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diff --git a/old/65670-0.txt b/old/65670-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 02ea05c..0000000 --- a/old/65670-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2228 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, -in the House of Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799, by William Pitt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Speech of the Right Honourable William Pitt, in the House of - Commons, Thursday, January 31, 1799 - On offering to the House the resolutions which he proposed as - the basis of an union between Great Britain and Ireland: Fifth - Edition. - -Author: William Pitt - -Release Date: June 22, 2021 [eBook #65670] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive/American - Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE -WILLIAM PITT, IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1799 *** - - - - - - _Fifth Edition._ - - SPEECH - OF THE - _Right Hon. William Pitt, - &c. &c._ - - (ONE SHILLING AND SIXPENCE.) - - - - - SPEECH - OF THE - RIGHT HONOURABLE - _WILLIAM PITT_, - - IN THE - HOUSE OF COMMONS, - THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1799, - - _On offering to the House the RESOLUTIONS which he proposed - as the BASIS OF AN UNION between - GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND._ - - Fifth Edition. - - _LONDON_: - PRINTED FOR J. WRIGHT, OPPOSITE OLD BOND-STREET, - PICCADILLY. - 1799. - - - - -SPEECH OF THE _Right Hon. William Pitt_, &c. &c. - - -The Speaker having read HIS MAJESTY’S MESSAGE, _viz._ - - _GEORGE REX._ - - “His Majesty is persuaded that the unremitting industry with - which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting - the Separation of Ireland from this Kingdom, cannot fail to - engage the particular attention of Parliament; and His Majesty - recommends it to this House to consider of the most effectual - means of counteracting and finally defeating this design; and - he trusts that a review of all the circumstances which have - recently occurred (joined to the sentiment of mutual affection - and common interest), will dispose the Parliament of both - Kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they shall judge most - expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment as - may best tend to improve and perpetuate a Connection essential - for their common security, and to augment and consolidate the - Strength, Power, and Resources of the British Empire.” - - G. R. - -Mr. PITT _rose, and spoke as follows_: - -SIR, - -When I proposed to the House, the last time this subject was before them, -to fix this day for the further consideration of His Majesty’s Message, I -certainly indulged the hope that the result of a similar communication to -the Parliament of Ireland would have opened a more favourable Prospect, -than at present exists, of the speedy accomplishment of a measure which I -then stated, and which I still consider, to be of the greatest importance -to the power, the stability, and the general welfare of the Empire; -to the immediate interests of both Kingdoms; and more particularly -to the peace, the tranquillity, and the safety of Ireland: in this -hope, I am sorry to say, I have for the present been disappointed, by -the proceedings of the Irish House of Commons, of which we have been -informed since this subject was last under consideration. - -I feel and know that the Parliament of Ireland possesses the power, -the intire competence, on the behalf of that country, alike to accept -or reject a proposition of this nature—a power which I am by no means -inclined to dispute. I see that at the present moment one House -of Parliament in Ireland has expressed a repugnance, even to the -consideration of this measure. Feeling, Sir, as I have already stated, -that it is important, not only as it tends to the general prosperity -of the Empire of Great Britain, but (what, under every situation, must -always be to me an object of the greatest moment) feeling that it was -designed and calculated to increase the prosperity and ensure the safety -of Ireland, I must have seen with the deepest regret that, at the very -first moment, and before the nature of the measure could be known, it was -so received. - -But whatever may have been my feelings upon this subject, knowing that -it is the undoubted right of the Legislature of Ireland to reject or to -adopt such measures as may appear to them injurious or beneficial, far be -it from me to speak of its determination in any other terms but those of -respect. Let it not, therefore, be imagined that I am inclined to press -any sentiment, however calculated it may appear to me to benefit every -member of the Empire, in any manner which may lead to hostile discussion -between two Kingdoms, whose mutual happiness and safety depend upon their -being strictly and cordially united. But while I admit and respect the -rights of the Parliament of Ireland, I feel that, as a Member of the -Parliament of Great Britain, I also have a Right to exercise, and a Duty -to perform. That Duty is to express, as distinctly as I can, the general -nature and outline of the Plan, which, in my conscience, I think would -tend in the strongest manner to ensure the safety and the happiness of -both Kingdoms. - -While I feel, therefore, that as long as the House of Commons of Ireland -view the subject in the light they do at present, there is no chance of -its adoption, I do not think that I ought on that account to abstain from -submitting it to the consideration of this Parliament; on the contrary, I -think it only the more necessary to explain distinctly the principles of -the Measure, and to state the grounds upon which it appears to me to be -entitled to the approbation of the Legislature. - -If Parliament, when it is in possession of the basis upon which this Plan -is founded, and of its general outline, should be of opinion with me, -that it is founded upon fair, just, and equitable principles, calculated -to produce mutual advantages to the two Kingdoms—if Parliament, I say, -upon full explanation, and after mature deliberation, should be of that -opinion, I should propose that its determination should remain recorded -as that by which the Parliament of Great Britain is ready to abide, -leaving to the Legislature of Ireland to reject or to adopt it hereafter, -upon a full consideration of the subject. - -There is no man who will deny that in a great question of this nature, -involving in it objects which, in the first instance, are more likely to -be decided upon by passion than by judgment; in a question in which an -honest but, I must be allowed to say, a mistaken sense of National Pride -is so likely to operate, that much misconstruction and misconception -must inevitably happen. It therefore becomes the more necessary that -the intentions of the Government which proposes the Measure, and the -principles of the Measure itself, should be distinctly understood. -But, Sir, in stating that intention and those principles, I look to -something more than a mere vindication of Government for having proposed -the Measure. I do entertain a confidence, even under the apparent -discouragement of the opinion expressed by the Irish House of Commons, -that this Measure is founded upon such clear, such demonstrable grounds -of utility, is so calculated to add to the strength and power of the -Empire, (in which the safety of Ireland is included, and from which -it never can be separated) and is attended with so many advantages to -Ireland in particular, that all that can be necessary for its ultimate -adoption is, that it should be stated distinctly, temperately, and fully, -and that it should be left to the unprejudiced, the dispassionate, -the sober judgment of the Parliament of Ireland. I wish that those -whose interests are involved in this measure should have time for its -consideration—I wish that time should be given to the Landed, to the -Mercantile, and Manufacturing Interest, that they should look at it -in all its bearings, and that they should coolly examine and sift the -popular arguments by which it has been opposed, and that then they should -give their deliberate and final judgment. - -I am the more encouraged in this hope of the ultimate success of this -measure, when I see, notwithstanding all the prejudices which it has -excited, that barely more than one-half of the members that attended -the House of Commons were adverse to it; and that in the other House of -Parliament in Ireland, containing, as it does, so large a portion of the -property of that kingdom, it was approved of by a large majority.—When I -have reason to believe that the sentiments of a large part of the People -of that Country are favourable to it; and that much of the Manufacturing, -and of the Commercial Interest of Ireland are already sensible how much -it is calculated to promote their advantage, I think, when it is more -deliberately examined, and when it is seen in what temper it is here -proposed and discussed, that it will still terminate in that which can -alone be a fortunate result. - -It would be vain indeed to hope that a proposition upon which prejudices -are so likely to operate, and which is so liable to misconception, should -be unanimously approved. But the approbation I hope for is, that of the -Parliament of Ireland, and of the intelligent part of the Public of -that Country. It is with a view to this object that I think it my duty -to bring this measure forward at present; not for the sake of urging -its immediate adoption, but that it may be known and recorded; that the -intention of the British Parliament may be known, in the hope that it -will produce similar sentiments among our Countrymen in Ireland. With -this view it is my intention not to go at present into any detailed -statement of the plan, because should it ultimately be adopted, the -minuter parts must necessarily become the objects of much distinct -discussion; but to give such a general statement of the nature of the -measure as will enable the House to form a correct judgment upon it. - -I shall therefore, Sir, before I sit down, open to the House a string -of Resolutions, comprising the general heads of this plan. It will -be necessary for me, for the purpose of discussing those Resolutions -with regularity and convenience, to move that the House should resolve -itself into a Committee. And I have already stated, that it is not my -intention then to press the Committee to come to an immediate decision -upon the Resolutions; but if, upon full and deliberate examination, the -Resolutions which I shall have the honour to propose, and which contain -as much as is necessary for an outline of the plan, shall be approved, my -opinion is, that nothing can contribute more to obviate any doubts and -dissatisfaction which may exist, than that Parliament should adopt those -Resolutions, and that it should then humbly lay them at the foot of the -Throne, leaving it to HIS MAJESTY’S wisdom to communicate them to the -Parliament of Ireland, whenever circumstances should appear favourable -to such a Measure. I shall therefore, Sir, proceed as shortly as I can -to state to the House the nature, of the Resolutions, and of the Address -which I shall propose to accompany them, if it should be the pleasure of -the House to adopt them. - -Having now, Sir, explained to the House the mode I mean to pursue, and my -reasons for persisting, under the present circumstances, in submitting -this Measure to the consideration of Parliament, I will endeavour to -state the general grounds on which it rests, the general arguments by -which it is recommended, and to give a short view of the outline of the -Plan. - -As to the general principle upon which, the whole of this Measure is -founded, I am happy to observe, from what passed upon a former occasion, -that there is not a probability of any difference of opinion. The general -principle, to which both sides of the House perfectly acceded, is, that -a perpetual Connection between Great Britain and Ireland is essential -to the interests of both. The only Honourable Gentleman who, when this -subject was before the House on a former day, opposed the consideration -of the Plan altogether, stated, in terms as strong as I could wish, -the necessity of preserving the strictest Connection between the two -Countries. I most cordially agree with him in that opinion, but I then -stated, that I do not barely wish for the maintenance of that Connection -as tending to add to the general strength of the Empire, but I wish for -the maintenance of it with a peculiar regard to the local interests of -Ireland, with a regard to every thing that can give to Ireland its due -weight and importance, as a great member of the Empire. I wish for it -with a view of giving to that Country the means of improving all its -great natural Resources, and of giving it a full participation of all -those blessings which this Country so eminently enjoys. - -Considering the subject in this point of view, and assuming it as a -proposition not to be controverted, that it is the duty of those who wish -to promote the Interest and Prosperity of both Countries, to maintain -the strongest connection between them, let me ask, what is the situation -of Affairs that has called us to the discussion of this subject? This -very connection, the necessity of which has been admitted on all hands, -has been attacked by Foreign Enemies, and by Domestic Traitors. The -dissolution of this connection is the great object of the hostility of -the common Enemies of both Countries, it is almost the only remaining -hope with which they now continue the contest. Baffled and defeated as -they have hitherto been, they still retain the hope, they are still -meditating attempts, to dissolve that connection. In how many instances -already