diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-22 16:37:58 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-22 16:37:58 -0800 |
| commit | 121050c1630c00108b7567abe7887b0924da4b76 (patch) | |
| tree | c65545fb3a42092109f0f2f05d1538711507e056 | |
| parent | b4c98771fa3d93deb151643edf5c1aaeb4c973ac (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-0.txt | 4049 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-0.zip | bin | 84104 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-h.zip | bin | 463044 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-h/66332-h.htm | 5686 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 219041 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-h/images/orig_page.jpg | bin | 66635 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/66332-h/images/plimap.jpg | bin | 93937 -> 0 bytes |
10 files changed, 17 insertions, 9735 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72b2ab5 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #66332 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/66332) diff --git a/old/66332-0.txt b/old/66332-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c932a2c..0000000 --- a/old/66332-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4049 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Good Newes from New England, by Edward -Winslow - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Good Newes from New England - A true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of - plimoth in New England - -Author: Edward Winslow - -Editor: Alexander Young - -Release Date: September 17, 2021 [eBook #66332] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND *** - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - This book was published in 1841, and is a reprint of the original book - by Edward Winslow published in 1624, with many footnotes added by the - 1841 editor. The editor has occasionally inserted in brackets [] a - word missing from the 1624 text, for example [which] on page 9. - - The footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes remain - at the end of the main text, as they were in the original (1841) book. - They have been renumbered from 1 to 127. Some references to a ‘note’ - have therefore been renumbered accordingly, for example the reference - to ‘note 2 on page 77’ has been changed to ‘note [35] on page 77’. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Some other minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - “GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND: or a true Relation of things very - remarkable at the Plantation of _Plimoth_ in New-England. - - Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of GOD, in their - preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparent - deaths and dangers. - - Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and - Customes, as are in practise amongst the _Indians_, adjoyning to - them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be raysed - for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said - Country. - - Written by _E. W._ who hath borne a part in the forenamed - troubles, and there lived since their first Arrivall. - - Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible - intelligence of the present Estate of _Virginia_. - - LONDON. Printed by _I. D._ for _William Bladen_ and _John - Bellamie_, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the _Bible_ in - _Paul’s_ Churchyard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, - neere the _Royall Exchange_. 1624.” pp. 66, sm. 4to. - - -[Illustration: Map of Plymouth from Young’s _Chronicles_] - - - - -DEDICATION - -_To all well-willers and furtherers of Plantations in New England, -especially to such as ever have or desire to assist the people of -Plymouth in their just proceedings, grace and peace be multiplied._ - - - RIGHT HONORABLE AND WORSHIPFUL - GENTLEMEN, OR WHATSOEVER, - -Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of -his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his -Majesty’s dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so healthful -and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the church of God -being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing -the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the true -knowledge and worship of the living God, and so consequently the -salvation of their souls by the merits of Jesus Christ, than -elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely -prosecuted,--I therefore think it but my duty to offer the view -of our proceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that -end composed them together thus briefly, as you see; wherein, to -your great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of -God working with you in our preservation from so many dangerous -plots and treacheries as have been intended against us, as also -in giving his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had, -enabling us with health and ability beyond expectation in our -greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages -with astonishment and fear of us; whereas if God had let them -loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a -handful in comparison of those forces they might have gathered -together against us; which now, by God’s blessing, will be more -hard and difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our -town better fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed -therefore be his name, that hath done so great things for us and -hath wrought so great a change amongst us. - -Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness, -and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be not -discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged with -us, hoping that God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this -worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us -accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect -not the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to -some of you[1] than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the -brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God’s -mercy, we are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means -a great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for -the same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon -it. - -Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as I may term it, -of plantations. - -1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly -taketh a principal seat in the heart and affection, though God’s -glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation. - -2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to -make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to -maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft -punisheth with contempt. - -3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of men -unto them, not caring how they be qualified; so that ofttimes -they are rather the image of men endued with bestial, yea, -diabolical affections, than the image of God, endued with reason, -understanding, and holiness. I praise God I speak not these things -experimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, but -having great cause on the contrary part to be thankful to God for -his mercies towards us; but rather, if there be any too desirous of -gain, to entreat them to moderate their affections, and consider -that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be grown; advising all -men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice of -such to manage and govern their affairs, as are approved not to be -seekers of themselves, but the common good of all for whom they are -employed; and beseeching such as have the care of transporting men -for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly careful -in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action. -There is no godly, honest man but will be helpful in his kind, -and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversation; -which doctrine of manners[2] ought first to be preached by giving -good example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom they live. -On the contrary part, what great offence hath been given by many -profane men, who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ and -Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so -laid a stumbling-block before them. But woe be to them by whom such -offences come. - -These things I offer to your Christian considerations, beseeching -you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in -good part this ensuing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore -unto your service; beseeching God to crown our Christian and -faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal. - - Yours in this service, - Ever to be commanded, - E. W.[3] - - - - -TO THE READER. - - -GOOD READER, - -When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for -the satisfaction of my private friends; but since that time have -been persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a -disorderly colony[4] that are dispersed, and most of them returned, -to the great prejudice and damage of him[5] that set them forth; -who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect -of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be -feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous -reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle -courses. I would not be understood to think there were no well -deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a -grief to some that they were so yoked; whose deserts, as they were -then suitable to their honest protestations, so I desire still may -be in respect of their just and true Relations. - -Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so plainly, than -any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation; yea, it may be, tax -me therewith, as seeming rather to discourage men than any way to -further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discouraged, I -am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause; and am so far from -being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.[6] And -for other light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my -desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where -they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task. - -Some faults have escaped because I could not attend on the -press,[7] which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall -account it as a favor unto me. - - Thine, - E. W. - - - - -_Chapter 1_ - -A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE -OF VIRGINIA. - - -At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respected friends, I -have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as -were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September -last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because -men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their affairs, -being we are so far distant, I will therefore satisfy the doubtful -therein. Captain Francis West[8] being in New England about the -latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and -returned in August. In September the same ship and company being -discharged by him at Damarin’s Cove,[9] came to New Plymouth, -where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia since -that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians upon our friends -and countrymen,[10] the whole ship’s company agreed in this, -viz. that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro, -insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for -the present would not admit of any; that Sir George Early, &c. was -at that present employed upon service against them; that amongst -many other, Opachancano,[11] the chief emperor, was supposed to -be slain; his son also was killed at the same time. And though, -by reason of these forenamed broils in the fore part of the year, -the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God’s -mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as -good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the hopes -of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn; so that the -planters were never more full of encouragement; which I pray God -long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory -may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for -his mercy’s sake. Amen. - - - - -_Chapter 2_ - -OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND -VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. - - -[Sidenote: 1622] - -The good ship called the FORTUNE, which, in the month of November, -1621, (blessed be God,) brought us a new supply of thirty-five -persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of -Nanohigganset,[12] which are reported to be many thousands strong, -began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding -their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer; -insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides -was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a -man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than -before our supply came. But though none of them were present, yet -understanding by others that they neither brought arms, nor other -provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them -to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.[13] At -length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,[14] their -chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly -Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, -who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and -leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake’s -skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not -knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it -with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of -Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so -often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, -at his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with -the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could learn any thing from -him; whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not -certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us. - -[Sidenote: _Jan. 1622_] - -That night Captain Standish gave me and another[15] charge of him, -and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want -any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire -of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify -that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom. -At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing; -but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger -which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return -persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him -thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of -the things [which] were sent him by or Governor, scorning the -meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, -and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed -the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his -false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that -upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he -would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and -his Assistant[16] and Captain Standish, who, after consultation, -considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; and it -being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe -to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty; the Governor -giving him order to certify his master that he had heard of his -large and many threatenings, at which he was much offended; daring -him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled -to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting withal -(as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he -could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be -offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and -giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian -again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to -persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, -and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in -such extremity. - -After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were -delivered, and the manner of the messenger’s carriage related, -he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake’s skin -in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a -challenge.