yahi, also of Hokan stock spoke Yana languages. The -mountain Maidu were of the Penutian Family, speaking a Maidu language. - -According to the best available figures, some of which are only -reasonable guesses, populations of the local tribes were probably about -as follows: - - [Illustration: INDIAN TRIBAL AREAS OF THE LASSEN REGION - after A. L. Kroeber and T. R. Garth—note the boundaries of Lassen - Volcanic National Park dashed in above and left of center of the - map. Lassen Peak is at the junction of the Atsugewi, Yana, and Maidu - territories.] - - ACHOMAWI - SHASTAN - OKWANUCHU - NORTHERN WINTUN - CENTRAL WINTUN - S. E. WINTUN - CENTRAL YANA - NORTH (YANA) - SOUTHERN YANA - ATSUGEWI - ATSUGE - APWARUGE - NORTHERN PAIUTE - NORTHEASTERN MAIDU - NORTHWESTERN MAIDU - SOUTHERN MAIDU - WASHO - - 1770 1910 1950 - - Atsugewi 1,000 250 75 - Yana (north, central, s) 750 25 10 - Yahi 275 5 none - Maidu (mountain) 2,000 800 300 - Totals 4,025 1,080 385 - - Garth states that: “The Atsugewi are divided into two major groups, - the Atsuge or pinetree-people, who occupy Hat Creek Valley, and the - Apwaruge—from Apwariwa, the name of Dixie Valley—who live to the east - in and around Dixie Valley. Sometimes the Apwaruge are called - Mahoupani, juniper-tree-people, a name which reflects the dry and - barren nature of their territory.... - - “... certain cultural differences (existed) between the eastern and - western Atsugewi, who in most aspects of nonmaterial culture and in - language are one people. In the western area there was more abundant - rainfall and a fairly luxuriant growth of pines, oaks, and other - trees. Here the Atsuge subsisted largely on acorns and fish; made - twined basketry, using willow, pine root, _Xerophylum_ grass, and - redbud materials; and had bark houses and numerous other structures of - bark. On the contrary, in the eastern area, which is comparatively - arid and lacking in trees, the Apwaruge depended on the acorn less - than did the Atsuge and fishing was less important, to judge by the - scarcity or lack of nets, fish hooks, and harpoons; made inferior - twined baskets of twisted tule with a different twist to the weave; as - a rule had their houses covered with tule mats rather than with bark; - and were much poorer than the Atsuge. This cultural distinction - between the eastern and western areas is also found to the north among - the Achomawi.” - -Dixon’s studies have revealed that the Maidu had no general name for -themselves, remarkable as this may seem. The name Maidu was first used -by Stephen Powers in 1877 in his volume “TRIBES OF CALIFORNIA”, a name -he arbitrarily applied to these Indians since the word meant “Indian” or -“man” in their language. The adjectives northwest or valley, northeast -or mountain, and southern or foothill are applied to identify the three -different cultures corresponding to the three distinct geographic -provinces inhabited by the Maidu Indians as a whole. In a number of -respects the culture of the mountain or northeast Maidu was more like -that of their northern neighbors, the Atsugewi, than it was like that of -the closely related southern and northwestern Maidu peoples. Obviously -the factor of environment or characteristics of the land occupied is of -extreme importance in creating such a situation. - - - - - Chapter V - INDIAN—PIONEER CONFLICT AND THE STORY OF ISHI - - -Conflict—prolonged, tragic, and violent—flared during the period when -Europeans wrested control of North America from the native Indian. In -viewing the struggle between Indian and white man, feelings run high -even today. - -What was it when Custer’s contingent was wiped out?—when the Modocs -inflicted such heavy losses on the American troops?—when the Navajo, -Sioux, and others made their devastating raids on wagon trains and -pioneer settlers? These were just as much a part of the war as were the -exploits of Rogers’ Rangers, the indiscriminate slaying of Indian men, -women, and children in the Yahi caves on Mill Creek, and the -annihilation of large segments of Atsugewi and Yana tribes cornered at -points northwest of the present Lassen Volcanic National Park area. War -is never a pretty thing. Was the hit and run killing of white people by -Indians any less defensible morally than white man’s atrocities against -the Indians, or, for that matter, than commando raids and atomic -bombings of today? Our viewpoint on such matters in the past has all too -often been that might makes right, since we have always been on the -winning side. Until very recently we have followed the biased opinion of -the colonists and pioneers of these United States: whenever we won, it -was a glorious and righteous victory, but if the Indian emerged -victorious, it was regarded as a dastardly massacre. It is a viewpoint -readily understandable where a person’s loved ones are involved—but not -justifiable. - -Our veterans of recent wars will vouch for the fact that white man’s -wars can be primitive and violent when life and limb are at stake. We -are hardly in a position to criticize the “cruel and sneaking” fighting -methods of the Indians. Was it not use of Indian fighting methods which -was so valuable to us in defeating the British in the colonial war for -independence? - -Indians fought in the only way they knew—and a disheartening losing -fight it was for them with bows and arrows against rifles. For each gain -in weapons and technical know-how the Indians made, the whites made -many. True, it cost Americans much in the way of lives, anguish, and -money, but how small were these losses in comparison to those of the -Indians. American Indians, the undisputed owners of this continent for -thousands of years, were not only nearly exterminated, but in the end we -took virtually all of their land by force and with it took away the -means of self support as well without “due process of law”. We denied -the Indian the right of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of -happiness”—the very things for which we as a nation stand. In all -fairness, however, it should be stated that in recent years modest -monetary retribution has been made by the U.S. Government to some of the -surviving descendants. - -S. F. Cook has pointed out that Spanish contact with California Indians -was a rather passive matter. Spanish penetrated deeply, but did not -settle on Indian lands of appreciable size. The Spanish were present in -small numbers, a population numbering perhaps 4,000 by 1848. To be sure -there was occasional bloodshed, but it was the exception in Spanish -California rather than the rule, for the Spanish regarded Indians as an -asset, a human resource which provided labor and even some food and -materials. The Indians were a respected element in the social and -economic structure of Hispanic California, having civic and legal -rights. Even under the Spanish, was there a great reduction of the -Indian population through limited warfare and displacement, but much -more importantly through disease. Nevertheless, by 1845 a more or less -satisfactory equilibrium seems to have evolved between the Spanish and -the California Indians. - -In contrast the hordes of white immigrants who followed considered the -Indians entirely useless and there was no place for the latter in the -pioneers’ economy of material wealth. All good lands were taken from the -Indians arbitrarily and as quickly as possible. However, it must be -stated that there were exceptions to both the Spanish and Gringo -relations with the California Indians, but, in general, the foregoing -statements are accurate. - -How the conflict of pioneer versus Indian affected the Atsugewi is -summarized for us by Garth as follows: - - “The Atsugewi, because of their somewhat secluded mountain habitat, - were spared contact with white civilization until the middle of the - nineteenth century. Although there were vague reports of contact with - Spanish explorers or Mexican bandits, these could not be verified. - Peter Skene Ogden may have been the first white man to visit the area - (1827-1828). Besides the trappers, Fremont, Greenwood, and other - explorers probably skirted Atsugewi country. Peter Lassen passed - through Achomawi-Atsugewi country in opening the Pit River Route of - 1848. He was soon followed by a stream of white migration from the - east which was devastating to the Indians and their culture. - Prospectors entered the Lassen region in 1851, and not long afterward - came white settlers. By about 1859 the Indians were felt to be a - menace to the whites in the area and were rounded up by militia and - taken to the Round Valley Indian Reservation. Unsatisfactory - conditions at the Reservation caused most of them to leave in 1863 and - return to their old haunts along Hat Creek and Dixie Valley. - - “Joaquin Miller reports an uprising in 1867 of the Pit River and Modoc - Indians, who had made up old differences and were now fighting - together. A number of whites were massacred. Miller speaks of an - Indian camp being made on Hat Creek in the war that followed. It is - not thus improbable that the Atsuge participated in that war. After a - year or so of fighting the Indians suffered a final crushing defeat - and surrendered. This last engagement may be the one at Six Mile Hill, - spoken of by informants, in which a large number of their people were - cornered in a cave and massacred by soldiers. After this, many of the - Indians were again removed to Round Valley. Those remaining and some - who subsequently returned from the Reservation maintained friendly - relations with the whites. Today most Atsugewi live on allotments in - their old territory, the younger Indians often working for their white - neighbors or for the lumber mills. The census of 1910 gives a - population of 240 for ‘Hat Creek Indians’. This figure may also have - included the Dixie Valley Atsugewi, since they are not mentioned in - the census. The present population is probably half that or less.” - -The Maidu also were decimated upon contact with white man. However, with -only rare exception, Maidu accepted rather passively invasion of their -territory with the attendant driving away of game and destruction of -fish in the streams by mining operations in gold rush days. However, -since the remnants of the Maidu were in the way of white mans’ -developments, treaties were made in 1851 by which these Indians gave up -all claims to their ancestral lands and were taken to short lived -reservations in Amador, Nevada and Butte Counties, also later to the -Round Valley Reservations in the Coast Range. A great many Maidu soon -returned to their homes. In the late 50’s and 60’s a desultory war was -waged on the Maidu by California State troops which further reduced the -number of surviving Indians of this tribe. - -The management of the University of California’s excellent informative -“UNIVERSITY EXPLORER” radio program series has given permission to quote -the following from its broadcasts. This material concerns the conflict -of the closely related Yana and Yahi tribes with the whites and the -fabulous story of Ishi. The script has been abridged and considerably -rearranged: - - “... The Yana way of life was a strange one to the white observer, but - the tribes prospered under it until white emigration from the East - threw them into conflict with a new and unfriendly people. The - Indians, of course, resented the white incursion and revolted against - it. That happened in all sections of the country where whites - displaced Indians, but it would be hard to imagine a more inept way of - handling the situation than that used by the white men in the - Sacramento Valley. Some of the large land owners protected the Indians - of their holdings; among them were General John Bidwell, one of the - founders of Chico, (Peter Lassen on his Rancho Bosquejo between Mill - and Deer Creeks), and John Sutter, on whose property the Gold Rush - started. But they were exceptions. Most of the settlers apparently - believed the only way to handle the natives was to compete with them - in cruelty. One celebrated Indian-killer took great pride in a blanket - he had made from Indian scalps. The whites had learned scalping from - the Eastern Indians, but they themselves popularized it in - California.... - - “The Indians often plundered settlers’ cabins and stole livestock. - This was natural, since they regarded the whites as invaders. - Unfortunately, the settlers’ retaliation frequently consisted of - rounding up a gang of Indians and slaughtering them. And it didn’t - make too much difference whether they were the guilty Indians. - Professor Waterman wrote that the Yahi expressed their resentment of - the white men more violently than did the other Yana groups, but since - the Yahi moved around more and displayed greater skill in hiding out, - quite innocent groups of Indians often took the blame for the acts of - the Yahi. Professor Waterman cited the case of one white posse which - took to the trail following a series of Indian raids. The posse came - upon an encampment of Indians and shot about forty of them. But the - Indians had been camped in the same place for two nights, and the - whites later found a couple of almost-empty whiskey barrels there. It - doesn’t stand to reason, Professor Waterman pointed out, that Indians - skilled in warfare would be so careless after an attack on their - enemies. - - “As the animosity between white men and red men grew, the atrocities - on both sides became revolting. White women and children were tortured - and killed by the Yana. But the anthropologists who have studied this - unpleasant phase of California history believe the whites invited such - savage assaults by their own brutal mistreatment of the Indians. - - “... The Yana gradually took to the woods as it became obvious that - they were being outnumbered and decimated by the settlers in one - massacre after another. By the late 1860’s the Indians had been - reduced in numbers and intimidated to the point where they no longer - could be considered a serious menace to the people who had taken over - their hunting grounds. By then the Indians’ crimes were more on the - level of petty theft than major violence. The three Yana tribes had - become almost extinct as social organizations, but a fair number of - Yana-speaking individuals survived long after the turn of the century. - - “With the Yahi tribe, however, it was a different story. For a long - time the Yahi—then called the Mill Creeks, because area around that - little stream was their principal hunting ground—for a long time, the - Yahi were believed to have been wiped out in a final massacre in - 1865.... In 1871, a group of cattle-herders in Tehama County found a - spot where Indians apparently had wounded a steer. The whites used - dogs to follow the steer’s bloody trail, and cornered some thirty - Indians in a hillside cave. They promptly slaughtered the Indians, - including several children. The settlers’ peculiar idea of mercy was - pointed out by Professor Waterman’s informant, who noted that one of - the cattle-herders could not bear to kill the children with his .56 - caliber rifle—‘it tore them up so bad’ he said. So he did it instead - with a .38 caliber revolver.... They call the rock shelter Kingsley - Cave after Norman Kingsley, the settler who ... supposedly ... shot - the Indian children. The Kingsley Cave site was apparently used for a - long time. Grinding tools of two different cultural periods were found - ... (by University of California Archeological Survey staff - excavations currently investigating the site). - - (The Yahi were thought to have been completely wiped out by this last - unjustified atrocity, but in 1908) “... surveyors for a power company - in the hilly country around Deer Creek reported they had caught a - glimpse of a naked Indian standing poised near the stream with a - double-pronged primitive fishing spear. Next day, other members of the - party were startled when an arrow came whistling through the - underbrush at them—a stone-tipped arrow like those used by the - supposedly extinct Indians. The surveyors kept on pushing ahead, until - they came upon a cleverly concealed camp in the tangled woods. There - they found a middle-aged woman and two aged and feeble Indians, a man - and a woman. The old woman, hiding under a pile of rabbit skins, - apparently wanted water, and the surveyors gave her some after the old - man and the other woman had hidden in the underbrush. The surveyors - also carried off all the blankets, bows and arrows and other articles - in sight; but when they returned next day to make some sort of - restitution, the Indians had disappeared. They were never seen again, - even though the University later sent anthropologists in search of - them.... - - “... with the dawn of a clear August day in 1911.... The butchering - crew of a slaughterhouse near Oroville were awakened ... by a furious - barking of the dogs at the corral. They rushed into the corral to find - a man crouching in the mud, surrounded by the slaughterhouse shepherd - dogs. The butchers called off the dogs to get a closer look at their - guest—and a most unusual guest he was. - - “The man’s only clothing was a piece of torn, dirty canvas across his - shoulders. His skin was sunburned to a copper brown, his hair was - clipped close to the skull, and he obviously was suffering from severe - malnutrition. His body was emaciated and his cheeks clung to the bones - to accentuate his furiously glaring eyes. - - “But the strangest thing about this man was his speech. It was like - nothing the butchers had ever heard.... The sheriff tried English and - Spanish, then several Indian dialects. But he was unable to draw any - intelligible response from his prisoner. For lack of a better place to - put him, the sheriff locked him in the jail cell reserved for mental - cases, even though the man from the slaughterhouse appeared to be more - lost than insane. - - “The ‘Wild Man of Oroville’ made good newspaper copy, and clippings - about his mysterious discovery caused much excitement in the - department of anthropology at the University of California. It was a - good thing that the news reached the University when it did. The - frightened wild man was cowering in his cell, refusing to accept food - from his captors whom he obviously distrusted, while the sheriff - vainly tried to identify him. - - “The late Professor T. T. Waterman was especially excited. So excited, - in fact, that he stuffed a few clothes in his suitcase, quickly picked - out a list of words from the files on California Indian languages, and - caught the first train to Oroville for an interview with the prisoner. - - “The reason for Professor Waterman’s excitement was that he believed - the Oroville prisoner was a Yahi Indian. If this guess was correct, - Waterman would have a major anthropological find. For anthropologists - are concerned with origins, development and variegated cultures of - mankind; and if the frightened prisoner in Oroville turned out to be a - Yahi, Professor Waterman and his colleagues would have a living - encyclopedia of the language, customs, and habits of a people who were - believed to be extinct ... he might be one of the little band reported - at Deer Creek (in 1908), perhaps the man with the fishing spear. - - “The task of determining whether the prisoner was Yahi was complicated - by the fact that no one knew the Yahi language. This doesn’t sound - like an insuperable stumbling block, until you remember that the - California Indian languages were numerous and distinct; there were - over one hundred dialects, many of them mutually unintelligible. These - dialects were classified into eighteen major language groups, which in - turn made up six entirely different language families. These six - language families apparently are completely unrelated—a strange - circumstance, when you consider that almost all of the languages of - Europe can be traced to common origins. - - “However, Professor Waterman was fortunate in one respect. A fairly - extensive word-list had been collected from the dialect of the Nozi - Indians who had once lived just to the north of the Yahi and were - their nearest relatives. Both the Yahi and the Nozi belonged to the - Yana language stock, which stemmed from the widespread Hokan family. - So Professor Waterman relied on Nozi words to make the identification. - - “At first, the prisoner in Oroville seemed as frightened of Professor - Waterman as he had been of all the other white men. Patiently, the - anthropologist proceeded through his list of Nozi words, but the - captive Indian apparently recognized none of them. At last, though, - the professor pointed to the wooden frame of the Indian’s cot, and - pronounced the word ‘si’wi’ni,’ which according to his list meant - ‘yellow pine’. Immediately, the Indian relaxed. His harried, unhappy - look turned to beaming good cheer, and he acted as if he had found a - long-lost friend. Pointing to his cot, he repeated Professor - Waterman’s word ‘si’wi’ni’ several times, as if agreeing that, yes, - his cot was yellow pine. His own language differed from that of the - Nozi, but some of the vocabulary was the same. Professor Waterman had - struck upon one of the right words; later, he pronounced more familiar - words, and it was established that the Indian was a Yahi. He also - managed to explain that he called himself ‘Ishi’, which meant simply, - ‘I am a man’. - - “Professor Waterman was naturally elated with his new-found - acquaintance. The Butte County sheriff was equally elated to be rid of - his difficult charge, so Ishi was taken to the Museum, then located in - San Francisco, for further study and interrogation. - - “Thus it happened that this human relic of the Stone Age came to live - at a modern university. The Regents of the University gave Ishi some - official status by appointing him an assistant janitor at $25 a month. - But his value to the University did not come from dexterity with a mop - and broom; he was valued because he could tell the anthropologists - about his people, preserving knowledge which otherwise would have died - with his fellow-tribesmen. - - “Ishi adapted himself well to this new life, and he was a friendly and - popular fixture at the museum for five years. He picked up the white - man’s ways by watching the people around him; at his first civilized - dinner, he imitated his hosts’ motions and managed a knife and fork - far more skilfully than most of us can handle chopsticks in a Chinese - restaurant. He was delighted and awe-stricken by many of the - developments of civilization; but the things that impressed him most - were not what the anthropologists had expected. Electric lights, - airplanes, and automobiles made little impression; they were - completely beyond his range of experience, and he dismissed them as - ‘white man’s magic’, worthy of little attention. The tall buildings in - downtown San Francisco did not startle him; as he explained, his own - country had cliffs and crags just as high. But what really amazed him - about the city were the enormous crowds of people on the streets. He - had seen people before, of course, but never more than twenty or - thirty in one place. - - “In general, the things that Ishi considered most remarkable were - things which approached something in his own experience. He knew how - hard it was to start a fire by friction, so pocket matches were indeed - a wonder. Water faucets which could be turned on and off were likewise - marvelous; why, the white man could make a spring, right there in the - house! One of the first modern devices to catch Ishi’s babbled - attention was an ordinary window roller shade. He tried to push it - aside, but it flipped back; he lifted it, but it fell down. Finally - someone showed him how to give it a little tug and let it roll itself - up, and Ishi was amazed. A half-hour later, he was still trying to - figure out what had happened to the shade. - - “Ishi and his hosts learned to communicate with each other fairly - adequately; he never became accustomed to formal grammar, but he - picked up a vocabulary large enough to express his wishes and his - comments about the things around him. Actually, the anthropologists - admitted, Ishi learned to speak English far better than any of them - were able to learn Yahi. They suspected that some of his vocabulary - was acquired from the school children who used to visit him, for it - included a fair sampling of most unacademic slang. - - “There were some things Ishi didn’t like to talk about—the death of - his relatives and the last horrible years around Deer Creek before he - wandered to the Oroville slaughterhouse—were subjects he found too - painful. Besides, there was a tribal taboo against mentioning the - names of the dead. His close-cropped head, incidentally, was the - result of burning off his hair in mourning for his mother and sister, - in accordance with tribal custom. - - “But the knowledge which Ishi passed on was rich and varied.... Among - the contributions for which Ishi is remembered are some of the finest - arrowheads and spear tips in existence; he made these for the - University Museum both of modern bottle glass and from the natural - materials.... In fact, Ishi was the source of almost all that is known - of Yahi life. He gladly described the customs of his people, and he - enjoyed chipping out Stone Age weapons and showing how they were used. - With primitive drawings, he tried to tell the story of the massacre - which wiped out most of his tribe.... - - “Ishi’s own life ended in March 1916, when he died of tuberculosis. He - was then believed to be in his 50’s. Those who knew him at the - University considered his death a great loss—not only because of what - he had contributed to anthropology, but because he had a natural - friendliness and dignity which made him a beloved personality. - Professor A. L. Kroeber once told me: ‘The manner in which he - acquitted himself, both from the scientific and social points of view, - was so admirable that everyone who chanced to meet him counted it a - privilege to be his friend’. And Ishi had the comforting knowledge - that his departure from this earth would not be a completely alien - one. Because he had passed on the elements of his culture, it was - possible to bury him with all the ceremony of his own people. His bows - and arrows were laid beside him, and some bowls of food were placed in - the grave so he would not grow hungry on his long journey to the Happy - Hunting Ground.... - - “Ishi was not only the last survivor of the Yahi ... but he was also - believed to (have been) the last representative of the Stone Age in - the United States.” - -While not apropos to the subject of this chapter, “Pioneer Conflict...” -we digress with some quotations from Pope’s “Medical History of Ishi” to -give the reader a better understanding of this last of the Mill Creek -Indians, his character, and his beliefs. - - “... Ishi himself later made the statement that he was not sick but - had no food. White men had taken his bow and arrows; game was scarce, - and he had no means of procuring it. He had strayed from his usual - trail, between Deer Creek and ... Lassen (Peak). The railroad on one - side and a large river on the other kept him from making his way to - the refuge of the hills. His fear of trains and automobiles seems to - have been considerable in those days. - - “Upon being captured, Ishi, according to his own account, was - handcuffed, confronted by guns and pistols, and intimidated to such an - extent that he vomited with fear.... - - “About this time (fall, 1912) I became instructor in surgery in the - University Medical School, and thus came in contact with the Indian. - - “From the first weeks of our intimacy a strong friendship grew up - between us, and I was from that time on his physician, his confidant, - and his companion in archery.... - - “The Museum (of Anthropology) is near the Hospital, and since Ishi had - been made a more or less privileged character in the hospital wards, - he often came into the surgical department. Here he quietly helped the - nurses clean instruments, or amused the internes and nurses by singing - his Indian songs, or carried on primitive conversation by means of a - very complex mixture of gesture, Yana dialect, and the few scraps of - English he had acquired in his contact with us. - - “His affability and pleasant disposition made him a universal - favorite. He visited the sick in the wards with a gentle and - sympathetic look which spoke more clearly than words. He came to the - women’s wards quite regularly, and with his hands folded before him, - he would go from bed to bed like a visiting physician, looking at each - patient with quiet concern or with a fleeting smile that was very - kindly received and understood. - - - “ISHI’S MEDICAL BELIEFS” - - “Women—Ishi had many of our own obsolete superstitions regarding - women. One criticism he made of white man’s civilization was the - unbridled liberty we give menstruating women. The ‘Sako mahale’, as he - designated them, were a cause of much ill luck and sickness. They - should be in seclusion during this period. In fact, he often commented - on the number of sick men that came to the hospital. I asked him what - he thought made so many men sick. He said it was ‘Sako mahale, too - much wowi (houses), too much automobile,’ and last but most important - of all, the ‘Coyote doctor’, or evil spirit. - - “Dogs—Playing with dogs, and letting them lick one’s hand, Ishi said - was very bad. He assured me that to let babies play with dogs this way - led to paralysis. It is interesting to note that Dr. R. H. Gibson of - Fort Gibson, Alaska, has reported the coincidence of poliomyelitis - among the Tanana Indians and the occurrence of distempers in dogs. - - “Rattlesnakes—Ishi’s treatment for rattlesnake bite was to bind a toad - or frog on the affected area. This is interesting in the light of the - experiments of Madame Phisalix of the Pasteur Institute, who - demonstrated the antidotal properties of salamandrin, an extract - obtained from salamander skin, and the natural immunity that the - salamander has to viper venom. Macht and Abel have obtained a similar - powerful alkaloid from the toad _Bufo nigra_, called bufagin, which - has some of the properties of strychnin and adrenalin. It has been - used as an arrow poison by South American aborigines. Experiments - which I conducted with salamandrin as an antidote to crotalin, show - that it has a pronounced protective and curative value in the - immunization of guinea pigs and in their cure after being bitten by - the rattlesnake. It is, however, too dangerous and potent a poison - itself to be of any practical value. - - “When out camping we killed and cooked a rattlesnake or ‘kemna’. Ishi - refused not only to taste it, but also to eat from the dishes in which - it had been cooked. We ate it, and found that it tasted like rabbit or - fish. Ishi expected us to die. That we did not do so he could only - explain on the grounds that I was a medicine man and used magic - protection. - - “Moon—Ishi held the superstition common among uneducated Caucasians, - that it is unwholesome to sleep with the moon shining on one’s face, - so he covered his head completely under his blankets when sleeping in - the open. - - “Hygiene—Ishi had wholesome notions of hygiene. When out hunting he - has several times stopped me from drinking water from a stream which - he thought had been contaminated by dwelling houses above. - - “His residence in the Museum caused many misgivings in his mind. The - presence of all the bones of the dead, their belongings, and the - mummies were ever a source of anxiety to him. He locked his bedroom - door at night to keep out spirits. When we stored our camping - provender temporarily in the Museum bone room, Ishi was not only - disgusted but genuinely alarmed. It was only after the reassurance - that the ‘bunch a mi si tee’ could not enter through the tin of the - cans that he was relieved. - - “Surgery—On some of his visits to the University Hospital, Ishi gazed - through the glass-panelled door of the operating room and watched the - less grewsome scenes therein, wondering no doubt what was the meaning - of this work ... and his questions afterward, though few and - imperfectly understood, showed that he marveled most at the - anaesthetic and that he debated the advisability of such surgical - work. - - “Once he saw me remove a diseased kidney. He viewed the sleeping man - with deep wonder. He seemed interested at the methods we employed to - prevent hemorrhage. For days afterwards he asked me if the patient - still lived, and seemed incredulous when I said he did. When he saw an - operation for the removal of tonsils he asked me why it was done. I - told him of the pain and soreness which was indicative of disease, and - necessitated the operation. He conveyed to me the information that - among his people tonsillitis was cured by rubbing honey on the neck, - and blowing ashes down the throat through a hollow stick or quill; no - operations were necessary. - - “The only surgical operation with which he seemed familiar was - scarification. This was accomplished by means of small flakes of - obsidian and had as its purpose the strengthening of the arms and legs - of men about to go out on a hunt. - - “Herbs—His own knowledge of the use of medicinal herbs was - considerable, as we learned later when he went back to Deer Creek - canyon with us on a three weeks’ camping trip, here he designated - scores of plants that were of technical, medicinal, or economic value. - But he put very little faith in these things. The use of herbs and - drugs seems to have been the province of old women in the tribe. - - “There was a hole in the septum of his nose which he had used as a - receptacle for a small piece of wood, as well as for holding - ornaments. When he had a cold he placed in this spot a twig of baywood - or juniper, and indicated to me that this was medicine. It served very - much with him as menthol inhalers do with us. Its influence was - largely psychic but agreeable. - - “Magic—The real medicine was magic. The mysteries of the k’uwi, or - medicine man, were of much greater value than mere dosing. Their - favorite charms seem to have been either blowing of smoke and ashes in - certain directions to wield a protective or curative influence, or the - passing of coals of fire through themselves or their patients by means - of sleight of hand. They also sucked out small bits of obsidian or - cactus thorns from their clients, averring that these were the - etiological factors of sickness. - - “The principal cause of pain, according to Ishi, was the entrance of - these spines, thorns, bee stings, or, as he called them, ‘pins’, into - the human frame. The medicine man sucked them out, or plucked them - while they were floating in the air in the vicinity of the sick man. - They were then deposited in a small container, usually made of the - dried trachea of a bird, or of a large artery. The ends of this tube - were sealed with pitch or some form of a stopper and the whole thing - taken possession of by the doctor, thus keeping the ‘materia morbosa’ - where it could do no further harm. - - “The fact that I was able to do sleight of hand: vanish coins, change - eggs into paper, swallow impossible objects at will, and perform - similar parlor magic, convinced Ishi that I was a real doctor, much - more than any medication or surgery at my command. He came, - nevertheless, to