the defeat of their hostile designs has been turned to the -confirmation of our Strength and Security, I need not enumerate. God -grant that in this instance the same favour of Divine Providence, which -has in so many instances protected this Empire, may again interpose -in our favour, and that the attempts of the Enemy to separate the two -Countries, may tend ultimately to knit them more closely together, to -strengthen a Connection, the best pledge for the happiness of both, and -so add to that power which forms the chief barrier to the civilized -world, against the destructive principles, the dangerous projects, and -the unexampled usurpation of France. This Connection has been attacked -not only by the avowed Enemies of both Countries, but by internal -Treason, acting in concert with the designs of the Enemy. Internal -Treason, which ingrafted Jacobinism on those diseases which necessarily -grew out of the State and Condition of Ireland. - -Thinking, then, as we all must think, that a close Connection with -Ireland is essential to the interests of both Countries, and seeing how -much this Connection is attacked, let it not be insinuated that it is -unnecessary, much less improper, at this arduous and important crisis, -to see whether some new arrangements, some fundamental regulations, are -not necessary, to guard against the threatened danger. The foreign and -domestic Enemies of these Kingdoms have shewn, that they think this the -vulnerable point in which We may be most successfully attacked; let us -derive advantage, if we can, from the hostility of our Enemies—let us -profit by the designs of those who, if their conduct displays no true -wisdom, at least possess in an eminent degree that species of wisdom -which is calculated for the promotion of mischief. They know upon what -footing that Connection rests at this moment between the two Countries, -and they feel the most ardent hope, that the two Parliaments will be -infatuated enough not to render their designs abortive, by fixing that -Connection upon a more solid basis. - -These circumstances I am sure will not be denied. And if upon other -grounds we had any doubt, these circumstances alone ought to induce us, -deliberately and dispassionately, to review the situation of the two -Countries, and to endeavour to find out a proper remedy for an evil, -the existence of which is but too apparent. It requires but a moment’s -reflection, for any man who has marked the progress of events, to decide -upon the true state and character of this Connection. It is evidently one -which does not afford that security which, even in times less dangerous -and less critical than the present, would have been necessary, to enable -the empire to avail itself of its strength and its resources. - -When I last addressed the House on this subject, I stated that the -settlement, which was made in 1782, so far from deserving the name of a -Final Adjustment, was one that left the Connection between Great Britain -and Ireland exposed to all the attacks of Party, and all the effects -of accident. That Settlement consisted in the demolition of the System -which before held the two Countries together. Let me not be understood as -expressing any regret at the termination of that System. I disapproved -of it, because I thought it was one unworthy the liberality of Great -Britain, and injurious to the interests of Ireland. But to call that a -System in itself—to call that a glorious fabric of human wisdom—which is -no more than the mere demolition of another System—is a perversion of -terms which, however prevalent of late, can only be the effect of gross -misconception, or of great hypocrisy. We boast that we have done every -thing, when we have merely destroyed all that before existed, without -substituting any thing in its place. Such was the _Final Adjustment_ of -1782; and I can prove it to be so, not only from the plainest reasoning, -but I can prove it by the opinion expressed by the British Parliament at -that very time. I can prove it by the opinion expressed by those very -Ministers by whom it was proposed and conducted. I refer, for what I -have said, to proofs which they will find it very difficult to answer; -I mean their own acts, which will plainly shew that they were of opinion -that a new System would be necessary. But, Sir, I will go farther—I -will also produce the authority of one of those whose influence, on the -present occasion, has been peculiarly exerted to prevent the discussion -of the question in Ireland—of one, of whom I do not wish to speak but -with respect, but for whom, nevertheless, I should convey an idea of -more respect, than I can now feel to be due to him, if I were merely to -describe him as the person who fills the same situation, in the House -of Commons of Ireland, which you, Sir, hold among us, and of which on -all occasions _you_ discharge the duties with a dignity and impartiality -which reflects so much credit on yourself, and so well supports the -character and authority of the House. - -On a former night, I read an Extract from the Journals, to shew what -was the opinion even of those by whom the Final Adjustment was proposed -on that Measure. It would there appear, that the Message was sent to -the Parliament of Ireland, recommending to them the adoption of some -Plan for a Final Adjustment between the two Countries, and wishing to -know what were the grounds of the grievances of which they complained. -In answer to this Message, the Parliament of Ireland stated certain -grievances, the principal of which was, the power claimed by the -Parliament of Great Britain of making Laws to bind Ireland; but, with -respect to that part of the Message which related to the propriety of -adopting some Measures for a Final Adjustment between the two Countries, -they were wholly silent. This Address was laid before the Parliament of -Great Britain, to whom a similar Message had been previously sent, and on -that ground was moved the Repeal of what was called the Declaratory Act, -which Motion was assented to by the British Parliament. This satisfaction -was compleat to Ireland, as far as related to the grievance of which -her Parliament had complained, viz. the Power of the British Parliament -of making Laws for Ireland, because, by the Repeal of the Declaratory -Act, that power was given up. But so far was the Minister of that day -from considering that the Repeal of that Law finally terminated all -differences, and established the Connection between the two Countries -upon a solid basis, that he thought it necessary to move that a farther -Settlement was indispensable for the maintenance of that Connection. - - [Mr. SHERIDAN across the Table, desired that that part of the - Journals to which Mr. PITT alluded, might be read.] - -Mr. PITT continued. Sir, I have stated the substance of the Journals -correctly; they were read on a former night, and the Honourable Gentleman -may, if he chooses, have them read again.[1] If he does he will find that -they fully justify the statement I have made, but I beg that at present -I may not be interrupted. I do maintain, that upon a reference to the -Journals of the period to which I have alluded, it will appear that a -farther agreement between Great Britain and Ireland is there dated, in -the opinion of the Administration of the day, to be absolutely necessary. - - [1] Vide Appendix. - -I beg farther to state, that after the motion for the Bill of which so -much has been said, was passed, an Address to HIS MAJESTY was moved and -carried, praying him to take such further measures as to him seemed -proper, to strengthen the Connection between the two Countries. HIS -MAJESTY’S most Gracious Answer, stating, that in compliance with the -Address, he would immediately take such measures as might be necessary -for that purpose, was delivered to the House by an Honourable Gentleman -who then filled the office of Secretary of State, and whom we have not -lately seen in the House, though he still continues to be a Member of it. -I do assert, without the least fear of contradiction from any Gentleman -whatever, that it was in the contemplation of the Government of that -day, to adopt some measures of the nature alluded to in the Address; -since that period, however, no such measure has been taken. I do also -maintain, that that very system which by these very Ministers who brought -it forward was found to be imperfect, even for the purpose of maintaining -the Connection between the two Countries, remains at this moment in the -same imperfect state. It leaves the two Countries with separate and -independent Legislatures, connected only with this tie, that the Third -Estate in both Countries is the same—that the Executive Government is the -same—that the Crown exercises its power of assenting to Irish Acts of -Parliament under the Great Seal of Great Britain, and by the advice of -British Ministers. - -This is the only principle of Connection which is left by the Final -Adjustment of 1782. Whether this is a sufficient tie to unite them in -time of Peace; whether in time of War it is sufficient to consolidate -their strength against a Common Enemy; whether it is sufficient to guard -against those local jealousies which must necessarily sometimes exist -between countries so connected; whether it is calculated to give to -Ireland all the important commercial and political advantages which she -would derive from a closer Connection with Great Britain; whether it can -give to both Nations that degree of strength and prosperity which must be -the result of such a Measure as the present, I believe needs only to be -stated to be decided. - -But I have already said, that I have upon this point, the authority -of an opinion to which I before alluded—an opinion delivered upon a -very important Measure, very soon after the Final Adjustment of 1782. -The Measure to which I refer, was that of the Commercial Propositions -which were brought forward in 1785. I am not now going to enter into -a discussion of the merits of that Measure. The best, perhaps, that -can be said of it is, that it went as far as circumstances would then -permit, to draw the two Countries to a closer Connection. But those who -think that the Adjustment of 1782 was final, and that it contained all -that was necessary for the establishment of the Connection between the -two Countries upon a firm basis, can hardly contend that the Commercial -Propositions of 1785 were necessary to prevent the danger of separation -between the two Countries, and to prevent the conflicting operation of -Independent Legislatures. Yet, if I am not mistaken, there will be found, -upon a reference to better Records than those in which Parliamentary -Debates are usually stated (I mean a statement of what passed in the -discussion upon those Propositions fourteen years ago, made, as I have -understood, by some of the principal parties themselves) that the -CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER of that day in Ireland, in a Debate upon -the Irish Propositions, held this language—“If this infatuated Country -gives up the present offer, she may look for it again in vain.” Here the -Right Honourable Gentleman was happily mistaken; Ireland has again had -the offer of the same advantages, but more compleat, and in all respects -better calculated to attain their object; and this offer the Right -Honourable Gentleman has exerted all his influence to reject. But he -goes on to say—“THINGS CANNOT REMAIN AS THEY ARE—Commercial jealousy is -roused—it will increase with _two independent Legislatures_—and without -an united interest in commerce, in a commercial Empire, political Union -will receive many shocks, and _separation of interest_ must threaten -_separation of Connection_, which every _honest Irishman_ must shudder to -look at, as a possible event.” - -Gentlemen will have the goodness to observe, that I am not now quoting -these expressions as pledges given by that Right Honourable Gentleman -that he would support a proposal for a Union between the two Countries, -but I am adducing them to prove that the situation of the two Countries -after the Final Adjustment of 1782, was such, in his opinion, as led -to the danger of a separation between them. I am not now arguing that -a Legislative Union is the only measure which can possibly be adopted, -but I am contending that the Adjustment of 1782 was never considered as -final, by those who now state it to be so as an argument against the -consideration of the present measure. How the Honourable Gentleman on -the other side of the House will evade this authority I do not know;—an -authority too, which, I must observe, he seems much more inclined to -treat with respect than he was formerly. - -But, Sir, it does not stop there. What is the evil to which he alludes? -Commercial jealousies between two Countries acting upon the laws of two -independent Legislatures, and the danger of those Legislatures acting -in opposition to each other.