[17] Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor -stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning -no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now -present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of -his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet -withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked -for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such -sort, as it was no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he -would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in -his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another -took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time, -at length came whole back again. - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1622_] - -In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our -high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to -all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our -arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all -expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few -days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated; -making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of -the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three -whereof are gates,[18] and the fourth in time to be. This being -done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or -companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of -each; and, at a general muster of training,[19] appointed each his -place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm, -to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his -absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according -to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for -defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which -they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they -graced them with their shot, and so departed. - -Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage -by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain company, -that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, -should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose the -house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with -their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in -that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this -guard, they were then freed from it; but not otherwise, without -special command. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1622_] - -Long before this time we promised the people of Massachusets, in -the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their -furs; which being then come, we began to make preparation for -that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who -still lived in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets -or Massachuseucks (for so they called the people of that place,) -were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of -Nanohigganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity -to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad; but, howsoever, -in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks -would assault the town at home; giving many reasons for his -jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, -we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our -shallops to the Indians’ houses, for their better advantage. To -confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages that -passed between him and others, having their meetings ordinarily -abroad, in the woods; but if at home, howsoever, he was excluded -from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, when -they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there -was no show of honesty. - -Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant and Captain -Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet -for advice in so weighty a business; who, after consideration -hereof, came to this resolution; that as hitherto, upon all -occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted -courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety -to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because our -store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily -food, without which we could not long subsist; but especially -for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged -to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than -ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of -God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and -weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed -in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go -the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home -and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty; -whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so -we had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in -our preservation and continuance, where we desired rather to be -instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give them the -least measure of just offence. - -[Sidenote: _April. 1622_] - -All things being now in readiness, the forenamed Captain, with ten -men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamock, set forwards for -the Massachusets. But we[20] had no sooner turned the point of the -harbour, called the Gurnet’s Nose,[21] (where, being becalmed, we -let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row,) -but there came an Indian of Tisquantum’s family running to certain -of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his -face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to -them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had -him in chase; saying that at Namaschet (a town some fifteen miles -from us,) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat[22] -our supposed friend, and Conbatant,[23] our feared enemy, with -many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present -opportunity to assault the town in the Captain’s absence; affirming -that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, -and by sleight escaped; looking oft backward, as if he suspected -them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor; -whereupon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should be -made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of -hearing, we might return thereat; which we no sooner heard, but -we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, -and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the harbour, -we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with -all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock -said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat’s -faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken -any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse,[24] that -is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the -manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the -advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor -answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions -of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but -especially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest, -but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto -Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust -him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections. - -But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor -caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick, -the chief place of Massassowat’s residence, (pretending other -occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right -state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things -quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] -told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by them called -Patuxet;) which, when he understood, he was much offended at the -carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Governor for -his good thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their -first Articles of Peace, he would send word and give warning when -any such business was towards. - -Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were -only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means -of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he -stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could -lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the -Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended -shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, -to work their peace; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem -than many of their sachims; yea, they themselves sought to him, who -promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so -as they would resort to him; so that whereas divers were wont to -rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to this abode, now -they began to leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though he -could not make good these his large promises, especially because of -the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised -this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of -blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby -he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched; -and hoping if that block were once removed, there were not other -between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred -before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor -sharply reproved him; yet was he so necessary and profitable an -instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we -understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our -ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun -with us, they should have no cause to fear; and if any hereafter -should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and -seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good -satisfaction on all sides. - -[Sidenote: _May. 1622_] - -After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets; where -we had good store of trade,[25] and (blessed be God) returned in -safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and -extremity of weather. - -At our return we found Massassowat at the Plantation; who made his -seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being -much offended and enraged against Tisquantum; whom the Governor -pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after -his departure, he sent a messenger to the Governor, entreating him -to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. -But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in -respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare -him; and the rather, because without him he knew not well how to -understand himself or any other the Indians. With this answer the -messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with -divers others, demanding him from[26] Massassowat, their master, as -being one of his subjects, whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we -could not retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it without -the Governor’s approbation, offered him many beavers’ skins for -his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their -sachim had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off -his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor -answered, It was not the manner of the English to sell men’s lives -at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give -them their reward; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift; -but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet -offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author -and worker of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to -be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant -when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his -executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and -fall behind a headland[27] not far off. Whereupon, having heard -many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any -combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the -Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver -them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at -delay, they departed in great heat. - -Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this -Tisquantum; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with -the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told -them we had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our -pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and -destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, -upon the forenamed brabbles,[28] sent for by the Governor to this -place, where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being -broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain barrels of -powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what -it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein -the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. -After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whether such a thing -were, and whether we had such command of it; who answered, No; but -the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his -pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies. - -This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; at which -time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long -before with a bare and short allowance. The reason was, that -supply of men, before mentioned,[29] which came so unprovided, -not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole -company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship’s store -homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be -blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were -too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we -enjoyed.[30] But that I may return. - -[Sidenote; _June. 1622_] - -This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a fishing -ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, -late merchant and citizen of London, which brought six or seven -passengers at his charge, that should before have been landed at -our Plantation;[31] who also brought no more provision for the -present than served the boat’s gang for their return to the ship; -which made her voyage at a place called Damarin’s Cove,[32] near -Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward; about which -place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself -was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals -as the ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment and good -respect, with a willingness to supply our wants. But being not able -to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of -some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would -not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely, -wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure -have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for -which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their -abilities; which, although it were not much amongst so many people -as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet -care of the governors, recovered and preserved strength till our -own crop on the ground was ready. - -Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, -where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than when I left -it; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof -much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. -But here it may be said, if the country abound with fish and fowl -in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure -of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer, every -thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith, -will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries; so he -that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his -expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the -beginning of October to the end of March; but these extremities -befell us in May and June. I confess, that as the fowl decrease, -so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a -great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks -were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong -seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through, -and carried all away before them. And though the sea were full of -cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And -indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shellfish -are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished, -unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for our -preservation. - -In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen, -the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, -glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere -long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and -neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned -further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill -called the Mount,[33] enclosed within our pale, under which our -town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence -a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians -can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. -This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation -of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual -guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from -having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it -took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, -life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead -thereof for our further preservation. - - - - -_Chapter 3_ - -OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON’S COLONY AT WESSAGUSSET, AND OF -SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN. - - -[Sidenote: _July. 1622_] - -In the end June or beginning of July, came into our harbour two -ships of Master Weston’s aforesaid; the one called the Charity,[34] -the other the Swan; having in them some fifty or sixty men, sent -over at his own charge to plant for him.