our clinic whenever he had a headache, or a bruised - member, or lumbago, and accepted our services with due faith. - - - “ISHI’S PERSONAL HABITS” - - “Sleep—... he slept between blankets in preference to sheets. He had - several flannelette nightshirts but he preferred to sleep naked.... - - “Clothing—... At first he was offered moccasins, but refused to wear - them. He wanted to be like other people. Usually he wore a bright - colored necktie and sometimes a hat, when he was going down town ... - cotton shirts and (cotton) trousers were his choice. He used a pocket - handkerchief in the most approved manner, and because of his frequent - colds he needed it often. - - “Modesty—Ishi, strange to say, was very modest. Although he went - practically naked in the wilds, and, as described by Waterman, upon - his first appearance in Deer Creek Canyon he was seen altogether nude, - nevertheless, his first request after being captured was for a pair of - overalls. He was quite careful to cover his genitalia; when changing - clothes, assumed protective attitudes, and when swimming in the - mountain streams with us wore an improvised breech clout even though - his white companions abandoned this last vestige of respectability. - - “Toilet—When well he bathed nearly every day, and he always washed his - hands before meals. He was very tidy and cleanly in all his personal - habits. When camping, he was the only man in our outfit who got up - regularly and bathed in the cold mountain stream every morning. - - “Ishi was an expert swimmer.... He used a side stroke and sometimes a - modified breast stroke, but no overhand or fancy strokes; nor did he - dive. He swam under water with great facility and for long distances. - The rapids of Deer Creek were rather full yet he swam them, and - carried my young son hanging to his hair. - - “When he was sick he resented being bathed except when ordered by the - nurse or doctor. Like many other primitive people, he considered - bathing injurious in the presence of fever. He never attempted to take - a sweat bath while in civilization, but often spoke of them. I never - saw him brush his teeth, but he rubbed them with his finger, and they - always seemed clean. He washed his mouth out with water after meals. - - “His beard was sparse but he plucked it systematically by catching - individual hairs between the blade of a dull jack-knife and his thumb. - In his native state he used a sort of tweezers made of a split piece - of wood. He did this work without the use of a mirror. - - “He combed and brushed his hair daily. He washed it frequently.... At - first he had no dandruff, but after two or three years’ contact with - the whites he had some dry seborrhoea, and began to get a trifle gray - at the temples ... he used grease on his scalp when in his native - state; whereas bay leaves and bay nuts he said were heated and reduced - to a semi-solid state, when they were rubbed on the body after the - sweat bath. Here they acted as a soporific, or, as he said, like - whiskey, and the person thus anointed fell into a sweet slumber. The - same substance was rubbed on moccasins to make them waterproof. - - “On one occasion he contracted ring worm, probably from a wandering - cat. He was given a sulphur salve for this, and after its cure he - still used the ointment to soften his hands.... He was not susceptible - to ‘poison oak’ ... nor to sunburn. His skin bleached out considerably - while in San Francisco, and became darker when exposed to sunlight. - - “... (he) seemed to have the same fondness for sweet-scented soap that - Orientals manifest. - - “His personal belongings he kept in a most orderly manner, everything - in his box being properly folded and arranged with care. Articles - which he kept outside of this box he wrapped in newspaper and laid in - systematic arrangement on shelves in his room. - - “In working on arrows or flaking obsidian, he was careful to place - newspapers on the floor to catch his chips. In fact, neatness and - order seemed to be part of his self-education. - - “In the preparation of food and the washing of dishes he was very - orderly and clean. - - “Diet—... After a certain period of this luxury (eating heavily) he - discerned the folly of this course and began eating less, when his - metabolism returned to a more normal balance. Part of this increase - was due to the large quantities of water he drank. Being unaccustomed - to salt, our seasoning was excessive and led to increased hydration of - his bodily tissues. He had a great fondness for sweets.... He tried - and liked nearly all kinds of foods, but seemed to have an aversion - for custards, blanc manges, and similar slimy confections, nor could - he be persuaded to drink milk. He contended that this was made for - babies, while he said that butter ruined the singing voice.... - - “Matches he took up with evident delight; they were such a contrast to - the laborious methods of the fire drill, or of nursing embers, which - he employed in the wilds. - - “... His meat he boiled only about ten minutes, eating it practically - without seasoning. - - “His own food in the wilds seems to have been fish, game, acorn meal, - berries, and many roots. Prominent among these latter was the bulb of - the _Brodiaea_. The Indian could go out on an apparently barren - hillside and with a sharp stick dig up enough _Brodiaea_ bulbs in an - hour to furnish food for a good meal. These roots are globular in - shape, with the appearance of an onion, ranging in size from a cherry - to a very small potato. The flavor when raw is like that of a potato, - and when cooked like a roasted chestnut. - - “Alcohol—... Ishi himself had no liking for strong drink, although at - one time he purchased a few bottles of beer and drank small quantities - diluted with sugar and water. He called it medicine. His response to - my query regarding whiskey was, ‘Whiskey-tee crazy-aunatee, die man.’ - - “Tobacco—Occasionally Ishi smoked a cigarette, and he knew the use of - tobacco, having had access to the native herb in the wilds. But he - seldom smoked more than a few cigarettes a day, and frequently went - weeks without any. He disapproved of young people smoking. He chewed - tobacco at times, and spat copiously. Both of these indulgences, - however, he resorted to only when invited by some congenial friend. - - “Etiquette—Although uncultured, he very quickly learned the proper use - of knife, fork, and spoon. His table manners were of the very best. He - often ate at my home, where he was extremely diffident; watched what - others did and then followed their examples, using great delicacy of - manner. His attitude toward my wife or any other woman member of the - household was one of quiet disinterest. Apparently his sense of - propriety prompted him to ignore her. If spoken to, he would reply - with courtesy and brevity, but otherwise he appeared not to see her. - - “When he wanted to show his disapproval of anything very strongly, he - went through the pantomime of vomiting. - - “Thrift—As janitor in the Museum, he was making a competent income, - understood the value of money, was very thrifty and saving, and looked - forward to the day when he could buy a horse and wagon. This seemed to - be the acme of worldly possession to him. He was very happy and well - contented, working a little, playing enough, and surrounded by - friends. - - - “ISHI’S DISPOSITION AND MENTALITY” - - “Disposition—In disposition the Yahi was always calm and amiable. - Never have I seen him vehement or angry. Upon rare occasions he showed - that he was displeased. If someone who he thought had no privilege - touched his belongings, he remonstrated with some show of excitement. - Although he had lived in part by stealing from the cabins of men who - had usurped his country, he had the most exacting conscience - concerning the ownership of property. He would never think of touching - anything that belonged to another person, and even remonstrated with - me if I picked up a pencil that belonged to one of the Museum force. - He was too generous with his gifts of arms, arrow-heads, and similar - objects of his handicraft. - - “His temperament was philosophical, analytical, reserved, and - cheerful. He probably looked upon us as extremely smart. While we knew - many things, we had no knowledge of nature, no reserve; we were all - busy-bodies. We were, in fact, sophisticated children. - - “His conception of immortality was that of his tribe, but he seemed to - grasp the Christian concept and asked me many questions concerning the - hereafter. He rather doubted that the White God cared much about - having Indians with Him, and he did not seem to feel that women were - properly eligible to Heaven. He once saw a moving picture of the - Passion Play. It affected him deeply. But he misconstrued the - crucifixion and assumed that Christ was a ‘bad man’. - - “Use of tools—He was quite adept in the use of such simple tools as a - knife, handsaw, file, and hatchet. He early discovered the advantages - of a small bench vise, and it took the place of his big toe in holding - objects thereafter.... Journeys were measured by days or sleeps ... - (he) was awe-struck when I took him to a sawmill where large cedar - logs were brought in and rapidly sawed up into small bits to be used - in making lead pencils. It would have taken hours for him to fell even - a small tree, and an interminable length of time to split it. But here - was a miracle of work done in a few minutes. It impressed him - greatly....” - -In concluding remarks on Indian conflict with pioneer, a word concerning -Indian reservations will not be amiss. The author does best again in -quoting, this time from Kroeber: - - “The first reservations established by Federal officers in California - were little else than bull pens. They were founded on the principle, - not of attempting to do something for the native, but of getting him - out of the white man’s way as cheaply and hurriedly as possible. The - reason that the high death rate that must have prevailed among these - makeshift assemblages was not reported on more emphatically is that - the Indians kept running away even faster than they could die. - - “The few reservations that were made permanent have on the whole had a - conserving influence on the population after they once settled into a - semblance of reasonable order. They did little enough for the Indian - directly; but they gave him a place which he could call his own, and - where he could exist in security and in contact with his own kind....” - -Despite certain undesirable features of Indian Reservations, the general -conclusion is that for a number of tribes survival has been considerably -greater today than would have been the case if the Indians had had to -shift for themselves in competition with the whites. - - - - - Chapter VI - HUNTING - - -Hunting was obviously a very important activity of the Lassen Indians, -not only for survival, but as a means of acquiring the comfort and -security which success brought. Also a good hunter was held in high -esteem socially. - -Deer were most sought and the hunter went to considerable effort to get -“deer power” (a sort of guardian spirit) to possess him. This gave him -skill and good luck. Generally only men hunted, sometimes individually, -at other times in small or large groups. - -Before going hunting tobacco was often smoked ceremonially with prayers -and singing while the shaman (medicine man) supervised and the hunters’ -bodies were anointed with medicine. Weapons to be used were smoked over -a fire, while the hunters talked to their bows and arrows about the -coming hunt. Frequently Atsugewi, Yana, and Yahi hunters also cut -themselves until they bled. This was true especially if their -marksmanship had not been good of late. Cuts were made in the forearm -and charcoal was rubbed in. They often took sweat baths too before -hunting, but the Maidu did not. The latter, however, offered shell beads -to help increase deer power. Atsugewi hunters left offerings of paint, -tobacco, and eagle-down at certain spots in the mountains for luck. - -After a youth killed his first game, Maidu and Atsugewi switched him, a -bow string being commonly used. Then the Atsugewi father talked to his -son, blew smoke on him, and sent him out alone into the mountains for at -least five days to seek power. Yana and Yahi youths were not permitted -to touch, skin, or eat any of their first kill of each kind of animal, -lest it spoil their luck. In these tribes the father skinned the animal -and dressed the hide, teaching his son how this was done. - -After hunting there were often cleansing activities and ceremonies, and -usually a division of meat although a lone hunter could retain all of -it. It was considered quite bad to come home empty handed. After a bear -had been killed he was spoken to kindly and in sympathetic terms. Deer -eyes were often eaten to give good sharp eyesight to the eater. - -In a popular method of deer hunting by all Indians of the Lassen area, a -deer head disguise was worn by the hunter. He approached his quarry -cautiously using screening bushes and moving his antlered head above -them to simulate a buck feeding. Sometimes the hunter carried brush -along in front of himself. The mountain Maidu always used the whole -deerskin for disguise. When close enough the hunter would shoot with bow -and arrow. Since this was a nearly silent weapon, there was no noise to -startle the deer, and so it was sometimes possible to slay two or three -deer on one occasion. - -Atsugewi hunters might encircle a small brush covered or wooded -mountain. They set many fires, leaving non-burning gaps where bowmen hid -in holes. The deer were shot as they came out of the burning area. - -Mountain Maidu sometimes concealed themselves in pits near deer licks -where they shot the animals in moonlight. - -Another hunting method was to drive deer along fences built of brush or -stone or along ropes to which bunches of tules were tied as hanging -streamers. Strategically placed hunters in shallow pits shot the driven -deer as they passed through openings which had been left. Dogs were -frequently used in hunting out and in driving deer. - -The brush deer-blind along a well traveled deer trail was used too, as -well as hanging a noose in the deer trail to snare the deer. Still -another means of taking deer was like that of the northern neighbors of -the Atsugewi, the Pit River Tribe or Achomawi. They employed a six or -seven foot deep pit about nine feet long dug with slightly undercut side -walls. This opening was covered and concealed with poles, brush, and -dirt. As the deer trotted along established trails over the disguised -pitfalls they fell through. Or, deer might be driven to such pits, -sometimes with the aid of converging walls or fences in conjunction with -pitfalls. Deer trapped in these pitfalls were killed by strangling from -above with ropes. - -Another popular way to secure deer was to follow the animal for one or -more days. The pursuing Indian carried a small amount of food which he -ate to sustain himself while moving. The deer, although swifter afoot -than the hunter, was persistently followed at a steady pace. The animal -did not get a chance to feed properly nor to rest. At length the deer -became weakened to the point where the hunter could approach and shoot -it at close range. - -If a hunter were fairly close to a deer and it was moving, he might -shout at it, causing the deer to stop momentarily out of curiosity. This -provided a better chance of bringing the quarry down with bow and arrow. -Deer were sometimes lured closer by whistling with lips, blowing on a -leaf or grass blade held in the hands, or by imitating the cry of a -fawn. A hunter is said occasionally to have been able to sing to a group -of deer, holding their attention while he cautiously approached within -arrow range. - -If practical, deer or other game was killed by driving the animals over -cliffs. Elk, mountain sheep, antelope, and reportedly occasionally even -bison were hunted by one or more of the means. Except for the case of -mountain sheep, such animals were probably rare within the territories -of the tribes being considered. - -Meat of such large game was prepared for eating after skinning by -roasting in the earth pit ovens to be described in succeeding chapters -or by cutting up and boiling. Much venison and the like was also stored -for winter use. In this case the meat was cut into strips and dried in -the sun or on wooden frames over fires. This was not a smoking, but -rather a drying process. Such jerked meat was stored in large, tightly -woven baskets. Meat fresh or dried was almost invariably eaten with -acorn mush. - -Bear hunting was common among tribes of the Lassen area. The American -Black Bear is not aggressive and by no means always black. He is of -moderately large size and often is light or dark brown in color. Indians -liked to hunt the Black Bear in winter, two hunters entering the -hibernating den. One carried a torch and the other a bow and arrow. They -rolled a large block of wood in front of them and shot the bear at point -blank range, then quickly ran out. Wounded, frightened, and in a -semi-stupor, the bear usually stumbled over the wooden block. If he did -not die in the den, but came out, he was shot by other waiting hunters. -Mountain Maidu instead of entering the den smoked the bear out with -pitchy torches planted at the den entrance. - -The California Grizzly was much larger, fiercer, and more aggressive. -This grizzly is now extinct, but was common especially in the foothill -and lower mountain slopes of California before the coming of the white -man. Grizzlies were normally engaged only by a large group of hunters -and after considerable ceremonial preparation. Hunters never entered the -den. Two stout poles were crossed in front of the opening with one or -two men holding each—a dangerous job. The bear was spoken to nicely and -urged to come out which he usually soon did. As the bear started to -climb over the poles at the den entrance, the Indians pushed up forcing -the bear’s body against the roof so that he could most easily be shot. -If this maneuver was not successful, a brave hunter enticed the bear to -pursue him while the others shot arrows into the grizzly. Especially -sharp and heavily poisoned arrow points were used on grizzly bear by the -Atsugewi. - -It was believed that a man who drank fresh bear blood would be very -healthy thereafter, if he were strong enough. If he were weak, however, -drinking the blood would kill him promptly. - -Mountain lion were tracked, sometimes with dogs, sometimes in the snow, -then treed and shot. Wildcats were generally killed in the same way. A -hunter might coax a mountain lion to leap at him by simulating a deer -feeding, using the deer head and skin disguise, but this was a dangerous -practice. - -Except in the eastern part of Atsugewi territory where the Apwaruge -lived, rabbits were not plentiful. Yana, Yahi, and Maidu hunted them -more, driving cottontail, snowshoe, and jack rabbits into long nets and -clubbing them to death. In the winter rabbits were sometimes tracked and -shot with bow and untipped arrows. - -Other small mammals were shot, caught by dogs, and dug, smoked, or -drowned out of burrows. A stick split at the end was thrust into a -burrow and by twisting was entangled in the creature’s fur sufficiently -to drag him out. Ground squirrels could be outrun and killed by stepping -on them. Skunks, badgers, rats, and more often porcupines were eaten—the -latter being clubbed or stoned to death. - -Small and medium sized animals were also caught under stone or log -deadfalls which were propped up to drop on the victim while it was -traveling along a runway, crossing a stream on a log, or when the animal -pulled on a baited trigger. Similar placing was used for setting spring -snares which took advantage of bent tree limbs for power. Long fences -with nooses placed in gaps were used for rabbits, quail, and the like, -and on occasion for creatures as large as deer. Some nooses were even -operated by hand from a place of hiding. - -Birds of all sorts were caught too, but live or imitation decoys were -never employed as lures. Woodpeckers were removed from the nest by hand -or else a noose was hung around the nest opening. Some birds were taken -in basketry traps. Waterfowl were shot with bow and arrow and the young -were run down. Eggs were also taken. Some ducks were speared at night -from canoes or driven into nets by use of a canoe with fire at one end. -Frequently nets or snares were suspended at intervals just above a -stream where waterfowl commonly alighted. Ducks and geese were also -driven into the traps in taking off from the water. - -Grouse and small birds like robins and blackbirds were shot with blunt -or untipped arrows, usually of one-piece construction. - -It is interesting to note that in contrast to other local tribes, the -Yana and Yahi tribes did not employ the following hunting techniques: -burning brush, using bird snaring booths, nets for ducks, geese, -rabbits, or deer, nor was game driven into enclosures or quail secured -by use of net traps or drive fences. Furthermore Yana and Yahi did not -believe that game was immortal. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi Snare set on a log lying across a stream.] - -It was not an uncommon practice, especially among the mountain Maidu, to -frequently burn off their lands to make for easier travel and to -minimize the possibility of ambush by enemies. The frequent “light” -burnings do not seem to have generated enough heat to have destroyed the -forests. Never the less this practice is not regarded as a wise -conservation as it is definitely injurious to tree and much other plant -reproduction as well as being destructive of organic material in the -soil, damaging the watershed and being unfavorable to certain animal -species, as well as accelerating erosion. - - - - - Chapter VII - FISHING - - -Fishes were one of the four important food categories consumed by -Indians of the Lassen region. Land-locked and other non-migratory -Rainbow Trout were abundantly available in mountain streams and in some -lakes. Steelhead Trout penetrated the territories of our four tribes -too. Salmon, however, did not go so far upstream, only rarely coming up -Hat Creek, for instance, into Atsugewi lands. For the most part this -tribe of Indians visited the Pit River to the north in the autumn. They -paid the Achomawi, through whose territory this fine salmon stream -flowed, for the privilege of catching salmon by giving up a share of the -catch to them. The larger streams in south Yana, Yahi, and mountain -Maidu country contained salmon and steelhead, but it seems that these -tribes also made bargains with the Valley Indians for salmon fishing -privileges or else made fishing forays to the Sacramento River. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi Bow-type net. This kind was usually used in - small streams where it covered the full width of the stream bed. - Fish were commonly driven into it, then the handle was raised.] - -Gill nets about three feet high and as much as 30 feet long were -commonly used. Spawning trout in the spring were speared in large -numbers. Although old informants have denied the practice, -Boonookoo-ee-menorra (Mrs. Selina La Marr of the Atsugewi) tells of -catching Rainbow Trout by hand from Manzanita Creek banks about fifty -years ago when her family came up in the summer to fish. Trout were -speared by the Atsugewi with two pointed or four pointed spears instead -of the common single pointed version. Bone or Serviceberry wood might be -used for the tips. Spears were used not only from stream banks, but, -especially at night, from a canoe equipped with a torch in front. One -man or more would spear the fish while a person, sometimes a woman, -paddled the craft from the rear. The torch consisted of four -mountain-mahogany sticks bound together with pitch down the center. - - [Illustration: A northeast Maidu bow-fish net about forty inches - long. It was used for fish other than salmon. Northwest and southern - Maidu did not use such nets, employing seine nets instead (after - Dixon).] - -It is interesting to note that the practice of shooting fish with bow -and arrow was not carried on by any tribes of the Lassen area, although -the eastern people of the Pit River Indians (Achomawi), the western -Shasta, Wintu, and foothill Maidu did do so. - -Only Atsugewi, of the tribes we are considering, trapped fish in -converging weirs into which fish might be driven. In the autumn, streams -were sometimes diverted by damming. The fish trapped in the ponds -remaining were scooped out with baskets or nets. Mountain Maidu drove -fish into traps and caught lamprey eels in dip or scoop nets. Bow-type -nets illustrated in the text were used with the bow bent ends down -resting on the bed of the stream, the pole being raised to trap the -fish. The net was preferably as wide as the stream. - -All local tribes fished with lines and hooks which were made by lashing -a sharp piece of bone to a section of twig, at an acute angle. Atsugewi -and mountain Maidu also used a “gorge” for angling. This was a slender -piece of bone two or three inches long fastened near the middle and -sharpened at both ends. Hooks were sometimes baited with meat, -grasshoppers, or large flies, but man-made “flies” as fishermen know -them today were not used. Sometimes meat or grasshopper bait was used by -Atsugewi on fish-lines without any hook. Atsugewi women occasionally -fished with baskets and with hook and line. Hooks were often tied in a -series on a line attached either on both banks of the stream or to a -pole secured in the bank or tied to tules or to brush, and left over -night. A series of basket traps was sometimes likewise stretched across -a stream. - - [Illustration: A Klamath fish hook similar to those used by local - tribes. Single barbed hooks were also employed.] - -Salmon fishing was done largely with harpoons which differ from spears -in having one or more movable barbs or toggles of bone. These opened -when the harpoon was pulled back (outward in the victim) thus securing -the catch all the more firmly. This was necessary for such large and -heavy fish as salmon. Yana tribes caught their salmon with either hook -and line or by spearing with a two pointed harpoon. - -Natural falls were favored fishing sites. There Indians caught salmon -and steelhead trout as the fish attempted to scale the falls. Long -handled nets were used. Atsugewi went so far as to build scaffoldings to -assist either in this method of fishing or from which to harpoon large -fish. In the latter case many whitish rocks, where available, were -thrown into the stream to build up a light colored bottom for better -visibility in harpooning or spearing. - -After the fish were caught they were killed by striking with a stick as -a general practice. Mountain Maidu sometimes killed fish by striking -their heads on rocks. The central Yana, interestingly enough, killed -fish by biting them! - -In quiet portions of streams fish were poisoned by placing certain -pounded plant materials in the water. Yana and Yahi used crushed -Soaproot; Atsugewi used pulverized Wild Parsley. Wild Parsley -application made the water bluish, and caused the fish soon to rise to -the surface of the water floating belly-up. Where suitable quiet pools -did not exist in a stream, they were sometimes formed by the Indians -through temporary damming. Buckeye nut pulp, which is poisonous, was not -used in this area for poisoning fish. - -Long basketry fish traps, usually constructed by men, were also -utilized. The design and proportions of these varied with the tribe. - -Each of the Lassen area tribes had taboos which prevented youths, and in -the case of Atsugewi, their parents too, from eating the first fish each -youth caught. - - [Illustration: Plan of Maidu open basketry fish trap (after Dixon) - several feet long. The pointed end was untied to extract the fish.] - -Chubs and minnows, spurned by white man, were driven into nets and -eaten. At lower elevations, where waters were warmer and sluggish, -suckers provided a common source of food fish. The Indians also not -infrequently dove for crawfish and fresh water mussels. These were -gathered in net sacks by male Indians of all local tribes. Yana and Yahi -roasted mussels but did not boil them and never dried them for later -use. A flat rock might be carried on the shoulders to assist the diving -Indians. - -Some fish were cooked by roasting over coals or by boiling. Most trout, -however, were cleaned, head and backbone removed, and then strung up on -poles to dry. No salt was used in the process. The dried fish was -carried to camp or village in large baskets. Dried trout was tied into -small bales for storage and placed in baskets or in pits dug in the -ground for safe-keeping. Salmon were usually cooked in earth pit ovens, -then dried and crumbed by Atsugewi and mountain Maidu for later use. -This was of necessity an autumnal activity. Yana and Yahi stored their -salmon in dried slabs, pulverizing it as needed. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi basketry fish trap (after Garth).] - - - - - Chapter VIII - GATHERING AND PREPARATION OF OTHER FOODS - - -As has been pointed out earlier under “California Indians”, these tribes -had a common food pattern. Although there was some difference in the -relative importance of the four major types of food to the several -tribes due to varying availability, the California Indians ate (1) game, -especially deer, (2) fish, particularly salmon and trout, (3) roots and -bulbs which the women dug, and (4) fruits and seeds of a wide variety, -the most important of which were acorns. - -Besides fish and venison, many kinds of flesh food were eaten by the -Indians of the Lassen area: fox, wolf, grizzly and black bear, skunk, -raccoon, porcupine, rabbit, owl, fish, fresh water mussel, and turtle -being most common. They also ate with apparent relish a variety of -insects and the like including crickets, grasshoppers, angleworms, red -ant eggs, and yellow-jacket larvae. - -Game which was not eaten by either Atsugewi or mountain Maidu was -coyote, elk, antelope, and all snakes and lizards. The last two items -were almost universally shunned by California Indians. Many California -tribes including Yana and Yahi refused to eat dog meat, some of them -believing canine flesh to be poisonous. That mountain Maidu was one of -the few tribes which ate dog flesh whenever it was available is denied -by Dixon. Atsugewi ate it only as a last resort when rare, near-famine -conditions prevailed or during times of severe epidemic. Canine flesh -was believed by them to be a powerful and perhaps somewhat dangerous -medicine. Buzzards seem to have been about the only birds which were not -eaten. - -Each tribe had certain taboos on eating game. An Atsugewi did not, for -example, eat wildcat, gopher, hawk, lamprey eel, or caterpillars. -Mountain Maidu did not eat mountain lion, badger, raven, or crawfish. - -Heart of deer was taboo to all males among Atsugewi and to all children -and youths of the mountain Maidu. The foetus of all animals and also -deer fawns could not be eaten by any except Atsugewi, Yana, and Yahi old -men and old women. Animal foetus was, however, allowed as food to all -mountain Maidu adults. Bear foetus was skinned by Atsugewi and fed to -old women because it was so tender. Likewise, Yana and Yahi made foetus -soup for old folks to eat. Deer liver was taboo to Atsugewi boys and -youths. Taboo also among Atsugewi was the eating of fish and deer meat -together. Among mountain Maidu the eating of salt on bear meat was -prohibited. Many other food combinations were outlawed by these and -other California tribes. - -Deer backbone was ground up and eaten dry by mountain Maidu or molded -into small cakes, then baked and eaten while Atsugewi would dry deer -backbones with meat still adhering, grind it up, and then boil the meal -before eating it. Yana also ate pulverized meal of other bones after -cooking. Marrow was relished; it was a special delicacy for Yana -children. - -Securing of large game and fish and their preparation has been described -earlier. - -Such animals as wildcat, raccoons, foxes, et cetera were skinned and -cooked in earth ovens by all local tribes. These were pits sometimes as -much as six feet wide and lined with rocks. A large fire was built in -the pit to thoroughly heat the rock lining, after which any unburned -debris was removed. The animal to be roasted was laid in the pit on a -layer of green pine needles, or various other leaves, depending upon the -tribe. A large heated rock was placed inside the body cavity and smaller -hot rocks were wedged under the fore and hind legs which were then all -tied tightly together. A flat heated rock might be placed on top of the -carcass and the whole was covered with pine needles and the like, and -finally with hot ashes and sometimes dirt. The roasting proceeded for -half a day or so. Blood and fat might be placed in the intestine -membranes of larger animals (especially wildcat) to form sausage and -cooked in ashes. Mountain Maidu also boiled blood for eating. - -Quills of porcupine and hair of badger, squirrel, or other small mammals -might be singed off before cooking instead of skinning the animals. -Ground squirrels were sometimes merely gutted and then roasted in ashes -without further preparation. When Yana (and probably Yahi) did this, -they then skinned the ground squirrels after cooking and mashed the -whole bodies by pounding before eating them. Rabbits were roasted over -coals and broken into pieces for eating. Both mountain Maidu and -Atsugewi sometimes broiled small mammals on a single stick over coals. - -Turtles were cooked alive in hot ashes. If they crawled out they were -pushed back in again. - -Duck eggs were boiled in baskets using hot rocks—cooked they would keep -for a week or two. Yana tribes roasted quail eggs in ashes. Birds were -gutted, feathers singed off in flames and roasted on sticks or roasted -in oven pits. Roasting was invariably used for the large birds such as -ducks, geese, and swans. - -Atsugewi practiced some fascinating gathering techniques in which they -were not unique. Insects were gathered by both men and women. -Grasshoppers and crickets not infrequently appeared in large numbers. -These were collected early in the morning while still sluggish with -cold. When very abundant they were scraped with sticks from branches of -bushes into large burden baskets. During the heat of the day -grasshoppers were effectively collected by singeing them. Some tribes -merely burned dry grassy fields after which the insects were easily -picked up. Atsugewi made a long willow “rope” to which many bunches of -dry grass were fastened. This was set afire and men carrying this -blazing band stretched tightly between them ran across open grassland -where the grasshoppers were numerous. The insects jumped into the flames -and were thus killed. Yana pulverized grasshoppers and other insects -without cooking them. - -Atsugewi roasted crickets in the pit oven. These were then dried two -days and finally eaten or stored. If they had been stored, they were -pounded before being eaten. - -Salmon flies were plentiful along Pit River and Lost Creek (outside of -the park). These were hand picked from the banks early in the morning. -The wings were removed and the bodies boiled