—How can this evil be remedied? By two -means only; either by some Compact entered into by the Legislatures -of the two Countries respecting the mode of forming their commercial -regulations, or else by blending the two Legislatures together; these -are the only two means. I defy the wit of man to point out a third. The -mode of compact was proposed in 1785, but unfortunately, in spite of -that Right Honourable Gentleman’s eloquence and authority, who then -stated the importance of guarding against the evil, it so happened that -doctrines, derived chiefly from this side of the water, succeeded in -convincing the Parliament of Ireland, that it would be inconsistent -with their independence, to enter into any compact whatever. We have -then the authority of that Right Honourable Gentleman to whom I have so -often alluded, that the unsettled state in which the matter was left, -would give “Political Union many shocks, and lead to a separation of -Connection.” The experiment of a mutual Compact has been tried without -success; the arrangement of that sort, which was proposed in 1785, in -order to obviate the inconveniences stated by the Right Honourable -Gentleman, was then attacked with the same success against his authority, -as another and more effectual remedy has recently experienced under his -auspices. The result then is—you must remain in the state which that -Right Honourable Gentleman has described, with the seeds of separation in -the system now established, and with the Connection, on which the mutual -prosperity of both countries depends in danger of being hourly dissolved, -or you must again recur to the proposal of a compact similar to that -rejected in 1785, or you must resort to the best and most effectual -remedy,—A LEGISLATIVE UNION. - -I have dwelt longer, perhaps, upon this part of the subject than was -absolutely necessary, because I believe there is scarcely any man who -has ever asked himself, whether there is a solid, permanent system of -Connection between the two Countries, who could, upon reflection, answer -the question in the affirmative. But besides the authorities of the -persons who made the arrangement in 1782, and of those who have since -treated of it, to shew that it was not deemed to be final and complete; -I have further the test of experience to shew how imperfect it was, -and how inadequate in practice to the great object of cementing the -Connection, and placing it beyond the danger of being dissolved. In the -single instance, which has occurred, (and that a melancholy one which -all of us deplored,) in which we could feel the effects of two jarring -Legislatures, We did feel it. On that occasion, it might have produced -the most signal calamities, had we not been rescued from its danger by -an event, to which no man can now look back without feeling the utmost -joy and exultation; feelings, which subsequent circumstances have served -to heighten and confirm. Every Gentleman will know, that I must allude -to the Regency. With two independent Legislatures, acting upon different -principles, it was accident alone that preserved the identity of the -Executive Power, which is the bond and security of the Connection: And -even then the Executive authority, though vested in one person, would -have been held by two different tenures, by one tenure in England, by -another in Ireland, had not the interposition of Providence prevented a -circumstance pregnant with the most imminent perils, and which might have -operated to a separation of the two kingdoms. - -After seeing the recorded opinion of Parliament, of those who made the -arrangement of 1782, and after the decided testimony of experience on -the subject, within the short period of sixteen years, perhaps, it is -hardly necessary to appeal to farther proofs of its inadequacy, or to -desire Gentlemen to look forward to possible cases, which I could easily -put, and which will naturally suggest themselves to the minds of all, who -chuse to turn their attention to the subject. - -But when we consider the distinct powers possessed by the two -Legislatures on all the great questions of Peace and War, of alliances -and confederacies,—(for they each have in principle, a right to discuss -them and decide upon them, though one of them has hitherto been wisely -restrained by discretion, from the exercise of that right),—have we -not seen circumstances to induce us to think it possible, at least, -that on some of these important questions the opinions and decisions of -the two Parliaments might have been at variance? Are we talking of an -indissoluble Connection, when we see it thus perpetually liable to be -endangered? Can we really think that the interests of the Empire, or of -its different branches rest upon a safe and solid basis at present? I -am anxious to discuss this point closely with any man, either here, or -in Ireland. Will it be said, that the Parliament of the latter Country -is bound by our decision on the question of Peace or War? And if not so -bound, will any man, looking at human Nature as it is, contend, that -there is a sufficient certainty that the decision on that important -subject will always be the same in both countries? I should be glad to -receive a distinct answer to this question, from the Honourable Gentleman -who has declared himself to be as warm a friend to the Connection between -the two Countries as I am. - -Suppose, for instance, that the present war, which the Parliament of -Great Britain considers to be just and necessary, had been voted by the -Irish Parliament, to be unjust, unnecessary, extravagant, and hostile to -the principles of humanity and freedom.—Would that Parliament have been -bound by this Country? If not;—what security have we, at a moment the -most important to our common interest and common salvation, that the two -Kingdoms should have but one friend and one foe? I repeat it; I am eager -to hear what can be said in justification of a basis so imperfect and -unsound, and liable to be shaken by so many accidents. I have already -observed, that in the peculiar circumstances of the present moment, -we may find stronger reasons to prove the necessity of correcting the -system of Connection between this Country and Ireland, of supplying its -imperfections, and strengthening its weakness, than are to be found at -any former period. - -Having thus stated, Sir, and I think sufficiently proved, that the -Settlement of 1782, in every point of view in which it can be considered, -is imperfect, and inadequate to the object of maintaining the connection -between the two kingdoms, I proceed next to the circumstances which -peculiarly call upon us at the present moment to remedy that imperfection. - -This Country is at this time engaged in the most important, and momentous -conflict, that ever occurred in the History of the World; a conflict in -which Great Britain is distinguished for having made the only manly and -successful stand against the common enemies of civilized society. We see -the point in which that Enemy think us the most assailable—Are we not -then bound in policy and prudence, to strengthen that vulnerable point, -involved as we are in a contest of Liberty against Despotism—of Property -against Plunder and Rapine—of Religion and Order against Impiety and -Anarchy? There was a time when this would have been termed declamation; -but, unfortunately, long and bitter experience has taught us to feel that -it is only the feeble and imperfect representation of those calamities -(the result of French Principles and French Arms), which are every day -attested by the wounds of a bleeding world. - -Is there a man who does not admit the importance of a measure which, at -such a crisis, may augment the strength of the Empire, and thereby ensure -its safety? Would not that benefit to Ireland be of itself so solid, so -inestimable, that, in comparison with it, all Commercial Interests, and -the preservation of local habits and manners, would be trifling, even -if they were endangered by the present measure;—which they undoubtedly -are not? The people of Ireland are proud, I believe, of being associated -with us in the great contest in which we are engaged, and must feel the -advantage of augmenting the general force of the Empire. That the present -measure is calculated to produce that effect, is a proposition which I -think cannot be disputed. There is not in any Court of Europe a Statesman -so ill informed as not to know, that the general power of the Empire -would be increased to a very great extent indeed, by such a consolidation -of the strength of the two Kingdoms. In the course of the Century every -writer of any information on the subject has held the same language, and -in the general strength of the Empire both Kingdoms are more concerned -than in any particular interests which may belong to either. If we were -to ask the Ministers of our Allies, what measure they thought the most -likely to augment the power of the British Empire, and consequently -increase that strength by which they were now protected—if we were to ask -the Agent of our Enemies, what measure would be the most likely to render -their designs abortive—the answer would be the same in both cases, viz. -the firm consolidation of every part of the Empire. - -There is another consideration well worth attention. Recollect what are -the peculiar means by which we have been enabled to resist the unequalled -and eccentric efforts of France, without any diminution, nay, with an -increase, of our general prosperity—what, but the great Commercial -Resources which we possess? A Measure, then, which must communicate -to such a mighty Limb of the Empire as Ireland, all the Commercial -advantages which Great Britain possesses, which will open the markets of -the one Country to the other, which will give them both the common use of -their Capital, must, by diffusing a large portion of wealth into Ireland, -considerably increase the Resources, and consequently the strength, of -the whole Empire. - -But it is not merely in this general view, that I think the Question -ought to be considered.—We ought to look to it with a view peculiarly to -the permanent interest and security of Ireland. When that Country was -threatened with the double danger of hostile attacks by Enemies without, -and of Treason within, from what quarter did she derive the means of her -deliverance?—from the Naval Force of Great Britain—from the voluntary -exertions of her Military of every description, not called for by Law—and -from her pecuniary resources, added to the loyalty and energy of the -Inhabitants of Ireland itself;—of which it is impossible to speak with -too much praise, and which shews how well they deserve to be called the -Brethren of Britons. Their own courage might, perhaps, have ultimately -succeeded, in repelling the dangers by which they were threatened, but -it would have been after a long contest, and after having waded through -seas of blood. Are we sure that the same ready and effectual assistance -which we have happily afforded, on the present occasion, will be always -equally within our power? Great Britain has always felt a common interest -in the safety of Ireland; but that common interest was never so obvious -and urgent as when the Common Enemy made her attack upon Great Britain, -through the medium of Ireland, and when their attack upon Ireland went -to deprive her of her Connection with Great Britain, and to substitute -in stead, the new Government of the French Republic. When that danger -threatened Ireland, the purse of Great Britain was open for the wants of -Ireland, as for the necessities of England. - -I do not, Sir, state these circumstances, as upbraiding Ireland for the -benefits we have conferred; far from it; but I state them with pleasure, -as shewing the friendship and good will with which this Country has acted -towards her. But if struggles of this sort may and must return again, -if the worst dangers are those which are yet to come, dangers which may -be greater from being more disguised—if those situations may arise when -the same means of relief are not in our power, what is the remedy that -reason and policy point out? It is to identify them with us—it is to make -them part of the same Community, by giving them a full share of those -accumulated blessings which are diffused throughout Great Britain; it -is, in a word, by giving them a full participation of the Wealth, the -Power, and the Stability, of the British Empire. If then this Measure -comes recommended not only by the obvious defects of the system which now -exists, but that it has also the pre-eminent recommendation of increasing -the general power of the Empire, and of guarding against future danger -from the Common Enemy, we are next to consider it as to its effects upon -the internal condition of Ireland. - -I know perfectly well, that as long as Ireland is separated from Great -Britain, any attempt on our part to provide measures which we might think -salutary, as respecting questions of contending sects or parties, of the -claimed rights of the Catholics, or of the precautions necessary for the -security of the Protestants—I know that all these, though they may have -been brought forward by the very persons who are the advocates of the -Final Adjustment in 1782, were, in fact, attacks upon the Independence -of the Irish Parliament, and attempts to usurp the Right of deciding -on points which can only be brought within our province by Compact. -Until the Kingdoms are united, any attempt to make regulations here -for the internal state of Ireland must certainly be a violation of her -Independence. But feeling as I do, for their interests and their welfare, -I cannot be inattentive to the events that are passing before me; I -must therefore repeat, that whoever looks at the circumstances to which -I have alluded—whoever considers that the Enemy have shewn by their -conduct, that they considered Ireland as the weakest and most vulnerable -part of the Empire; whoever reflects upon those dreadful and inexcusable -cruelties instigated by the Enemies of both Countries, and upon those -lamentable severities by which the exertions for the defense of Ireland -were unhappily, but unavoidably, attended, and the necessity of which -is itself one great aggravation of the Crimes and Treasons which led to -them, must feel that, as it now stands composed, in the hostile division -of its Sects, in the animosities existing between ancient Settlers and -original Inhabitants, in the ignorance and want of Civilization, which -marks that Country more than almost any other Country in Europe, in the -unfortunate prevalence of Jacobin Principles, arising from these causes, -and augmenting their malignity, and which have produced that distressed -state which we now deplore; every one, I say, who reflects upon all -these circumstances, must agree with me in thinking, that there is no -cure but in the formation of a General Imperial Legislature, free alike -from terror and from resentment, removed from the danger and agitation, -uninfluenced by the prejudices and uninflamed by the passions of that -distracted Country. - -I know that it is impossible, if we wish to consider this subject -properly, to consider it in any other point of view than as it affects -the Empire in general. I know that the interests of the two Countries -must be taken together, and that a man cannot speak as a true Englishman, -unless he speaks as a true Irishman, nor as a true Irishman, unless he -speaks as a true Englishman: But if it was possible to separate them, -and I could consider myself as addressing you, not as interested for the -Empire at large, but for Ireland alone, I should say, that it would be -indispensably necessary, for the sake of that Country, to compose its -present distractions, by the adoption of another system:—I should say, -that the establishment of an Imperial Legislature was the only means of -healing its wounds and of restoring it to tranquillity. I must here take -the liberty of alluding to some topics which were touched upon during the -discussion of the former night. - -Among the great and known defects of Ireland, one of the most prominent -features is, its want of industry and a capital; how are those wants to -be supplied, but by blending more closely with Ireland, the industry -and the capital of this Country. But, above all, in the great leading -distinctions between the People of Ireland, I mean their religious -distinctions, what is their situation?