[35] These we received into -our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition -could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them, -having many passengers which she was to land in Virginia. In the -mean time the body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst -some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of -corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest -walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem -to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not day and -night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to -taste, though green and unprofitable; and though they received much -kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the -love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the -chief of them being forestalled and made against us before then -came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master’s sake, -who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them -whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things -to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when -God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that -their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their -places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and -unconscionable beginnings. - -At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment -a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets[36] -at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset.[37] To which place -the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still -with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor’s permission, -though on their parts undeserved; whom our surgeon,[38] by the -help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as -occasion served. - -They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears -with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other -abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the -same men,[39] in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading -Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor -to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons -how it might be commodious for us. Be we knew no means to redress -those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as -occasion served. - -[Sidenote: _Aug. 1622_] - -In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The -one, as I take it, was called the Discovery, Captain Jones[40] -having the command thereof; the other was that ship of Mr. -Weston’s, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of -fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for -Virginia.[41] Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such -provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as he -used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And -had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him -to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or -after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year -following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner -of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by -trade; but, through God’s good mercy towards us, he had wherewith, -and did supply our wants on that kind competently.[42] - -[Sidenote: _Oct. 1622_] - -In the end of September, or beginning of October, Mr. Weston’s -biggest ship, called the Charity, returned for England, and left -their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit -amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with -his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired -to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn; to which our -Governor and his Assistant[43] agreed, upon such equal conditions, -as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief -places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod; and the more, -because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with -Massassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still -hoped, passage within the shoals. - -[Sidenote: _Nov. 1622_] - -Both colonies being thus agreed, and their companies fitted and -joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed -in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law -to master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and -government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom -we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could. -Afterward, having further order to proceed by letter from their -other Governor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set -forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent -winds; himself the second time being sick of a violent fever. By -reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than -formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and -spend much time in fortification, but especially because such -havock was made of that little we had, through the unjust and -dishonest carriage of those people, before mentioned, at our first -entertainment of them,) our Governor in his own person supplied the -Captain’s place; and, in the month of November, again set forth, -having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he -had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English -and French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master -of the ship saw no hope of passage; but being, as he thought, in -danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum’s directions, made for -a harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke; which -they found, and sounding it with their shallop, found the channel, -though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured the -ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more -violence at some other place more southerly,[44] which they had not -seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season -all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof -might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as -yet known. - -That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum -for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played -least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there -before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came -to them, welcoming our Governor according to their savage manner; -refreshing them very well with store of venison and other victuals, -which they brought them in great abundance; promising to trade with -them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was -mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for -at first they were loth their dwellings should be known; but when -they saw our Governor’s resolution to stay on the shore all night, -they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their -stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our -men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, -neither it nor they could be found; and so many times after, upon -conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But -being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s means better persuaded, they -left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight -hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This -gave our Governor and the company good encouragement; Tisquantum -being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming -they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals -aforesaid. - -But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet -God had otherways disposed; who struck Tisquantum with sickness, -insomuch as he there died;[45] which crossed their southward -trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much -doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon -discovery, having no guide to direct them. - -From thence they departed; and the wind being fair for the -Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because the savages, -upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised -not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a -great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the plague, -if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor, -against the other plantation seated by them, for their injurious -walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown -in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used -to do for a beaver’s skin; so that little good could be there done. - -From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod, -to a place called Nauset; where the sachim[46] used the Governor -very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn -and beans; also at a place called Mattachiest,[47] where they had -like kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their -trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms, -as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away; so -that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they had -bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues -from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no -carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in -her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round -stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge -to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next -to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he -undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, -according to the Governor’s request, the sachim sent men to seek -the shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water -mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for -the present; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge, -that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch -both it and the corn; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he -would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship, which -they so much made show of; but if they were, they should certainly -smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good -whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest, -and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the ship and take -his journey home by land with our own company, sending word to -the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for -Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, to meet -them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty -miles to our Plantation,[48] set forward, receiving all respect -that could be from the Indians in his journey; and came safely -home, though weary and surbated;[49] whither some three days after -the ship[50] also came. - -The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston’s company -went to their own plantation; it being further agreed, that they -should return with all convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, -that they might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. - -[Sidenote: _Jan. 1623_] - -At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered and in health, -took another shallop, and went with them to the corn, which they -found in safety as they left it. Also they mended the other -shallop, and got all their corn aboard the ship. This was in -January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy; insomuch as, -(the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained to cut -both the shallops from the ship’s stern; and so lost them both a -second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, they found -them both, not having received any great hurt. - -Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore, -laying their shallop in a creek[51] not far from them, an Indian -came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other -trifles, out of the same; which, when the Captain missed, he took -certain of his company with him and went to the sachim, telling -him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party -that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or -else he would revenge it on them before his departure; and so took -leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness -they offered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous, -accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted[52] the -Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see -the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to -the finger’s end, withal bowing the knee, striving to imitate the -English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. -His men did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our -men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After -salutation, he delivered the beads and other things to the Captain, -saying he had much beaten the party for doing it; causing the women -to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire; seeming -to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they -departed and came home in safety; where the corn was equally -divided, as before. - -After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with -another company, and bought corn likewise of them. The one is -called Namasket, the other Manomet.[53] That from Namasket was -brought home partly by Indian women;[54] but a great sickness -arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the -rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim’s custody. - -This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and -stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of -Nanohigganset,[55] and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. -It will bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the -Dutch or French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the bay -of Cape Cod, about eight miles;[56] out of which bay it floweth -into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The -heads of the river and this creek are not far distant. This river -yieldeth, thus high, oysters,[57] muscles, clams,[58] and other -shellfish; one in shape like a bean,[59] another like a clam; -both good meat, and great 1623 abundance at all times; besides it -aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.[60] - -The Governor, or sachim, of this place was called Canacum;[61] who -had formerly, as well as many others, yea all with whom as yet we -had to do, acknowledged themselves the subjects of our sovereign -lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly; and it -seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For -whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather, -came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside -their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the -fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, -nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when -they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one -of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from -his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which -the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech -to him; the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who -then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth. -It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game, -(for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away -all, even their skin from their backs,[62] yea their wives’ skins -also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as -myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed the -other. The actor of this fact was a _powah_,[63] one of special -note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well miss; yet -another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if -they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold; -neither would their sachim do one way or other till their return, -resting upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. -After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave -their judgment what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked -Hobbamock what he thought; who answered, He was but a stranger -to them; but thought it was better that one should die than many, -since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he -passed the sentence of death upon him. - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_] - -Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain -Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also -with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost; -insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they -entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared -them a good quantity of corn to confirm the same. Strangers also -came to this place, pretending only to see him and his company, -whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with -the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through -extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God -possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving -strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest -should wake, declaring some things to them which he understood, -whereof he could make no good construction. - -Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole some beads -also from him; which he no sooner perceived, having not above six -men with him, drew them all from the boat, and set them on their -guard about the sachim’s house, where the most of the people -were; threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if -they would not forthwith restore them; signifying to the sachim -especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the -least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which -should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the -sachim bestirred him to find out the party; which, when he had -done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to -the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about -the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them -lying openly upon the boat’s cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they -brought corn afresh to trade; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and -so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst -not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy -and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the -Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter; for it being -now February, they abounded with them. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he took a -shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor -had formerly bought,[64] hoping also to get more from them; but -was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he -found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The reason -whereof, and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken -of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards; wherein may be -observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his providence -for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and -not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the -shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim’s house, but in came -two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat, -a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands -in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own -valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, -they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. - -This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten -of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachim; and -after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in -such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst -us,[65] could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was -afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massacheuseuks had -formerly concluded to ruinate Master Weston’s colony; and thought -themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to -execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time -as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their -party good against us at Plymouth; concluding, that if we remained, -though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we -would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged; and -therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both -plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachim, -as also the other, called Ianough,[66] at Mattachiest, and many -others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same; -and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain’s -presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company. - -After this his message was delivered, his entertainment much -exceeded the Captain’s; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, -and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him, -because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest -of his company; but he would not, desiring, according to promise, -that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the -women[67] for their labor; which they did. At the same time there -was a lusty Indian of Paomet,[68] or Cape Cod, then present, who -had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general -carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards -the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the -rest; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued -affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven -gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, -saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his -friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some -of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life -before; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with him at -their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to kill him before they -parted; which done, they intended to fall upon the rest. - -The night proved exceeding cold; insomuch as the Captain could not -take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and fro at -the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not -sleep as at other times; who answered, He knew not well, but had no -desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity. - -The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied -with the other Indian; who used many arguments to persuade them -to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the -most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our -wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by -contrary wind; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted -to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. - - - - -_Chapter 4_ - -WINSLOW’S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT MASSASOIT IN HIS -SICKNESS. - - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news came to -Plymouth that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the -same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore -by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till -the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a -commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, -are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to -visit them in their extremity,[69] either in their persons, or -else to send some acceptable persons to them; therefore it was -thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had -ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same, -by observing this their laudable custom; and the rather, because -we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing -when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself -having formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the -Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself, -and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him; having one -Master John Hamden,[70] a gentleman of London, who then wintered -with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and -Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first -night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment. - -The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry[71] in -Conbatant’s country, where, upon discharge of my piece, divers -Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us -that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried; and that the -Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off -their ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially -Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him -I would first think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, -Conbatant[72] was the most like to succeed him, and that we were -not above three miles from Mattapuyst,[73] his dwelling-place, -although he were but a hollow-hearted friend toward us, I thought -no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with -him, and the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through the -blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to -settle their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat -dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and -Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him, which he -might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving -the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if -Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me; whom I found -willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good. -So we went towards Mattapuyst. - -In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth -into these speeches: _Neen womasu sagimus, neen womasu sagimus_, -&c. “My loving sachim, my loving sachim! Many have I known, but -never any like thee.” And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived, -I should never see his like amongst the Indians; saying, he was no -liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger -and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled towards -such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure as he -would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed his -men better with few strokes, than others did with many; truly -loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend -left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained -their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of -lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest -heart relent. - -At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the _sachimo -comaco_,[74] for so they call the sachim’s place, though they -call an ordinary house _witeo_;[75] but Conbatant, the sachim, -was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six -miles off. The _squasachim_, for so they call the sachim’s wife, -gave us friendly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning -Massassowat; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty. -Whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick, -that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint -Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before -sunsetting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet -dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this -we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it -was late within night ere we got thither. About two from the clock -that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed; so that in that respect our -journey was frustrate. - -When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we -could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make -way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, -making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, -and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.[76] About him were -six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep -heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told -him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having -understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who -was come? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the -letter _l_, but ordinarily _n_ in place thereof.[77] He desired to -speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put -forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very -inwardly, _Keen Winsnow_? which is to say, “Art thou Winslow?” I -answered, _Ahhe_, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words; _Matta -neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow_! that is to say, “O Winslow, I shall -never see thee again.” - -Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that -the Governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same; and -though, by reason of many businesses, he could not come himself, -yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely -to do him good in this his extremity;[78] and whereof if he pleased -to take, I would presently give him; which he desired; and having -a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of -my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his -teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice -of it, whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he -had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired -to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue -swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat -such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed -his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption -out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection, -which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, -I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half -an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of -all that beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to -him, which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean time -I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he -slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. -Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way, -in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, -saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send -for more of the same; also for chickens to make him broth, and for -other things, which I knew were good for him; and would stay the -return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous -kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the -clock in the morning; against which time I made ready a letter, -declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, &c., -desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as -the surgeon durst administer to him. - -He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece, -and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such -as he had eaten at Plymouth; which I promised. After, his stomach -coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before I -went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and -unacquainted in such businesses, especially having nothing to make -it comfortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being -we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and -take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in -a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes. When the day -broke, we went out, it being now March, to seek herbs, but could -not find any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a handful, -and put into the same; and because I had nothing to relish it, I -went forth again, and pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a -piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then -took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through -my handkerchief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and -liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more; also -he had three moderate stools, and took some rest; insomuch as we -with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and -ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of -them acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation. - -That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another -amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash -their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I -gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with -willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being -accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me -to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, -with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made -a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed -one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it, -making more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I see -a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. -The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take -off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if -he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would -not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the -strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not -possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and -ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an -hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast -up the broth again; and in overstraining himself, began to bleed -at the nose, and so continued the space of four hours. Then they -all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we -much feared also. They asked me what I thought of him. I answered, -his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life; for -if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which -was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed, -and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed -his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen -cloth. But on a sudden he chopped his nose in the water, and drew -up some therein, and sent it forth again with such violence, as he -began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope; but we -perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore -told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did. - -The messengers were now returned; but finding his stomach come -to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for -breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent, -because his body was so much altered since our instructions; -neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he -were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him; some, by -their report, from a place not less than an hundred miles. To all -that came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness, -how near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the English -came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered him to this -strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself. - -The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him -that now he might see how hollow-hearted the English were, saying -if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would -have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to -withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some -things against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But -upon his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches: Now I see -the English are my friends and love me; and whilst I live, I will -never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were -there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers’. Divers -other things were worthy the noting; but I fear I have been too -tedious. - -At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, and privately (none -hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,[79] who are of his -council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken -of, against Master Weston’s colony, and so against us; saying that -the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,[80] Mattachiest, Manomet, -Agowaywam,[81] and the isle of Capawack,[82] were joined with them; -himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would -neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we -respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety, -he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors -of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we -would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said he, upon -this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their -countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to -defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their -lives; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with -great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled -without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would -cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the -way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming -home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him; who -returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for -our labor and love; the like did all that were about him. So we -departed. - -That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who till -now remained at Sawaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at -Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise -at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry -jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are -returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in -case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and -should send word thereof to Patuxet for _maskiet_,[83] that is, -physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it; and if he would, -whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, -Yea; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at -his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, come -so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there -was no fear; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for -mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if -your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it -to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, -with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us? Whereupon I -answered, it was the most honorable and respective entertainment -we could give them; it being an order amongst us so to receive our -best respected friends; and as it was used on the land, so the -ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen -observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such -salutations. - -Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we -did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what -was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion -to tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of his -laws and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments; all which -they hearkened unto with great attention, and like well of; only -the seventh commandment they excepted against, thinking there -were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one -woman; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, -that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the -author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon -that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and -strengthen our bodies; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied -therewith, we again returned thanks to the same our God, for that -our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well; -and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that -the same power that we called God, they called _Kiehtan_.[84] -Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be -too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than -comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had -better entertainment amongst any of them. - -The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the -private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged -him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before; which -having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto. -That night we lodged at Namasket; and the day following, about -the mid-way between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us, -that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But -contrary winds again drove him back; so that we found him at home; -where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that -the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go -with him. But their secret and villainous purposes being, through -God’s mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish -to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger, -that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which should -be thought most necessary. - - - - -_Chapter 5_ - -OF STANDISH’S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSAGUSSET, AND -THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON’S COLONY AT THAT PLACE. - - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_] - -Before this journey we heard many complaints, both by the Indians, -and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston’s colony, how -exceedingly their company abased themselves by indirect means, -to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, -fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat; -whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten -enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night -brake the earth, and robbed the Indians’ store; for which they -had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small -amendment. This was about the end of February; at which time they -had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, -neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any -terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to -that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled, -save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly -minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to write to -Plymouth; and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the -better do it. This course was well liked, and an Indian was sent -with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof -were to this effect; that being in great want, and their people -daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a -plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships -that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind; -but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He -had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew -to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore -was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return -of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving -his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. -The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger what -store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who -answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having -already spared all they could. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to -advise with them herein; who, after serious consideration, no -way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered -his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto; the -contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked -their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature, -showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the -King’s Majesty, and his honorable Council for this place, both in -respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and -also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the -glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were bound to seek, -and were not to use such means as would breed a distaste in the -savages against our persons and professions, assuring them their -master would incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer -the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with -theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced -to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as -naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain -strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had -in great abundance, yea, oysters[85] also, which we wanted; and -therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto. -Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, -all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and -then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made -the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and -therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue -their peace; upon which course they might with good conscience -desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they -could not. - -Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most -swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more -unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they -should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful -actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet -the principal agents should expect no better than the gallows, -whensoever any special officer should be sent over by his Majesty, -or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would -undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the -contents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony. -Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders, -showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being -he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner -advised him to desist. - -With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt -whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as -they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen; who -first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the -Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But -not having sufficient for the ship’s store, he took a shallop, -and leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his -return, set forward about the end of February; so that he knew not -of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it -known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick; -at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to -Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted -for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge -himself, revealed the same thing. - -The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearly -court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many -circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being[86] to -undertake war without the consent of the body of the company, made -known the same in public court, offering it to the consideration of -the company, it being high time to come to resolution, how sudden -soever it seemed to them, fearing it would be put in execution -before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was -no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so -ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events -thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver -our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning their -malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing -them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; though -it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever -intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings. But -in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a -matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge, -nor fitness to know, because of many other Indians, which daily, -as occasion serveth, converse with us; therefore the Governor, his -Assistant, and the Captain, should take such to themselves as they -thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to -this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men, -as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the -Indians in the Massachuset bay; and because, (as all men know that -have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with -them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay -for others, therefore he should pretend trade, as at other times; -but first go to the English, and acquaint them with the plot, and -the end of his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages -towards them, he might the better judge of the certainty of it, -and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same; but should -forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make -sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken -of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a -warning and terror to all of that disposition. - -[Sidenote: _24 Mar. 1623_] - -Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not -take more, because he would prevent jealousy, knowing their guilty -consciences would soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day, -before he could go, came one[87] of Mr. Weston’s company by land -unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of -their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians’ carriages, -whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they -got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their -faces; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to -hold a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since -John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged[88] one of them -that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it not; that another -of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most -forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their -victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home; that -they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both -with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get -victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed -into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left. What -would be the event of these things he said he much feared; and -therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, though he knew -not the way, yet adventured to come to us; partly to make known -their weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived, and partly to -desire he might there remain till things were better settled at -the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to us, so it -gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which -Captain Standish was now fitted; and the wind coming fair, the next -day set forth for the Massachusets. - -[Sidenote: _25 Mar. 1623_] - -The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man; and suspecting -his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave out -there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some wolves -or bears would eat him. But we know, both by our own experience, -and the reports of others, that though they find a man sleeping, -yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him. -This Indian missed him but very little; and missing him, passed -by the town and went to Manomet; whom we hoped to take at his -return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for service, -and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it -being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so -great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot -bring [it] to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the -preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him -lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men -to reason against their own safety; as amongst us divers seeing -the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, -flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it -rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity. -But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched -for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these -intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means -to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore -so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward -instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this -needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return -from Manomet, came through the town, pretending still friendship -and in love to see us; but as formerly others, so his end was to -see whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into -weakness, like their neighbours; which they hoped and looked for, -(though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be -glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him; -and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him -as their prisoner; where he told him he must be contented to remain -till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he -was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there -kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,[89] this being the first day, as -I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. - -The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the -ship; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the -discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation -showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, -and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked -them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security; -who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared -not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge with them, -not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain -answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon -further inquiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders -had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to -govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to -be brief, made known the Indians’ purpose, and the end of his own -coming, as also, (which formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they -durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and -people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they could be better -provided; but if they conceived of any other course, that might -be more likely for their good, that himself should further them -therein to the uttermost of his power. These men, comparing other -circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect -no better; and it was God’s mercy that they were not killed before -his coming; desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity -to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send -special command to one third of their company, that were farthest -off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep -the town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for -a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The -weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he -could do any thing. - -In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs, -but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming -then for trade; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly -as possibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by -his eyes that he was angry in his heart; and therefore began to -suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who -was a _pniese_,[90] being a man of a notable spirit, to come to -Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that -the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages -there. “Tell him,” said he, “we know it, but fear him not, neither -will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take -us at unawares.” Many times after, divers of them severally, or few -together, came to the plantation to him; where they would whet and -sharpen the points of their knives before his face, and use many -other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat -bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle -there was pictured a woman’s face; “but,” said he, “I have another -at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that -hath a man’s face on it; and by and by these two must marry.” -Further he said of that knife he there had, _Hinnaim namen, hinnaim -michen, matta cuts_; that is to say, By and by it should see, and -by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man -of greater stature than the Captain,[91] told him, though he were a -great captain, yet he was but a little man; and, said he, though I -be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These -things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present. - -On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at -once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another -man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother -to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting -many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many -of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, -and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and -snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, -killed him therewith, the point whereof he had made as sharp as -a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the -other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain -caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these -two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful -noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. -Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, -observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action. All -being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to -the Captain: “Yesterday Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and -stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but -a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on -the ground.” But to proceed; there being some women at the same -time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston’s -people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had -intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst -them. These killed two more. Himself also with some of his own -men went to another place, where they killed another; and through -the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered and -crossed their proceedings.[92] - -Not long before this execution, three of Mr. Weston’s men, which -more regarded their bellies than any command or commander, having -formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went -again to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertainment. -The first night they came thither, within night, late came a -messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message. -Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and -breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and -went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their -return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being -more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind, -especially the Captain’s presence, and the strait charge that on -pain of death none should go a musket shot from the plantation, -and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began -to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off -than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, -but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left, -and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away, -forsaking the paths, lest he should be pursued; and by this means -saved his life. - -Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two -of Mr. Weston’s, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of -them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians, which -made towards them amain; and there being a small advantage in the -ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for -it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took -each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at -himself and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and -being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so -fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him; insomuch -as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm -and half face of a notable villain, as he drew[93] at Captain -Standish; who together with another both discharged at once at him, -and brake his arm; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they -were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting -nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come -out and fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was -in tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain -returned to the plantation; where he released the women, and -would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least -discourtesy to be offered them. - -Now were Mr. Weston’s people resolved to leave their plantation, -and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return[94] with -the fishing ships. The Captain told them, that for his own part he -durst there live with fewer men than they were; yet since they -were otherways minded, according to his order from the governors -and people of Plymouth, he would help them with corn competent for -their provision by the way; which he did, scarce leaving himself -more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of -the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with -him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop; and seeing them -set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,[95] he took leave and -returned to Plymouth; whither he came in safety, blessed be God! -and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. - -Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a -courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding -the death of his countrymen, came to the Captain without fear, -saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so -to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians intended to kill Mr. -Weston’s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two -more canoes or boats, which Mr. Weston’s men would have finished -by this time, having made them three already, had not the Captain -prevented them; and the end of stay for those boats was to take -their ship therewith. - -Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being -brought to the fort, and there set up.[96] The governors and -captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine -the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether -he knew it, he answered, Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that -all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being -drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that -prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal -were killed, being Pecksuot and Wituwamat, whose head was there; -the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, -though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would -not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for -his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger -lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and -besought for him; but was bribed so to do. Nevertheless, that we -might show mercy as well as extremity, the Governor released him, -and the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to -Obtakiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but -he would have been gone; but the Governor bid him stay, and fear -not, for he should receive no hurt; and by Hobbamock commanded -him to deliver this message to his master: That for our parts it -never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till -their own treachery enforced us thereunto, and therefore they might -thank themselves for their own overthrow; yet since he had begun, -if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his country -should not hold him; for he would never suffer him or his to rest -in peace, till he had utterly consumed them; and therefore should -take this as a warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet the -three Englishmen he had, and not kill them; also that he should -not spoil the pale and houses at Wichaguscusset; and that this -messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both; -promising his safe return. - -This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with -[an] answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterwards -they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though -long, a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry that the -English were killed, before he heard from the Governor; otherwise -he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his -peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about -it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to -place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him. - -Concerning those other people, that intended to join the -Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of -them; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with -the just judgment of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so -terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their -houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps -and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst -themselves, whereof very many are dead; as Canacum, the sachim -of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and Ianough, sachim -of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the midst of these -distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them, -and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange -to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them. -Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because -through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of -life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and -strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents -to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace; but the boat -was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from -our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but -returned; so as none of them dare come amongst us. - -I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things. -Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth -and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and -the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports -undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself -where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, -lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise, -which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were -at the pit’s brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in -danger. - - - - -_Chapter 6_ - -OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE -COLONY. - - -[Sidenote: _April. 1623_] - -The month of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare -for corn. And because there was no corn left before this time, -save that was preserved for seed, being also hopeless of relief by -supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and prosecute -that as most necessary. And because there was no[97] small hope of -doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were -in; for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had -nothing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not -so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they -had done; especially considering that self-love wherewith every -man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good -before his neighbour’s, and also the base disposition of some -drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most -burdenous to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man -should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation, -both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own corn -for the year following; and bring in a competent portion for the -maintenance of public officers, fishermen, &c., which could not -be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This -course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to -gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselves -and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this -condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they -might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, -during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be -employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary -for the general good. And because there is great difference in the -ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a -person, and each man to have his fall by lot,[98] as being most -just and equal, and against which no man could except. - -At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded, -but this approved and followed, as being the most likely for the -present and future good of the company; and therefore before this -month began to prepare our ground against seed-time. - -[Sidenote: _July. 1623_] - -In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then -seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of -after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of -May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a -great drought, insomuch as in six weeks after the latter setting -there scarce fell any rain; so that the stalk of that was first -set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth, -and that which was later not like to yield any at all, both blade -and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner, -as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according -to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched -away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were -our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into -mourning.