before eating by the -Atsugewi. - -When yellow-jackets, always carnivorous (meat eaters), were seen buzzing -about, Atsugewi would tie a white flower petal to a grasshopper leg. -When the yellow-jacket picked this morsel up and flew away with it -toward its nest, the Indians would run after the yellow-jacket which was -easy to follow on account of the conspicuous flower petal it carried -along. Thus yellow-jacket nests were found. A line was marked around the -nest area with the fingers. This line was supposed to increase the size -of the nest. Pine needles were then stacked over the nest and burned to -kill the winged insects. This done, the nest was dug up and roasted -alongside a fire, thus cooking the maggot-like grubs inside. These were -considered to be quite a delicacy. According to Dixon, mountain Maidu -young folks were denied this delicacy, but not so among the Yana. Dried -grasshoppers, crickets, and yellow-jacket larvae were foods often used -as items of trade. - -Angleworms were collected by first driving a digging stick a few inches -into the moist soil, then moving the top about. The consequent -disturbing of the ground made the worms crawl out. Although other -California tribes made angleworm soup, Atsugewi, Yana, and probably Yahi -sometimes roasted angleworms between hot rocks. Maidu reportedly dried -worms for eating. - -Red ant eggs were eaten by Indians too. Atsugewi baked them in earth pit -ovens, while mountain Maidu parched them with coals. Mountain Maidu also -ate certain caterpillars, but the other tribes of the Lassen area did -not. - - [Illustration: A. Sharpened iron rod digging stick with pine cross - piece wrapped in coarse cotton cloth used for about forty years by - Mrs. Mullen of Hat Creek. Length about four feet. - - B. Another recent mountain mahogany digging stick made by Mr. and - Mrs. Lyman LaMarr (Boonookoo-ee-menorra). The point of the green - wood was toughened in flame. Stick three and one half feet long.] - -Indians of this region did not carry on any agriculture, that is they -did not plant crops for food or other purposes, but collected those -which grew wild. It was, however, a common practice to burn some areas -over regularly to stimulate growth of edible seed producing plants. -Women always gathered the vegetable materials and prepared them for use. - -Roots and bulbs provided vital foods to the aborigines also. These were -procured with a digging stick. In this region it was blunt at the top -with a tapered point at the digging end. Atsugewi fastened a short cross -piece on top to serve as a handle. The digging stick was made by this -tribe of green mountain-mahogany wood with the digging point hardened by -scorching in the flame. After the coming of white man, the same design -was retained, but an iron rod replaced the mountain-mahogany digging -shaft. - -In use, the digging stick was thrust into the ground next to the plant -whose root was to be secured. The handle portion was worked sideways a -couple of times, then pulled downward toward the operator. The point -very effectively brought the root out of the ground. Roots were -customarily tossed into a large cone-shaped carrying basket which was -held in place on the digging woman’s back by a chest band over her -chest. Some of the load in the basket might also be supported by a band -from the basket over the Indian woman’s forehead. - -Roots were cleaned by rubbing (sometimes with sand) in a shallow -bowl-shaped basket of a rough coarse mesh weave of willow ribs, like -that used for cleaning acorns. The whole was dipped in water frequently. -Rubbing usually continued until the skins were entirely removed. - -The most important item of this type collected in large amount for food -is known as epos locally, or “peh-ts-koo” among the old Atsugewi. The -plant belongs to the parsley family and stands one to two feet high. -Actually, probably more than one species was eaten by Indians of the -Lassen area. These plants are not unlike except in detail. All had sweet -carrot-like taproots about two inches long. Garth states that Atsugewi -ate the species _Pteridendia bolanden_ which apparently corresponds to -the botanists’ _Perideridia bolanderi_ or _Eulophus bolanderi_; also -probably _Carum_ or _Perideridia oregona_ and _californica_. Common -English names for epos are squaw root or yampah. Epos roots were dried -and stored, then ground up for use. This food item was made into either -soup or bread. The finished product had a fine sweet meaty or nutty -taste, and was held in high esteem. Obviously this constituted an -important vegetable in the diet. - -At least two kinds of camas bulbs and _brodeia_ bulbs were roasted in -the earth pit oven, ground to pulp, shaped into cakes, and rebaked. -These were then either eaten or dried and stored. The latter process was -not employed by mountain Maidu. If the baked camas cakes were stored, -they would be soaked with water before eating. Camas cakes were not made -into soup. - -Tiger lily bulbs were roasted in earth pit ovens and eaten immediately. -They were a highly prized food. - -Wild onion was used too, but usually with other root foods as a -flavoring. - -The foregoing are but a few of the most extensively eaten roots. Many -others, especially those of the lily and parsley families, were used by -tribes of the Lassen region. - -Yana tribes robbed gophers of stores of edible roots and bulbs. These -were found by probing for burrows and digging out the animals’ food -storage chambers. Men usually did this, which is an exception to the -general rule that women only collected vegetable materials. - -Acorns were probably the most important single food of California -Indians. Surprisingly, this was true even in eastern parts of the -territories of the Atsugewi (Apwaruge), mountain Maidu, and others where -acorns were scarce or wanting entirely. Indians frequently traded for -acorns or made long journeys for them. Acorns of the black oak were -generally preferred over other kinds. Nearly all varieties were used for -food on occasion, however. It is interesting to note that Modoc and -Klamath Indians were exceptions in not using acorns for food. - -In the fall, usually in September, acorns were gathered by women after -the ripe nuts had been knocked from the oaks with long poles, or by men -and young agile girls climbing the trees to strike the fruit with -straight sticks or staves. To aid in climbing large smooth tree trunks, -Atsugewi men used sapling ladders on which part of branches were left -attached to serve for footholds. Mountain Maidu on the other hand used a -very unique two poled ladder with buckskin rungs. Acorns were carried to -villages by women in stages, using baskets about the size of nail kegs. - -First spring food gathering each year was marked by rites in which the -shamans, or medicine men, conducted praying ceremonies. Atsugewi -conducted three of these. In May first epos roots were gathered and sung -over by shamans. They examined the roots and prophesied whether the -women who had dug them were going to be sick. Those who were going to be -sick dug roots all day. In the evening these were dumped into piles and -women shamans sang over these for half the night to make the threatened -women healthy. Each woman gatherer participating then took home the -roots she had dug leaving some for the shamans, who cooked and ate them. -A second first food ceremony consisted of a ceremonial feast of fruit -and vegetable materials with fish which the men brought. In the third -such rite, root digging women threw away the first roots they dug that -season and prayed to the effect: “Don’t make me poor. Give me good luck. -You may have this one.” - -In autumn, mountain Maidu held their first fruit ceremonies. Large -groups of women went out to gather acorns. Acorn mush was made -immediately of the first batch collected. The shamans ate some and -prayed. Portions of this batch were then eaten by the rest of the -assemblage. After that it was all right for anyone to gather and to use -acorns of the new crop. - -Local tribes stored acorns in the shell either indoors in large baskets -or outside in pits or in large hoppers or granaries covered with bark. -The details of these varied with the several tribes. Maidu except for -the “mountain tribe” and Yana shelled, split, and slightly dried some of -their acorns, and placed them in basketry storage bins lined with -broadleafed maple leaves. Maidu ate twelve different kinds of acorns, -but the favorites were the black oak (_Quercus kelloggii_), _golden cup -oak_ maul, or canyon oak (_Quercus chrysolepis_), and sierra live oak -(_Quercus wislizenii_) acorns. - -In preparation, acorns were cracked by up-ending each on a flat rock and -striking the point with any convenient small stone. Sometimes small -acorns were cracked with the teeth. Though usually a woman’s job, young -folks and men might help with the task. - - [Illustration: Basaltic lava mortar from Yana territory, about ten - inches high.] - -The thin brownish skin which covers the acorn kernels was removed by -rubbing vigorously in rough porous baskets made entirely of willow ribs. -Water was not used. Indians of the Lassen area did not employ stone -mortars for grinding acorns as was the practice in other parts of -California. Stone mortars were always found, not made, and were used for -ceremonial purposes, in the belief that these had been made by Coyote. -However, Maidu families cherished portable stone mortars. They were kept -buried at some distance from the dwelling, and dug up for occasional -inspection. Bed-rock acorn pounding holes are not found in this region -either except for the Maidu area. Instead, acorn meats were placed in -hopper baskets lacking bottoms. This basketry mortar hopper rested with -the small open end down on a heavy flat stone. The pounding basket was -held in place by the Indian woman’s knees as she sat in front of and -straddling it. In one hand she wielded a stone pestle, flat on the -grinding end. With the other hand she stirred the acorn material so that -the coarse pieces worked toward the center to get the full impact of the -pounding. The hopper basket was not always used, by the mountain Maidu, -the pounding often being done merely on a flat rock slab, the woman’s -free hand continually brushing the acorn material back to the center. -Acorn meal was ground until it was as fine as flour. The coarse pieces -were separated from the fine by a process which employed a flattish -piece of wood or bark a foot or so across. Sometimes a basketry plaque -was used. A portion of ground meal was placed on this tray which was -held firmly at one side and inclined toward the operator. The other edge -of the plaque was shaken, causing the coarse material to roll into a -container held in the lap for repounding while the fine flour remained -on the plaque. A small brush, generally made from the pounded and dried -root of the soap-plant, was used to brush the flour off and into the -cooking basket. Mountain Maidu, according to Voegelin, actually did sift -acorn meal through open-work baskets though this was not a common -practice even among members of this tribe. - -White oak and some other acorn flour could be used for cooking without -further preparation. Atsugewi preferred black oak acorns which had to be -leached to remove the bitter tannic acid before using. To do this the -flour was placed in a shallow depression on clean sand over porous -earth, usually, but Yana used loosely woven baskets for the purpose, and -in recent times it has become common practice to place cloth flour -sacking over a screen or sieve. Cold water was poured over the meal -until it was nearly free of bitterness. Warm water was then employed -briefly, but hot water was never used, for it would make the flour tend -to jell. Sand was removed from the bottom of the flour by touching the -bottom of a handful of the moist material to water. The flour held -together, but the sand grains dropped off. The flour could be dried and -stored at this point, but was usually used as it was prepared. - -Portions of about two or three quarts of acorn flour were placed in -cooking baskets a foot or more in diameter. Water was added and then hot -stones were dropped in. These smoothly rounded stones, of any shape and -from one and a half to three inches in diameter, had been heated in an -open fire. They were quickly dipped into water to remove ashes before -being put into the mush cooking basket. The method of handling these -cooking stones seems to have varied. Present day Atsugewi say a small -looped stick was used, but old informants stated that two forked sticks -were employed. Stirring had to be continuous lest the cooking stones -scorch the basket. Atsugewi used any convenient stick for this, but Yana -had a small oak paddle. After boiling a short while the acorn mush -became light greyish or brownish in color; when cooled it jellied quite -firmly. Acorn mush was commonly eaten warm with meat, from small -individual baskets. Spoons were unknown in the Lassen area so acorn mush -was eaten with index and second fingers. Mountain Maidu made their acorn -mush of a more liquid consistency so that it was often consumed by -drinking. - -Acorn bread was made by using less water and adding a small amount of -reddish iron-bearing or blackish salt-bearing soil by Atsugewi, but -mountain Maidu left this ingredient out. The paste was molded into -biscuit or loaf-shaped forms, wrapped in leaves and baked all night in -earth pit ovens. Yana sometimes added red soil to their acorn bread -making it brightly colored. Usually black oak acorns were used for bread -by the Yana tribes and white oak for soup. - -That acorns are a fine food is indicated by the following analysis of -the uncooked meal. The proportions vary somewhat, but not importantly -among the several kinds of acorns used: 21% fat, 5% protein, 62% -carbohydrate, and 14% water, mineral, and fiber. In cooked acorn mush -the proportions remain the same relatively, except, of course, for the -greatly increased water content. - -Buckeye nuts, not used much by Atsugewi, were important to other Indians -of California, especially those residing at lower elevations. These -fruits were gathered when ripe, then shelled, pounded and soaked in -loosely woven baskets until the poisonous juice was leached out. The -pulpy mass was next squeezed to remove excess water. Unlike acorn meal -buckeye pulp was eaten uncooked. Yana crushed their buckeyes with their -feet and leached the material in creeks, though sometimes hot water was -used. - -Nuts of digger pine and sugar pine were highly regarded as food. Men -climbed trees and picked digger pine cones or shook limbs to dislodge -sugar pine cones. The cones were placed on end and covered with dry -grass which was burned, ridding the cones of pitch. After this heat -treatment, sugar pine nuts came out easily when cone scales were pulled -back. After singeing the heavy digger pine cones were hit with rocks to -obtain the large nuts they contained. - -The white sweet crusty deposit occasionally found on the bark of sugar -pines was relished as candy by Atsugewi. However, it had a laxative -property which mountain Maidu recognized and reputedly employed as such. - -A variety of small plant seeds also provided tasty nutrition. Several -members of the sunflower family including balsam root species and mules -ears, and others were used by all local tribes. Such seeds were usually -collected by beating them with paddle-shaped basketry seed beaters into -burden baskets. They were then parched with coals in flat trays, placed -in flat baskets and worked about with stones until freed of skins. Seeds -were winnowed by tossing them up allowing wind to carry hulls and skins -away. The seeds were then pulverized with a small stone or muller, being -rolled or rubbed on a larger rock slab generally referred to as a -metate. Such seeds were eaten dry by Atsugewi, Yana, and Yahi without -grinding, or the flour might be moistened and molded into cakes about -the size of biscuits and eaten without further cooking. However, Yana -also cooked certain sunflower seeds and the yellow blossoming heads of -the small (_Helianthella_) sunflower were themselves cooked and eaten. - -Clover tops were collected in summer and eaten fresh by all local -tribes. Mountain Maidu also baked them in earth pit ovens, then dried -and stored the material to be recooked in winter for making soup. -Atsugewi cooked clover roots in ovens. Young thistle stalks were eaten -raw as was the foliage of several carrot-like plants. Mushrooms, fresh, -roasted, or dried were eaten also. Young soap-plant stems were eaten -fresh or baked and dried for winter use by Yana tribes. - -Manzanita berries were gathered by all Indians of the Lassen region in -July and August. These berries were knocked into burden baskets with a -stick. They were dried, stored in pits, pounded when needed, and sifted -as fine meal. This was moistened and molded into biscuit-sized cakes and -put away until wanted. Either fresh flour or the cakes were eaten plain -or put into water and drunk. One investigator reported fermentation of -manzanita cider and its use as a mild intoxicant, but this appears to -have been the exception rather than the rule. The drink, of -lemonade-like character, was usually consumed fresh. Manzanita cider was -conveyed to the mouth by dipping a deer tail sop into the liquid, and -then by sucking it. Small cakes were made of a mixture of manzanita and -wild plum flours. Yana and Yahi also ate manzanita berries as such -either fresh, or roasted and dried. - -Red berries of skunk or squaw bush were gathered in midsummer, washed, -dried, and stored. They were pounded into flour in a mortar basket, -mixed with manzanita flour and drunk. Elderberries were mashed and mixed -with manzanita flour and stored as cakes. - -Wild plums were prepared by removing seeds. These were then eaten fresh -or dried for storage. - -Chokecherries and service berries were put into baskets when ripe and -mashed. The paste was eaten without cooking. - -Gooseberries, huckleberries, currants, Oregon-grape, buckthorn, juniper, -thimble, and elderberries were eaten fresh, too, but juniper fruits -might be dried and pounded into flour and stored. - -Another item used as food was salt which mountain Maidu and Yana -gathered locally in mineral form. The Atsugewi also imported it from -Round Mountain in North Yana territory or made expeditions to this site -to gather the dark salt material from a certain marsh. This salty earth -was shaped into black loaves and dried. It was not only used for -flavoring, but the black soil was also eaten as such by some -individuals. Atsugewi had a local source of salt, however, by collecting -fine whitish crystals in the early mornings from the blades of salt -grass which was run between the fingers. Atsugewi used salt for salmon -and venison in cooking, but not in drying processes. - -Pine pitch was chewed, but Atsugewi also used milkweed chewing gum. - -As for eating customs, Atsugewi ate three meals each day. Mountain Maidu -just prepared two real meals. Hands were washed after eating deer and -bear meats. Mountain Maidu wiped faces and hands with bark and grass -after eating. - -There was a well defined division of labor among California Indians. Men -would carry water for unusually long distances or heavy logs for -firewood, but women usually carried water, wood, acorn and root crops, -and the like. In the case of moving camp, however, men carried the -heaviest burdens. The most important division of labor was the -delegation to men of all activities concerning animals and animal -products, and to women all pertaining to vegetable materials. Women, for -instance, collected materials for basketry and made all the baskets, -except that men often made basketry fish traps and nets. Women dug roots -and cooked all food except meat which men normally cooked. Exception to -this rule was necessarily made when men were away on hunting trips or at -war. Men usually built the houses, made moccasins and skin clothing too. - -Among Atsugewi and mountain Maidu only men made fire, but this was -accomplished by both sexes among the Yana and Yahi. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - HOUSES AND FURNISHINGS - - -The Atsugewi used earth-covered lodges as their permanent winter -dwellings. These varied in size from about nine feet in length, for a -single family, to more than thirty feet in length for a chief’s house -which was usually larger than other houses. Most frequently houses were -about twenty feet long and somewhat narrower, being occupied by three to -five families. The earth lodge was elliptical in shape with one center -post planted firmly in the earth floor somewhat back of true center. -This supported beams running to two smaller secondary posts and to earth -shoulders which resulted from excavation of the entire floor to a depth -of about three feet. On the beams other poles or rafters and bark slabs -(usually of incense-cedar) were laid. The whole sloping roof was then -covered with pine needles and a layer of earth. - -The main entrance was through a hole about in the center of the roof. -Over this a heavy mat was placed in bad weather. This opening also -served as a smoke hole. A ladder made of two poles with cross pieces -tied on with serviceberry withes was used inside. - - [Illustration: The Northeast (mountain) Maidu earth lodge plan used - only three primary posts plus secondary entrance posts.] - - logs or poles - a fireplace - b mainpost with forked top - c front posts with forked tops - -A secondary entrance of small size, used by children, was built -horizontally at ground level on the south (front) end of the house. It -projected tunnel-like a short distance beyond the lodge outside wall. -The main purpose of this ground-level opening was to act as a ventilator -duct to supply draft for proper burning of the cooking and house warming -fire which burned in front of the center post. At night the ventilator -duct was closed. This reduced air supply, causing the fire to burn very -slowly. Glowing coals developed as a result. These produced reduced but -adequate heat for the occupants who slept with their feet to the fire. -Men did all of the house construction work except for excavation. The -women did this with digging sticks and wooden or basketry scoops with -which they threw the dirt out of the pit. Excavation of the floor of the -lodge not only made it easier to construct a strong house, but -contributed materially to the warmth of the standard winter house. - - [Illustration: Typical winter house of the local permanent Indian - villages at lower elevations.] - -There was no furniture as such. Each family used an assigned portion of -the house, and cooked its own food, but utilized the central communal -fire. A thin layer of grass, carefully kept away from the fire, covered -the floor. The Indians slept on the floor on mats made of tule. During -the day these and the sleeping blankets were rolled up and provided the -only seats. However, sitting usually consisted of squatting on the -floor. - -Blankets of deer and elk skin were generally used. Atsugewi also used -loose tule or grass blankets and all our tribes employed both woven -rabbit skin and patchwork rabbit or fox blankets. Yana in addition to -all the foregoing utilized bear skins; sometimes they removed the hair -from their blankets. - -Atsugewi pillows were of bundles of leaves or grass while those of the -mountain Maidu were harder, being merely piles of small poles, blocks of -wood, or rocks. - -Interior earth walls of the houses were sometimes hung with tule mats or -skins fastened with pegs to prevent dirt from sloughing off and rolling -onto the floor. A few shelves might also be provided by laying wooden -slabs on sticks driven into the dirt walls. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi bark house] - -There were other less substantial winter houses consisting either of -small double lean-tos of bark slabs or conical houses on frameworks of -slender poles and with shallow excavations. Some dirt was thrown against -the outside walls for added warmth. Lazy people, who were usually -consequently poor in the necessities and comforts of normal Indian life, -lived in this more flimsy type of house. Also, women when indisposed -repaired to such huts. A doorway was left in the siding to be closed by -a tule mat in these little houses. They were also equipped with small -smoke holes for central fires. - -Atsugewi summer houses as such really did not exist. Summer camps were -little more than circular enclosures of brush, juniper, or other conifer -limbs or of rock. These were ten or fifteen feet across with openings to -the east. There was no roof, although branches and bark slabs might be -put over crude frames in rainy weather. If a person were caught in a -sudden shower he might make a temporary shelter by leaning bark slabs, -if available, against a large rock or log lying on the ground. - -Atsugewi did not have any separate sweat houses nor dancing or assembly -chambers, but used the larger earth lodge houses for these purposes. The -largest belonged to chiefs and to other well-to-do Indians. Heat for -sweating was provided directly by fire and not by production of steam as -was the case with Plains Indians who threw water on hot stones. In -recent years, however, after introduction of the horse, Atsugewi learned -the latter technique and also constructed Plains Indian type sweat -houses of one to three person capacity. These were dome shaped, and -built of willow poles set in the ground in a circle. The tops were bent -over and tied down, and this framework was covered with skins. - -Old type sweating was for men only, but Indian women—usually wives—also -sweated with men in the new style separate sweat houses. Old time -Atsugewi purposes in sweating were for gaining success in hunting, in -gambling, and for general good luck. Some praying was done, but there -were no formalized ceremonies or dances amongst the Atsugewi. Men -sometimes slept in sweat houses. - -In the case of all local tribes sweating was followed by a cold plunge, -if available nearby. Lacking this facility, a cold sponge bath was -taken. - -The mountain Maidu earth lodge for dwelling and sweating was similar to -that of the Atsugewi. However, northeast Maidu earth lodges “koom” were -simpler and smaller than those of northwest and southern Maidu. Three -posts, often forked were used in place of 10 or 11 employed for valley -lodges. Excavation was about three feet deep, circular in plan, and from -18 to 40 feet across. A large flat stone was placed upright at the foot -of the mainpost between it and the fire in the center. The vertical -walls of the excavation were usually covered or lined with vertically -placed whole or split logs or with bark slabs. Logs were lain -horizontally on the three posts as indicated on the accompanying sketch. -Radial rafters supporting the roof were placed on these beams and -sloping downward to the ground surface outside as well as to two small -posts at the small openway or ventilator passage. Cross poles were -placed horizontally on the rafters and on these, large pieces of bark, -branches, and pine needles were successively laid. Lastly, a heavy -covering of soil 8 to 20 inches thick was heaped on the structure. On -top in the center a smokehole was left, large enough to serve as the -main entrance originally, but after the coming of white man, the -smokehole was made smaller, and, instead, the originally small -ventilator tunnel which sloped from floor level up to the ground surface -outside was enlarged, thus supplanting the smokehole as the main -entrance. Originally a ladder of two poles with cross pieces tied on -with grapevine or other withes gave vertical access from the floor to -the smokehole entrance. Dixon reports that a notched log was sometimes -used for the purpose among mountain Maidu. - -The koom or lodge was occupied from November to March and was situated -on the edges of wide meadows in mountain Maidu areas. At lower elevation -occupancy was more or less continuous. - -Mountain Maidu did not have separate sweat houses. They always used a -large earth dwelling lodge for the purpose. This was similar to the -Atsugewi practice. These Maidu did, however, have a formalized sweat -dance. Also different from the Atsugewi was the practice of men using -the sweat house for gambling, handicraft work, and competitive singing. - -The “hoe-bow” of the mountain Maidu was a hut, 8 to 15 feet in diameter -and excavated 12 to 15 inches deep. Two main poles were securely tied -near the end. From the resulting “V” at the top, shorter poles were laid -to a pair of slender posts about three feet high and set about three -feet apart along the edge of the excavation. Against this frame -branches, bark, and leaves were piled and earth was heaped around the -bottom. The doors of all such bark huts opened to the south and were -hung with a skin or tule mat. - -The rude summer shelter or shade provider was just like that of the -Atsugewi. - -Information on Yahi house details are somewhat scanty, but in all -probability they were small conical bark-covered huts while some larger -earth lodges were built to house several families—in general similar, -but perhaps smaller than those of the other tribes of the Lassen area. -The large pretentious lodge, constructed solely for sweating and -ceremonies, of the Sacramento Valley tribes seems to have been lacking -among all of our local tribes. - -The common bark hut dwelling of the Yana was apparently built over a -circular depression two feet deep, the top of the house rising about six -feet above the ground. It was probably like the mountain Maidu huts, -being a series of poles resting on the edges of the excavation. These -met and were tied at the top to form a cone of low slope, although some -informants claimed that the posts were set so firmly that tying together -was omitted. The frames were covered with pine and incense-cedar bark -slabs leaving a smoke hole near each apex. Earth was probably banked on -the lower sloping walls. Entrance was never through the smoke hole as in -the case of Atsugewi and some mountain Maidu earth lodge houses, but by -means of a small door at ground level on the south side. The entrance -was protected by a little covered way extending outward three feet from -the house wall, and decked over by a gable roof of low pitch. A ramp of -low pitch extended from the floor of the house through this antechamber -to the ground level outside as no steps were constructed. - -The Yana lodge houses were not numerous. The ground plan was long, -usually wedge or oval in outline and designed for several families, each -with its own fire. As with the other tribes discussed in this booklet, -such buildings also served as sweat houses. A ladder consisting of a -notched log extended down from the smoke hole to the floor. One, two, or -three center posts with radiating rafters and shorter side posts were -employed. The Yana followed the Atsugewi practice of providing each -earth lodge with a south facing, ground level, tunnel-like ventilator -entrance of small size. It is possible that Yana did have a few special -sweating lodges of the same design, but the matter is debatable. During -sweating Yana men talked and played; the main purpose of sweating was to -make men strong. - -It has already been pointed out that all four tribes which used what is -now Lassen Volcanic National Park did so only during the summer. During -their high mountain sojourn, the local Indians did not live in houses as -such. There, residence during the three or four summer months was in -temporary camps, usually roofless circular areas to accommodate several -families. These were fenced in with brush and were entered by one or -more openings somewhat in the same manner as campsites reserved for -visitors at their permanent villages at lower elevations. Four-posted -horizontal roofs, to provide shade, were sometimes constructed too. Yana -seem to have made a lean-to or hut with grass and bark covering for -summer roofs. - - - - - Chapter X - HOUSEHOLD TOOLS, IMPLEMENTS, AND WEAPONS - - -Implements for grinding foods were important. Mountain Maidu, in fact -all Maidu tribes, ground some acorns on flat bed rock. When the -resultant holes which eventually developed in the rock surfaces became -deep, they were abandoned as the acorn meal tended to pack into hard -lumps at the bottoms thereof. A heavy flat stone grinding slab was most -frequently used. However, all Lassen area tribes had portable stone -mortar bowls too. The Atsugewi and mountain Maidu did not make these nor -did they use them for grinding food. Such portable stone mortars were -found, evidently having been fashioned by more ancient tribes. -Supernatural powers were ascribed to these mortars, and they were used -only by shamans or medicine men. The Maidu thought that stone mortar -bowls were made by Coyote at the time of creation and scattered over the -world for the use of mankind. Others believed the mortars to have been -“first people” originally, who were turned to stones in this form upon -the coming of the Indian people at which time other “first people” were -transformed into animals. - - [Illustration: Northeast Maidu soapstone bowl six inches wide—a rare - article (after Dixon)] - -As has been described under the preparation of acorn mush, local tribes -used the flat stone pounding slab under an open bottomed hopper basket, -most commonly. The hopper basket of the Atsugewi and mountain Maidu was -usually of twined construction and bound often with buckskin about the -basal edge. Mountain Maidu sometimes employed their coiling technique in -making the acorn pounding basket. It was from this tribe, at the turn of -the century, that Atsugewi learned to make their pounding hopper baskets -of the stronger coiled construction. - - [Illustration: Maidu stone axe head, 5 inches long (after Dixon)] - - [Illustration: One of several seed beater types used locally] - -Pestles of stone were long, smoothed, and sometimes flattened on the -sides. This resulted from use of these implements also as rubbing or -mulling stones for processing small seeds on flat slabs without -employment of basket hoppers. The pestles were always without the -ornamentation used by certain other California tribes. The pounding end -of the food grinding pestles are ever so slightly convex—their grinding -surfaces are nearly flat. This is in contrast to pestles used in the -deep bowl-shaped portable stone mortars for ceremonial purposes. The -grinding ends of these pestles were strongly rounded, nearly -hemispherical in shape. - -The muller or small seed crusher used on the flat grinding slab without -a hopper basket was of oval or rectangular shape, and it too was -unornamented. - -Small brushes used in miscellaneous food preparation were made of -pounded dried soap-plant bulb fibers. - -Hot rocks for cooking were usually handled with two sticks. None of our -tribes used spoons. Crude obsidian knives with, or more commonly -without, bone handles were used for many chores. - -Yana used split cobble stones for cutting and scraping operations. Their -stone knives sometimes had wrapped buckskin handles. - -Bone awls, usually with wrapped handles, were commonly used for sewing -buckskin and other hides. Atsugewi are said by some to have had both -eyed and open notched needles of bone for sewing skins and tule mats. - -The wooden shuttle for net weaving was a