—The Protestant feels that the -claims of the Catholics threatens the existence of the Protestant -ascendancy; while, on the other hand, the great body of Catholics feel -the establishment of the National Church, and their exclusion from the -exercise of certain rights, and privileges, a grievance. Between the two, -it becomes a matter of difficulty in the minds of many persons, whether -it would be better to listen only to the fears of the former, or to grant -the claims of the latter. - -I am well aware that the subject of religious distinction is a dangerous -and delicate topic, especially when applied to a country such as Ireland; -the situation of which is different in this respect from that of every -other. Where the established religion of the State is the same as the -general religion of the Empire, and where the property of the Country -is in the hands of a comparatively small number of persons professing -that established religion, while the religion of a great majority of -the people is different, it is not easy to say, on general principles, -what system of Church Establishment in such a Country would be free from -difficulty and inconvenience. By many I know it will be contended, that -the religion professed by a majority of the people, would at least be -entitled to an equality of Privileges. I have heard such an argument -urged in this House; but those who apply it without qualification to the -case of Ireland, forget surely the principles on which English Interest -and English Connection has been established in that Country, and on -which its present Legislature is formed. No man can say, that, in the -present State of things, and while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, -full concessions could be made to the Catholics, without endangering the -State, and shaking the Constitution of Ireland to its centre. - -On the other hand, without anticipating the discussion, or the propriety -of agitating the question, or saying how soon or how late it may be fit -to discuss it; two propositions are indisputable: First, When the conduct -of the Catholics shall be such as to make it safe for the Government -to admit them to the participation of the privileges granted to those -of the Established Religion, and when the temper of the times shall be -favourable to such a measure;—When these events take place, it is obvious -that such a question may be agitated in an United, Imperial Parliament, -with much greater safety, than it could be in a separate Legislature. In -the second place, I think it certain that, even for whatever period it -may be thought necessary, after the Union, to withhold from the Catholics -the enjoyment of those advantages, many of the objections which at -present arise out of their situation would be removed, if the Protestant -Legislature were no longer separate and local, but general and Imperial; -and the Catholics themselves would at once feel a mitigation of the most -goading and irritating of their present causes of complaint. - -How far, in addition to this great and leading consideration, it may -also be wise and practicable to accompany the measure by some mode of -relieving the lower orders from the pressure of Tithes, which in many -instances operate at present as a great practical evil, or to make, -under proper Regulations, and without breaking in on the security of the -present Protestant Establishment, an effectual and adequate provision for -the Catholic Clergy, it is not now necessary to discuss. It is sufficient -to say, that these, and all other subordinate points connected with -the same subject, are more likely to be permanently and satisfactorily -settled by an United Legislature, than by any local arrangements. On -these grounds I contend, that with a view to providing an effectual -remedy for the distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, -with a view of removing those causes which have endangered, and still -endanger its security, the measure which I am now proposing promises -to be more effectual than any other which can be devised, and on these -grounds alone, if there existed no other, I should feel it my duty to -submit it to the House. - -But, Sir, though what I have thus stated relates most immediately to the -great object of healing the dissentions, and providing for the internal -tranquillity of Ireland; there are also other objects which, though -comparatively with this of inferior importance, are yet in themselves -highly material, and in a secondary view, well worthy of attention. - -I have heard it asked, when I pressed the measure, what are the positive -advantages that Ireland is to derive from it? To this very question I -presume the considerations which I have already urged afford a sufficient -answer. But, in fact, the question itself is to be considered in another -view; and it will be found to bear some resemblance to a question which -has been repeatedly put, by some of the Gentlemen opposite to me, during -the last six years. What are the advantages which Great Britain has -gained by the present war with France? - -To this, the brilliant successes of the British arms by sea and land, our -unexampled naval victories over all our enemies, the solid acquisition of -valuable territory, the general increase of our power, the progressive -extension of our commerce, and a series of events more glorious than any -that ever adorned the page of our history, afford at once an ample and a -satisfactory answer. But there is another general answer which we have -uniformly given, and which would alone be sufficient; it is, that we did -not enter into this war for any purpose of ambition; our object was not -to acquire, but to preserve; and in this sense, what we have gained by -the war is, in one word, all that we should have lost without it: it is, -the preservation of our Constitution, our Independence, our Honour, our -Existence as a Nation. - -In the same manner I might answer the question with respect to Ireland; -I might enumerate the general advantages which Ireland would derive -from the effects of the Arrangement to which I have already referred: -The Protection which she will secure to herself in the hour of danger. -The most effectual means of increasing her Commerce and improving her -Agriculture, the command of English Capital, the infusion of English -Manners and English Industry, necessarily tending to ameliorate her -Condition, to accelerate the progress of internal civilization, and to -terminate those feuds and dissentions which now distract the Country, and -which she does not possess, within herself, the power either to controul -or to extinguish. She would see the avenue to Honours, to Distinctions, -and exalted Situations in the general seat of Empire, opened to all those -whose abilities and talents enable them to indulge an honourable and -laudable ambition. - -But, independent of all these advantages, I might also answer, that the -question is not what Ireland is to gain, but what she is to preserve; -not merely how she may best improve her situation, but how she is to -avert a pressing and immediate danger. In this view, what she gains -is the preservation of all those blessings arising from the British -Constitution, and which are inseparable from her Connection with Great -Britain. Those Blessings of which it has long been the aim of France, in -conjunction with domestic traitors, to deprive her, and on their ruins -to establish (with all its attendant miseries and horrors) a Jacobin -Republic, founded on French Influence, and existing only in subserviency -to France. - -Such, Sir, would be the answer, if we direct our attention only to the -question of general advantage. And here I should be inclined to stop; -but since it has also been more particularly asked, what are the -advantages which she is to gain, in point of Commerce and Manufactures, -I am desirous of applying my answer more immediately and distinctly to -that part of the subject: and, as I know that the statement will carry -more conviction with it, to those who make the inquiry, if given in the -words of the Right Honourable Gentleman, to whom, and to whose opinions, -I have had more than one occasion to advert in the course of this night, -I will read you an extract from his recorded sentiments on the subject, -in the year 1785, on this same memorable occasion of the Commercial -Propositions. Speaking of a solid and unalterable Compact between the -two Countries, speaking expressly of the peculiar importance of insuring -the continuance of those Commercial benefits, which she at that time -held only at the discretion of this country, he says—“The exportation of -Irish Products, to England, amounts to Two Millions and a Half annually; -and the exportation of British Products, to Ireland, amounts to but One -Million.” - -He then proceeds to reason upon the advantage which Ireland would derive, -under such circumstances, from guarding against mutual prohibitions; -and he accompanies the statement, which I have just read, with this -observation— - -“If, indeed, the Adjustment were to take away the Benefit from Ireland, -it would be a good cause for rejecting it; but, as it for ever confirms -all the Advantages we derived from our Linen Trade, and binds England -from making any law that can be injurious to it, surely Gentlemen -who regard that trade, and _whose fortunes and rents depend on its -prosperity, will not entertain a moment’s doubt about embracing the -offer_.” - -Such was the reasoning of the Irish CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER; which -I consider to have been perfectly just. With reference to his late -opinions, I do not think I can more forcibly reply, to a person who signs -his name to Propositions which declare that the ruin of the Linen Trade -of Ireland is likely to be the consequence of an Union, than by opposing -to him his own opinion. I shall be able to strengthen the former opinion -of that Gentleman, by stating, that the progress that has been made in -Commercial advantages to Ireland, since 1785, has been such as to render -his argument still more applicable. What is the nature of that Commerce, -explained by the same person in so concise and forcible a manner, that -I am happy to use his own statement? He does not confine himself to the -gross amount, but gives the articles in detail:— - -“Britain,” he says, “imports annually from us Two Million Five Hundred -Thousand Pounds of our products, all, or very nearly all, duty free, -and covenants never to lay a duty on them. We import about a Million of -her’s, and raise a Revenue on almost every article of it, and reserve -the power of continuing that Revenue. She exports to us Salt for our -Fisheries and Provisions; Hops, which we cannot grow; Coals, which we -cannot raise; Tin, which we have not; and Bark, which we cannot get -elsewhere: and all these without reserving any duty.” - -I will not tire the patience of the House, by reading farther extracts; -but the Right Honourable Gentleman’s whole Speech, in like manner, -points out the advantages of the Commercial Propositions (at that time -under consideration) as a ground-work of a Compact between the two -Countries, in 1785, on Commercial subjects.