[99] - -To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard -of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having -two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship -three hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no -further of her; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast, -which could not be judged to be any other than the same.[100] So -that at once God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most -courageous were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had -been our only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm -himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his -wrath? - -These and the like considerations moved not only every good man -privately to enter into examination with his own estate between -God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but -also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord -by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public -authority, and set apart from all other employments; hoping that -the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved -hereby in mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of -our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand -with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God! who -was as ready to hear, as we to ask; for though in the morning, -when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the -drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise -continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our departure, the -weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, -and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate -showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such -seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered -corn or drooping affections were most quickened or revived; such -was the bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians, by -means of Hobbamock,[101] took notice; who being then in the town, -and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but -three days since Sunday; and therefore demanded of a boy, what -was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects -followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of -our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a -time; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our -invocation on the name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with -such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, -it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice; but ours -in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the -like. - -At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by -the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, -returned with the same, accompanied with one Mr. David Tomson,[102] -a Scotchman, who also that spring began a plantation twenty-five -leagues northeast from us, near Smith’s isles,[103] at a place -called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of -the third repulse that our supply had,[104] of their safe, though -dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to -us. So that having these many signs of God’s favor and acceptation, -we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should -smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving -for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And -therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for -that end; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all -thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us; -whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church, -and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. -Amen. - -In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two -ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers,[105] -except one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also, -notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found -not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger -ship, called the Anne,[106] was hired, and there again freighted -back;[107] from whence we set sail the 10th of September. The -lesser, called the LITTLE JAMES,[108] was built for the company at -their charge.[109] She was now also fitted for trade and discovery -to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail; whom I -pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings. - - - - -_Chapter 7_ - -OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CEREMONIES OF THE -INDIANS. - - -[Sidenote: _1623_] - -Thus have I made a true and full narration of the state of our -Plantation, and such things as were most remarkable therein since -December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through -weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I confess -my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I undertook; being -urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in -others, and but for which I would not have undertaken the same. -Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to -be understood; wherein others may see that which we are bound to -acknowledge, viz. that if ever any people in these later ages were -upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than -others, then we; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the -memory of His goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these -forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had -often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties -of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after -time; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen -men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night, -by the good providence and blessing of God, we have enjoyed such -plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us. -How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there -settling, and in the midst of barbarous enemies! Yet God wrought -our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit’s brim, and in -danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that -we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, and from how -many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can best -tell. So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but -think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance -to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in -so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the -constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate -for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish -New England from Old. - -A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed -amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and sundry -other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others, -in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and -knowledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without -any religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though -we could then gather no better; for as they conceive of many -divine powers, so of one, whom they call _Kiehtan_,[110] to be -the principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. -He, they say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures -contained therein; also that he made one man and one woman, of whom -they and we and all mankind came;[111] but how they became so far -dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no -sachim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, -whither all good men go when they die, to see their friends, and -have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far -westward in the heavens, they say; thither the bad men go also, and -knock at his door, but he bids them _quatchet_, that is to say, -walk abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in -restless want and penury.[112] Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old -men tell of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge -them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge -upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they -would obtain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him; -and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give -thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same. - -Another power they worship, whom they call _Hobbamock_, and to -the northward of us, _Hobbamoqui_;[113] this, as far as we can -conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and -diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the -same for some conceived anger against them; but upon their calling -upon him, can and doth help them; but when they are mortal and -not curable in nature, then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry, -and sends them, whom none can cure; insomuch as in that respect -only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore -in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry -forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an -eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but -the chiefest and most judicious amongst them; though all of them -strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He appeareth most -ordinary and is most conversant with three sorts of people. One, I -confess I neither know by name nor office directly; of these they -have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can -kill them; another they call by the name of _powah_; and the third -_pniese_. - -The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in -calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. -The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation, -but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he -saith; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. -The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and -joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the -party diseased.[114] If the party be wounded, he will also seem to -suck the wound; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth -it not, but _askooke_, that is, the snake, or _wobsacuck_, that is, -the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none -see but the powah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party -be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape -he but come into the house, taking it for an undoubted sign of -recovery. - -And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana -at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had -their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared -in those forms in the same. In the powah’s speech, he promiseth -to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, -knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he -will come to help the party diseased; but whether they perform it, -I know not. The other practices I have seen, being necessarily -called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best -arguments I could to make them understand against the same. They -have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the -party; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so -proved; yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when any -of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in -child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary -means, they send for this powah; though ordinarily their travail is -not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more -hardy nature; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen -the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, -in a boat upon the sea. - -Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. -It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a -little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to -Kiehtan; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The -Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great -spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term -them, priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort all -their people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their -gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which -are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the -midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering -every man bringeth freely; and the more he is known to bring, hath -the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us -approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like; -and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset as at -other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used. - -The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also -the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we -conceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death -by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both -themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed -from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by -painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage -and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an -hundred men; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in -their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and -are of the sachim’s council, without whom they will not war, or -undertake any weighty business.[115] In war their sachims, for -their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men -of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most -hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous and humane in their -carriages than any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the -like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any -men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the -most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great -hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers -orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil -may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry[116] and -other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into -the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through -extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood; -and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so -continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on -their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat -their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, -stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the -devil, that in time he may appear unto them. - -Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of -them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage -unto them;[117] neither may they war without their knowledge -and approbation; yet to be commanded by the greater, as occasion -serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, -of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for -the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way -maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. -A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to -him in birth; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become -ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no -other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience -to the principal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like -their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their -lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is -successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or -daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection -and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till -he be of age; but when that is, I know not. - -Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own -country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of -that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth -them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this -circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him -his fee; which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on -the land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof. The great -sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well -as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge -at the sachim’s. When they come, they tell them how long they will -stay, and to what place they go; during which time they receive -entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a -year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on -the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place, -near the sachim’s dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of -corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready -to give thanks to the people, on the sachim’s behalf; and after -acquaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no -less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. - -When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto -them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till -their death or recovery.