stick notched at both ends and -was used by all of the local tribes. A squarish wooden net mesh spacer -permitted nets to be properly made. - -Mountain Maidu used deer antler wedges for splitting wood while Atsugewi -used wooden wedges—especially of mountain-mahogany. Wedges were usually -driven with simple wooden clubs, though rocks might be employed for the -purpose. - -Drills for boring holes in shell work and for making pipes and the like -were used by Atsugewi only. Such drills were wooden shafts with stone -points. These were rotated by rolling the shaft between the palms of the -hands. Where the drill was not in use, holes were made in pieces of wood -with live coals. Sometimes unfinished clamshell money was received in -trade perhaps at a discount. Such pieces were strung tightly onto a cord -and the whole string was then rolled between two flat stones thus -grinding the shell edges to make the well formed disks characteristic of -clam shell money. - - [Illustration: Soap-root fiber acorn meal brush about 6 inches long - (after Dixon)] - - [Illustration: A lava pestle, flat ended food pounder, about 10 - inches long] - -Fire making drills were of greater importance. All local tribes employed -them. Those of this area were one-piece hand rotated affairs which did -not utilize the labor saving drill bow of the midwest. A long buckeye -wood stick about half an inch thick was twirled on a notched block of -incense-cedar or juniper wood. A bed of dry shredded grass and -incense-cedar or other flammable tinder was used to nourish the spark -into flame. Both sexes made fire among the Yana and Yahi, but unless the -men were away, Atsugewi and mountain Maidu women did not make fire. -Buckeye was uncommon or lacking in the areas of the latter tribes, so -this material had to be traded from the Yana and Yahi. Buckeye fire -making sticks commanded quite a price, a piece two feet long often -selling for ten completed arrows. Since fire making required much effort -and skill, fire was rarely allowed to go out. A “slow match” consisting -of a piece of punky wood in which the fire smouldered was usually -carried along. - - [Illustration: Maidu bone awls or basket “needles” about 6 inches - long] - -It was as true in prehistoric America as it is today that weapons were -essential to existence. Weapons were necessary not only for -warfare—whether aggressive or defensive—but for the securing of game for -food since domestication of animals was not practiced. - -The bow and arrow was the only important weapon of California Indians. -Local bows were rather short and quite broad in cross-section. We quote -Garth’s “Atsugewi Ethnography” on the subject as follows: - - “... The best bows were made by the Atsuge, who had a supply of yew - wood ... along the western borders of their territory. The Paiute were - anxious to trade for Atsuge bows and considered them much superior to - their own. In making the bow a piece of yew wood was selected, split, - and shaved down with flints and pumice stone to the required form and - thickness. After it had been wrapped in green grass and roasted in hot - ashes, the bow was bent to required shape (recurved tips with a slight - incurve at the middle), which it retained when it cooled off. Sinew, - taken from the back of a deer, was softened by chewing and was then - glued on the back of the bow in short strips, which were rubbed out as - flat as possible with a smooth piece of bone. Salmon skins were boiled - to make the glue. - - [Illustration: Yahi making fire by twirling buckeye rod on - Incense-cedar block] - - [Illustration: Maidu fire drill of buckeye (right) about 28 inches - long. In the two inch wide Incense-cedar slab note the cut notches - with a deeper twirling hole at the head of each.] - - “The designs painted in green and red on the backs of bows are among - the few examples of masculine art. The painting was done with a - feather tip. The sinew for the bowstring ... was chewed to make it - soft and then it was made into a two-ply cord by rolling it with the - open hand on the thigh. After salmon glue was rubbed in to make the - fibers stick together, the string was stretched by tying a rock to one - end and allowing it to hang down from some support. A tassel ... of - mole skin might be attached to the end of the bow for decoration.... - - [Illustration: Indian Jack Harding after photo by Williams - - “Montgomery Creek” Indian, part white—good archer - - An Atsugewi type bow characteristically short, broad, sinew backed - and held at 45 degree angle in shooting. Note the painted - decoration] - - “... Flint tipped arrows ... were made of cane or rose and had - foreshafts of Serviceberry, or they might be entirely of Service wood. - Cane arrows ... with a sharp-pointed foreshaft of Serviceberry were - commonly used for small animals and birds. Such arrows might be - unfeathered ... (an informant) recalled a bird arrow ... with a barbed - wooden point. Deer-bone pointed arrows were sometimes used for killing - deer and other game. Voegelin reports that these arrows were also - sometimes barbed. Flint-tipped arrows were about thirty inches long - ... arrows for small game were somewhat shorter than flint-tipped - arrows ... the wood was ordinarily dried before it was used. The end - of the Serviceberry foreshaft was cut into a dowel which was inserted - in the soft pithy center of the main shaft, the juncture being wrapped - with sinew. A notch one-fourth of an inch deep was cut in the butt. A - laterally notched obsidian arrow point was inserted in the split end - of the foreshaft and bound on with cross lashings of sinew. The - binding was ordinarily waterproofed with pitch. - - “Two small grooved pumice stones were used to smooth arrow shafts. The - foreshaft was painted red as an indication that poison had been - applied to the point. Other bands or stripes of color toward the nock - end of the arrow served as ownership marks ... the stripes might run - spirally as on a stick of candy ... all kinds of colors being used for - painting arrows. Feathers were split along the midrib and were glued - to the shaft, about a finger’s width below the butt, with pitch. Sinew - wrapping bound down each end of the feathers, three of which—about - four inches long—were used to an arrow. The edge of the feather was - burned smooth with a hot coal. Feathers of hawks or similar birds were - used on ordinary arrows, but for the finest arrows—those to be used - for bear and deer—eagle feathers were employed. An arrow wrench of - bone or wood was used for straightening arrows; or they might simply - be straightened by using the teeth as a vise. A flat antelope horn - might be perforated and used as an arrow wrench.... (John La Mar) had - a small triangular stone with a hole in the center ... which, he said - was heated in the fire and used for straightening cane arrows. - - [Illustration: Maidu bow 40 inches long and two inches wide, deer - sinew backed and painted with powdered greenish rock from Oregon - mixed with Salmon glue. Two arrows are obsidian tipped. (after - Dixon)] - - “Although the flint points themselves were considered poisonous, an - arrow poison was often used for larger game as well as in war. The - usual method of making poison was to take the liver or pancreas of a - deer and allow it to rot; the material was then smeared on the arrow - point....” - -Rattlesnake poison was also employed; however none of the poisoned arrow -concoctions were very effective except to start infection of wounds -inflicted by arrow points so treated. - - [Illustration: Painted Atsugewi bows (after Garth)] - - a. Goose Valley, design in red (Apwaruge) - b. Goose Valley, design in red (Apwaruge) - c. Drawn by Dave Brown (Atsuge) with outer lines red, inner lines - green - -Arrow points found in the park area, in the territory of both Atsugewi -and mountain Maidu are most frequently of obsidian, but sometimes are of -a dense dull black basalt lava. The term flint is a very loose one, -being applied to obsidian, chert, opal, chalcedony, and even to the -dense basalt, noted above, in common usage. - -Mountain Maidu imported yew wood as this did not commonly grow in their -own territory. This tribe, however, also manufactured its own bows. In -practically all respects bow and arrow design and execution were -identical to that of the Atsugewi. Those of Yana and Yahi were similar -too. All tribes of the Lassen area fashioned arrow points with barbs. In -addition mountain Maidu flaked points without barbs but with basal stems -for attachment were made. - - - MOUNTAIN MAIDU STONE POINTS - - [Illustration: Dull black obsidian much more convex on one side than - on the other. From near Corral Meadow; one and one half inches.] - - [Illustration: Black obsidian near Little Willow Lake; one and one - half inches long.] - - [Illustration: Dense black basalt from Terminal Geyser; one and five - eighths inches.] - - [Illustration: Black obsidian near Little Willow Lake, one inch - long.] - - - ATSUGEWI KNIFE (?) AND ARROW POINT - - [Illustration: Black obsidian spear point or knife from south shore - of Summit Lake; four inches.] - - [Illustration: Dark gray banded point from Northeast shore Snag - Lake; two inches.] - - - SOUTHERN YANA POINTS - - [Illustration: Dark gray obsidian point from Battle Creek Meadows. - Note unusually strong asymmetry in two planes; one inch long.] - - [Illustration: Coarse gray lava knife (?) from Battle Creek Meadows; - Three and one half inches long.] - -The bow was most frequently held in shooting at an angle of about 45 -degrees with the arrow on top. Mountain Maidu used that style, too, or -else held the bow horizontally with the arrow on top except in case of -war when the arrow was held on the underside of the bow. Gifford and -Klimak reveal that northern and central Yana held the bow horizontally. -Sapir and Spier found that the Yana tribes proper (not Yahi), however -held bows vertically in shooting. All tribes considered except Yahi used -the primary release of the arrow in shooting. In this method the arrow -was held between the index and third fingers, which caught and pulled -back the string. The thumb held the other side of the arrow. The Yahi, -on the other hand used the Mongolian release; grasping the arrow with -the thumb and unbent first joints of the first and second fingers. - - [Illustration: Maidu bone arrow point flaker about ten inches long - (after Dixon)] - - “... the arrow was let fly between the index and third finger of the - left hand, which held the bow. Many arrow points were uniface and - curved slightly to one side.... A hunter, when shooting at a distant - object, turned the arrow so that the point curved up; when shooting an - object close by, he turned the arrow so that the point curved down. A - hunter carried at least one arrow in his left hand with his bow. Extra - arrows were carried in a quiver ... (made of) coyote, raccoon, or - other skins. Ordinarily the hunter carried his quiver on his back, but - if he wanted to be able to reach the arrows easily, he hung it on his - ... shoulder so that it fell under his left armpit. Arrows were taken - from the quiver with the right hand.” - -Inside the quiver, at the bottom, a cushion of dry grass was placed to -prevent the stone points from chipping each other. - - [Illustration: Maidu arrow-straightener and smoother of sandstone - about three inches long (after Dixon)] - - - YAHI STONE POINTS - - [Illustration: Nearly colorless obsidian south of Sulphur Works; - three quarters inch.] - - [Illustration: Off-white chalcedony point south of Sulphur Works - area; one and one half inches.] - - [Illustration: Black obsidian one and one quarter inches long and a - full one half inch thick.] - - [Illustration: Three inch point of coarse gray lava from Mill Creek - Canyon.] - - [Illustration: Black obsidian. South of Sulphur Works, one and one - half inches.] - - - [Illustration: Yana arrow points one and one half to two inches - long. The materials used are mostly black obsidian, also dark grey - and buff obsidian. One is of dense black basalt.] - - [Illustration: A pair of Yana arrow smoother and straightening - stones made of porous glassy (pre-Lassen?) dacite pumice, length - about two and one half inches] - -War clubs were not used. Atsugewi claim to have had a stone axe, -sharpened by chipping and lashed with sinew to a split oak or -mountain-mahogany handle a foot or so long. It was used for chopping -roots and small trees on occasion, but the stone axe was certainly not -widely used by California Indians, and even among Atsugewi it may have -been unknown until the coming of white man, or knowledge of it may have -been gained from Plains Indians after the advent of the horse. The -tomahawk, so important to Indians of eastern and midwestern North -America, was unknown to California Indians. Trees were normally felled -and cut by controlled burning. - -Four-foot spears, tipped with large flaked stone points for fighting at -close quarters, were used by all local tribes on occasion, but were not -numerous. Only the Yana are believed to have thrown the weapon; the more -common usage seems to have been by energetically thrusting it. - -Knives or daggers as fighting implements were made of chipped obsidian -but were quite rare. A short, crude, one edged, stone knife was used -widely as a general utility implement, but not in combat nor in killing -game. Yana Indians also employed a mussel shell knife for light delicate -work around camp. Atsugewi and mountain Maidu sometimes affixed wooden -handles to their obsidian knives. These two tribes also fashioned knives -of sharpened bone and horn. - - [Illustration: A wooden arrow straightener from northern California - (Yurok)] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi stone arrow-straightener] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu arrow quiver made of an inside-out - small mammal skin.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi cased fox skin quiver made by slitting - animal’s skin along its hind legs, turning skin inside out, and - finally sewing the mouth and eye openings shut.] - - [Illustration: 4½ inches 7 inches - Maidu stone knives of obsidian, one with a wooden and sinew handle - (after Dixon)] - - [Illustration: A warrior in stick armor and fur helmet] - -Of equipment for warfare, Garth states: - - “Defensive armor included rod armor ..., gowns ... of dried elk or - bear skins, and skin helmets which came down over the forehead and - ears, ‘so a man could just see out of it’. The skin armor extended to - the ankles or lower; it was worn over one shoulder so that it - protected only the side of the body turned toward the enemy. Rod - armor, made of serviceberry withes twined together with buckskin - string, was high enough to come up to the neck under the chin and - extended two or three inches below the belt. The Plains Indian shield, - although found among the Surprise Valley Paiute and other Paiute - tribes to the east, was lacking among the Atsugewi,” and all other - tribes of the Lassen area. - - - - - Chapter XI - BASKETRY AND TEXTILES - - -The outstanding art of the Indians of California was their basketry. In -fact the excellence of California basketry generally is not exceeded -elsewhere in North America. Size varies from that of a pea to that of a -bushel basket. Both weave and ornamentation were very diversified. - -Basketry of the Lassen area, especially that of the Atsugewi and -mountain Maidu, was of good quality. Both coiled and twined types of -basketry (to be described below) were made by mountain Maidu, but the -Atsugewi did not learn the art of coiled basketry from the Maidu until -the early 1900’s. Yana and Yahi wove both types but twined baskets were -by far the more numerous. This is due to the fact that these tribes were -akin to the twining tribes of the north. Close contact with the -neighboring Wintun tribes of the Sacramento Valley resulted in the -addition of limited amount of coiling technique in their basketry making -over the years. - - [Illustration: Technique of the three willow rod (or rib) coiled - basketry (after Otis T. Mason). Note that the lashing strand anchors - the three new ribs “a”, “b”, and “c” to the top rib “d” of the - preceding three “d”, “e”, and “f” group] - - [Illustration: Simple twined basketry technique employs two weft - (lashing) strands, but when overlaying with another material is done - two or more layers will make up each of the strands “a” and “b” - (modified from Otis T. Mason)] - -Coiled basketry itself had some technical variations with which we shall -not concern ourselves. The coiling technique was characteristic of the -central and southern part of the California area. Mountain Maidu used -three willow rods in a parallel group which ran as a core in a -continuous spiral starting at the center of the basket. This was the -warp element. The bundle of three willow ribs was lashed to the -preceding basketry by a strand or weft (filler) of the inner bark of -redbud. This was accomplished by poking an awl through the preceding -row, and separating the stitches. In doing so, the awl was passed under -the topmost of the core or warp of three coiling willow ribs. A redbud -bark strand was then slipped through the awl hole, thus lashing the -three loose willow ribs down by passing the strand around them and -through the next awl hole in the preceding row. Recent Atsugewi coiled -basketry technique is similar in all details, having been learned from -the Maidu. - - [Illustration: Variations of the simple twined basketry technique: - a, method of starting the round root-cleaning basket; b, detail of - side wall of basket showing open work weave. (Garth)] - -Twined basketry consisted of willow ribs radiating from a common center. -These twigs were the warp. The weft of filling and binding stitches were -split pine root strands. Dixon states that mountain Maidu sometimes dyed -pine root black by burying it in mud mixed with charcoal. Pine root was -tightly woven in to make the bottom of the basket which was normally -undecorated. More and more willow ribs were added as the basket became -larger. The willow ribs were curved up when willow rib additions were -decreased. As the sides began to be built up on these twined baskets, -each pine root stitch, both inside and outside, was covered with a -whitish strand of bear-grass or squaw-grass. The tops of baskets were -often left unfinished after the unused willow warps were clipped off. -The basket did not unravel in use. However, the best baskets were -finished by adding a marginal strengthening ring of choke cherry or -willow which was bound to the basket body firmly and neatly, usually by -wrapping with strands of redbud bark. During weaving willow withes were -fastened inside of the basket to help it retain its shape, but these -were removed upon completion of the basket. - - [Illustration: Side outline shapes of Maidu baskets (after Dixon). - The plan of virtually all Maidu baskets was circular. Twined storage - baskets are up to three feet in diameter for holding seed, meal, - etc. Open twined construction was used for storage of whole acorns, - fish, and meat. Flatish circular basketry plaque was for “vibration - sifting”.] - - _FOOD BOWL _STORAGE - DIPPING COOKING_ - GENERAL UTILITY_ - - _FOOD BOWL _STORAGE - DIPPER COOKING_ - GENERAL UTILITY_ - - _COOKING_ _STORAGE - COOKING_ - - _FOOD BOWL _STORAGE - DIPPER COOKING_ - GENERAL UTILITY_ - - _COOKING_ _BURDEN_ - - _FOOD BOWL _STORAGE - DIPPER COOKING_ - GENERAL UTILITY_ - - _TRAYS or large BASKET COVER_ _TRAY or BASKET COVER_ - -Some utility baskets were undecorated, being made merely of pine root -and willow, or, if coiled, of redbud and willow. However, most baskets -bore some designs. They were all named and were inspired by the objects -of nature about these outdoor peoples, and not the product of their -imaginations. Nevertheless, the designs are quite stylized, often to the -extent that recognition of the inspiration is difficult or impossible. - -In the case of twined baskets the designs were made by substituting -outer redbud bark for squaw-grass to produce a dull red instead of the -white overlaid stitches of the rest of the basket. As a result of the -double twining technique the designs were seen equally well on the -inside and the outside of each basket. Black designs were of overlaid -maidenhair fern (_Adiantum pedatum_) stems. However, mountain Maidu also -used common bracken fern (_Pteris aquilinum_) for black designs. Indians -to the north of the Atsugewi used roots and stems of certain sedges -treated with charcoal and mud or with ashes and water to produce -basketry materials of black and of warm henna-brown coloration -respectively. These were used on occasion by Atsugewi. The bear-grass, -redbud, and maidenhair fern decorative materials were most commonly used -by all tribes of this area. Atsugewi are the only local Indians to have -used feathers to adorn their baskets. They used the shiny iridescent -blue-green feathers from the necks of male mallard ducks. This was not -common, however, and by no means used as often nor developed to the fine -art and diversity of the famous Pomo feathered basketry of the Clear -Lake region of the California Coast Range. Atsugewi are also believed to -have occasionally adorned some basketry work with shell beads and -porcupine quills, but this must have been quite rare or more examples -would have survived to the present day. - -Outer bark of redbud almost always decorated coiled baskets. - -Concerning Maidu basketry Dixon states that the vast majority of the -articles are of the coiled type, twining technique being used only for -burden baskets and hopper or grinding baskets. For the radial ribs of -the former they used shoots of hazel (_Corylus rostrata_ var. -_californica_) when available. He points out too, the frequent use of -the feather, quail-tip, and arrow-point designs not only among the -mountain Maidu, but among all Maidu. A characteristic of this group of -Indians also, in contrast to other local tribes, is the tendency to -confine one design to a basket rather than combining designs. Maidu -employed a wide variety of designs. Many of them represent animals and -plants. A considerable number of Maidu patterns exhibit a more or less -obscure realism which becomes apparent only after one is informed as to -what the design means. The Maidu show a tendency also toward arrangement -of design elements in spiral or zigzag lines. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi basket, twined and overlaid with bear-grass - and maiden hair fern.] - - [Illustration: Maidu hopper, pounding, or milling basket of twined - construction on rock mortar slab. Diameter about eighteen inches - (after Dixon).] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi general utility basket of twined - construction with lizard foot design. Underside shown to reveal dark - (actually tan-colored) area of bare split pine root weft without - bear-grass or maiden hair overlay.] - - [Illustration: Coiled type Atsugewi hopper basket with flying geese - design. View shows pounding hole in bottom of basket, in this case - bound with buckskin.] - -Dixon noted that “mussel’s tongue” (the fresh water mussel) is one of -the unique and peculiar basketry designs used by the Atsugewi. -Representation of intestines and deer excrement are also worthy of -special mention for this tribe. Other common Atsugewi designs in -basketry decoration are lizard, deer rib, owl’s claw, and flying geese, -as well as arrow-point. Two or more different designs are often combined -on a single basket. Among Atsugewi and Achomawi there seems to be no -restriction of certain patterns to baskets intended for special uses. -Like mountain Maidu, zigzag and spiral arrangements are preferred, -horizontal bands being rare. Curiously an Atsugewi design is often given -different meaning by different individual Indians. This is in contrast -to the uniformity of interpretation of a given design by all the Maidu -individuals, normally. - - [Illustration: Maidu open twined “tray” or plate-like basket about - ten inches long (after Dixon)] - -Yana tribes frequently substituted another material for willow ribs. The -identity of this warp is not certain. Reliable students believe it to be -hazelnut twigs, but to my knowledge that plant is scarce indeed even in -the foothill territory. Yana and Yahi had some other peculiarities in -their basketry. Designs were sometimes wrought in a negative way, that -is by merely leaving off overlay so that the design was thereby defined -in exposed pine root weft. Sapir and Spier found that these tribes also -used alder bark for dying basketry decoration materials a red-brown. A -reddish color was produced on peeled shield fern stems by passing them -through the mouth while chewing dogwood bark. They dyed pine roots, too, -on occasion with a red soil or with the powdery filling of spores from -the inside of a fungus obtained from certain coniferous trees. These -variations of basketry decoration do not seem to have been used by the -Atsugewi and mountain Maidu. - - [Illustration: Maidu fish-teeth design on coiled basket.] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu geese-flying design on coiled basket.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi lizard’s claw or lizard’s foot design.] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu mountains designs on twined baskets. - The right hand treatment may be repeated in reverse to the right - making a symmetrical pyramid shaped design outline.] - - [Illustration: An interesting unsymmetrical flower design.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi intestines.] - -The basketry described above was all close-woven. In fact, so closely -were the twined baskets made that they held water with little or no -leakage even without linings of pitch or any other substance. There was -no pottery of any kind in central or northern California. - -The art of basketry included also a third type—loose or open weaving, -sometimes of tules. The latter were also used extensively for making -mats for a variety of purposes. Open weaving at other times was done -with willow withes, split juniper twigs, or of another material -tentatively identified as hazel. Fish traps, carrying baskets, some -storage baskets, and bags were not infrequently of this type of -construction. - -All basketry materials had to be well soaked in water, as they were -brittle when dry. After weaving and upon drying these materials set in -place, making the basketry firm, strong, and resistant to unraveling. - -Collection of basketry materials was more arduous and required greater -know-how than might be suspected. Willow withes were only taken from the -particularly strong and supple shoots from Hinds or valley willow -(_Salix hindsiana_) which grows along stream banks up to 3000 foot -elevations and also from the similar sandbar, river, or grey willow -(_Salix fluviatilis_ variety _argyrophylla_) which also lines streams, -often growing in sandbars. These species are recognized by their long -very narrow silvery leaves and a grey bark, furrowed when mature. Willow -twigs were collected when the leaves were off of the stems in the spring -and in the fall. At other times the twigs were more brittle. Spring -picked willow withes “slipped” their bark easily, but those collected in -the fall had to be scraped to remove the bark. The willow ribs were -further dressed by scraping to uniform size. - -Pine roots of either ponderosa pine (_Pinus ponderosa_) or digger pine -(_Pinus sabiniana_) were usually used. However not all trees had roots -of suitable strength and flexibility, so that it was necessary to “shop -around” for good roots. This involved digging holes to reach the roots -and then testing these by tugging on small strands until suitable roots -were located. Roots three or four inches in diameter were then cut off -with a small obsidian axe, if the individual were so fortunate as to -possess this rarity, or by using a sort of bone pick, or, more commonly, -by slowly burning through the green root with a small fire. Root lengths -of about four feet were gathered, taken home, and there roasted in hot -ashes. This made the pine roots very soft. They were then split into -quarters with digging sticks or stone choppers and finally were pulled -apart into thin strips using hands and teeth. The resulting half inch -wide strips were tied into bundles for storage. In use, these strips -were well soaked in water. Pine root strands of proper width were easily -split off by hand. The finer and smaller the basketry to be done, -naturally, the narrower was the material split for making it. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi twined basket, deer-rib and arrow point - designs. Both are frequently used.] - - [Illustration: Pit River (used by Dixon to include Atsugewi) popular - mussels’ tongue designs.] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu mountain-and-cloud design on coiled - basket.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi pine cone design] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi deer-gut design on twined basket—also a - popular pattern.] - - [Illustration: Another Atsugewi version of deer-gut design on twined - basket.] - - [Illustration: Pit River (applied by Dixon to include also the - Atsugewi) deer excrement designs.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi flint design] - -The chief overlay material—already mentioned—was what we call bear-grass -or squaw-grass. In truth this is not grass, but the leaf of a lily, the -well known bear-grass of Mount Rainier National Park, scientifically -known as _Xerophylum tenax_. This grows only in limited areas in this -region, hence Atsugewi had to make long trips on foot to obtain it. In -recent years, at least, bear-grass was to be found only in the territory -of the Shasta and of the mountain Maidu: a few miles west of Mount -Shasta and near Greenville in Plumas County. Bear-grass could be -collected only during about two weeks in mid-July. Earlier it was too -tender; later it was too brittle “like hay”. Only new central leaves of -each plant were plucked. The heavy mid-rib had to be removed from each -leaf with an awl before use. - -Maidenhair fern frond stems were picked in August. - -Redbud twigs collected in the spring would “slip” the red outer bark -easily in a thin layer. This was used for overlay pattern making on -twined baskets. The white inner bark, or, more properly, sapwood was -then stripped off for binding material and as the white lashing weft for -coiled baskets. In the case of fall-collected redbud twigs the red outer -bark adhered to the sapwood. This was used as the lashing strand or weft -where red designs were desired on coiled baskets. - -Apwaruge, the eastern division of the Atsugewi, often made baskets of -tules. These were more flexible, softer baskets than those made by the -westerners, the Atsuge, and so there was considerable exchange of -baskets between the two divisions of the Atsugewi. - -Atsugewi occasionally made openwork baskets from split juniper too, -especially for low scoop-shaped, round, or oval baskets for fishing, -root cleaning, et cetera, but as indicated earlier, willow ribs were -used for this purpose also. - - [Illustration: (Yana) dogs ears] - - [Illustration: Probably Yana House design] - - [Illustration: Maidu quail tip design widely used but only on coiled - baskets.] - - [Illustration: (Yana) crane’s leg] - - [Illustration: (Atsugewi) meadow lark] - - [Illustration: (Achomawi) flying geese or pine cone - (Yana) pine cone] - - [Illustration: Maidu earthworm design on a coiled basket.] - - [Illustration: Maidu bushes design on a coiled basket.] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu duck’s-wing design on a coiled - basketry plaque.] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) diamond - (Yana) wolf’s eye] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu eye design.] - - [Illustration: (Atsugewi) flint or arrowhead] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) watersnake (?) - (Yana) bushes] - - [Illustration: (Yana) bats] - - [Illustration: Maidu design, probably sugar pine tree.] - - [Illustration: A continuing zig-zag arrow feather design widely and - frequently used by Maidu in coiled basketry, sometimes this was - combined with the quail tip pattern.] - - [Illustration: Single and double arrow point designs—the most - commonly used of all Maidu patterns. It was relatively easy to make - and very versatile.] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) big tongues - (Yana) intestines] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) quail tip - (Yana) root digger] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) mountain - (Yana) root digger hand] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) earthworm - (Yana) intestines] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) earthworm - (Yana) intestines] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) mountain - (Yana) root digger hand] - - [Illustration: (Achomawi) mountain or bear’s foot - (Yana) root digger hand] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) vine - (Yana) geese] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) rattlesnake - (Yana) geese] - - [Illustration: (Wintun) sucker tail - (Yana) long worms in rotten wood.] - - [Illustration: (Yana) wolf’s eye] - -Basket styles varied little among the several tribes of the Lassen -region. Bottle shapes were never made until after the coming of white -man. Cooking baskets were bowl-shaped with high, convexly curved sides, -sometimes nearly globular in form. Baskets from which food was eaten -individually and general utility baskets were similarly shaped but -smaller. Boiling baskets were sometimes without decoration; their -dimensions of height and width were about equal. Storage baskets also -had about the same shape, curving less, sometimes, but were large, being -three feet or more in size. Some were of open work, but usually they -were of close or tight weaving. - -Flattish bowls or somewhat curved trays were used for food platters as -well as for winnowing, parching, and cleaning foods by chafing. Some -were of open weave made of willow or hazel (?) only while others were -closely woven. - -Basketry acorn grinding hoppers also called milling baskets or pounding -baskets, were usually regular twined baskets of suitable size and shape: -wide mouthed bowl or funnel-shaped. Having no central point from which -to start the warp, because of the open bottoms, hopper baskets were -started by twining three pine root wefts about the bases of many willow -warps to make a circle about five inches in diameter. Additional warps -were built up on the radiating ribs, proceeding then in the normal -manner of twining. Twined hopper baskets were usually reinforced by -lashing one or two strong rings of willow or serviceberry withes. They -might also be bound with buckskin along the bottom edges for improved -strength and durability as well as to decrease loss of acorn meal during -the pounding process. In recent years both mountain Maidu and Atsugewi, -also used coiling technique in making hopper baskets, for which purpose -it is well suited. - -A recent innovation among Atsugewi has been the covering of bottles with -basketry and also the weaving of oblong shaped closely twined and coiled -baskets, as well as goblet shaped creations. - - According to Garth, the seed beater “... was a paddle-shaped implement - from one and a half to two feet long with a willow warp and open work - twining, also of willow (spaced at three quarters of an inch between - rows) across the blade. The handle was wrapped either with willow - strips or with buckskin.” - -Another important use of basketry was in the construction of cradle -boards, or more properly, basket cradles. These are generally known to -present day Americans by the incorrect term papoose baskets. The cradle -basket is discussed under the heading “Birth and Babies”. - - [Illustration: (Yurok) flint - (Yana) zigzagging] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) quail-tip - (Yana) “sitting up in a series”] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) vine - (Yana) “braided”] - - [Illustration: (Yana) mussels] - - [Illustration: (Maidu) earthworm - (Yana) “braided”] - - [Illustration: (Yana) mountains] - - [Illustration: (Yurok) “sitting” - (Yana) “zigzagging and turning back”] - - [Illustration: (Yana) wolf’s eye] - - [Illustration: (Yana) trout or salmon tails] - - [Illustration: (Yana) flint] - - [Illustration: (Yana) guts] - - [Illustration: (Atsugewi) skunk’s ear] - -Beautifully made basketry caps for women, finely twined, spreading -bowl-shaped affairs were made by all tribes of the Lassen area. These -were nicely decorated on the bottoms—or rather tops—as well as on the -sides, a feature lacking on all other types of local baskets. Another -unique feature of the basketry cap was the fact that the inside of the -hat was abraded by rubbing so that none of the pattern remained visible -because all of the overlay on the inside had been worn away. It is -suspected that this made the inside of the hat less slippery on the hair -so that it did not slip off the head so easily. Removal of the -decoration from the inside of the basketry cap in no way altered the -appearance or permanence of the outside decorative patterns. - -Mats were woven of viscid bulrush, more commonly called tule stalks -(_Scirpus lacustris_ or _acutus_). According to Voegelin, Atsugewi -sometimes sewed these together by piercing them with bone needles. -However the more usual method of manufacture was that of lashing -together the ends of parallel tule stalks laid next to each other. This -was done with double cords or strands in the regular simple twining -manner which shows up well in the sketch of Atsugewi tule leggings. Such -mats were extensively used as bed mats or mattresses, as earth wall -coverings, as doorway and ventilator hole hangings, and so on by all of -the tribes of the Lassen region. Mountain Maidu also employed -broad-leaved cat-tail (_Typha latifolia_) or narrow-leaved cat-tail -(_Typha angustifolia_) for such purposes on occasion. This tribe also -appears to have used a string weft in making at least some of the mats. - - - - - Chapter XII - TANNING, CORDAGE, AND GLUE - - -Mountain Maidu buried bear skins in wet ground, but hides generally were -soaked about a week in water by local Indians. Mountain Maidu used ashes -to help dehair skins other than deer, but this was not a practice common -to other tribes. Stone, or more frequently, shaped deer rib or pelvic -bones were used as dehairing scraper tools on skins. The hide was draped -over an inclined post and was soaked and squeezed occasionally during -the process of scraping. - -The tanning agent was a cooked soup of animal brains, particularly those -of deer. This material might first have been mashed, mixed with dry -moss, and then molded into small cakes for drying and storage. The deer -brain agent was well rubbed into the cleaned, soaked skin. It was then -allowed to soak overnight in the tanning solution. The next day while -drying the skin in the sun, the operator stretched and worked the hide -with his hands to make it soft and pliable. - -Among Atsugewi the skin was then smoked over a fire of moist rotten logs -or green juniper boughs burning in a shallow pit. The skin was laid on a -domed framework of willow branches arched over the fire. The hide was -turned occasionally to insure uniform treatment. Mr. Garth believes that -this smoking process was recently learned. It was not generally -practiced by neighboring tribes, but produced superior buckskin which -resisted stiffening as a result of subsequent wetting. Even Atsugewi did -not smoke other skins. - - [Illustration: Nets. a, b, stages in net making; c, tule float; d, - net shuttle.] - -Men did all this work as well as the hunting, skinning, and fashioning -of garments from hides. Skins were sewn with bone awls and deer sinew -thread which was made by rolling fine deer sinew strands on the thigh -with the open hand. - - [Illustration: Net making shuttle about fourteen inches long (after - Dixon)] - - [Illustration: The usual Maidu knot for nets (after Dixon)] - - [Illustration: Carrying net] - -Like other local tribes, the Maidu used many woven skin blankets. These -were fashioned from one inch strips of rabbit fur, especially, but also -of the skins of wildcat, cougar, geese, or crows. These were not tanned -so that upon drying they twisted or curled like the strands of a rope -with the fur or feather side out. Ends were tied together to form a long -fur or feather covered rope. This was wound about two poles set upright -in the ground six feet or so apart to form the warp for the blanket. -More of the same material was then woven up and down as weft to produce -a soft and very warm skin blanket which was also quite durable. When -bird skins were employed a cord core was threaded thru the center of the -twisted strands before weaving for greater strength. - -Mountain Maidu also did feather work like that of the Atsugewi, however -foothill and valley Maidu did so to a greater extent and of a more -elaborate nature. - -Willow, serviceberry, and redbud withes, and at lower elevations, -lengths of wild grape vines were used for tying purposes. However, -Indians also had need for strong and more versatile and more durable -string, cord, and rope. These were usually made from vegetable fibers. -Atsugewi and mountain Maidu used Indian hemp and milkweed but not nettle -or iris fibers as did some other tribes. When mature, but before they -became old and brittle, the plants were collected and dried, stripped of -leaves, and the flesh was scraped and pounded off leaving the free -fibers. String was made by placing two small bundles of fibers parallel -and close together on the thigh of the leg. These were rolled up into -two strands side by side with one stroke of the open hand moving either -up or down the thigh. On the return stroke the two separate and now -twisted strands were twisted together into one string. Stout cord was -made by repeating the process, substituting two strings for the two -bundles of loose fibers this time. To make rope the process was repeated -several times, successively doubling the cordage product. As the cordage -strands were twined together, the product was held in the left hand, the -rolling being done by the right hand on the right thigh. - -Nets of good quality were fabricated in a variety of mesh sizes, the -uniformity of which was controlled by use of squarish wooden blocks. -Shuttles to hold the string for net tying were straight pieces of wood -notched at each end and into which the strand was wrapped. As has been -pointed out, nets were used chiefly for hunting, fishing, and carrying, -although small nets were often worn in the hair by men. - -Adhesives were important in the economy of the Indians too. Pine pitch -and glue made from the skins of fish were used. A solution of the latter -was mixed by the mountain Maidu with certain internal organs of fish and -boiled vegetable materials to improve the quality of their glue. - - - - - Chapter XIII - TRANSPORTATION - - -It was the lack of transportation rather than the existence of any which -was important to the aboriginal Americans. This was responsible for the -degree of isolation which was required to produce the variety of customs -and languages in most parts of the “New World”. Introduction of the -horse in historic times materially changed the habits of Plains Indians. -Likewise the somewhat aggressive Modoc tribe to the north of the Pit -River, whose conflict with the whites has been memorialized in Lava Beds -National Monument today, became mobile, even prior to the gold rush -days, through use of the horse. As a result the Modocs made a number of -hit and run raids upon Atsugewi and other tribes and were able to carry -off slaves. This was not the traditional mode of warfare. - -Transportation among Indians was by foot or by water until recent times. -California Indians did not use dogs as beasts of burden as Plains -Indians did and as the Eskimos still do. Women did general hauling; men, -however, did most of the really heavy carrying. Women used the conical -burden basket extensively, but the men did not. Both sexes used the -buckskin pack strap which in the case of mountain Maidu passed over the -top of the head. Atsugewi pack straps went over the forehead and also -over the shoulder across the chest. The brimless basketry cap or hat was -used with the packstrap especially among the women. Heavy loads were -frequently carried by men upon the shoulder; such burdens were often -rolled in mats or animal skins. - -Carrying nets made of twisted fibers were commonly employed by men and -women among local tribes. Atsugewi used a folded buckskin bag sewed at -the edges, with a handle on top, and opening at the side. Yana -manufactured an open-work carrying basket too. - -In this region loads were never carried on the head, but on occasion -might be suspended on a pole and carried between two men. The mountain -Maidu also used a litter for the sick, but Atsugewi carried sick persons -in burden baskets on their backs. - -In rough country crude trails were sometimes built, but this was not a -common practice. Generally trails as such were not constructed, but -where they existed they had developed as the result of long use along -logical routes, in much the same manner as deer and other game trails -develop. - -To cross streams advantage was taken of logs which had fallen of natural -causes. On occasion single logs were felled by burning to serve as -bridges. Yana at lower elevations frequently had large streams to cross -and smaller trees to utilize. Two logs might be felled parallel and -cross sticks lashed on with grapevine for better footing. - - [Illustration: Boat Types of Native California (not to scale). a, - Yurok (northwestern California) river canoe; b, Klamath - (northeastern California) canoe; c, tule balsa.] - - [Illustration: Distribution of Types of Native California Boat.] - - a, Dugout canoe - b, Dugout canoe - c, Tule balsa - - [Illustration: Atsugewi dug-out canoe on Hat Creek] - -In swimming most Indians used a pseudo-breast stroke or swam on their -backs with a frog style stroke. Atsugewi also did a “dog paddle” keeping -arms under water. Mountain Maidu used swimming techniques which embraced -principles like those of white man’s side stroke and crawl. They jumped -into the water feet first in preference to headfirst diving. When -swimming under water to collect crawfish or mussels a rock was often -tied loosely to the back. - -Water transportation was not of the same degree of importance to the -tribes of the Lassen region that it was to Sacramento Valley, Coastal, -and Northwestern Indians. Nevertheless Atsugewi used sharp or blunt -ended canoes while that of the mountain Maidu had a shovel-like prow and -stern. These were made from pine logs, usually windfalls about two feet -in diameter and had a capacity of two to four persons. The logs were -hollowed out by controlled burning so that the walls were an inch or two -thick. Pitch was rubbed onto portions needing more burning. Water or mud -were used to check burning and the charred wood was scraped out with -rough angular stones. Local dugout canoes were rather crude affairs. -Cracking of the wood was prevented by keeping the boats wet. They were -propelled by an unadorned poling rod or by a single bladed square-ended -paddle about three feet long. A raft, consisting of three or four logs -lashed together, was used as well by all local tribes and propelled by -poling. - -Atsugewi had another type of craft: the tule balsa—a five foot long -raised prow affair made of bundles of tules lashed together. It might be -poled or else pushed by a swimmer. Often this raft-like boat was towed -by a rope of willow. Atsugewi occasionally ferried children or goods in -baskets, while among mountain Maidu swimmers carried children on their -backs and carried goods in one hand, raised above the water level, -swimming with the other hand. - - - - - Chapter XIV - DOMESTICATED ANIMALS AND PETS - - -We are apt to think of Indians, especially Plains Indians, riding horses -as part of the natural prehistoric scene, yet this was not the case. -Although fossil remains in the rocks show clearly the development of the -horse over a period of several millions of years on this continent, the -horse, the camel, and the rhinoceros—to mention but a few of the -spectacular mammals—became extinct on the American continents before the -advent of prehistoric man. American Indians had never seen a horse until -the coming of the Spanish to the New World in 1540. Likewise domestic -cattle, sheep, goats, and chickens were unknown to the aborigines. - -The dog was widely distributed, however. Some tribes had large as well -as small dogs of a variety of colors. In the Lassen area the dogs were -all about the size of small coyotes, mostly with fairly short hair, but -there are some reports of long haired dogs. Typically the dogs had small -rather erect and pointed ears. Coloration was chiefly fawn colored to -brown. Amongst Atsugewi, dogs were usually quite numerous, but certain -villages seem to have had only a few. In such cases and among the -mountain Maidu, who generally had only few dogs, they were borrowed for -hunting. Dogs were almost always named. - -Dogs served to warn their owners of the approach of strangers to the -village or camp. Mountain Maidu taught their dogs not to bark, but to -“sniff” conspicuously as a signal of stranger approach. - -Tribes of the Lassen area did not normally keep dogs in their dwelling -houses. Atsugewi built separate, domed, bark-covered dog houses, and -mountain Maidu built two kinds of shelters for their dogs. One was a -subterranean earth-covered dog house, and the other a conical affair of -bark slab type construction. - -Dogs were widely used in hunting. They were efficient in catching -rodents and other small mammals such as ground hogs. They were also -useful for treeing mountain lions and were adept at bringing down -wounded deer by jumping up and seizing the deers’ ears. - -Dogs were not often eaten by tribes in this section of California. Upon -death, dogs were not buried, but the bodies were merely thrown out. - -Upon death of the dog’s owner, among Atsugewi, the dog was retained by -the widow, but among mountain Maidu the dog was suspended in a tree -because “It makes dog’s spirit glad”! Although not being generally -considered in this account, it is curious that among Modoc and eastern -Achomawi dogs were burned at the deaths of their owners. - -Bear cubs were commonly kept. Atsugewi also kept fawns and other small -mammals as pets. Birds of various sorts were kept by certain tribes. -Atsugewi plucked or cut wings of birds, especially of eagles whose -feathers were prized for arrow making, and for ceremonial and decorative -purposes. - - - - - Chapter XV - CLOTHING - - -The members of all tribes, especially the Yana and Yahi, went bareheaded -much of the time. However, basketry caps nearly hemispherical in shape -and of fine tightly twined weave were worn regularly by Indian women. -The caps were probably worn to prevent chafing of the pack straps -originally, but Atsugewi women wore them most of the time. Such hats -were well decorated with overlaid designs typical of the tribes under -consideration. Those of Yana and Yahi were usually of tule with black -and white overlay. Mountain Maidu made some coiled basketry caps, not -infrequently employing tules or reeds. - -Men of all our tribes wore fur headbands on occasion and among Atsugewi, -fur or buckskin caps too, especially in winter, when shallow bucket -shaped skin hats of coyote, raccoon, mink and the like afforded -protection against the rather intense cold. - -Eyeshades attached to a band around the head were worn by some Yana -women so as not to see their sons-in-law! Atsugewi men and possibly -others might wear side blinds when spearing fish at night to keep torch -light out of their eyes. - -Children up to about six years of age ran about naked, and often the -older men and women did likewise, particularly among the Maidu. - -Buckskin dresses were worn to some extent by the women of most local -tribes. The mountain Maidu dress was tied at both shoulders and tied or -belted at the waist. The garment was provided with flaps over the upper -arms but lacked sleeves. Buckskin dresses were worn by some Indian women -rich in worldly goods, and usually for special occasions. Recent -buckskin dresses, of course, are sewn on sewing machines, neatly -tailored, and follow the general pattern of the conventional dress, -including regular sleeves. - -In normal everyday garb Indian women were naked above the waist. A -wrap-around skirt, or, more frequently two narrow or wide aprons were -worn. Sometimes one apron went around the hips, being tied in back and -provided with a buckskin flap which covered the wearer’s buttocks. The -Indian women’s aprons were commonly made of shredded incense-cedar, -willow, or juniper bark, or of tules. In the case of Yana and Yahi -women, frequently grass or shredded, spring-gathered, broad-leaf maple -bark were used. The latter was a favorite valley Maidu skirt material. -The double aprons might however be made of whole buckskin or of strips -or cords of buckskin, and in winter furs might be used for the purpose. -The double apron is recognized as the standard garb of California Indian -women. That of the Maidu was often very narrow, being not much more than -a front and a rear tassel. - - [Illustration: A beautiful old Shasta buckskin woman’s wrap-around - apron ornamented with tan, black, and red vegetable fiber bound - slitting in the manner of coarse modern hemstitching, with strings - of olivella shells and shaped abalone pendants, and finished on the - bottom with long buckskin fringes. The garment is much like the more - pretentious aprons described for Atsugewi.] - - [Illustration: Detail of ornamentation on the Shasta buckskin apron] - - [Illustration: Mountain Maidu woman’s tassel-type of shredded bark - apron, about twenty two inches long. Some such aprons were - considerably wider (after Dixon).] - - [Illustration: Woman’s basketry cap probably Atsugewi or Shasta. - Note the design placed on top as well as on the sides of the basket, - in contrast to other types of baskets. The bottoms of which are - devoid both of design and overlay materials and so present an - unadorned pine-root surface.] - -Women’s casual aprons and other clothing were not highly ornamented, but -“dress-up” clothes might be fairly elaborately trimmed. Fringing of -buckskin, spangles of shell money and ornaments, strings of shell beads, -pine nuts, deer hoofs, and special white grass fringes commonly -decorated their better clothes. - -In the summer some men, and particularly old ones wore nothing at all. -Most others wore very little clothing besides a sort of loin covering of -buckskin or fur which went between the legs and was held in place back -and front by a belt about the waist. A crude buckskin shirt without -sleeves was sometimes used. - -During winter above aprons, skirts, or loin covering other garments were -worn. Then men commonly wore the sleeveless buckskin shirt. Both sexes -usually wore robes of woven rabbit skins (usually imported by the -Atsugewi), or made of deer or bear fur and worn with the hair side -inside. Or else the robes were of a patchwork of small mammal skins sewn -together. These same robes were frequently used for bedding at night. As -a matter of fact almost any sort of skins available might be used as -robes. These were tied on in a variety of ways. The wearers must have -presented a rather motley appearance. On occasion small poncho style -robes with a central hole for the head and neck clothed the upper bodies -of local Indians during cold weather. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi fringed buckskin dress of pioneer period] - - [Illustration: An Atsugewi legging made of lashing tules together - with a simple twining stitch] - - [Illustration: Maidu buckskin moccasin about eleven inches long - (after Dixon)] - -Thumbless mittens were made of cased skins of weasels, rats or small -cottontail rabbits and tied at the wrist with a thong. Atsugewi also -utilized their fur-lined quivers as muffs when hunting. - -California Indians spent much of the time barefoot, but wore buckskin -moccasins at war, on long hunts or journeys. Different styles were made -by each of the local tribes. None, however, were normally decorated. -Mountain Maidu also made moccasins of fur with the hair side in, and -Atsugewi stuffed pounded grass or grass into their footwear or wore -grass or tule slippers inside their moccasins during the winter. Maidu -put soft grass or sedges in their moccasins for added warmth. An extra -sole of tougher leather such as elkskin was sometimes sewn onto the -moccasin, but this was not customary. - -Occasionally open sandals held on by three or four thongs were worn by -Atsugewi and Yana. - - [Illustration: Maidu snowshoe with raw-hide lashings] - - [Illustration: Snowshoe of about eighteen inches in diameter (after - Dixon)] - -Knee length leggings of various materials were common in winter. These -were tied on with buckskin strips at ankle and knee. Yana used -hip-length pantleg type leggings held on with waist bands. Atsugewi -sometimes employed fur pieces, twined tule, or spiral wrap-around fur -strip leggings. Maidu used deerhide leggings with the hair side inside. -These went from ankles to above the knees where they were tied, and were -held close to the leg by an outside spirally wound thong from top to -bottom. - -Snowshoes were a necessity too in the rigorous climate of even the lower -portions of the areas inhabited by tribes of the Lassen area, -particularly in those of the Atsugewi and mountain Maidu. Snowshoes of -the former Indians were circular in plan; those of the latter were oval. -Snowshoes were fashioned from small green wooden limbs shaped while hot, -and then crisscrossed with strips of buckskin or hide with the fur side -down for better traction. Atsugewi used green juniper limbs for the -purpose. Since the whole foot was bound firmly to this footgear, there -was no heel play as in the case of white mans’ snowshoes. - - - - - Chapter XVI - BEAUTY AND PERSONAL GROOMING - - - Of Atsugewi standards of beauty Garth states: “The ideal woman was - short but plump and solidly built so that she could do much work. A - slim woman was considered too weak, and a very tall woman was made fun - of and called lohkata (stick woman). Heavy breasts, a straight slim - nose, large eyes, long black hair, and small feet were all admirable - qualities. A girl with big feet was likely to be lazy, also a small - foot was desirable because it would not take so large a moccasin. A - mother pressed her girl child’s foot together to make it slender. The - ideal man was of average height and was heavy set. If a child had a - flat nose, his mother pinched it and tried to give it a higher bridge. - Bow legs, it was said, might be straightened by the mother when the - child was young. Also a child’s ears were pressed against his head; if - the ears stood out, this was thought to indicate poor hearing. A slim - hand indicated a lazy person; a short stubby hand signified a good - worker.” - -Garth also comments to the effect that evidently the ideals of Indian -beauty had a very practical basis. The same general criteria of beauty -and desirability of women seem to have prevailed among the other tribes -of this region also, but Yana preferred a rather flat and broad faced -feminine beauty. - -The hair of both men and women among California Indians was generally -worn long. The tribes of the Lassen area were no exception. However, -bangs on the forehead were known. Boys and girls let their hair hang -loosely, except that Atsugewi sometimes cut small boys’ hair short to -make it grow better later. - -Women usually parted their hair in the middle wearing it in two hanks, -one hanging in front of each shoulder. Each was tied with a piece of -rawhide. Women of Yana tribes often used strips of otter or mink fur for -the purpose as did some Atsugewi. Yana women might add further -decoration in the form of a small string of shell beads. Atsugewi women -might paint their scalps at the part in the hair with red paint. - -The male Indian tied his hair in a bunch which hung down the back. All -local tribes, except mountain Maidu, seem also to have frequently used a -small mesh hairnet made of plant fibers with a buckskin band to hold a -man’s hair in a sort of roll at the back of his head. Maidu called the -net wee-kah. In preparation for war or for the hunt Yana men coiled -their hair on their heads with well defined top knots. For dances and -other special events, male Maidu and Yana, if rich, wore mesh bonnets -thickly covered with white eagle down feathers tied in so that the net -strands were not visible. Bone hairpins were sometimes used among Yana -and mountain Maidu men. - - [Illustration: Men’s hair net type of cap worn by adult males of all - Lassen area tribes, the wearer’s long hair being piled on top of the - head when worn as in upper sketch (after Dixon) with the loose - excess net allowed to fall straight down behind.] - - _NET_ - _BUCKSKIN_ - _DRAWSTRING_ - _CORD_ - -Adults cut their hair off with stone knives to show grief and mourning -when relatives died. Both men and women cropped their hair closely, but -mountain Maidu women sometimes only trimmed it off to shoulder length. -Singeing instead of cutting the hair was sometimes resorted to. - -For combing the hair, Atsugewi might use a single stick, a pine cone, or -a teasle burr. Mountain Maidu might use stiff pine needles, but the item -most commonly used by all tribes for the purpose was the porcupine tail. -The animal’s tail was skinned out, stuffed with grass, and sewed shut at -the open end. Sharp ends of the porcupine quills were blunted with hot -stones. - -Hair was not dyed in this region. It was, however, rubbed with animal -fat or bone marrow to make it look nicer by aboriginal standards. -Atsugewi are said to have perfumed their hair on occasion with aromatic -plant foliage. Hair and body lice were not uncommon; these were hunted -and removed by hand. Maidu washed their hair frequently with common -soaproot (_Chlorogalum pomeridianum_). - -Faces of adults were painted for a number of occasions. Black was used -to some extent by both sexes to prevent sunburn and snow-blindness if -long exposure in the bright sun were expected. Although Yana men and -women used red and white paint when dancing, among our other tribes face -paint was used chiefly by men for dances and ceremonies. - - [Illustration: Porcupine tail comb about ten inches long (after - Dixon)] - -Paint pigments were mixed with animal fat, especially deer grease, or -with marrow and applied with the fingers. It was smeared on upper arms, -legs, chest, and cheeks. Atsugewi and mountain Maidu blackened their -eyebrows. Red pigment was either red soil, usually roasted or burned to -make the color brighter, or the spores from a fungus which grows on the -bark of fir trees. The fungus material was dried over a slow fire to -prepare it for use. Black pigment was universally charcoal. Ashes were -not used as white pigment. Students of local tribes state that chalk was -employed for white paint. However, chalk is lacking in the Lassen -vicinity and it is highly probable that the suitable and readily -available white diatomaceous earth deposits were used for this purpose -instead. Atsugewi also used blue color which was obtained in rock form -by trade with their northern Pit River or Achomawi neighbors. - -The light beards which started to grow on male Indians’ faces were -universally removed completely by plucking with the fingers. - -Earlobe and nose piercing was generally practiced by both sexes. Among -Atsugewi rims of their ears as well as the lobes were perforated in some -instances. - -Tattooing was occasionally done by Yana, but not as commonly as among -Atsugewi where women not infrequently wore tattooed vertical lines -across their mouths. Both sexes commonly tattooed their cheeks with -horizontal lines or with two or three lines radiating from the corners -of the mouth. Arms and legs were also tattooed to a certain extent. The -mutilation was done by rubbing charcoal into cuts which had been made -with stone knives or by rubbing charcoal on the skin and then pricking -it with bone awls or porcupine quills. However, even among Atsugewi, -tattooing was by no means universal. Mountain Maidu women were sometimes -tattooed with three, five, or seven vertical lines on the chin. - -Earrings were worn by nearly all men and women. Atsugewi employed bone -rings, clamshell beads, feathers and even painted ear ornaments. -Mountain Maidu and Yana usually used bone or wooden ones, plain or -decorated with feathers or shells. Abalone, like other sea shells, were -received only in trade and were fashioned into pendants for ears or -noses. - -Nose piercing consisted of making a hole through the septum of the nose. -This practice was popular among all local tribes. It was done to permit -the wearing of jewelry although Yana ascribed a deeper meaning to the -custom as well. They believed that no person would go to his equivalent -of heaven unless the nose septum was pierced. Hence this was done to the -dead and a stick inserted if it had not been done in life. Two-pointed -bone nose-pins were popular inserts as were long narrow dentalium -shells, or nose pendants of beads. Only among mountain Maidu were nose -ornaments highly decorated. - - [Illustration: Portion of Atsugewi (probably) necklace of dentalium - shells (one and one fourth inches long) and glass trader beads.] - - [Illustration: Maidu necklaces: bear claw and insect perforated - acorn.] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi necklace of clamshell disks and digger pine - nuts which are a full half inch long.] - -Necklaces were common adornments too, but local tribes did not use -bracelets. Items used for necklaces were perhaps bear teeth and bear -claws among Atsugewi and Yana. More commonly, certainly, and used by all -of our tribes were olivella shells, shaped pieces of abalone shells, -small animal and bird bone rings or tubes, clamshell discs, long -tooth-shells (dentalia), and Digger Pine nuts which had been parched -until blackened. Their ends had then been rubbed off or holes bored -through ends or sides and cleaned out. Yana also made mussel shell disks -locally, not only for necklaces but as ear pendants. In later years all -tribes used glass trader beads, usually interspersed with native items. - -Maidu, especially their tribes of the lower elevations, went in for -elaborate feather decorations and headdresses. Valley Maidu even had -feather cloaks for ceremonial use. - - - - - Chapter XVII - WEALTH - - -Among local tribes wealth was the direct result of skill and industry -and was highly regarded by all. A person’s social status in the tribe -varied directly with his wealth. Lazy persons not able to properly care -for their own needs were considered as bums and looked down upon by all -other members of the village. With wealth went a certain amount of -power. Chiefs, although empowered by heritage, were always well to do, -and the wealthiest men in smaller units acted in the capacity of -head-men. - -As with modern man, money among Indians was an arbitrary medium of -exchange, yet it was of more practical value to the Indians than our own -coins are to us. Their money was prized not only for what it would buy -in material things, but as possessing important decorative value as -well. - -The long tooth-shell or dentalium was used whole and unmodified. It was -the currency of the northwest California coast. The money of central and -southern California was the clamshell disk. This was cut, smoothed into -disk shapes about half an inch in diameter, and each was perforated with -a central hole by means of which this money could be strung onto cords. -In no case did local tribes travel the California coast to obtain these -shell coins. Instead, this item found its way to Indians of the interior -through progressive or step-by-step trading from coastal tribes through -intermediate aboriginal traders. - -As we might expect, dentalia, having a northern origin, were secured by -Atsugewi not from their neighbors to the south, but from the northern -Yana in exchange for buckskins, arrows, wildcat skin quivers, and -woodpecker scalps. The mountain Maidu did not have dentalia at all. - -Except for the central Yana custom of measuring the length of strings of -clamshell disks, amounts of money were determined by counting and not by -measuring length on arm tatoos as was so commonly the case in other -parts of California. Skins of small mammals which had been skinned by -making only one slit in the hind quarters and whose mouth openings had -been tied shut, served as purses. - -All of our tribes used clamshell money. Among Yana clamshell disks were -not as valuable as dentalia, and they were more common also among -Atsugewi, the dentalia being used more for decoration than as money. The -tribes of the Lassen region generally received the finished clamshell -money; almost never did they manufacture this, although they did work -traded abalone shell into jewelry pieces. - -Material wealth or treasure other than weapons, skins, baskets, and food -also consisted largely of imported seashells. Whole olivella shells were -commonly used as dress ornaments and also for paying shamans for -services. Bone cylinders, columellae of shells, and especially polished -cylinders of the mineral magnesite were highly prized. These might be -used as the central piece of a necklace in the same manner that we might -utilize a precious gem. - - - - - Chapter XVIII - CEREMONIAL DRESS - - -All local tribes used the beautiful salmon colored feathers of the -Red-shafted Flicker, a woodpecker also known to us by the name -Yellowhammer. A headband of the bird’s feathers—the stiff quills—was -worn on the forehead. Mountain Maidu doctors wore this item also as a -belt. In addition Atsugewi made a full feather band which was worn in a -variety of ways including hanging down the back. This was usually used -only by the shamans. - -Another ceremonial item was the California or Acorn Woodpecker scalp -headband. This usually had a buckskin strap base, however, mountain -Maidu glued these gay feathered patches onto fur bands, Yana wore -woodpecker scalps on buckskin as belts. - -Mountain Maidu made belts of bands on which the showy greenish feathered -neck skins of male Mallard Ducks in mating plumage were strung. - -For ceremonial use it was generally customary to tuck small tufts of -feathers into the top of the hair. Among Atsugewi, chiefs only used -eagle feathers for this purpose. This tribe also fastened single -feathers into the crown of buckskin caps in a radiating manner, and also -onto strips hanging down the back. Sometimes feathers were tipped with -small white feathers to make the former even more decorative. Feathers -were also fastened to head nets in a number of ways which differed -somewhat among our tribes. Among Atsugewi, women wore these on occasion, -but generally it was the males who decked themselves with feathers. -Feather plumes of various sorts, employing either twisted buckskin or -stick bodies, were also in general use. - - - - - Chapter XIX - TOBACCO AND SMOKING - - -The knowledge and use of tobacco are among the important elements which -our own culture of today has inherited from the Indians of North -America. Of what benefit this has been is a debatable matter, but its -effect has been profound, both on our customs and our economy. - -Local tribes used simple one piece wooden pipes of tubular design for -the most part in smoking tobacco. Atsugewi and mountain Maidu commonly -employed elder and other woods with a pithy and easily removed center. -Although not otherwise being considered in this account, the Shasta -Indian technique of pipe making is mentioned here because of its -uniqueness. These folks hollowed pipe stems by soaking the end of a -suitable stick in salmon oil. The larvae of the salmon fly were then -introduced, and these worm-like creatures, eating the nourishing fishy -core, would bore their ways lengthwise through the center of the -heartwood where most of the salmon oil was concentrated. The Yana -habitually used the wood of ash as pipe stock. Mountain Maidu found but -did not manufacture a few simple stone pipe bowls also of tubular -design. These had considerable spiritual significance and were treated -with great care. Garth states that Atsugewi also had short stone pipes, -tubular in shape, to which elder or rose wood extensions up to eleven -inches in length were applied. Stone pipes were apparently not common in -the Lassen region, however. - - [Illustration: Steatite stone pipes were used without wooden stems, - each between three and four inches long. The holes in such pipes - were made by tapping a deer antler piece in the depression - containing some sand, a slow but effective boring process. This was - commonly done by Valley tribes.] - - [Illustration: Yana reddish porous lava (dacite?) pipe, broken half, - both sides shown. Note funnel-shaped depression in the bottom of the - outside (lower half)] - -Pipes were used at social gatherings, after sweating, and at bed time. -The pipes of the local tribes did not have any bends or curves. These -straight tubular pipes were therefore most conveniently smoked when the -Indians were reclining on their backs thus keeping the tobacco from -falling out. Pipes were normally passed around, and used only by the -men. However, women shamans of the mountain Maidu also smoked them. -Shamans regularly used pipe smoking in ceremonies, especially when -healing the sick. - -Tobacco grew wild and burning of brush was performed in certain -localities to promote the growth of _Nicotiana_ plants. Tobacco was not -cultivated, but mountain Maidu did collect and scatter seeds in -favorable areas. Tobacco was prepared merely by collecting the leaves -when fully developed but still green, then drying, preferably in the -shade, and finally crumbling the cured leaf in the hand. Tobacco was -carried in buckskin pouches usually. Atsugewi often added manzanita and -deer grease to their smoking tobacco. Indians of this region did not -chew tobacco nor did they eat it with lime as was the custom elsewhere -in California. Native tobacco is quite strong. - - - - - Chapter XX - MUSIC AND ART - - -Music of local tribes was limited indeed. It was usually made by men. -Only Atsugewi among the Lassen tribes possessed the drum, and this is -believed to have been of recent introduction. It was a tambourine type: -flat, cylindrical, a foot or so across, and with buckskin shrunken over -one end. - -The shamans of all tribes used cocoon rattles. These were made of large -cocoons from which the moth pupae had been removed through a small hole. -Pebbles or seeds were then inserted and usually five or six -cocoons—among Atsugewi as many as thirty—were tied onto the end of a -wooden handle and dried. Cocoon rattles were considered dangerous and -were usually kept hidden out of doors, being used by shamans only when -doctoring. - -A single split stick clapper was employed generally for all types of -singing and dancing, not being reserved for any special type of person -or ceremony. - -Deer-hoof rattles were made from the small hard “dew-claws” from the -backs of deer legs. About twenty dew-claws were tied loosely with thongs -to a strip of buckskin which was then wrapped about a stick with a plain -handle. The deer-hoof rattle was operated by vigorously jerking it -lengthwise, in and out. It was used exclusively in the important puberty -rites when girls attained womanhood. - - [Illustration: Deer-hoof rattle, length about ten inches (after - Dixon)] - - [Illustration: Maidu split-stick clapper, twenty inches long] - - [Illustration: Maidu cocoon rattle eight inches long] - - [Illustration: Maidu bird-bone whistles] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi deer-claw rattle] - - [Illustration: Universal split-stick dancing rattle] - - [Illustration: Maidu cocoon rattle] - - [Illustration: Flute and bull-roarer of local manufacture] - -Atsugewi and Yana employed hunting bows as musical instruments by -holding one end in the mouth and plucking the string with fingers. -Mountain Maidu did so too, but like the others only for their own -amusement. - -Bone, cane, and elder whistles were blown at dances. Flutes, the most -tuneful of Indians’ instruments, were not played at ceremonies or at -dances, curiously enough, but just for self amusement, or in the case of -mountain Maidu also for courting pretty girls. Flute melodies were -supposed to tell stories, but words were not sung to help the -interpretation. Yana made a six-hole flute; other tribes of the Lassen -area used a four hole model. In all cases they were open, reedless -instruments blown at an angle across one end. The flute was most -frequently made of elder wood—mountain Maidu burned the holes into it -with live coals. - -Except for basketry designs art as such is virtually non-existent. A few -simple designs were painted onto hunting bows, and some nose and ear -pendants might be considered jewelry art forms, but of the lowest -development. The application of face and body paints and tattooing were -also simple examples of Indian art. - -There appear to be no cliff or cave paintings in the vicinity of Lassen -Peak, but they are abundant in Lava Beds National Monument about 75 -miles to the north. A different matter is that of petroglyphs which, in -California, usually have been made by striking or pecking smooth rock -surfaces with small hard stones. Some of these are to be found in the -Atsugewi and central Yana territories at lower elevation. However, these -symbolic markings were not executed by the local tribes. Atsugewi -believe them to have been made by mythological characters. It appears -that the petroglyphs must have been made by the predecessors of the Hat -Creek and Nozi Indians, for these people claim no knowledge of even the -meaning of the rock writings. Shortly before going to press the first -petroglyph known to come from the Lassen vicinity was found in the -territory of the Southern Yana. The site is one where numerous obsidian -chips and arrowpoints have been found on a gently south sloping, open -forested portion of Lassen Volcanic National Park headquarters area at -an elevation of almost 5000 feet and situated slightly west of the -village of Mineral and just north of the north edge of Battle Creek -Meadow. - -This find on a 10 inch boulder appears to be of ancient origin. The -surface has weathered considerably yet not so much that the character of -the carving has been altered. It is apparent that the quarter inch deep -grooves have been made by rubbing rather than by pecking with hard -rocks. This is all the more interesting since the boulder bearing the -carving is of a tough hard and site lava. It is indeed unfortunate that -the significance of this Battle Creek Meadows petroglyph is unknown. The -authorities venture the opinion that the stone may have been used in -puberty ceremonies. If so, whether by the Southern Yana or their -predecessors we do not know either. - - [Illustration: Battle Creek Meadows petroglyph about nine inches - long. The eye-shaped area A is a smooth flat one eighth of an inch - below the level of the rest of the rock surface. The grooves - bounding it are more than one quarter inch deep and of V-shaped - cross-section while the other markings are much shallower troughs - with rounded bottoms some being quite vague. B, C, D, and E indicate - deeper rounded depressions. F is a smooth and very uniform slightly - concave area.] - - - - - Chapter XXI - GAMES AND SOCIAL GATHERINGS - - -Heavy betting on games was the rule. Games were commonly played between -neighboring villages or even on occasion with neighboring tribes. -Gambling was an important element in these contests and large sums were -bet. Sometimes nearly all of a person’s or even of a group’s possessions -were at stake. Evaluation of the stakes in white man’s terms is -difficult, but they are said frequently to have been of the order of -several hundred dollars or even as much as a thousand dollars. Important -games lasted more than one day—perhaps three or four days. The players -caught brief rests only and were completely exhausted by the time the -playing was over. Singing was the usual accompaniment and high quality -rendition at games was much admired. Cheating was rare, maybe because it -was supposed to bring subsequent bad luck. - -Most games were guessing games. There was considerable variety in the -character and number of gambling stones or wooden sticks used, the -manner of shuffling and other details. The sticks were shuffled and then -concealed in the hands of one or several players on one side. The -opposition had to determine the location of the marked stick or the -arrangement of several. There were many spectators and excitement ran -high. Women occasionally participated along with the men who were the -main contestants. Counting sticks might be supplied to each side in -equal number at the beginning. More often, however, the sticks were all -placed in a common pile at the outset, the successful side taking a -counting stick with each win. These scoring sticks were taken and -surrendered as the tide of the game changed until one side had all. The -game was won at this point. - -Ball games were played too. The ball was of buckskin stuffed with hair. -The object was to kick the ball between the other team’s goal posts. -Kicking ball races over given courses and back, or around a lake shore, -were also indulged in. In some contests the men and youths on opposing -sides would engage in restraining each other so that a number of -individual or group wrestling bouts developed on the playing field. - - [Illustration: Yana gambling bone, four inches long] - -There were foot races of distances either short or up to fifteen miles -or so in length. Also archery contests and wrestling matches were held. -In wrestling the object was to throw the opponent to the ground; -tripping was not allowed. Contests in which heavy rocks were tossed, -somewhat in the manner of today’s shot-put, and heavier rocks carried in -competition over a designated line were other games in which the -Atsugewi engaged. - -Shinny was played by women and children as well as by men, but adult -sexes played separately in all of our tribes except Yana. Among them -only men participated in this game. Mountain Maidu had three players on -a side; Atsugewi had five players. Straight shinny sticks curved at the -striking end were used and the puck was a hide affair. Mountain Maidu -used a double ball puck. An attempt was made to keep the puck in the air -in play. The object, of course, was to get the puck to go between the -opponents’ goal posts. The Yana used a puck of two bones linked by a -string several inches long. Running with the puck on the stick as well -as hitting, and throwing it down the field were permitted. - -Children improvised a number of games in the same manner as our own -children do today in copying their parents. They played house with -limbless but dressed dolls, made and used toy bows and arrows, and made -sling shots, too. They commonly tried juggling two stones in one hand, -spun acorn tops by hand, and in some instances noise makers such as -wooden buzzers and bull roarers were used. In play, loud noise was not -condoned, however. - -Small feasts might occur at any time and were perhaps the most important -social gatherings of Atsugewi. They were usually sparked by a temporary -abundance of food. Dancing was not included. - - [Illustration: Child’s acorn top] - -Mr. Garth describes the Atsugewi “... grand occasion ... held only when -a large supply of food had been accumulated, was the bagapi or ‘big -time’.... The chief called a meeting to decide on the date and then sent -his people to various places for deer and other foods. Knotted strings -(rokuki) with a knot tied for each intervening day before the festival -were sent to other villages. By untying a knot each day other chieftains -knew when to start for the host’s village. The host chief stood on the -roof of his earth lodge and welcomed the visitor, calling each chief by -name: ‘Don’t fall down. Step carefully. I’m glad you have come to see -me. Don’t be in a hurry.’... Toward evening the visitors might give a -dance, after which the host chief called everyone to eat. Large baskets -containing acorn mush, meat, sunflower seeds, and other foods were -placed on the ground. The host proffered baskets of food to each -visiting chief who in turn then distributed the food to his people. In -winter two tribal groups on opposite sides of the sweat house might have -a competitive sweat dance, vying to see which could endure the heat -longest. In summer the sweating was usually omitted, and games of chance -were begun. In the several days that followed, foot racing, archery, -weight lifting, and other contests were indulged in. Large bets were -made by opposing sides on the outcome of each contest, and the losing -side at the end of the week’s festivities often had little property -left. Surplus food was divided among the guests before they departed.” - - - - - Chapter XXII - DANCES - - -Mountain Maidu had more dances and more types of dances than other -tribes of the Lassen area. Tribes of the Sacramento Valley had many more -and more complicated dance ceremonies than ours did. - -Mountain Maidu had formalized sweat dances which were performed inside -large dwelling lodges at night and were participated in by both sexes. -As in the case of Yana, only one man, the leader, sang and hit the -central pole rhythmically with a split stick rattle. The dancers -performed simultaneously but in one spot until they were exhausted and -took a cold swim afterwards. - -Of the less ceremonial Atsugewi sweat dance, Garth states: - - “... Men danced naked except for circlets ... of twisted grass around - the waist, head and upper arm, and occasionally from one shoulder - diagonally across the chest.... Three or four lines of black or white - paint might be drawn across the chest and upper arm. Women wore a - skirt and only a small amount of paint. The dancing took place in the - combination sweat, dance, and dwelling house of the chief or head - man.... The fire was built high with dry mountain mahogany ..., pine - ..., and sometimes with willow ..., all woods which burned without - much smoke; the ventilator door was closed and the dance began. The - one singer sat in a corner and beat time with a split stick rattle.... - Each of ten or twelve dancers might approach close to the fire to show - his ability to endure heat, pick up burning brands, one in each hand, - and alternately hit one upper arm and then the other with the brands. - The heat often became so intense that water had to be thrown on the - center post to prevent its catching fire. There was rivalry to see who - could stay inside longest, and after a time one man after another - emerged and dived into the icy water nearby or rolled in the snow. - There might be sweating three or four nights in succession on the - occasion of a communal hunt.” - -Mountain Maidu held a dance gathering each spring for Black Bear and -Grizzly Bear. They believed that this dance had been done by animals in -mythical “before Indian times”. This gathering lasted three days and -nights, but the actual dance was in progress only one day and night. -Only women danced but men participated in the ceremony dressed in bear -robes. There was much feasting too. - -The pre- and post-war dances are discussed under the chapter on war. - - - - - Chapter XXIII - POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF TRIBES - - -Tribes, as we think of them, were non-existent as political units, and -hence there were no tribal chiefs, but there were village chiefs, in the -California province. - -The self governing unit was always a village or a group of small closely -adjacent villages. This is the political unit which was governed by the -chief. Villages might consist of from four to about twenty-five earth -lodges and bark huts with populations of from twenty-five to a hundred -or more persons. Influential leaders, usually of much wealth—but not -necessarily so—were recognized as head-men, exercising considerable -authority over the smaller villages or separated groups of houses near -villages. However the head-man’s authority was subservient to that of -the chief. - -Chieftainship was inherited through the father’s lineage, the oldest son -being the first in succession. However, if the son were too young to -take over, the deceased chief’s brother was temporarily in charge. The -qualities of good character and knowledge were also important -qualifications for chieftainship, and a chief could be deposed if he -were not a good one. Tenure was normally for life, dependent upon -satisfactory behavior and performance of his responsibilities. - -The chief’s relatives hunted and fished for him, but he fed visitors and -provided most of the food for feasts. The chief always directed -community economic activities such as group fishing, deer hunting, and -root digging expeditions. For this reason chiefs had to know much about -game, fish runs, ripening seasons, et cetera, and had to possess good -judgement to insure success of group undertakings. Chiefs also spoke to -their people mornings and evenings, and at ceremonies and the like. -Chiefs furthermore declared days of rest when chores were done about -home. Another function was to arbitrate quarrels among the people. - -Mountain Maidu villages had assistant chiefs besides, who were sons or -brothers of the chiefs. This assistant advised the chief and substituted -for him as the occasion demanded. A specific duty of his was the -division of food at ceremonies. - -Some chiefs had secondary female chiefs who in the case of the Maidu -were daughters, among Atsugewi the chiefs’ wives. A woman in this -capacity supervised preparation of food for feasts and in Atsugewi -villages might give orders to men. - -Atsugewi chiefs appointed clowns at ceremonies who were paid. Appointed -messengers were a part of every chief’s staff. They were selected on the -basis of both willingness to serve and ability. Maidu had about six -messengers per village while the number varied among Atsugewi. -Messengers were good speakers, reliable men, and were discharged if they -failed in their duties. These included not only message running, but -among Atsugewi, tending fires at ceremonies. For Maidu chiefs, -messengers welcomed guests and traveled about gathering news and -scouting. Special fire tenders were appointed in this tribe. - -Atsugewi chiefs seem to have possessed greater prestige and authority -than those of the mountain Maidu, the Yana, and the Yahi. The decisions -of Atsugewi chiefs were final, but these had to be diplomatic if the -chief were to remain popular. If a chief were unpopular some of his -people would move to another village leaving the first chief’s community -numerically weaker. Chiefs were generally well obeyed by rich and poor -alike. In return, chiefs unfailingly had the interests of their people -at heart. Atsugewi chiefs, specifically, set examples of industry, -behavior, and judgement for their people. No doubt this was generally -true of the chiefs of units in other local tribes too. - -Because of the greater popularity, prestige, and consequently larger -following of some individual chiefs, they were considerably more -powerful than other chiefs in the same tribe. Such men were influential -to some extent beyond the boundaries of their own territories. - - - - - Chapter XXIV - WAR AND PEACE - - -Wars were commonly small scale encounters and might be either within -tribes or between tribes. Atsugewi were not often aggressive. Most -tribes at one time or another had differences with neighboring tribes, -but friendly relations were usually re-established soon. Certain tribes, -however, were repeatedly or traditionally enemies, as for instance, -Klamath, Paiute, or Modoc against Atsugewi; Washoe against mountain -Maidu; Achomawi or Wintun against the Yana tribes; and mountain Maidu or -Wintun against Yahi. Tribes sometimes helped each other in wars, and -either payment or reciprocal aid was usually forthcoming. - -Causes of hostilities in the Lassen area were usually revenge for -murders (if uncompensated), abduction of women and children, or insults -to chiefs. Mountain Maidu, Yana, and Yahi also waged wars on account of -poaching, rape, alleged witchcraft, and the like. All able bodied men -normally went to war, but mountain Maidu left some at home to protect -the women. - -Chiefs generally did not participate in the fighting although they often -went along on the war expedition. Instead of leading the battles -themselves, chiefs appointed special warrior leaders who were principal -targets of the opposition. Such battle leaders were often head-men, but -always were men competent to lead the fight and who had good arrow -dodging power. - -Shamans habitually went to war, but did not fight actively except on -occasion. They were busy singing during battle and urging the warriors -on or exhorting supernatural help. The Atsugewi shaman reportedly -“stayed behind a tree all the time giving out his power”. - -Preparation for war consisted of practicing dodging arrows, shooting -arrows, in some cases at effigies, and in dancing. The main purpose of -the preparation was to incite enthusiasm for the fight. This was so -successful that quite a commotion developed in the community, to the -extent that such incidents occurred as warriors with knives chasing -women and a man shooting his own dog with an arrow! Preparatory war -dances were held outside near the villages. Both men and women -participated and shamans sang. Mountain Maidu sustained their dances for -several days. Warriors spoke to their arrows addressing them as persons. -Atsugewi men painted themselves with white and black stripes on faces, -limbs, and bodies. Yana used red and white war paint. Mountain Maidu -wore head nets and bands. Dried untanned skins of bear, elk, and such -were worn at dances as well as in battle, as were waistcoat armors of -strong vertical sticks lashed together. Leather helmets were worn by -some warriors. - -The enemy was usually attacked just at dawn using the element of -surprise to the fullest extent possible. Some battles were pre-arranged -in which a number of participants faced each other in well formed lines. -Such conflicts were subject to “calling off” if too many men were -injured or killed. Serious raids, however, did not give quarter and men, -women, and children were killed. Booty was taken and scalps, too, were -stripped from fallen victims. Scalps were later burned by Atsugewi, but -mountain Maidu dried human scalps on frames. This tribe also took entire -heads from bodies on occasion. Prisoners were taken too: Atsugewi not -infrequently adopted captured children. Captive women might be -mistreated and raped, then killed. Adult prisoners might escape with -relative ease because there was no suitable way to confine them -permanently, and some were returned voluntarily. - -While the war party was away on its expedition, the women at home danced -individually in the manner of the war dance. They sang and prayed to -help the men at war. Atsugewi women dancers carried feathers, bows, and -arrows, but rattles were not used in these morale dances. - -Upon return of the war party a victory dance was held in or near the -village in the open air. Men and women danced independently, but -together at the same time. Atsugewi men painted themselves red and white -instead of the black and white used for the pre-war dance. They wore -headdresses of all sorts and the warriors carried their bows, arrows, -armor, and other fighting gear while dancing. The victory dance took -place around a fire. Next to the fire Atsugewi planted a short pole on -which the new scalps were displayed while mountain Maidu danced with the -scalps secured to hand-carried sticks. It is worth noting that while -some readers may consider this gloating over human scalps to be a -primitive morbidity, it is true that often white men—the very pioneers -we eulogize—took and coveted human scalps themselves. - -Warriors, particularly those who had killed adversaries, purified -themselves by swimming, rubbing aromatic plants on their bodies, praying -for luck. They did not eat meat for from a few to many days, depending -on the tribe. Among Atsugewi they also sweated with the same end in -view, and women brushed the men’s bodies with plant materials to aid the -purification process. - -Surprisingly, the eating of hot foods and any form of meat was taboo to -wounded warriors. This seems strange, since these are the very foods -which we consider beneficial to injured persons. - -When an attack appeared likely upon an Atsugewi village, the whole -population retired to high ground which was easily defended. Such sites -were prepared in advance and might be considered crude forts as they -were surrounded by rock walls and provided with shelters for the -non-combatants. - -In intertribal wars there was usually no compensation as such made where -the encounter had been motivated by the satisfaction of securing -revenge. In the case of feuds or murders within the tribe payment was -made to relatives of the slain. If persons on both sides were slain -compensation was made for all the dead. The chief or head-man supervised -the peace negotiations. Payment was usually in beads or money, but -Atsugewi sometimes paid off in women or in the amount of the usual price -of a bride. In this tribe too, the amount of compensation was made -according to the wealth of the victim. A poor man’s life was not -considered to be worth as much as a rich man’s. Atsugewi had a -settlement dance meeting in which both sides were present and wore -fighting regalia. These dancers disarmed themselves after the payment -had been made. - - - - - Chapter XXV - BIRTH AND BABIES - - -The natural function of birth obviously varied only in details of -handling the situation, delivery assistance, disposition of the -afterbirth, and methods of cutting and treating the child’s umbilical -cord. The baby was born in a separate hut which contained a trench -heated with coals. These were covered with grass and pine needles or fir -boughs. On this warm green bed the woman lay at least a part of the time -during labor and also after delivery. - -Children were desired and a barren woman was looked down on socially. -Inability to produce children was grounds for divorce. The behavior of -both parents during pregnancy was believed to closely affect personality -and health of the child. - -After giving birth, the mother remained in isolation for from nearly a -week to a month or more. Many taboos were imposed upon her. Bathing in -streams and sweat baths, eating fresh or dried meat or fish, grease, and -often salt were forbidden to her. Most tribes of the Lassen area also -prohibited combing of the mother’s hair by herself during the period of -isolation. Also taboo was scratching herself with her hands, making -baskets, preparing food, or traveling. - - [Illustration: Front and side views of Atsugewi cradle basket for a - very young baby. (tseh-nay-gow)] - - [Illustration: Atsugewi young baby carrying basket or teseh-nay-gow] - -There were restrictions on the father of the newly born child too. Among -Atsugewi and Yana he stayed with the mother, but mountain Maidu fathers -stayed away for periods of a week or less. Immediately after the birth -had taken place, the father ran to the woods to break up and bring home -quantities of fire-wood. Hunting and fishing of all kinds and traveling -were taboo for several weeks in most cases. Atsugewi and mountain Maidu -new fathers were also forbidden to smoke and gamble, and like their -wives, were denied eating fresh or dried fish, meat, and grease for -varying periods up to a month. Release from taboos occurred with -sweating and bathing among Atsugewi and mountain Maidu. Fathers in these -tribes also gave away the first kill when they resumed hunting. - -The mother generally massaged the infant to improve the shape and -proportion of nose, face, limbs, and torso. Shedding of the baby’s -umbilical cord was an important event which the Indians wished to occur -as soon as possible. A variety of odd practices to this end were -employed. The occurrence of the event relieved the parents of some, or -in other cases of all, the post birth taboos. Among most of our tribes -the dried cord was saved until the child reached manhood or womanhood. -It was customarily secured to the cradle basket, but frequently was -subsequently lost. Earlobes might be pierced in early infancy especially -if the child were prone to cry much. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi older baby carrying basket or yah-birr-dee. - Note the rounded bottom on A, a modernization. Partial illustration - B shows old style construction with a pointed bottom for thrusting - into the ground.] - -Two cradle baskets were used. Mountain Maidu made two of similar oval -shape, but the first and smaller one was without a hood. Atsugewi and -Yana tribes made two different types, but both with rounded carrying -handles and sunshades on top. These were constructed of willow ribs, -pine root, and buckskin. The first small basket was called tseh-nay-gow -by Atsugewi and was used for several months. It was short and with a -distinctly rounded basketry shelf or lip at its lower end. The larger -baby basket was called yah-bih-dee and was practically identical to that -of the mountain Maidu. This was made of the usual twined basketry -materials, but was of different construction. Willow ribs were lashed -onto a sturdy one-piece forked branch frame, the joint being at the -bottom. The base or stem of this Y-piece stuck out below for several -inches being sharpened so that it could be stuck into the ground near -the mother in camp or when she was out digging roots in the fields. -Boo-noo-koo-ee-menorra tells of an interesting modification of the -yah-bih-dee today. Its frame is now simply rounded at the bottom instead -of having the pointed end described above. “Most people have cars now a -days” she says, “and that point poked a hole through the seat of the -car. So now we make the round kind.” Our visitors to Lassen Volcanic -National Park are always interested in names of the “papoose basket”. -This term and the words moccasin, wampum, and so on are no doubt of -Indian origin being the actual words or reasonable facsimiles thereof -used by some eastern tribe for the objects concerned. English speaking -Americans have adopted these names as meaning those particular articles -for all Indian tribes. It may be recalled that earlier in this book, it -was pointed out that each tribe had its own distinct language and so, -obviously, each tribe would have had its own distinct names for these -objects. Hence there is no all inclusive “Indian name” for the cradle -basket or anything else. - - [Illustration: Maidu baby carrying basket about thirty five inches - long.] - -The baby was wrapped in tanned buckskin or soft furs, normally wildcat -by the Atsugewi. A pad of grass or padded bark was placed on the cradle -board or basket and then the child was lashed into the tshe-nay-gow with -buckskin straps in a sitting position on the sill with its feet hanging -down. Most tribes used dry grass, pounded until soft, for diapers, but -mountain Maidu used skin material for the purpose. Babies were kept in -the cradle baskets until they were able to walk. The cradle frame was -carried on the mother’s back with a tump-line passing over her forehead -or chest. A series of larger cradle baskets were made as the child grew, -usually three before the child was allowed to crawl or walk. - -The newborn infant was never fed the colostrum from its mother. The baby -was either let go without food or given a cooked meat gruel for -nourishment for the first two days or so until bonafide milk was -produced in the mother’s breasts. Children were nursed as often as they -wished and until they were quite large: even three or four years old. - -Names were given to children usually at the age of about a year. Yana -waited even longer, however, until ages of four to six years before -giving real names which for this tribe were habitually of a hereditary -nature. In the meantime, temporary descriptive nicknames were given. -Many real Atsugewi names had meanings, while those of mountain Maidu and -Yana normally did not. Nevertheless, Yana and to a certain extent other -Indians too, might acquire additional nicknames and descriptive names -later in life, even in adulthood. - -Twins were unwanted among all local tribes, probably because of the -double care and feeding responsibilities involved. Mountain Maidu -thought that twins were bad luck and actually feared them. It was -generally believed that twins were caused by the mother having eaten -twinned nutmeats. These, therefore, were carefully avoided. - -Killing newborn babies whether illegitimate, twins, crippled, or when -the mother died in childbirth, was practiced only on very rare -occasions. Certainly infanticide was not the rule among any of the local -tribes, but of course was practiced in certain other areas. - - [Illustration: Yana baby cradle basket for young baby.] - - - - - Chapter XXVI - ADULTHOOD RITES - - -A girl’s attainment of puberty or womanhood was an event of obvious -importance and it was recognized as such by all tribes of the Lassen -region with extensive formal ritual and ceremony for each individual -girl. Only the more important and generally employed taboos and rites -are noted below. There was considerable variation in details of such -matters even among the four tribes with which we are dealing. - -The girl was secluded in a separate hut for from three to six days and -sometimes during the nights too. The taboos she observed during this -time were much like those imposed on a mother giving birth, but were -even more extensive. The young lady must eat from her own special -baskets, not cross streams, avoid contacting men—especially hunters, -refrain from gazing at the sun or moon, et cetera. Among things she must -do were to wear a basketry cap, or special head bands among some tribes, -and have her hair put up in two knobs wrapped over her shoulders. This -had to be done for her as she was not allowed to touch her own hair. -Carrying the deer-hoof rattle she must run races with other girls, and -dance much also, scratch her head only with a special scratcher, have -her earlobes pierced if this had not already been done, and frequently -her nose septum was punctured too, being kept open by insertion of a -round stick. Among Wintun tribes of the Sacramento Valley some taboos -lasted for from one to three years! - -For several nights public dances were held which lasted all night. Since -there was no special ritual for anyone but the girl for whom the dances -were held, these ceremonies were of a joyous nature and were popular and -well attended. In the middle of the night food provided by the girl’s -family was served to all present. Singing with deer-hoof rattle -accompaniment was carried on all night. Intimate affairs between couples -were not unusual during such dances. During the daytime as well dances -were held, but these were of short duration and participated in chiefly -by the women of the village. At the end of the ordeal the girl bathed -and was given new clothes, ending her taboos. - -There was no formal ceremony when boys attained manhood except that the -youths were generally sent alone into the neighboring mountains for -several days to seek special “powers” to give them skill and luck in -certain pursuits such as deer hunting, archery, fighting, shamanism, and -the like. - -During menstruation all women had to observe many taboos too. These -included eating alone and living in seclusion. They could eat no meat or -fish, fat, or salt, and must not cook. They must avoid sick persons and -hunters, and could not scratch themselves except with the scratching -stick. At the end of the taboo periods of four or five days, they -usually bathed in streams for purification. - -Curiously, wives’ menstruations had to be observed by their husbands in -a number of ways. Most common was prohibition of smoking, and they must -eat lightly. Among mountain Maidu the husband could hunt and fish, but -could not eat any flesh; among Atsugewi the reverse was true. - - - - - Chapter XXVII - MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE - - -Marriage itself was not formalized with any ceremony. It was common -practice for parents to arrange marriages when children were young and -these arrangements, which involved some exchange of gifts or payment, -were usually honored later. Most other marriages were arranged by -parents later when the children had reached maturity and generally these -recognized the children’s wishes. Both of these types of marriages were -the basis for extensive exchange of presents and visits, details of -which differed among the several tribes. In addition there was almost -universal payment for the girl—about ten strings of clamshell disks was -standard. The boy and girl became husband and wife simply upon starting -to live together, but the new status was usually marked by a feast -participated in by the families concerned. Generally there followed a -period of residence of the couple with one or both of the in-laws. On -occasion marriages grew from intimacies with no parental negotiations, -but such matches were not well regarded by the community. - -Indian men frequently married women from other villages and occasionally -even women from other tribes. - -If a wife died her sister was generally obliged to marry the widower. -Likewise, if the husband died it was customary that his brother would -marry the widow. A wise institution was the relationship of the husband -and wife with their in-laws. Neither could speak to nor hand things -directly to the in-law of opposite sex, or in some cases even to the -brothers and sisters of the in-laws; such things had to be done by a -third party. In some instances the mother-in-law even avoided looking at -her son-in-law even though she might like him. Such arrangements no -doubt prevented many arguments and quarrels, but as far as their own -evaluation of these customs were concerned, the basis lay in the belief -that a bear might eat either or both of the violators of the in-law -taboos. - -The practice of having more than one wife at a time was common. One man -might have three or four wives, but rarely had more than two at a time. -Rich men or head-men and chiefs were most apt to have more than two -wives. - -Divorce was simple indeed. The man just sent the girl back home if she -were barren, lazy, promiscuous, or the like. If he had good reasons for -wanting to get rid of his wife, her purchase price might be refunded by -her family, or else the ex-wife’s sister might be sent to him in -exchange, or, sometimes, in addition with no additional payment. On the -other hand, the wife might leave her husband if she had been badly -mistreated, or if the husband did not provide enough meat and clothing -for the family or if he were unfaithful. In divorce the children were -divided. Usually, but not always, the girls remained with their mother -and the boys with their father. However, divorce was not common among -Indians of this region. - -On the whole, morals were high and sexual deviations were infrequent, -although the whole range of such practices were known to the aborigines. -It appears beyond argument that divorces, moral laxity, and sexual -aberrations increased with the coming of white man. - - - - - Chapter XXVIII - DEATH AND BURIAL - - -Atsugewi and mountain Maidu left the corpse in the house for one day. -They prepared it for burial by dressing it well and adding bead -necklaces, then wrapping it in a hide. Yana did the same, washing the -body first, and although also adorning the corpse with jewelry, they -always removed decorative nose ornaments, replacing these with simple -sticks. According to Voegelin, Atsugewi removed the body for burial -prone and feet first through the wall of the house, but Garth states -that the body was removed through the southern ventilator passage or -through the regular entrance way in the roof. - -The mountain Maidu, Yana, Yahi, and usually the Atsugewi bent the body -into a position called flexed. The arms were folded across the chest and -the knees were drawn up against the stomach before wrapping the corpse -in a robe which was then sewn shut. The mountain Maidu sometimes put the -wrapped cadaver into a large basket. Voegelin was of the opinion that -Atsugewi buried their dead lying flat on their backs, and if so, always -with the head toward the east. It is thought that this prone burial -might be a recent innovation learned from white man. - -Mourners among all of our local tribes wailed aloud and brought gifts -for the dead. Women, especially the older ones, mourned vigorously. To -quote Garth again on Atsugewi, of their mourning he states: - - “The deceased’s close relatives mourned the hardest, but friends might - also mourn——‘to make them feel better.’ Mourners cried and rolled on - the ground, throwing dirt and hot ashes in their faces and hair. Some, - in their grief, tried to commit suicide, and a close watch had to be - kept over them to prevent their doing so. Favorite methods were to - swallow small bits of (obsidian) or to eat a certain kind of spider. - Mourners were warned not to cry around the house near the body but to - go to the hills to cry, and also not to look down when crying or to - cry too much. Otherwise they were subject to bad dreams in which - spirits would plague them and possibly kill them. A mourner might - acquire power at this time. A widow, with possibly a sister to help - her, would wail for a time at daybreak and again in the evening. This - lasted for two or three months, sometimes longer. A widower seldom - cried more than two or three weeks. The widow visited places at which - she had camped with her husband, broke up utensils left there, burned - down the brush where he was accustomed to cut wood, and piled up rocks - where they had slept together. A widower behaved in similar - fashion.... If death occurred in a village, no entertainments could be - held for a time; otherwise relatives of the deceased had the right to - break things up and throw them around. A man would not sing or attend - a ‘big time’ gathering until at least a year after death of a close - relative.” - -If the lodge were to be lived in again, after a person had died in it, -Atsugewi brought in juniper boughs, and these were burned to purify the -house. Bark huts, however, were always burned down after an occupant had -died. - -Mountain Maidu children were kept away from the dead and from the -funeral proceedings. In that tribe and probably among all local tribes, -if the deceased were rich the funeral would be much larger and more -pretentious than if the person had been poor. In the former case the -ceremony was followed by a feast. Other tribes buried the dead in the -evening generally within twenty-four hours after death, but Yana waited -three or four days. Mountain Maidu grave diggers put grass in their -mouths. Small shallow graves sufficed for poor people, in fact, among -Atsugewi, at least, poor people were often buried in small depressions -in lava flows and covered over with convenient rocks. - -Enroute to Atsugewi burials no one was permitted to look back, and water -was sprinkled along the path to prevent the dead person’s spirit from -returning to the village. At the grave the dead were asked aloud please -not to look back, for if they did other members of their families would -die soon. - -Cremation, that is, burning of corpses was rare among tribes of the -Lassen area. At the battlefield and in other instances of death far from -home, especially in the case of mountain Maidu, burning was done -occasionally. After this the bones were collected, wrapped in buckskin, -and then buried. - -The flexed bodies of the dead were always placed in graves facing -eastward. Widows customarily attempted to throw themselves into the -graves, but were restrained from doing so. A basket of water was -invariably placed next to the body, and most personal property of the -deceased was broken and also placed in the grave. The amount of property -so disposed of varied with the tribe. Mountain Maidu and especially the -Yana tribes put practically everything in the grave. The latter even -went so far as to include many gifts of a nature not normally associated -with the sex. Aprons and baskets, for instance, might be placed in a -man’s burial. Among Atsugewi the relatives retained some of the property -of the deceased. Atsugewi might place some food on the grave and mark it -with a vertical stick, but it was not tended later, and the site was -generally soon lost. - -In winter a person might be buried shallowly in the floor of a living -house. Next spring the house would be torn down and the dirt walls caved -in. There was variation not only between, but within tribes as to the -final disposition of houses of the deceased. They might be burned down, -a common practice, or they were torn down, abandoned, temporarily -deserted, or torn down and rebuilt. If to be lived in again, -purification of some sort was always practiced, either by burning -juniper boughs in the house, smoking tobacco, bringing in aromatic -plants, or treating the main beams. Among Yana tribes the family seems -to have habitually abandoned the house right after the funeral and to -have burned the whole thing including property and food of all the -inmates, retaining only the barest necessities of life such as sleeping -robes. - -Among Atsugewi all mourners had to deny themselves meat and fresh fish -for one day; then they sweated and swam after the funeral. Mountain -Maidu mourners, including all persons who had had any part in the -funeral, had to undergo four or five days taboo on eating all flesh. -They also had to eat alone and from separate dishes, do head scratching -with special sticks only, were allowed no hunting, gambling, -intercourse, or smoking. Purification of those persons contaminated by -participation in burial included swimming and washing every day that the -taboos were in effect. - -Only Atsugewi, of all local tribes, are said to have practiced suicide, -though unquestionably it did occur on occasion among all California -Indians. - -Mentioning the name of the deceased in the presence of his relatives was -considered very poor taste, and was actually forbidden in some cases. - -It was forbidden that the widow touch the corpse, so that relatives had -to prepare the body for burial. After the funeral, the widow always cut -her hair off closely. If an Atsugewi, she made a belt out of it, and the -hair belt was then often decorated with shells. In all local tribes the -widow traditionally covered her whole head and face with pitch and -covered this with white diatomaceous earth or black charcoal. Touching -her head or face (the whole body for mountain Maidu) with fingers was -taboo; she could do this only with the scratching stick which mountain -Maidu widows wore around the neck. Raggedy, ill-looking clothes were -worn by the survivor, and Atsugewi widows put pitch on old basketry caps -to be worn. A mourning necklace was worn at all times, made of lumps of -hard pitch strung onto a fiber string. This was worn until remarriage, -which was usually two or three years for Atsugewi and one to three years -for mountain Maidu. Pitch on the face and head was normally left on -until it wore off of its own accord. - -The mourning conduct of grieving men who had lost their wives in death -was not nearly so lengthy or as rigorous as was that of widows. Widowers -cut their hair too, but among Atsugewi the only other observance -required was abstinence of flesh eating for a day. Mountain Maidu -widowers spent one sleepless night out in the mountains. Widowers did -not generally sing at dances and at “big times” for about a year, but -this was not compulsory. The Yana are said to have stayed away from -dances for two or three years. - -Parents mourning the loss of children cut their hair slightly and placed -some pitch on hair or faces. The Atsugewi mother observed a three day -meat taboo and the Maidu father went to the hills to seek power. -However, loss of a baby in birth or before its navel cord dropped off -was considered a more serious situation. Such bereaved parents gave all -of their belongings away in order to make a fresh start. - -Anniversary mourning rites were not conducted in the Lassen region. An -exception was the rare instance among Atsugewi when a child was sick at -a time just three years after the death of its parent. Under such -circumstances a shaman sang over the child and the whole remaining -family and relatives mourned, later washing themselves. With respect to -the general lack of mourning anniversaries it is of interest that the -foothill (northeast) Maidu held elaborate annual burnings for several -years after death of relatives. At these great mourning dance ceremonies -large quantities of valuable possessions were burned as sacrifices to -honor the dead. - - - - - Chapter XXIX - COUNTING, TIME, AND PLACE - - -Counting on the fingers was usual practice. Mountain Maidu started with -their thumbs while Atsugewi began on the little finger of one hand and -counted across to that on the other hand, and toes were used for the -purpose too. To help in counting, tribes also employed sticks to -represent groups of numbers: Atsugewi used sticks to represent 1’s, 5’s, -10’s, and hundreds. Yana frequently used a stick to represent the unit -20. This is presumed to be a natural unit because it is the sum of all -of a person’s fingers and toes. - -Time of day, of course, was not expressed in any unit like our hour, but -roughly by the position of the sun in its daily course overhead. Seven -to nine positions were referred to descriptively in this respect plus -early, mid, and late night. - -Phases of the moon were most practical and were universally used as a -longer measure of time. The succession of new moon cycles were named and -an old man in the village customarily kept track of these by memory. As -might be expected from this system, in which there was no recording, -arguments ensued over just which moon or “month” was currently in -effect. One full course of the moon’s phases takes just about a month, -so the names for Indians’ moons corresponded nearly to our month names. - -All local tribes recognized four seasons. These were identified by the -positions of certain stars among mountain Maidu, but more generally by -the positions of the rising sun with respect to a certain peak, tree, or -similar fixed object. Some Indians kept track of the seasons by watching -the daily progression of a beam of sunlight coming through the smoke -hole of a house and falling upon its floor or wall. The shortest day of -the year naturally was marked by the most southerly progression of the -sun. This was noted by the Indians, no doubt with joy in the realization -that longer days and, somewhat later, warmer weather were to be -expected. The year started with the beginning of November when Indians -of the Lassen area had left the high elevation hunting grounds on the -flanks of Lassen Peak, had collected their stores of acorn and salmon, -and were warmly settled in their winter quarters. Mountain Maidu seem to -have used names for only the nine moons most important to them. - -There was no calendar as such, but the number of days until a certain -“big time” or other event was kept track of by either cutting off or -untying one knot in a knotted cord or thong each day. Years were not -recorded either, but were measured within the memory span as so many -winters ago, or by relating time to some important event, such as a war -which most persons might remember. - -Directions were pointed out, or in speech were referred to as sunrise -and sunset for east and west respectively. Directions were commonly -given with respect to features of the local geography: in the direction -of such and such a village or toward a named river, spring, or mountain -which was conspicuous or generally known. We must remember that the -territories of our local tribes were small and that the terrain was -intimately known. Specific names were not only given to the conspicuous -features of the topography, but among Atsugewi, at least, virtually -every flat, every draw, and every hill was specifically named, and these -names were known to all members of the tribe. Names of places in the -territories of other tribes were not known by the local names of those -tribes. They were either translated or given its own entirely different -set of names by the first tribe. In other words, each tribe had -different names for all places—a very confusing situation. Dixon reports -that Maidu recognized directions as we know them, but that the northeast -or mountain Maidu had five: west, northwest (the direction of Lassen -Peak), north, east, and south. - - - - - Chapter XXX - CONCEPTS OF SUN, MOON, AND STARS - - -Mountain Maidu and Atsugewi believed the sun to be a female human—the -wife—and the moon to be a male human—the husband. This is a reversal of -the sex ascribed to these bodies by some other tribes. They believed -that the figure of a frog was visible in the moon. - -Atsugewi stated that Frog fought Moon and swallowed him and the next -time that Moon swallowed Frog who is now in the center of the moon. When -Moon and Frog fought, the former was not round, but crescent shaped. -Yana stated that in the moon they could see Moon’s wife, Frog. Pine -Marten snapped his evil father-in-law Moon into the sky by means of -bending a springy tree ’way down and suddenly letting it go. He used the -same system to snap Frog and her two daughters into the sky also. - -To Atsugewi, as to most tribes, the phases of the moon: new, full, and -waning, represented birth, life, and death—repeated every four weeks, -although, of course, none of the Indians had the concept of a “week” -such as we have. All through the year Atsugewi greeted the new moon. Old -persons shook themselves, and their clothes and bedding in its presence. -Younger folks ran and jumped toward the moon. If the points or horns of -the new moon crescent were vertical it was a bad omen indicating -sickness or death. Babies were shown the new moon, and in the case of -both Atsugewi and mountain Maidu, babies’ faces and arms were rubbed in -the new moonlight to make them grow fast. All local tribes addressed the -moon aloud in friendly terms as if it were a personal relative. The Yana -prayed to it. In contrast to Atsugewi reaction to vertical position of -the two moon points, the Yana and mountain Maidu accepted this as -meaning good fortune and good weather ahead. To these tribes horizontal -position of the moon crescent in the winter sky denoted that it was full -of water and indicated pending rains or storms. At other seasons both -horns up foretold of death. Yana thought that both sun and moon were -feminine. - -After its daily trip across the sky, Atsugewi thought that the sun -returned to the east in a blue cloud via the side of the earth. As the -sun and the moon passed each other at the side of the earth, they -decided on the weather for the following day. The moon supplied the cold -and the sun the heat. - -Eclipses of sun and moon were believed by Yana to be due to their dogs -devouring them. Atsugewi and mountain Maidu felt that the heavenly -bodies were dying. The former were of the opinion that Lizard was eating -Sun or Moon as the case might be. They shouted loudly, shot arrows into -the air toward the eclipse and beat all available female dogs. Mountain -Maidu thought that Frog was eating Moon or Sun. - -A reddish moon foretold of disaster and was a sign of war for Atsugewi, -but to Yana it meant hot weather ahead. - -Only a few star groups of the night sky were named. - -Yana thought the constellation we call the Belt of Orion was Coyote’s -arrow. All local tribes believed the Milky Way to be a road, or river in -some cases, which was traveled by departing spirits or souls of the -dead. Shooting or Falling stars, (more properly meteorites) presaged -good weather to the Atsugewi who thought these were torches carried by -spirits from one house to another in the sky. For this tribe too, a -single conspicuous star—no doubt a planet—seen near the moon was an evil -sign. If the star were on the left someone nearby would die soon; if it -lay to the right of the moon someone farther away was doomed. - -Atsugewi called the Seven Sisters wir-etisu. These girls were seduced by -a little rabbit boy at a puberty dance. They became ashamed and went up -in the sky to become stars. The Big Dipper was called Coyote’s Cane. -Maidu thought that stars were made of something soft like buckskin. - - - - - Chapter XXXI - WEATHER PHENOMENA - - -As mentioned in the preceding chapter, weather was determined by -agreement between sun and moon, but it appears that many things could -influence their decisions. - -Atsugewi assumed it to be the natural thing that it would sprinkle a -little after a funeral. They also felt that rolling rocks down mountain -sides or loud shouting in the mountains would cause rain. Furthermore -they believed that the occurrence of precipitation could be influenced -by shamans, if they felt like it, by smoking tobacco while looking at -the sun. The nature of the spirit of a girl, whose ears were pierced at -this time, was also thought to either cause it to rain or to stop doing -so according to her spirit power. - -Rainbows brought good wild crops as far as the Atsugewi were concerned. -However, both they and mountain Maidu were of the opinion that pointing -with a finger at a rainbow, particularly among children would cause the -finger to become crooked or to fall off. - -Thunder and lightning were feared by all tribes of the Lassen region. To -Atsugewi thunder was the shouting of an old man who wears a rabbit skin -and who goes about looking for women whom he kills. Mountain Maidu -thought it to be due to an old man who lives up above and who was once a -boy on earth, but who had been sent away because he was too fast and ate -everything in sight. How he made the noise we do not know. - - Also, according to Dixon, “Thunder is thought to be a man or boy of - miraculous abilities. He eats trees chiefly. Had it not been for - Mosquito, however, Thunder would have preyed on people. Mosquito - deceived him, and refused to let Thunder know whence the blood and - meat he brought came. Had Thunder found out that Mosquito obtained - these from people, they, and not the trees, would have been his prey.” - To Yana, thunder was a mythical dog originally: “... a child dug from - the ground who accompanied Flint Boy to the west in the guise of a - dog. He remained behind in the black storm clouds capping Bally - Mountain, a high peak west of Redding, whence his terrific bark could - be heard as thunder.” - -Atsugewi and mountain Maidu, fearing thunder and lightning, talked to -them and told them to go away. Old men in the latter tribe carried -burning sticks in a circle to help drive them away. Atsugewi placed -skins, preferably raccoon, on sticks held up in the air. They would wave -these around and call aloud words to the effect that there are: “Too -many rattlesnakes here, go some other place!”. Not only that, but -frequently during a thunder storm, especially if violent, they would run -into open areas, and sometimes even jump into water. Lightning was -thought to be the weapon of the old man, Thunder Person, mentioned -above. It came out of his mouth. Apparently Thunder Person was thought -to assume the form of a raccoon on occasion. Maidu also believed that it -would thunder whenever a person was bitten by a rattlesnake or when a -great man died or when a woman had a miscarriage. - -Whirlwinds were generally regarded as evil omens which sickened people -with bad dreams and captured peoples’ shadows or spirits. Indians tried -to dodge or hide from them. They spoke informally to whirlwinds. -Mountain Maidu said that they put pains into people. Whenever possible, -Maidu smoked tobacco when talking to whirlwinds. Atsugewi threw dirt and -water at the dust devils in an effort to destroy them. Yana did -likewise, but they did not believe that spirits were inside of -whirlwinds. - - - - - Chapter XXXII - EARTHQUAKE BELIEFS - - -Lassen Peak and its vicinity are subject to many local earthquakes -today. The geologic nature of the area indicates that this has been so -for thousands of years. Lassen Peak was known to the Atsugewi as -Wicuhirdiki, which has no meaning. The area was thought to be inhabited -by a powerful spirit, but Garth notes that there seemed to be no fear -about hunting and fishing there, and the Indians apparently utilized the -hot springs medicinally. Garth recorded one pertinent bit of Atsugewi -(Apwaruge) myth as follows: - - “There once was an earthquake that shook this country up and made - those boulders out on the flat shake. It shook so much that it made - people sick. There was a very old woman whose hair was almost green. - She picked up a rock and pounded it on another rock while she sang. - She was praying for the world to stop shaking. Soon she got an answer, - and the shaking ceased. Many people were killed. Those who lived in - canyons were covered by rocks that were shaken down.” - -Yana interpretation of the perplexing and frightening phenomenon of -earthquakes is tied in, as we might expect, with mythology as follows, -to quote from Sapir and Spier: - - “A series of fabulous malignant beings were conceived as dwelling in - certain localities. In the Sacramento River were water grizzlies - (hat-en-na) which pulled fishermen down to devour (them).... They were - spotted black and white, like dogs. Somewhere (not specified) was a - serpent (e-k-u) which killed people. Near Terry’s mill were believed - to dwell malignant little beings (yo-yautsgi), like little children. - They often enticed people and ate them up. At a marshy spot and spring - on Round Mountain, called Ha-mupdi (?), dwelled a being called - Mo-s-ugi-yauna who caused the ground to shake when he was displeased. - - “Once Mo-s-ugi-yauna made a little baby of himself and put himself in - the road of two women. One of them took it up and in sport gave it one - of her nipples to suck, though she was really without milk. The baby - kept sucking until the girl tried to take her breast away, but without - success. The baby kept sucking at her, sucked up her flesh, and at - last sucked up her whole body. - - “This being was displeased if strangers came near and talked anything - but Yana. Once some Yreka Indians came and talked Chinook jargon at - that place, whereupon the earth began to shake violently. At last the - owner of the place cried out to Mo-s-ugi-yauna that it was not he who - had thus spoken and begged him ‘in the doctor way’ to stop, whereupon - he did.” - - - - - Chapter XXXIII - CREATION BELIEFS AND OTHER LEGENDS - - -All local Indians believed in a mythical age when animals were persons -and talked to each other. Both Atsugewi and mountain Maidu thought that -floods played a part in the past scheme of things before people were -created by gifted animal ancestors. - - Garth relates that “Atsugewi mythology tells of the successive - creation of two former worlds, the first of which was destroyed by a - great flood and the second by a fire which Coyote instigated in an - attempt to kill his rival, Grey Fox. After this both Coyote and Grey - Fox descended from the heavens on a long rope to the primeval sea - below. Here Grey Fox took combings from his fur (in some accounts a - piece of sod) and proceeded to make land of it, stretching it to all - sides until the present earth was made, in concept a large island - floating in the sea. Grey Fox then created trees, animals, and finally - people. The sun and moon were two brothers whom Grey Fox told to mount - into the sky to light the world, the one during the day and the other - at night.... Grey Fox first wanted to create two moons and two suns, - but Coyote objected saying that it would be too hot. Grey Fox then - made only the sun and one moon.” - - In a somewhat different version, Dixon has recorded that the Atsugewi - “... recount how, in the beginning, there was only the illimitable sea - and the cloudless sky. Slowly in the sky a tiny cloud began to form, - and grew till it reached considerable proportions. Then gradually it - condensed, and, becoming solid, became the Silver-Gray Fox, the - Creator. Then arose immediately a fog; and from this, as it condensed, - and coagulated as it were, arose Coyote. By a process of - long-continued and intense thought, the Creator created a canoe into - which both he and Coyote descended, and for long years floated and - drifted aimlessly therein, till, the canoe having become moss-grown - and decayed, they had, perforce, to consider the necessity of creating - a world whereon they might take refuge.” - -The Yana legends quoted below from Gifford and Klimek (first) and from -Sapir and Spier are from the northern and central tribes, of that -people. These legends are given in lieu of those of southern Yana and -Yahi, with which this book should be concerned, because of the -similarity of the culture of these four tribes. It is extremely unlikely -that there would be very great differences in their legends and beliefs -of creation. Obviously each tribe had its own unique details. - - North Yana: “Coyote, assistant creator, was marplot (the evil schemer) - who brought death into the world as follows: Coyote, his two sons, and - other people went down-stream to get clamshells. The people played. - Coyote’s sons seized the clamshells and ran off with them. One escaped - with the stolen shells, but the other was killed. The Coyote boy who - escaped shouted to Old Man Coyote, who sat in his assembly house and - observed daily what transpired. Coyote boy told the old man his - brother was dead. Old Coyote then mourned for his son. Silver Fox told - him not to cry, but to clean the assembly house and bring in the dead - boy. They strewed the floor with straw and built fire. Silver Fox told - old Coyote to lie down and pretend to sleep. ‘Do not move,’ said - Silver Fox. This was to cause dead boy to revive. They started to cut - old Coyote’s belly to get back the spirit of his dead son. Old Coyote - shouted with pain and said: ‘Let him stay dead. The dead shall remain - dead.’ Thus he spoiled Silver Fox’s plan for resurrection.” - - Central Yana: “... the creation of people took place at Wama-riwi, a - village at the cove north of Battle Creek and several miles west of - the present Shingletown, that is, roughly at the center of Yana - territory. Here in the beginning were Lizard and Cottontail (in - Dixon’s version, Lizard, Gray Squirrel, and Coyote; in Curtin’s, - Silkworm) who had no predecessors. Discussing how people shall be - made, Lizard lays down sticks which they carry to the four directions - to become neighboring Indian tribes. Realizing that they have omitted - those at the center, they put down bad (short) sticks there. Hence the - Yana are shorter than any of their neighbors: a view held by the Yana - and repeated by Powers as fact. In Dixon’s version (from the same - informant) Lizard carefully prepares three sticks for Atsugewi, - Wintun, and Achomawi, and as an afterthought, short sticks for the - Yana. The first three are placed to the east, west, and north; the - others are boiled to transform them into humans. Coyote refuses to - recognize them until they speak properly, that is, the Yana tongue. - Curtin’s version is quite different, although still the Yana are - created from sticks: his presumably Northern Yana informant, himself a - chief, placed the locale in his own country, at Round Mountain. Here - Silkworm puts down three sticks, for the Yana chief, a woman, and an - orphan, and a large number around the first for common people; he - instructs them how to procure food and admonishes that they obey the - chief. - - “The origin of sex, or rather its proper attribution rests in the - circumstance that in the beginning, women were men; men were women. - The women were such poor hunters that people starved. To remedy this, - Cottontail placed stones in a fire; when the women were seated, the - stones burst, cutting their proper organs, and the women became men. - Hands were then webbed like Lizard’s. In order that they might handle - bows and pestles, Lizard, experimenting, cut his fingers apart. With - this as a model, he separated those of humans. (In Curtin’s version, - Water Lizard remedies the defect for himself alone.) In the beginning - when people died, they rose from their graves again. Coyote, who - objected to these improvements of human affairs, not only proposes - that they shall stay dead but stamps down a dead man who would rise. - When his own son dies, he changes his mind, but Lizard, Cottontail, - and Gray Squirrel will have none of it, so that death and mourning - were established forever.” - - Again Garth is here quoted on Atsugewi beliefs: “As in most of - northern California there are numerous natural phenomena in Atsugewi - territory which marked some mythological event. A low cone-like rock - in Dixie Valley was said to be a basket belonging to Coyote. About - four miles south of Pittville on the old village site of Mawakasui was - an oblong rock ten feet or so in length which was said to be the - petrified remains of a lizard whom Butterfly had killed. The extremely - rough tongue of lava-covered land extending down the center of Hat - Creek Valley was created by Porcupine to impede Coyote with whom - Porcupine was running a race. Eagle Lake was said to have been - formerly in Atsuge territory, but Coyote tired of the manzanita - berries and camass roots which the people fed to him here, so he moved - the lake to the Apwaruge country. Here the people fed him epos roots - and treated him better.” - - The Maidu concept of the world according to Dixon is that of “... - floating on the surface of a great sea, but anchored by five ropes - stretched by the Creator, which hold the island steady, and prevent it - from drifting about. Occasionally some being seizes these ropes and - shakes them, and this causes earthquakes. The world was flat when - first made from the bit of mud brought up from the depths of the - primeval sea by the turtle (turtle does not appear in the northeast or - mountain Maidu version) or from the robin’s nest floating in the sea. - Later the Creator and the Coyote went about over the world, making the - rivers and mountains. Coyote was in general responsible for the - latter, and for the extreme roughness of the country....” The - Creator’s stone canoe is said to be visible today on top of Keddie - Peak just north of Indian Valley (Greenville); also his and Coyote’s - dance houses may be seen as huge circular depressions at what is now - Durham (near Chico). - - In his extensive collection of Maidu myths, Dixon observes that - “Throughout the myths there is nowhere any suggestion that the Maidu - had any knowledge of any other region, that they were immigrants in - the land where they live. This complete absence of any migration - tradition is a feature which is very characteristic, and serves to - differentiate the mythology not only of the Maidu, but of most - Californian tribes, from that of the Southwest, and much of the - eastern portion of the continent.” - - He further states: “here the creation is a real beginning: beyond it, - there is nothing. In the beginning was only the great sea, calm and - unlimited, to which, down from the clear sky, the Creator came, or on - which he and Coyote were floating in a canoe. Of the origin of - previous place of abode of either Creator or Coyote, the Maidu know - nothing....” - - “... the whole series of tales told by the stock ... appeared to - follow one another in a more or less regular and recognized order. - Beginning with the creation, a rather systematic chain of events leads - up to the appearance of the ancestors of the present Indians, with - whose coming the mythic cycle came to a close. This mythic era, the - be-be-ito, seems to fall into a number of periods, with each of which - a group or set of myths has to deal. First, we have the coming of - Ko-do-yan-pe (Earth-Namer or Creator) and Coyote, their discovery of - this world, and the preparation of it for the ‘first people’; next the - creation of these first people, and the making and planting of the - germs of the human race, the Indians, who were to come after; third, - the long period during which the first people were in conflict, and - were in the end changed to the various animals in the present world. - In this period Earth-Maker tries to put an end to Coyote, whose evil - ways and wishes are in direct contrast to his own.” Creator was always - dignified and striving to make life easy, happy, and deathless for - mankind, while Coyote, a trickster and amorous knave, worked with - continued success to render life difficult for man with the result - that man’s lot is to suffer and finally to die. This belief was - generally uniform among the tribes of the Lassen area. “... During - this period Earth-Maker strives for a last time in vain with Coyote, - his defeat, and disappearance toward the East coincident with the - appearance of the human race, which bursts forth from the spots where - the original pairs had been buried long before.” These potential human - beings had been made “... as tiny wooden figures by the Creator, and - planted here and there in pairs, that they might grow in secret and - safety during the time of monsters and great conflicts....” - - In other myths also there is great similarity among the Maidu, - Atsugewi, Yana, and Yahi. Dixon says concerning “... The theft of - fire, for instance.... In all, the fire is held by a man and his - daughters, and is discovered largely through the agency of the Lizard; - the fire is watched and guarded by a sentinel bird, is stolen in - consequence of his sleeping while on guard, and pursuit by the women - is hindered by the strings of their skirts being cut as they sleep. - The fire is brought back by a group of animals, among whom the fire is - divided for safety; and the pursuers, who are usually Thunder, and his - two daughters Rain and Hail, are put to flight.” - - - - - Chapter XXXIV - MEDICAL TREATMENT - - -The bulk of the important doctoring was done by shamans or medicine men. -This was all based on supernatural faith and fear. As we know from -advances of our modern civilization in the field of psychosomatic -medicine, such “in the mind” cures were highly effective in practice. -With all due respect to the modern medical profession, it is a foregone -conclusion that from 50% to 75% of the patients of today’s general -medical doctor are going to get well eventually without any bonafide -medical treatment anyway. This percentage favored the shamans too. - -Besides shamans there were secondary Indian doctors called herbalists. -Among Atsugewi, these persons did not have the power of shamans, and -could not cure disease, but only check or weaken it. However, this class -of doctor did administer various medicines internally and externally, -and gave treatments which may actually have been—in some cases—of -benefit beyond mere faith healing. These remedies were handed down, as -was all Indian knowledge, by word of mouth from generation to -generation. Old men taught the young. - -Herbalists were able to make snake bite victims recover; treatment -included sucking the wound. Cauterization or burning of affected parts -was practiced. Atsugewi treated rheumatism in patients with vapor baths -in a trench of hot coals on which pine needles and yerba santa or -mountain balm branches were placed, with a robe over all. - -Mountain Maidu smoked wild parsnip for headaches, colds, and wounds. -Mountain Maidu and Atsugewi believed that toothaches were caused by the -presence of worms in the teeth. Corrective poultices were placed on the -cheek. Yana did this too, but placed a hot stone on the poultice, and -also bit on a mole’s front foot, dried, to relieve the pain. Atsugewi -often set the poultice on fire which might leave permanent scars. - -The seeds of rosinweed, a member of the sunflower family, were -collected, then shelled, cooked, dried, and finally pounded. This -medicine was taken for chills. Wild iris roots were chewed raw for -coughing. - -Decoctions, that is, water in which plants had been boiled to extract -their medicinal juices, were drunk. California angelica, a member of the -parsley family, was used in this way for colds, diarrhea, headache, et -cetera. This medication was popular with all local tribes for treating -many ills. - -Yana used poultices of roots of bracken fern, pounded and warmed for -application to burns. The bulbs of false solomon seal were pounded fine -and also hot soap-root poultices were applied to swellings, pains, or -boils. Peeled California angelica roots were crushed and laid on aching -heads. - -Ground squirrel grease was used to soften rough hands and to relieve -cracking of the skin from chapping. - -Atsugewi employed green leaves of chokecherry, pounded as poultices, for -cuts, sores, and bruises. The boiled liquor of pounded chokecherry bark -was used for bathing wounds to promote healing. - -They employed decoctions of wormwood to prevent blood poisoning and to -treat cuts. Decoctions of greenleaf manzanita leaves were good for cuts -and burns. Both oak bark and oak gall decoctions were drunk to prevent -infection and catching colds and were given to women in childbirth. -Atsugewi also chewed raw juniper berries as a treatment for colds. - -Obviously there was a host of other treatments as we know of a large -variety of other plants, roots, and fruits which were used medicinally. - -Broken bones were set as best they could be set, and were bound up in -simple but effective splints. - -For general good health Garth states that an Atsugewi “... man chewed -the top shoot off a young pine tree. Especially was this done by a -father after his wife bore a child.” - -In Yana sweat houses and probably in those of other tribes too, veins -were cut with obsidian chips to “let the bad blood out” if a person felt -ill. - - - - - Chapter XXXV - SPIRITS AND GHOSTS - - -Ghosts and spirits were one and the same, and were to local Indians as -souls are conceived by white man, yet the Indian conception was more -variable. Some spirits were good and others were evil, but all were -feared and avoided whenever possible. They were frequently associated -with omens and had somewhat the appearance of human beings. Among -Atsugewi they were visible only to shamans, but were heard by nearly all -persons. Yana commoners both saw and heard spirits, but only very -rarely. - -The spirit left the body right after death. Mountain Maidu thought that -it turned back once before going on. Yana believed that the spirit -tarried in the vicinity of the body for a while, going to the south -first briefly for a sort of trial or evaluation which included -determination as to whether or not the nose septum had been pierced. -Then, as all local Indians apparently agreed, the ghost or spirit went -to a distant place in the west via the Milky Way. Yana thought that -there was some distinction in destination of good and bad persons’ -ghosts, but our other tribes conceived only of one place for all spirits -finally. We do not today have a very clear understanding of the -aboriginal Indian concept of heaven except that people lived in this -land of the dead in sweat houses, hunting, eating, loving, and sleeping, -but with complete absence of sickness. Concepts of the life of spirits -changed with the coming of the whites preceding even the advent of -pioneer settler days. All information in that regard which students have -been able to gain from informants in this region is decidedly flavored -with Christian dogma. - -Spirits or ghosts returned to old haunts of the body on occasion or, -more often, to the vicinity of the grave. For this reason burial grounds -were usually well removed from villages. Bad smells would drive spirits -away, while whistling and flowers attracted them. Fiber-wound crossed -sticks were hung in sweat houses of Yana tribes to keep spirits out. All -tribes of the Lassen area thought that ghosts visited the living in -dreams and also considered it feasible that the spirits of people might -go to visit those of the dead when the persons were asleep, or more -commonly when the living were unconscious. - -Mountain Maidu didn’t speak much about ghosts, but if one had been -making a nuisance of itself by visiting much in dreams, they fed it by -having all members of the family throw small portions of food into the -fire before commencing to eat their meals. Besides, a shaman was hired -under these circumstances to sing for the dreamer. The same ceremony was -observed by the Atsugewi. It was also the practice of the dreamer in -this tribe to eat with a dog, spitting out some of the food, saying to -the dog, “You better eat for me. Take that spirit away.” Atsugewi were -evidently very conscious of ghosts for they spoke to them, spit out -chewed epos roots for the spirits, smoked tobacco for them, burned hair -and skin to repel them, and tobacco and feather bundles were hung near -the house doorways for their benefit. New Atsugewi parents had a unique -ritual at the time of their first meat eating after the taboos of -childbirth—they chewed small amounts of meat and put this on their toes -for the dogs to eat. - - Garth says of Atsugewi spirit beliefs: “A man who was about to die, - whether he felt sick or not, had a peculiar odor about him. If he went - hunting, deer ran from him saying, ‘Phew, that man smells bad.’ - Coyotes and dogs would come close to him and bark at him. He would die - unless a shaman could remove this aura of death from him.” - -There were many omens of a spirit nature which foretold calamity. To -Atsugewi upon hearing the cries of certain animals at night, especially -if an owl hooted at one, or if one saw a kingsnake, death was supposed -to descend upon a relative. - -If evil spirits frightened a person and tried to steal his soul, the -spirits could be foiled by standing with one’s feet widely spread apart. -If followed by a ghost, a person might turn around, retracing his -footsteps while the spirit continued in the direction one had been -traveling initially. - -When a person was asleep his spirit could wander around. If, during -these wanderings, a bad spirit caught the person’s spirit before he -could awaken, the person was deprived of it. - -Also the spirit on occasion left a person voluntarily if it didn’t like -the body, as for instance, if it smelled badly. When a person’s spirit -or soul were gone, only the heart was left to keep him alive, and he -would succumb easily to the first sickness. For this reason, Atsugewi -shamans periodically examined all the people to see if any spirits were -missing. When anyone was found lacking his spirit, the shaman had to -work to bring it back, sucking it into the person’s head. If several -spirits were missing at once, it was not easy to get the right spirit -back into its own body. They didn’t know what would happen if a person -got the wrong soul back into his body—but it wasn’t good. - - - - - Chapter XXXVI - SHAMANISM AND DOCTORING - - -Shamans or doctors, more commonly known to modern Americans by the name -medicine men, were important in the lives of all Indians but, among -ours, probably to the highest degree among the Maidu. Whether we, with -our scientific enlightenment today, are after all happier and of greater -peace of mind, than the aborigines were or not, is a philosophical -consideration beyond the scope of this book. The fact of the matter is -that mankind in the past invariably has resorted to the supernatural to -explain things not understood. Indians are a case in point—being totally -without scientific explanations, mysticism and the supernatural pervaded -their whole culture—their every day activities—to a point which to us -today seems fantastic, yet understandable in a way. If you and I had -been in the Indian’s place, might not we also have subscribed whole -heartedly to these same beliefs with which we would have grown up, and -which our loved and trusted elders had taught us in good faith? -Shamanism gave to the Indians a feeling of comfort and, shall we say, -security?—a sort of foundation of faith which all men must have for the -living of reasonably satisfying lives. - -Shamans were men of influence in the village, with prestige second only -to that of the chief. Women shamans were uncommon and usually possessed -less potent power. The life of a shaman was precarious because if he -failed to effect a high percentage of cures or if he were “proven” -responsible for sending pains which caused death to persons, he might be -killed—sometimes even with the advance approval of the chief, and -without retaliation by the offending shaman’s relatives. When this was -done, he was cut into pieces, not for the morbid reasons, the reader -might suspect, but for the practical reason that the parts of his body -could in this way be disposed of in widely scattered places. Otherwise -there was the danger that he might, with the help of his power, be -reassembled and again be able to continue his malpractice and to include -his murderers among future victims. - -There were several kinds of shamans among the local Indians. Each tribe -in the Lassen area had the all important Sucking Shaman. Atsugewi and -mountain Maidu also had special Bear, Rattlesnake, and Weather Shamans -while only Yana had Singing Shamans in addition. - -The power of shamans was much more potent than mere “luck” which came -easily to the majority of ordinary mortals in dreams, during puberty -ceremonies, and the like. This “luck” was a weak supernatural blessing -which was not sought, but came voluntarily and gave the person skill and -success in crafts and daily pursuits such as fishing, hunting certain -animals or birds, canoe making, et cetera. - -It would be impractical in this book to give the complicated and -voluminous details of all phases of shamanism as conceived and practiced -by each of the four local tribes. The following information has been -somewhat generalized in the hope that the reader will get the “feel” of -the shaman concept which was essentially the same for all the tribes of -the Lassen area. - -Power was usually sought by men desiring to be shamans, but all were not -successful in such quests. On the other hand shamanistic power came to -some voluntarily, and it was dangerous not to accept this power if it -came to one. To refuse might cause death. One could tell when one was -successful in getting power because one would bleed from the nose or -mouth. He would also learn to sing and dance, and would receive -instructions and paraphernalia from his guardian spirit. - -Shamanistic power could be acquired in a number of ways, not all of -which applied to each tribe being considered. A rare means was by -inheritance. If an old shaman had power and if this power or guardian -spirit liked his son or nephew, it would say “Sometimes I’m going to -play with that boy” and so it goes to the boy. At sundown the latter -listens to it sing to him and he gets the power. The boy learns about it -in the vision and from the old shaman’s instructions. - - [Illustration: Small portions of yellow hammer or red-shafted quill - headbands.] - -Another infrequent way to gain power was involuntarily when seriously -ill, while in a trance, or when dreaming. - -The third and usual method of acquiring the shamanistic power was by -vision quest. It was a difficult ordeal. This might be undertaken at -various times of life, but most commonly at or near puberty. In questing -power there was no assurance of success, no matter how sincere a person -might be, or how hard he might try. Successful shamans could quest -repeatedly for additional powers. - -Youths were prepared for questing by being lectured to by fathers or -uncles who also pierced their nose septa. Each youth went alone and -unclothed into certain portions of the mountains for several days and -nights. He slept little and fasted, eating little or nothing at all; all -flesh was taboo. The questing usually included swimming in lakes or -special pools and placing the nose piercing stick in an underwater -niche, and (Yana) securing certain bird feathers. He built a fire, -smoking his body over it, and cut himself deliberately. If successful, -the power came to him in a trance or faint producing bleeding from the -nose or mouth. - -The guardian spirit communicated with the novice, appearing in a vision -usually. It gave instructions and taught its special ceremonial song. To -shamans of some tribes the guardian spirit looked something like a -human; to others it looked like a bug or like a small hair. This was the -“pain” or poison object and yet was considered to be a guardian spirit -at the same time. This is what the novice acquired in becoming a shaman. -This pain or guardian spirit could come from any of many sources. It was -alive and could talk, and gave the novice certain resultant powers. Most -commonly powers were from animals such as coyote, bear, and the like, -but also might come from sun, moon, wind, thunder and lightning, eagle, -hawk, small birds, reptiles, frog, or oldman spirit. - -The novice then acquired what we might call magic feathers. There were -several types including the popular salmon colored flicker feathers. -Most important, however, was the feather tuft known as kaku among the -Atsugewi. This allegedly was found in finished form and not made. So -full of power was the kaku that it could not be kept in a house. It was -placed outside securely tied to a willow branch beside a stream or -hidden inside a hollow tree trunk. The kaku was able to move by itself -so had to be tied down or placed under a rock. When the novice shaman -discovered his kaku, the feathers were singing; when he died, blood -dripped from its feathers! - -Upon his return to the village, the successful seeker stayed out of -dwelling houses for a day or two. Among some tribes he was sick for this -period. Universally he sweated and swam. Eating habits of the novice -shaman varied in different cases, but were always as dictated by the -specific instructions given to him by his guardian spirit. Invariably -all forms of flesh were shunned. He smoked tobacco and gave his first -hunting kill to an old man. During the novice period the new shaman was -helped by old shamans at the fireside in the sweat house. He did much -dancing, singing, handled hot coals and fire, bled from the mouth, and -might fall into a trance. - -In contrast to herbalist doctors who gave private treatment, that of -shamans was public and usually conducted indoors, preferably in sweat -lodges. The shaman needed singing help and the more help and the more -persons who attended his doctoring the better. Sucking Shamans were the -most important and required official assistants. These included one or -more interpreters to communicate with the lay helpers or supporters, -while the shaman was doctoring, and an outside speaker to help call the -shaman’s spirits. Doctoring could take from one to three days and -nights. - -To diagnose the patient’s ills the shaman danced about, blowing smoke on -him, and singing with the help of the audience. The shamans also drank -water, sometimes with a tube, from portable stone mortars with spirit -power. They often squirted water from their mouths. A whistle was used -in some cases and often the supernatural powerful cocoon rattle. Among -mountain Maidu herb medicines might be administered to the patient also. - -At length the shaman’s guardian spirit or pain told him the location of -the disease object, and then he could see or feel it. Often the shaman -learned further from the spirit just who it was who had sent the disease -object to plague his patient. - -Curing the afflicted was accomplished next by the shaman’s sucking this -pain or disease object out of some portion of the person’s body. The -evil pain could be any curious small object and this the shaman -exhibited to all present. The malignant pain was disposed of in a number -of ways. It might be sent back to the owner who sent it, that is, the -offending shaman. Or, it might be sent to his children who would be -doomed because a shaman could not doctor his own pain. Other times the -curing shaman would destroy the disease object by biting it and burning -it or dispose of it by taking the pain into his own charmed body. - -When a whole community had been affected by a pain sent by an evil -shaman, the pain usually hid in the bushes nearby. In such a case, the -shaman had to be very powerful to get the best of the situation. First -he conducted the ceremony of detection of one victim in the usual sweat -house manner. Once the shaman found out where the trouble was, he went -outdoors with the villagers to help in corraling the offending pain. -Frequently only after a lengthy search was he successful in finding the -pain and then capturing it. Upon taking it into his body it might be so -powerful as to cause him to go into a trance. In this event his -assistants had to support him bodily, and had to sing for him, otherwise -the shaman might die. Without wishing to appear facetious or -disparaging, it can be said that a good shaman had to be an excellent -showman as well. - -Sucking Shamans were obligated to accept all cases which they were asked -to treat. If they refused any and the afflicted died, then the shamans -might be killed themselves by relatives of the persons who succumbed. -The thinking was that if a shaman refused a case, he must have had -something to do with making the person sick in the first place. - -Payment was always made to the shaman. The amount was determined by the -patient’s relatives. They would take the offering to the shaman when -engaging him, but payment was not made at that time. The shaman looked -over the proffered payment and might ask for more or for a different -kind of payment. To give himself a foolproof alibi in case of failure to -cure, and to increase his prestige if he did cure, he might reply to the -effect that “The beads already have the smell of death on them, but I’ll -see what I can do about it.” The payment was placed near the patient -during healing treatment and was not actually collected by the shaman if -the patient died within a few weeks or months. The shaman’s assistants -were also paid, but in lesser amounts. - - [Illustration: Maidu shaman ceremonial neck pendant knife of - obsidian, nine and one half inches long (after Dixon)] - -Besides the main function of curing, other good powers of the shamans -were the ability to foretell future events, to see what was going on at -distant places, and to locate lost or stolen articles. Among certain -tribes control of weather was also possible by Sucking Shamans—among -others there were special shamans with weather power. - -Evil powers of Sucking Shamans could cause illness or death. This was -done by talking to the pain and sending it to the victim. The shaman -might put it on the end of a willow stick and point it at the person -while singing and smoking tobacco. This could go on all night. -Transmission of the pain to the intended victim was facilitated by -contact, such as sneaking up behind him and touching him, or by putting -the disease pain in his food or under his doorstep. The bad pain might -also be dispatched by blowing it through a pipe or putting it in the -victim’s pipe, or by talking to the shaman’s own animal spirit, -injecting the pain into it and then sending the animal to the victim. -This power animal might just take it to the intended person, or it might -actually attack and bite him. If the evil pain had been successfully -sent, and the intended dire results occurred, the relatives of the -victim had a moral right to kill the offending shaman, without fear of -retaliation. It seems that the culprit was usually recognized—obviously -often mistakenly. It follows that shamans’ lives were somewhat -precarious, not knowing who was going to find damning evidence against -them. - -By somewhat the same means as described above shamans could steal a -person’s spirit or soul, rendering that person liable to quick and sure -death from the slightest accident or illness. Shamans could be hired to -perform these evil powers. - -Singing Shamans were dreamers foretelling the future and telling the -living what their dead relatives wanted them to do. The Singing Shaman -was always male among mountain Maidu. Our other tribes did not have this -specialist, instead such powers were in the repertoire of the Sucking -Shaman. - -Among Yana and Yahi tribes, apparently, weather doctoring could be done -by any shaman, and this was usually the case among Atsugewi. However, -mountain Maidu had specialized Weather Shamans. These were men who were -capable not only of producing rain, snow, or hail, but also fog and high -winds, or ending any of these. - -Rattlesnake Shamans were generally women among Atsugewi and men among -mountain Maidu. They could protect people from rattlesnakes or cure -bites. The latter was accomplished by sucking which removed snakes and -snakes’ teeth from the wound. - -Bear Shamans did not exist among Yana tribes. Among Atsugewi and -mountain Maidu these were not specialists, instead bear power was an -additional skill of Sucking Shamans. They were almost always men and -pertained not to Black Bear, but only to the California Grizzly. They -wore bear skin, hair, teeth, and claws and simulated the bear’s actions -in treating patients. Bear Shamans were called primarily to minister to -bear wounded persons from whom they sucked out bear blood and teeth. - - - - - Chapter XXXVII - MISCELLANEOUS MAGIC - - -All tribes of the Lassen region exercised miscellaneous more or less -supernatural powers which one might term magic. - -Examples were: carrying a turtleshell on one’s belt which rendered a -person immune to rattlesnake strikes, or, among Maidu the rubbing of the -root of _Angelica breweri_ on the legs to keep rattlesnakes away. -Poisoning of persons could be done by some skilled people (not shamans) -by rubbing an unspecified substance on their hands and then touching the -victim’s body; this could drive him crazy or kill him. - -To mountain Maidu the number five was sacred and lucky according to -Dixon. - - [Illustration: Yana charmstones and a fir twig basket container for - such charms.] - -Charm stones, usually in pairs were found by many fortunate Indians. -They were smooth and rounded and were especially effective if possessing -rings or other special markings on them which were actually surface -traces of mineral veins. Quartz crystals, rare in this volcanic region, -were also highly prized as charm stones. An ideal storage place for -charm stones in their special basketry containers was in a rattlesnake -“den” where such snakes tended to hibernate in the winter. At any rate -charm stones were kept hidden and the owner would secretly rub them on -himself to gain good luck in gambling or in other pursuits which -involved much in the way of chance. - - [Illustration: Atsugewi charmstones] - -Prayers for a variety of reasons were offered simply by the individual. -It was common practice every few days or so to make token food offerings -at mealtime for no specific reason. The bits of food might be thrown to -the east or into the fire. - - * * * * * * * * - -Thus ends this resume of the customs and beliefs of the tribes of the -Lassen region—tribes virtually extinct as such today—tribes which once -lived here among the scenic beauties of Lassen Volcanic National Park. -We, the descendants of the relentless conquerors of these local Indians, -come here now to enjoy ourselves and to refresh our bodies and spirits. -As we do this on the lands of the vanquished, we owe them not only a -moment of thoughtful reverence, but also whatever kindness and aid we -are able to give their descendants. - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY - - - Dixon, Roland B.: BASKETRY DESIGNS OF THE INDIANS OF NORTHERN - CALIFORNIA - Feb. 12, 1902, Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, - Vol. 17, Part 1 - Dixon, Roland B.: MAIDU MYTHS - June 30, 1902, Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, - Vol. 17, Part 2 - Dixon, Roland B.: THE NORTHERN MAIDU - May 1905, Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. - 17, Part 3 - Garth, Thomas R.: KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY, MARRIAGE PRACTICES, AND - BEHAVIOR TOWARD KIN AMONG THE ATSUGEWI - July 1944, American Anthropologist, Vol. 46, No. 3 - Garth, Thomas R.: EMPHASIS ON INDUSTRIOUSNESS AMONG THE ATSUGEWI - Oct. 1945, American Anthropologist, Vol. 47, No. 4 - Garth, Thomas R.: ATSUGEWI ETHNOGRAPHY - Feb. 1953, Anthropological Records, University of California, Vol. - 14, No. 2 - Gifford, E. W. and Klimek, Stanislaw: CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: - II, YANA - 1936, University of California Publications in American Archeology - and Ethnology, Vol. 37, No. 2 - Heizer, R. F. and Whipple, M. A.: THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS - 1951, University of California Press - Klimek, Stanislaw: CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: I, THE STRUCTURE OF - THE CALIFORNIA INDIAN CULTURE - 1935, University of California Publications in American Archeology - and Ethnology - Kniffen, Fred B.: ACHOMAWI GEOGRAPHY - 1928, University of California Publications in American Archeology - and Ethnology - Kroeber, A. L.: HANDBOOK OF THE INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA - 1925, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, - Bulletin. No. 78 - Kroeber, A. L.: CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: XV, SALT, DOGS, AND - TOBACCO - Feb. 1941, Anthropological Records, University of California, Vol. - 6, No. 1 - Mason, Otis T.: REPORT OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM - 1902 - Merriam, C. Hart: CLASSIFICATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE PIT RIVER - INDIAN TRIBES - Smithsonian Institute, Vol. 78, No. 3 - Pope, Saxton T.: THE MEDICAL HISTORY OF ISHI - May 15, 1920, University of California Publications in American - Archeology and Ethnology, Vol. 13, No. 5 - Sapir, Edward: THE POSITION OF YANA IN THE HOKAN STOCK - June 1917, University of California Publications in American - Archeology and Ethnology, Vol. 13, No. 1 - Sapir, Edward and Spier, Leslie: NOTES ON THE CULTURE OF THE YANA - Sept. 1943, Anthropological Records, University of California, Vol. - 3, No. 3 - Sauer, Carl O.: EARLY RELATIONS OF MAN TO PLANTS - Jan. 1947, Geographical Review - Vogelin, Ermine W.: CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: XX, NORTHEAST - CALIFORNIA - June 1942, Anthropological Records, University of California, Vol. - 7, No. 2 - Waterman, T. T.: THE YANA INDIANS - Feb. 1918, University of California Publications in American - Archeology and Ethnology, Vol. 13, No. 2 - - - ASK - THE MAN IN THE - NATIONAL PARK SERVICE UNIFORM - - _He’ll be glad to help you!_ - - - BE PROUD OF - LASSEN VOLCANIC NATIONAL PARK! - -As a citizen of the United States it belongs to you. Keep it unspoiled -for your next visit and for future generations by helping to: - - 1. Prevent forest fires. - 2. Protect the flowers, the animal life, and the rock and mineral - formations. - 3. Keep it clean. - - -This booklet is one of a series prepared by the Loomis Museum -Association, a non-profit distributing organization sponsored by the -Naturalist Department of Lassen Volcanic National Park. The Association -is dedicated to the accumulation and dissemination of information -concerning the history and natural history of this park. Toward this end -it has published the following books available by mail. The post office -address is Mineral, California. During the summer, these publications -are also available at the Loomis Museum sales desk at Manzanita Lake, -Lassen Volcanic National Park. - - GEOLOGY OF LASSEN’S LANDSCAPE, Schulz 55¢ - PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE LASSEN VOLCANO, Loomis 85¢ - GUIDE TO LASSEN PEAK HIGHWAY, Schulz 25¢ - STORIES OF LASSEN’S PLACE NAMES, Schulz 40¢ - BIRDS OF LASSEN VOLCANIC NATIONAL PARK AND VICINITY, Stebbins 85¢ - FISH AND FISHING IN LASSEN VOLCANIC NATIONAL PARK, Potts 40¢ - INDIANS OF THE LASSEN AREA Schulz 85¢ - -For mail orders please add 12% for postage and packing. If the addressee -is in California also add 3% sales tax. Prices are subject to change -without notice. - - [Illustration: Association logo] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIANS OF LASSEN VOLCANIC -NATIONAL PARK AND VICINITY *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. |