—But how stands the case now? -The trade is at this time infinitely more advantageous to Ireland. It -will be proved, from the documents which I hold in my hand, as far as -relates to the mere interchange of manufactures, that the manufactures, -exported to Ireland from Great Britain, in 1797, very little exceeded a -Million sterling (the articles of produce amount to nearly the same sum) -while Great Britain, on the other hand, imported from Ireland to the -amount of near Three Millions in the manufactured articles of Linen and -Linen Yarn, and between Two and Three Millions in Provisions and Cattle, -besides Corn and other articles of produce. - -In addition to these Articles, there are other circumstances of advantage -to Ireland. Articles which are essential to her trade and to her -subsistence, or serve as raw materials for her manufactures, are sent -from hence free of duty. It is expressly stated on the same authority, -that all that we take back from Ireland was liable to a Duty in that -Country on their exports: The increasing produce of the chief article -of their manufacture, and four-fifths of her whole export trade, are -to be ascribed, not to that _Independent Legislature_, but, to the -liberality of the British Parliament. It is by the free admission of -Linens for our market, and the Bounties granted by the British Parliament -on its re-export, that the Linen-Trade has been brought to the height -at which we now see it. To the Parliament of this Country, then, it is -now owing, that a Market has been opened for her Linen to the amount of -three millions. By the Bounty we give to Ireland, we afford her a double -market for that article, and (what is still more striking and important) -we have prevented a competition against her, arising from the superior -cheapness of the Linen-Manufactures of the Continent, by subjecting their -importation to a Duty of thirty per cent. Nothing would more clearly -shew what would be the danger to Ireland from the Competition in all -its principal branches of the Linen-Trade, than the simple fact, that -we even now import foreign Linens, under this heavy duty, to an amount -equal to a seventh part of all that Ireland is able to send us, with -the preference that has been stated. By this arrangement alone, we must -therefore be considered, either as foregoing between seven and eight -hundred thousand pounds per annum in revenue, which we should collect if -we chose to levy the same duty on all Linens, Irish as well as Foreign, -or on the other hand, as sacrificing perhaps at least a million sterling -in the price paid for those articles, by the subjects of this Country, -which might be saved, if we allowed the importation of all Linen, Foreign -as well as Irish, equally free from Duty. - -The present measure is, however, in its effects calculated not merely -for a confirmation of the advantages on which the person to whom I have -alluded has insisted. It is obvious that a fuller and more perfect -Connection of the two Countries, from whatever cause it may arise, must -produce a greater facility and freedom of commercial intercourse, and -ultimately tend to the advantage of both. The benefits to be derived to -either Country from such an arrangement must indeed, in a great measure, -be gradual; but they are not on that account the less certain, and they -cannot be stated in more forcible language than in that used in the -Speech to which I have referred.— - -“Gentlemen undervalue the reduction of British Duties on our -Manufactures. I agree with them it may not operate soon, but we are to -look forward to a final settlement, and it is impossible but that in -time, with as good climate, equal natural powers, cheaper food, and fewer -taxes, we must be able to sell to them. When commercial jealousy shall -be banished by final settlement, and Trade take its natural and steady -course, the Kingdoms will cease to look to rivalship, each will make that -fabrick which it can do cheapest, and buy from the other what it cannot -make so advantageously. Labour will be then truly employed to profit, not -diverted by Bounties, Jealousies, or Legislative Interference, from its -natural and beneficial course. This system will attain its real object, -consolidating the strength of the remaining parts of the Empire, by -encouraging the communications of their market among themselves, with -preference to every part against all strangers!” - -I am at least, therefore, secure from the design of appearing to -deliver any partial or chimerical opinion of my own, when I thus state, -on the authority of a person the best informed, and who then judged -dispassionately, both the infinite importance to Ireland of securing -permanently the great commercial advantages which she now holds at the -discretion of Great Britain, and the additional benefit which she would -derive from any settlement which opened to her gradually a still more -free and compleat commercial intercourse with this Country. And while -I state thus strongly the commercial advantages to the sister Kingdom, -I have no alarm left I should excite any sentiment of jealousy here. I -know that the inhabitants of Great Britain wish well to the prosperity -of Ireland;—that, if the Kingdoms are really and solidly united, they -feel that to increase the commercial wealth of one Country is not to -diminish that of the other, but to increase the strength and power of -both. But to justify that sentiment, we must be satisfied that the wealth -we are pouring into the lap of Ireland is not every day liable to be -snatched from us, and thrown into the scale of the enemy. If therefore -Ireland is to continue, as I trust it will for ever, an essential part -of the integral strength of the British Empire; if her strength is to be -permanently ours, and our strength to be hers, neither I, nor any English -minister, can ever be deterred by the fear of creating jealousy in the -hearts of Englishmen, from stating the advantages of a closer Connection, -or from giving any assistance to the Commercial Prosperity of that -Kingdom. - -If ever indeed I should have the misfortune to witness the melancholy -moment when such principles must be abandoned, when all hope of seeing -Ireland permanently and securely connected with this country shall be at -an end, I shall at least have the consolation of knowing, that it will -not be the want of temper or forbearance, of conciliation, of kindness, -or of full explanation on our part, which will have produced an event -so fatal to Ireland, and so dangerous to Great Britain. If ever the -over-bearing power of prejudice and passion shall produce that fatal -consequence, it will too late be perceived and acknowledged, that all the -great commercial advantages which Ireland at present enjoys, and which -are continually increasing, are to be ascribed to the liberal conduct, -the fostering care, of the British Empire, extended to the Sister -Kingdom as to a part of ourselves, and not (as has been fallaciously and -vainly pretended) to any thing which has been done or can be done by the -independent power of her own separate Legislature. - -I have thus, Sir, endeavoured to state to you the reasons, why I think -this Measure advisable; why I wish it to be proposed to the Parliament -of Ireland, with temper and fairness; and why it appears to me, entitled -at least to a calm and dispassionate discussion in that Kingdom. I am -aware, however, that objections have been urged against the Measure, some -of which are undoubtedly plausible, and have been but too successful in -their influence on the Irish Parliament. Of these objections I shall now -proceed, as concisely as possible, to take some notice. - -The first is, what I heard alluded to by the Honourable Gentleman -opposite to me, when his Majesty’s Message was brought down; namely—That -the Parliament of Ireland is incompetent to entertain and discuss -the question, or rather, to act upon the Measure proposed, without -having previously obtained the consent of the People of Ireland, their -Constituents. But, Sir, I am led to suppose from what the Honourable -Gentleman afterwards stated, that he made this objection, rather by way -of deprecating the discussion of the question, than as entertaining the -smallest doubt upon it himself.—If, however, the Honourable Gentleman, -or any other Gentleman on the other side of the House, should seriously -entertain a doubt on the subject, I shall be ready to discuss it with -him distinctly, either this night or at any future opportunity. For -the present I will assume, that no man can deny the competency of the -Parliament of Ireland (representing as it does, in the language of -our Constitution, “_lawfully, fully, and freely, all the estates of -the people of the realm_”) to make Laws to bind that People, unless -he is disposed to distinguish that Parliament from the Parliament -of Great Britain; and, while he maintains the Independence of the -Irish Legislature, yet denies to it the lawful and essential powers -of Parliament.—No man, who maintains the Parliament of Ireland to be -co-equal with our own, can deny its competency on this question, unless -he means to go the length of denying, at the same moment, the whole of -the authority of the Parliament of Great Britain—to shake every principle -of legislation—and to maintain, that all the Acts passed, and every thing -done by Parliament, or sanctioned by its authority, however sacred, -however beneficial, is neither more nor less than an act of usurpation. -He must not only deny the validity of the Union between Scotland and -England, but he must deny the authority of every one of the proceedings -of the united Legislature since the Union; nay, Sir, he must go still -farther, and deny the authority under which we now sit and deliberate -here, as a House of Parliament. Of course, he must deny the validity -of the adjustment of 1782, and call in question every measure which -he has himself been the most forward to have enforced. This point, -Sir, is of so much importance, that I think I ought not to suffer the -opportunity to pass, without illustrating more fully what I mean. If -this principle of the incompetency of Parliament to the decision of -the Measure be admitted, or if it be contended, that Parliament has no -legitimate authority to discuss and decide upon it, you will be driven -to the necessity of recognizing a principle, the most dangerous that -ever was adopted in any civilized State. I mean the principle, that -Parliament cannot adopt any measure new in its nature, and of great -importance, without appealing to the constituent and delegating authority -for directions. If that doctrine be true, look to what an extent it will -carry you. If such an argument could be set up and maintained, you acted -without any legitimate authority when you created the representation -of the Principality of Wales, or of either of the Counties Palatine of -England. Every Law that Parliament ever made, without that appeal, either -as to its own Frame and Constitution, as to the qualification of the -electors or the elected, as to the great and fundamental point of the -succession to the Crown, was a breach of Treaty, and an Act of Usurpation. - -If we turn to Ireland itself, what do Gentlemen think of the power of -that Parliament, which, without any fresh delegation from its Protestant -constituents, associates to itself all the Catholic electors, and thus -destroys a fundamental distinction on which it was formed? God forbid, -that I should object to or blame any of these Measures! I am only stating -the extent to which the principle (that Parliament has no authority to -decide upon the present Measure) will lead; and, if it be admitted in -one case, it must be admitted in all. Will any man say, that (although -a Protestant Parliament in Ireland, chosen exclusively by Protestant -Constituents, has by its own inherent power, and without consulting those -constituents, admitted and comprehended the Catholics who were till -then, in fact, a separate community) that Parliament cannot associate -itself with another Protestant community, represented by a Protestant -Parliament, having one interest with itself, and similar in its Laws, its -Constitution, and its Established Religion? What must be said by those -who have at any time been friends to any plan of Parliamentary Reform, -and particularly to such as have been most recently brought forward, -either in Great Britain or Ireland? Whatever may have been thought of -the propriety of the Measure, I never heard any doubt of the competency -of Parliament to consider and discuss it. Yet I defy any man to maintain -the principle of those plans, without contending that, as a Member of -Parliament, he possesses a right to concur in disfranchising those who -sent him to Parliament, and to select others, by whom he was not elected, -in their stead. I am sure that no sufficient distinction, in point of -principle, can be successfully maintained for a single moment; nor should -I deem it necessary to dwell on this point, in the manner I do, were -I not convinced that it is connected in part with all those false and -dangerous notions on the subject of Government which have lately become -too prevalent in the world. It may, in fact, be traced to that gross -perversion of the principles of all political society, which rests on -the supposition that there exists continually in every Government a -Sovereignty _in abeyance_ (as it were) on the part of the People, ready -to be called forth on every occasion, or rather, on every pretence, when -it may suit the purposes of the party or faction who are the advocates -of this doctrine to suppose an occasion for its exertion. It is in -these false principles that are contained the seeds of all the misery, -desolation, and ruin, which in the present day have spread themselves -over so large a portion of the habitable Globe. - -These principles, Sir, are, at length, so well known and understood in -their practical effects, that they can no longer hope for one enlightened -or intelligent advocate, when they appear in their true colours. Yet, -with all the horror we all feel, in common with the rest of the World, -at the effect of them, with all the confirmed and increasing love and -veneration which we feel towards the Constitution of our Country, founded -as it is, both in Theory and Experience, on principles directly the -reverse; yet, there are too many among us, who, while they abhor and -reject such opinions, when presented to them in their naked deformity, -suffer them in a more disguised shape to be gradually infused into -their minds, and insensibly to influence and bias their sentiments and -arguments on the greatest and most important discussions. This concealed -poison is now more to be dreaded than any open attempt to support such -principles by argument or to enforce them by arms. No society, whatever -be its particular form, can long subsist, if this principle is once -admitted. In every Government, there must reside somewhere a supreme, -absolute, and unlimited authority. This is equally true of every lawful -Monarchy—of every Aristocracy—of every pure Democracy (if indeed such -a form of Government ever has existed, or ever can exist)—and of those -mixed Constitutions formed and compounded from the others, which we are -justly inclined to prefer to any of them. In all these Governments, -indeed alike, that power may by possibility be abused, but whether -the abuse is such as to justify and call for the interference of the -people collectively, or, more properly speaking, of any portion of it, -must always be an extreme case and a question of the greatest and most -perilous responsibility, not in Law only, but in Conscience and in Duty, -to all those who either act upon it themselves, or persuade others to -do so. But no provision for such a case ever has been or can be made -before-hand; it forms no chapter in any known code of laws, it can find -no place in any system of human jurisprudence. But, above all, if such a -principle can make no part of any established Constitution, not even of -those where the Government is so framed as to be most liable to the abuse -of its powers, it will be preposterous indeed to suppose that it can be -admitted in one where those powers are so distributed and balanced as to -furnish the best security against the probability of such an abuse. Shall -that principle be sanctioned as a necessary part of the best Government, -which cannot be admitted to exist as an established check even upon the -worst! Pregnant as it is with danger and confusion, shall it be received -and authorized in proportion as every reason which can ever make it -necessary to recur to it is not likely to exist? Yet, Sir, I know not how -it is, that, in proportion as we are less likely to have occasion for -so desperate a remedy, in proportion as a Government is so framed as to -provide within itself the best guard and control on the exercise of every -branch of authority, to furnish the means of preventing or correcting -every abuse of power, and to secure, by its own natural operation, a due -attention to the interest and feelings of every part of the community, in -that very proportion persons have been found perverse enough to imagine, -that such a Constitution admits and recognizes, as a part of it, that -which is inconsistent with the nature of any Government, and, above all, -inapplicable to our own. - -I have said more, Sir, upon this subject than I should have thought -necessary, if I had not felt that this false and dangerous mockery of -the _Sovereignty of the People_ is in truth one of the chief elements of -Jacobinism, one of the favourite impostures to mislead the understanding, -and to flatter and inflame the passions of the mass of mankind, who have -not the opportunity of examining and exposing it, and that as such on -every occasion, and in every shape in which it appears, it ought to be -combated and resisted by every friend to civil order, and to the peace -and happiness of mankind. - -Sir, the next and not the least prevalent objection, is one which is -contained in words which are an appeal to a natural and laudable, but -what I must call an erroneous and mistaken, sense of national pride. -It is an appeal to the generous and noble passions of a nation easily -inflamed under any supposed attack upon its honour. I mean the attempt to -represent the question of a Union by compact between the Parliaments of -the two Kingdoms as a question involving the Independance of Ireland.—It -has been said, that no compensation could be made to any country for -the surrender of its National Independance. Sir, on this, as well as on -every part of the question, I am desirous Gentlemen should come closely -to the point, that they should sift it to the bottom, and ascertain -upon what grounds and principles their opinion really rests. Do they -mean to maintain that in any humiliating, in any degrading sense of the -word which can be acted upon practically as a rule, and which can lead -to any useful conclusion, that at any time when the Government of any -two separate Countries unite in forming one more extensive empire, that -the individuals who composed either of the former narrow societies are -afterwards less members of an independant country, or to any valuable and -useful purpose less possessed of political freedom or civil happiness -than they were before? It must be obvious to every Gentleman who will -look at the subject, in tracing the history of all the countries, the -most proud of their present existing independance, of all the nations -in Europe, there is not one that could exist in the state in which it -now stands, if that principle had been acted upon by our forefathers; -and Europe must have remained to this hour in a state of ignorance and -barbarism, from the perpetual warfare of independent and petty states. -In the instance of our own Country, it would be a superfluous waste -of time to enumerate the steps by which all its parts were formed -into one Kingdom; but will any man in general assert, that in all the -different Unions which have formed the principal states of Europe, their -inhabitants have become less free, that they have had less of which to be -proud, less scope for their own exertions, than they had in their former -situation. If this doctrine is to be generally maintained, what becomes -of the situation at this hour of any one county of England, or of any one -county of Ireland, now united under the independant Parliament of that -Kingdom? If it be pushed to its full extent, it is obviously incompatible -with all civil society. As the former principle of the sovereignty of -the people strikes at the foundation of all governments, so this is -equally hostile to all political confederacy, and mankind must be driven -back to what is called the state of nature. - -But while I combat this general and abstract principle, which would -operate as an objection to every union between separate states, on the -ground of the sacrifice of independance, do I mean to contend that -there is in no case just ground for such a sentiment? Far from it: it -may become, on many occasions, the first duty of a free and generous -people. If there exists a country which contains within itself the means -of military protection, the naval force necessary for its defence, -which furnishes objects of industry sufficient for the subsistence -of its inhabitants, and pecuniary resources adequate to maintaining, -with dignity, the rank which it has attained among the nations of the -world; if, above all, it enjoys the blessings of internal content and -tranquillity, and possesses a distinct constitution of its own, the -defects of which, if any, it is within itself capable of correcting, and -if that constitution be equal, if not superior, to that of any other in -the world, or (which is nearly the same thing) if those who live under -it believe it to be so, and fondly cherish that opinion, I can indeed -well understand that such a country must be jealous of any measure, -which, even by its own consent, under the authority of its own lawful -government, is to associate it as a part of a larger and more extensive -empire. - -But, Sir, if, on the other hand, it should happen that there be a country -which, against the greatest of all dangers that threaten its peace and -security, has not adequate means of protecting itself without the aid -of another nation; if that other be a neighbouring and kindred nation, -speaking the same language, whose laws, whose customs, and habits are -the same in principle, but carried to a greater degree of perfection, -with a more extensive commerce, and more abundant means of acquiring -and diffusing national wealth; the stability of whose government—the -excellence of whose constitution—is more than ever the admiration and -envy of Europe, and of which the very Country of which we are speaking -can only boast an inadequate and imperfect resemblance;—under such -circumstances, I would ask, what conduct would be prescribed by every -rational principle of dignity, of honour, or of interest? I would -ask, whether this is not a faithful description of the circumstances -which ought to dispose Ireland to a Union? Whether Great Britain is -not precisely the nation with which, on these principles, a Country, -situated as Ireland is, would desire to unite? Does a Union, under such -circumstances, by free consent, and on just and equal terms, deserve to -be branded as a proposal for subjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke? Is it -not rather the free and voluntary association of two great Countries, -which join, for their common benefit, in one Empire, where each will -retain its proportional weight and importance, under the security of -equal laws, reciprocal affection, and inseparable interests, and which -want nothing but that indissoluble Connection to render both invincible. - - Non ego nec Teucris Italos parere jubebo - Nec nova regna peto; paribus se legibus ambæ - Invictæ gentes æterna in fædera mittant. - -Sir, I have nearly stated all that is necessary for me to trouble the -House with; there are, however, one or two other objections which I wish -not entirely to pass over: One of them is, a general notion that a Union -with Great Britain must necessarily increase one of the great evils of -Ireland, by producing depopulation in many parts of the Country, and by -increasing greatly the number of absentees. I do not mean to deny that -this effect would, to a limited extent, take place during a part of the -year; but I think it will not be difficult for me to prove, that this -circumstance will be more than counterbalanced by the operation of the -system in other respects. - -If it be true that this measure has an inevitable tendency to admit -the introduction of that British Capital which is most likely to give -life to all the operations of Commerce, and to all the improvements of -Agriculture; if it be that which above all other considerations is most -likely to give security, quiet, and internal repose to Ireland; if it -is likely to remove the chief bar to the internal advancement of wealth -and of civilization, by a more intimate intercourse with England; if it -is more likely to communicate from hence those habits which distinguish -this Country, and which, by a continued gradation, unite the highest -and the lowest orders of the community without a chasm in any part of -the system; if it is not only likely to invite (as I have already said) -English Capital to set Commerce in motion, but to offer it the use of new -markets, to open fresh resources of wealth and industry; can wealth, can -industry, can civilization increase among the whole bulk of the people -without much more than counterbalancing the partial effect of the removal -of the few individuals who, for a small part of the year, would follow -the seat of Legislation? If, notwithstanding the absence of Parliament -from Dublin, it would still remain the centre of Education and of the -internal commerce of a country increasing in improvement; if it would -still remain the seat of legal discussion, which must always increase -with an increase of property and occupation, will it be supposed, with -a view even to the interests of those whose partial interests have been -most successfully appealed to; with a view either to the respectable -Body of the Bar, to the Merchant, or Shopkeeper, of Dublin (if it were -possible to suppose that a transaction of this sort ought to be referred -to that single criterion) that they would not find their proportionate -share of advantage in the general advantage of the State? Let it be -remembered, also, that if the transfer of the Seat of Legislature may -call from Ireland to England the Members of the United Parliament, -yet, after the Union, property, influence and consideration in Ireland -will lead, as much as in Great Britain, to all the objects of imperial -ambition; and there must, consequently, exist a new incitement to persons -to acquire property in that Country, and to those who possess it, to -reside there and to cultivate the good opinion of those with whom they -live, and to extend and improve their influence and connections. - -But, Sir, I need not dwell longer on argument, however it may satisfy -my own mind, because we can on this question refer to experience. I see -every Gentleman anticipates that I allude to Scotland. What has been -the result of the Union there? A Union, give me leave to say, as much -opposed, and by much the same arguments, prejudices, and misconceptions, -as are urged, at this moment, creating too the same alarms, and provoking -the same outrages, as have lately taken place in Dublin. Look at the -metropolis of Scotland: the population of Edinburgh has been more -than doubled since the Union, and a new city added to the old. But we -may be told, that Edinburgh has engrossed all the commerce of that -country, and has those advantages which Dublin cannot expect. Yet while -Edinburgh, deprived of its Parliament, but retaining, as Dublin would -retain, its Courts of Justice; continuing, as Dublin would continue, -the resort of those whose circumstances would not permit them to visit -a distant metropolis; continuing, as Dublin would continue, the seat of -national education, while Edinburgh has baffled all the predictions of -that period, what has been the situation of Glasgow? The population of -Glasgow, since the Union, has increased in the proportion of between five -and six to one: look at its progress in manufactures; look at its general -advantages, and tell me what ground there is, judging by experience -in aid of theory, for those gloomy apprehensions which have been so -industriously excited. - -There remains, Sir, another general line of argument, which I have -already anticipated, and I hope answered, that the commercial privileges -now enjoyed by Ireland, and to which it owes so much of its prosperity, -would be less secure than at present. I have given an answer to that -already, by stating that they are falsely imputed to the independence of -the Irish Parliament, for that they are in fact owing to the exercise of -the voluntary discretion of the British Parliament, unbound by compact, -prompted only by its natural disposition to consider the interests of -Ireland the same as its own; and if that has been done while Ireland is -only united to us in the imperfect and precarious manner in which it -is, while it has a separate Parliament, notwithstanding the commercial -jealousies of our own manufactures; if under these circumstances we have -done so, if we have done so with no other connection than that which -now subsists, and while Ireland has no share in our representation; -what fresh ground can there be for apprehension, when she will have her -proportionate weight in the Legislature, and will be united with us as -closely as Lancashire or Yorkshire, or any other county in Great Britain. - -Sir, I have seen it under the same authority to which I am sorry so often -to advert, that the Linen Trade would be injured, and that there will -be no security for its retaining its present advantages. I have already -stated to you (and with that very authority in my favour) that those -advantages are at present precarious, and that their security can only -arise from Compact with Great Britain. Such a Compact, this Measure would -establish in the most solemn manner; but besides this, Sir, the natural -policy of this Country, not merely its experienced liberality, but the -identity of Interests after a Union, would offer a security worth a -thousand Compacts. - -Sir, the only other general topic of objection is that upon which great -pains have been taken to raise an alarm in Ireland—the idea that the main -principle of the Measure was to subject Ireland to a load of Debt and -an increase of Taxes, and to expose her to the consequences of all our -alleged difficulties and supposed necessities. - -Sir, I hope the zeal, the spirit, and the liberal and enlarged policy, -of this Country, has given ample proof that it is not from a pecuniary -motive that we seek an Union. If it is not desirable on the grounds I -have stated, it cannot be recommended for the mere purpose of Taxation; -but to quiet any jealousy on this subject, here again let us look to -Scotland: is there any instance where, with 45 Members on her part -and 513 on ours, that part of the United Kingdom has paid more than -its proportion to the general burdens?—Is it then, Sir, any ground of -apprehension, that we are likely to tax Ireland more heavily when she -becomes associated with ourselves?—To tax in its due proportion the whole -of the Empire, to the utter exclusion of the idea of the predominance of -one part of society over another, is the great characteristic of British -Finance, as Equality of Laws is of the British Constitution. - -But, Sir, in addition to this, if we come to the details of this -proposition, it is in our power to fix, for any number of years which -shall be thought fit, the proportion by which the Contribution of -Ireland, to the expences of the State, shall be regulated; that these -proportions shall not be such as would make a contribution greater than -the necessary amount of its own present necessary expences as a separate -Kingdom; and, even after that limited period, the proportion of the -whole contribution, from time to time, might be made to depend on the -comparative produce, in each Kingdom, of such general taxes as might be -thought to afford the best criterion of their respective wealth. Or, -what I should hope would be found practicable, the system of internal -taxation in each country might gradually be so equalized and assimilated, -on the leading articles, as to make all rules of specific proportion -unnecessary, and to secure, that Ireland shall never be taxed but in -proportion as we tax ourselves. - -The application of these principles, however, will form matter of -future discussion; I mention them only as strongly shewing, from the -misrepresentation which has taken place on this part of the subject, how -incumbent it is upon the House to receive these propositions, and to -adopt, after due deliberation, such resolutions as may record to Ireland -the terms upon which we are ready to meet her. And, in the mean time, let -us wait, not without impatience, but without dissatisfaction, for that -moment, when the effect of reason and discussion may reconcile the minds -of men, in that Kingdom, to a Measure which I am sure will be found as -necessary for their peace and happiness, as it will be conducive to the -general security and advantage of the British Empire. - -Sir, it remains for me only to lay these Resolutions before the House, -wishing that the more detailed discussion of them may be reserved to a -future day. - - - - -RESOLUTIONS. - - -FIRST. - -That in order to promote and secure the essential Interests of Great -Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the Strength, Power, and -Resources of the British Empire, it will be advisable to concur in such -measures as may best tend to unite the two Kingdoms of Great Britain -and Ireland into one Kingdom, in such manner, and on such Terms and -Conditions as may be established by Acts of the respective Parliaments of -His Majesty’s said Kingdoms. - - -SECOND. - -That it appears to this Committee that it would be fit to propose as -the first Article to serve as a Basis of the said Union, that the said -Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, upon a day to be agreed -upon, be united into one Kingdom, by the name of the UNITED KINGDOM OF -GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. - - -THIRD. - -That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, that it -would be fit to propose that the Succession to the Monarchy and the -Imperial Crown of the said United Kingdoms, shall continue limited and -settled, in the same manner as the Imperial Crown of the said Kingdoms -of Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, according -to the existing Laws, and to the Terms of the Union between England and -Scotland. - - -FOURTH. - -That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, that it -would be fit to propose that the said United Kingdom be represented in -one and the same Parliament, to be stiled the Parliament of the United -Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and that such a number of Lords -Spiritual and Temporal, and such a number of Members of the House of -Commons as shall be hereafter agreed upon by Acts of the respective -Parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and vote in the said Parliament on -the part of Ireland, and shall be summoned, chosen and returned, in such -manner as shall be fixed by an Act of the Parliament of Ireland previous -to the said Union; and that every Member hereafter to sit and vote in the -said Parliament of the United Kingdom shall, until the said Parliament -shall otherwise provide, take and subscribe the same Oaths, and make the -same Declarations as are by Law required to be taken, subscribed and made -by the Members of the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland. - - -FIFTH. - -That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, that it -would be fit to propose that the Churches of England and Ireland, and the -Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government thereof, shall be preserved -as now by Law Established. - - -SIXTH. - -That for the same purpose it appears also to this Committee, that it -would be fit to propose that His Majesty’s Subjects in Ireland shall -at all times hereafter be entitled to the same privileges, and be on -the same footing in respect of Trade and Navigation, in all Ports and -Places belonging to Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to which -Treaties shall be made by His Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, with -any Foreign Power, as His Majesty’s Subjects in Great Britain; that no -Duty shall be imposed on the Import or Export between Great Britain and -Ireland of any Articles now Duty free; and that on other Articles there -shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of -equal Duties as shall, previous to the Union, be agreed upon and approved -by the respective Parliaments, subject, after the expiration of such -limited time, to be diminished equally with respect to both Kingdoms, -but in no case to be encreased; that all Articles which may at any time -hereafter be imported into Great Britain from Foreign Parts, shall be -importable through either Kingdom into the other, subject to the like -Duties and Regulations as if the same were imported directly from Foreign -Parts; that where any Articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of -either Kingdom, are subject to any internal Duty in one Kingdom, such -countervailing Duties (over and above any Duties on import to be fixed -as aforesaid) shall be imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any -inequality in that respect: and that all other matters of Trade and -Commerce other than the foregoing, and than such others as may before -the Union be specially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the -Agriculture and Manufactures of the respective Kingdoms, shall remain to -be regulated from time to time by the United Parliament. - - -SEVENTH. - -That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that the charge -arising from the payment of the Interest or Sinking Fund for the -reduction of the Principal of the Debt incurred in either Kingdom before -the Union, shall continue to be separately defrayed by Great Britain -and Ireland respectively. That for a number of Years to be limited, -the future ordinary expences of the UNITED KINGDOM, in Peace or War, -shall be defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, according to -such proportions as shall be established by the respective Parliaments -previous to the Union; and that after the expiration of the time to be -so limited, the proportion shall not be liable to be varied, except -according to such rates and principles as shall be in like manner agreed -upon previous to the Union. - - -EIGHTH. - -That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that all Laws -in force at the time of the Union, and that all the Courts of Civil -or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within the respective Kingdoms, shall -remain as now by Law established within the same, subject only to such -alterations or regulations from time to time as circumstances may appear -to the Parliament of the UNITED KINGDOM to require. - -That the foregoing RESOLUTIONS be laid before His Majesty with an humble -ADDRESS, assuring His Majesty that we have proceeded with the utmost -attention to the consideration of the important objects recommended to us -in His Majesty’s Gracious MESSAGE. - -That we entertain a firm persuasion that a COMPLETE AND INTIRE UNION -between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal -Principles, on the similarity of Laws, Constitution and Government, and -on a sense of mutual Interests and Affections, by promoting the Security, -Wealth, and Commerce of the respective Kingdoms, and by allaying the -distractions which have unhappily prevailed in Ireland, must afford fresh -means of opposing at all times an effectual resistance to the destructive -Projects of our Foreign and Domestic Enemies, and must tend to confirm -and augment the Stability, Power, and Resources of the Empire. - -Impressed with these considerations, we feel it our duty humbly to lay -before His Majesty such Propositions as appear to us best calculated -to form the Basis of such a settlement, leaving it to His Majesty’s -wisdom, at such time and in such manner as His Majesty, in his Parental -Solicitude for the happiness of his People, shall judge fit, to -communicate these Propositions to His Parliament of Ireland, with whom -we shall be at all times ready to concur in all such Measures as may be -found most conducive to the accomplishment of this great and salutary -Work. And we trust that, after full and mature consideration, such a -Settlement may be framed and established, by the deliberate Consent -of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, as may be conformable to the -Sentiments, Wishes, and real Interests of His Majesty’s faithful Subjects -of Great Britain and Ireland, and may unite them inseparably in the full -enjoyment of the blessings of our free and invaluable Constitution, in -the support of the Honour and Dignity of His Majesty’s Crown, and in the -preservation and advancement of the Welfare and Prosperity of the whole -British Empire. - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -_The following Message was presented in the House of Commons by Mr. Fox, -Secretary of State, on the 9th of April, 1782._ - - GEORGE R. - - His Majesty being concerned to find that discontents and - jealousies are prevailing among his loyal Subjects in Ireland, - upon matters of great weight and importance, earnestly - recommends to this House, to take the same into their most - serious consideration, in order to such a Final Adjustment as - may give mutual satisfaction to both Kingdoms. - - G. R. - - - -_1st May, 1782._ - -Mr. Secretary Fox presented to the House, by His Majesty’s command, - -Copy of the Message to the Houses of Lords and Commons in Ireland, from -His Grace the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, delivered the 16th April, 1782: -And also, - -Copy of a Resolution of the House of Lords in Ireland, Mercurii, 17ᵒ die -Aprilis, 1782: And also, - -Copy of a Resolution of the House of Commons in Ireland, Martis, 16ᵒ die -Aprilis, 1782. - -And the Titles of the said Copies were read. - -The said Copies are as followeth; _viz._ - - _Copy of the Message to the Houses of Lords and Commons in - Ireland, from His Grace the Lord Lieutenant, delivered the 16th - April, 1782._ - - PORTLAND, - - I have it in command from His Majesty, to inform this House, - that His Majesty being concerned to find that discontents and - jealousies are prevailing among his loyal Subjects of this - Country, upon matters of great weight and importance, His - Majesty recommends to this House to take the same into their - most serious consideration, in order to such a Final Adjustment - as may give mutual satisfaction to his Kingdoms of Great - Britain and Ireland. - - P. - - - _Copy of a Resolution of the House of Lords in Ireland, - Mercurii, 17ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782._ - - RESOLVED, By the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament - assembled _Nemine dissentiente_, That an humble Address be - presented to His Majesty, to return him our thanks for the most - gracious Message sent to this House by His Majesty’s command, - through the medium of His Grace the Lord Lieutenant, and to - assure him of our most unshaken loyalty and attachment to - His Majesty’s person and government, and of the lively sense - we entertain of his paternal care of his people of Ireland, - in thus inquiring into the discontents and jealousies that - subsist amongst them, in order to such Final Adjustment as may - give mutual satisfaction to his Kingdoms of Great Britain and - Ireland. - - That, thus encouraged by His Royal Interposition, we shall beg - leave, with all duty and affection, to lay before His Majesty - the cause of such discontents and jealousies. - - To represent to His Majesty, That his subjects of Ireland are - entitled to a free constitution; that the Imperial Crown of - Ireland is inseparably annexed to the Crown of Great Britain, - on which Connection the happiness of both nations essentially - depends; but that the Kingdom of Ireland is a distinct - dominion, having a Parliament of her own, the sole Legislature - thereof. - - That there is no power whatsoever competent to make laws to - bind this nation, except the King, Lords, and Commons, of - Ireland; upon which exclusive Right of Legislation we consider - the very essence of our liberties to depend, a Right which we - claim as the Birth-right of the People of Ireland, and which - we are determined, in every situation of life, to assert and - maintain. - - To represent to His Majesty, That we have seen with concern - certain claims, both of legislature and judicature, asserted - by the Parliament of Great Britain, in an Act passed in Great - Britain in the sixth year of George the First, intituled “An - Act for the better securing the Dependency of Ireland upon the - Crown of Great Britain:” - - That we conceive the said Act, and the powers thereby claimed, - to be the great and principal causes of the discontents and - jealousies that subsist in this Kingdom: - - To assure His Majesty, That this House considers it as a matter - of constitutional right and protection, that all Bills which - become Law should receive the approbation of His Majesty, under - the Seal of Great Britain; but we consider the practice of - suppressing our Bills in the Council of Ireland, or altering - them any where, to be a matter which calls for redress: - - To represent to His Majesty, That an Act intituled “An Act - for the better Accommodation of His Majesty’s Forces,” - being unlimited in duration, but which, from the particular - circumstances of the times, passed into a law, has been the - cause of much jealousy and discontent in this Kingdom; - - That we have thought it our duty to lay before His Majesty - these, the principal causes of the discontents and jealousies - subsisting in this Kingdom: - - That we have the greatest reliance on His Majesty’s wisdom, - the most sanguine expectations from his virtuous choice of a - Chief Governor, and the greatest confidence in the wise and - constitutional Council His Majesty has adopted: - - That we have, moreover, a high sense and veneration for - the British Character, and do therefore conceive, that the - proceedings of this country, founded as they are in right, and - supported by constitutional liberty, must have excited the - approbation and esteem of the British nation: That we are the - more confirmed in this hope, inasmuch as the people of this - Kingdom have never expressed a desire to share the freedom - of Great Britain, without at the same time declaring their - determination to share her fate, standing or falling with the - British nation. - - Wm. Watts Gayer } Cler. Parliament. - Edw. Gayer } - - - _Copy of a Resolution of the House of Commons in Ireland, - Martis, 16ᵒ die Aprilis, 1782._ - - RESOLVED, That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, - to return His Majesty the thanks of this House for his most - gracious message to this House, signified by his Grace the Lord - Lieutenant. To assure His Majesty of our unshaken attachment to - His Majesty’s Person and Government, and of our lively sense - of his Paternal Care, in thus taking the lead to administer - content to His Majesty’s subjects of Ireland; that thus - encouraged by his royal interposition, we shall beg leave, with - all duty and affection, to lay before His Majesty the causes - of our discontents and jealousies: To assure His Majesty, - that his subjects of Ireland are a free People; that the Crown - of Ireland is an Imperial Crown, inseparably annexed to the - Crown of Great Britain, on which Connection the interests and - happiness of both Nations essentially depend; but that the - kingdom of Ireland is a distinct Kingdom, with a Parliament of - her own, the sole Legislature thereof; that there is no body - of men competent to make Laws to bind this nation, except the - King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, nor any other Parliament - which hath any authority or power of any sort whatsoever in - this country, save only the Parliament of Ireland: To assure - His Majesty, that we humbly conceive, that in this Right - the very Essence of our Liberties exist; a Right which we, - on the part of all the People of Ireland, do claim as their - birth-right, and which we cannot yield but with our lives: To - assure His Majesty, that we have seen with concern certain - Claims advanced by the Parliament of Great Britain, in an act, - intituled, “An Act for the better securing the Dependency of - Ireland;” an act containing matter entirely irreconcileable to - the fundamental Rights of this Nation; that we consider this - act, and the claims it advances, to be the great and principle - cause of the discontents and jealousies in this Kingdom: To - assure His Majesty, that His Majesty’s Commons of Ireland do - most sincerely wish, that all Bills which become Law in Ireland - should receive the approbation of His Majesty, under the Seal - of Great Britain; but that yet we do consider the Practice of - suppressing our Bills in the Council of Ireland, or altering - the same any where, to be another just cause of discontent and - jealousy: To assure His Majesty, that an Act, intituled, “An - Act for the better Accommodation of His Majesty’s Forces,” - being unlimited in duration, and defective in other instances - (but passed in that shape from the particular circumstances of - the times) is another just cause of discontent and jealousy - in this Kingdom: That we have submitted these, the principal - causes of the present discontent and jealousy in Ireland, and - remain in humble expectation of redress; that we have the - greatest reliance on His Majesty’s wisdom, the most sanguine - expectations from his virtuous choice of a Chief Governor, and - great confidence in the wise, auspicious, and constitutional - councils which we see with satisfaction His Majesty has - adopted; that we have moreover a high sense and veneration for - the British character, and do therefore conceive, that the - proceedings of this country, founded as they are in right, and - tempered by duty, must have excited the approbation and esteem, - instead of wounding the pride, of the British Nation; and we - beg leave to assure His Majesty, that we are the more confirmed - in this hope, in as much as the people of this Kingdom have - never expressed a desire to share the freedom of England, - without declaring a determination to share her fate likewise, - standing and falling with the British nation. - - THO. ELLIS, _Cler. Parl. Dom. Com._ - - -ORDERED, That the said Copies do lie upon the Table, to be perused by the -Members of the House. - - -_17th May, 1782._ - -RESOLVED, That this House will, immediately, resolve itself into a -Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration His Majesty’s -most gracious Message, of the 9th Day of April last, relative to the -State of Ireland. - -ORDERED, That the several Papers which were presented to the House, by -Mr. Secretary Fox, upon the 1st Day of this instant May, be referred to -the said Committee. - -Then the House resolved itself into the said Committee. - -Mr. Speaker left the Chair. - -Mr. Powys took the Chair of the Committee. - -Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair. - -Mr. Powys reported from the Committee, That they had come to several -Resolutions; which they had directed him to report, when the House will -please to receive the same. - -ORDERED, That the Report be now received. - -Mr. Powys accordingly reported, from the said Committee, the Resolutions -which the Committee had directed him to report to the House, which he -read in his place, and afterwards delivered in at the Clerk’s table; -where the same were read; and are as follows: _viz._ - -RESOLVED, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, That an Act, made in -the sixth year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the First, -intituled, “An Act for the better securing the Dependency of the Kingdom -of Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain,” ought to be repealed. - -RESOLVED, That it is the Opinion of this Committee, That it is -indispensible to the interests and happiness of both Kingdoms, that the -Connection between them should be established, by mutual consent, upon a -solid and permanent Basis. - -The said Resolutions, being severally read a second time, were, upon -the Question severally put thereupon, agreed to by the House, _Nemini -Contradicenti_. - -ORDERED, That leave be given to bring in a Bill for repealing an Act -made in the sixth year of the reign of his late Majesty, King George -the First, intituled “An Act for the better securing the Dependency of -the Kingdom of Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain;” and that Mr. -Secretary Fox, Mr. Thomas Pitt, Mr. Powys, and Lord John Cavendish, do -prepare and bring in the same. - -RESOLVED, That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, That His -Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such measures as His Majesty -in His Royal Wisdom shall think most conducive to the establishing, by -mutual consent, the Connection between this Kingdom and the Kingdom of -Ireland upon a solid and permanent basis. - -ORDERED, That the said Address be presented to His Majesty, by such -Members of this House as are of His Majesty’s most honourable Privy -Council. - - -_22nd May, 1782._ - -Mr. Secretary Fox reported to the House, That His Majesty had been -attended with the Address of this House, of Friday last, which His -Majesty had been pleased to receive very graciously; and that His Majesty -had commanded him to acquaint this House, that he will immediately take -such measures as may be most likely to conduce to the establishment of a -Connection between this Kingdom and the Kingdom of Ireland upon a solid -and permanent basis. - - - - -NEW PUBLICATIONS - -_Relative to the Affairs of Ireland._ - - -1. REPORT of the Secret Committee of the House of Parliament on the Irish -Rebellion: as reported by the Right Honourable LORD VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH, -August 21, 1798. Price 4s. - -2. REPORT from the Committee of Secresy of the House of Lords, on the -Irish Rebellion, as reported by the Right Honourable JOHN, EARL of CLARE, -Lord High Chancellor, August 30, 1798. Price 1s. 6d. - -3. An ANSWER to the ADDRESS of the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, -Ex-representative of the City of Dublin in Parliament, to his Fellow -Citizens of Dublin. By Patrick Duigenan, LL. D. Third edition. To which -are added: 1. The Address of the Catholics of Dublin, in 1795, to Mr. -Grattan, with his Answer at the Meeting in Francis-street. 2. Mr. -Grattan’s Address to the Electors of Dublin, in 1797. 3. Mr. Grattan’s -(supposed) Letter to Dr. Duigenan, in 1798. Price 4s. 6d. - -4. A REPORT of the whole Proceedings on the Trials of Henry and John -Shears, Esqrs. John M’Cann, Gent. W. M. Byrne, Esq. and Oliver Bond, -Merchant, for High Treason; tried by Special Commission, Thursday, July -12, 1798, &c. With a particular Account of the Behaviour of Henry and -John Shears at the place of execution. Price 3s. 6d. - -5. ARGUMENTS for and against An UNION between Great Britain and Ireland -considered. Third edition, corrected. Price 1s. 6d. - -6. NECESSITY of an INCORPORATE UNION between Great Britain and Ireland -proved from the Situation of both Kingdoms: With a Sketch of the -Principles upon which it ought to be formed. 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