[118] If they die, they stay a certain -time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty, -many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as -though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one -from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their -eyes, and almost from ours also.[119] But if they recover, then -because their sickness was chargeable, they send corn and other -gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat they feast -and dance, which they call _commoco_. When they bury the dead, -they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If -the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and -bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale. -If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special -jewels and ornaments in the earth with it; also will cut his hair, -and disfigure himself very much, in token of sorrow. If it be the -man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats, and leave -the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either -remove their dwelling or give over housekeeping. - -The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of -the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The -women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,[120] -set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their -food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household -care lying upon them. - -The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, -whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys -and girls may not wear their hair like men and women, but are -distinguished thereby. - -A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show -forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men -take much tobacco; but for boys so to do, they account it odious. - -All their names are significant and variable; for when they come -to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their -deeds or dispositions. - -When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and -after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out. -Their women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will -scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very -chaste also; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a -woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war -or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away -from him to the contrary party, and there live; where they never -come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty. - -When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself from -all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone; after -which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used, -and is again received to her husband’s bed or family. For adultery, -the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. -Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places; but -they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for -adultery; for no man will keep such an one to wife. - -In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachim examineth -and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence, -he is disgracefully rebuked; for the second, beaten by the sachim -with a cudgel on the naked back; for the third, he is beaten with -many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all -men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must -likewise die for the same. The sachim not only passes the sentence -upon malefactors,[121] but executeth the same with his own hands, -if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, in -case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same.[122] But -if the offender be to receive other punishment, he will not receive -the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he -kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never -so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during -the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment. - -As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like -some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the -same leather. They wear also a deer’s skin loose about them, like -a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit -they travel; but when they are at home, or come to their journey’s -end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, -wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe -the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment -that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad -in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only -their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings -about their legs, which the men never do. - -The people are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of -time by the moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the -stars by name; in particular they know the north star, and call it -_maske_, which is to say, the bear;[123] also they have many names -for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather -beforehand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that -some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list--can -raise storms and tempests,[124] which they usually do when they -intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason -of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their -enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest -exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, -they keep more careful watch than at other times. - -As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult. -As yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can -understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by -the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be -difference in a hundred miles’ distance of place, both in language -and manners, yet not so much but that they very well understand -each other.[125] And thus much of their lives and manners. - -Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course. Where any -remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by -some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, -about a foot deep, and as much over; which when others passing by -behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which -being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion -serveth, therewith; and lest such holes should be filled or grown -up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same; -by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. -So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his -journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical -discourses [which] will be related unto him. - - - - -_Chapter 8_ - -OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OF NEW ENGLAND. - - -[Sidenote: _1623_] - -In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor dispraised -the country; and since I lived so long therein, my judgment thereof -will give no less satisfaction to them that know me, than the -relation of our proceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so -of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make -known what I conceive thereof. - -And first for that continent, on which we are, called New England, -although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part -of the main land adjoining the Virginia, yet by relation of -the Indians it should appear to be otherwise; for they affirm -confidently that it is an island, and that either the Dutch or -French pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, -and drive a great trade in the same. The name of the inlet of -the sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we -call Hudson’s river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, -and for want of means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.[126] For -confirmation of this their opinion, is thus much; though Virginia -be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from us, yet they never -heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his -country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an English -ship thither; and therefore it is the more probable, because the -water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their -boats. - -Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years’ -experience I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, -in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some -object, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42°, it -must needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of -the contrary; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed -England, it is so little as must require better judgments to -discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if there be -difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England than -Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I have -enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment also. But in my -best observation, comparing our own condition with the Relations -of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree -better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed -with extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold; by which -means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding those -difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as would have -been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The -day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and -as much shorter there, when it is at the longest. - -The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, -a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea -wheat. The seed time beginneth in [the] midst of April, and -continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with -September. This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior -in quantity to the same in Virginia; the reason I conceive is -because Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring -great heat to ripen. But whereas it is objected against New -England, that corn will not grow there except the ground be manured -with fish, I answer, that where men set with fish, (as with us,) it -is more easy so to do than to clear ground, and set without some -five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. -Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease -in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and -have as good corn or better than we have that set with them; though -indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be -more profitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, rye, -barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which our Indians call -_ewachim_; for we have had experience that they like and thrive -well; and the other will not be procured without good labor and -diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched -by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till it be rotten, -which will be in fourteen days. Yet men agreeing together, and -taking their turns, it is not much. - -Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall -here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right -course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume, upon that small -experience I have had, to affirm that the English, Dutch and French -return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that -island on which we are seated. - -Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some -other places; neither were it profitable there to follow it, though -the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer -commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in -as great abundance as in any other part of the world; witness the -west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains -yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their -salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their -voyage than will sail their ships, what may the planters expect -when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, -and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing; whereas the -other fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour -all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to plantations may -take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading -provided against they come? I confess we have come so far short -of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we -have preserved our lives; insomuch as when I look back upon our -condition, and weak means to preserve the same, I rather admire -at God’s mercy and providence in our preservation, than that no -greater things have been effected by us. But though our beginning -have been thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet -the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope -will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether, -or principally, propound profit to be the main end of that we -have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the honor of our -country, in the enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions. Yet wanting -outward means to set things in that forwardness we desire, and to -further the latter by the former, I thought meet to offer both to -consideration, hoping that where religion and profit jump together -(which is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every -honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or -at leastwise to commend the welfare thereof in his daily prayers to -the blessing of the blessed God. - -I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison, -and variety of fish, in their seasons, which might encourage many -to go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to -consider, that as they hear of countries that abound with the good -creatures of God, so means must be used for the taking of every -one in his kind, and therefore not only to content themselves -that there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able -to obtain the same. Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, -though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not -the better, but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of -that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if thou want -art and other necessaries thereunto belonging, thou mayest see -that thou wantest and thy heart desireth, and yet be never the -better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency -of thyself, then join to some others, where thou mayest in some -measure enjoy the same; otherwise, assure thyself thou art better -where thou art. Some there be that thinking altogether of their -present wants they enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, -through indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery. -As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so chargeable, -as without great difficulty a man cannot accomplish the same; never -considering, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must build -his house before he have it, and peradventure may with more ease -pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not -cattle to draw it there; though there is no scarcity, but rather -too great plenty. - -I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon -due examination, set themselves to further the glory of God, and -the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to -discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such courses; -who peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their -passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish -imagination made void, are at their wits’ end, and would give ten -times so much for their return, if they could procure it; and out -of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that -imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve. - -As, for example, I have heard some complain of others for their -large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water -and want many delicates they here enjoyed, could presently return -with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so simple as -to conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, -or the woods and rivers be like butchers’ shops, or fishmongers’ -stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands? If thou -canst not live without such things, and hast no means to procure -the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability -to employ others for thee, rest where thou art; for as a proud -heart, a dainty tooth, a beggar’s purse, and an idle hand, be here -intolerable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is -much more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a heart -to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear thee out in -all difficulties, viz. his glory as a principal, and all other -outward good things but as accessaries, which peradventure thou -shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort -and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies; whereas on the -contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, being senseless -of greater blessings, and through prejudice smother up the love and -bounty of God; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now -and evermore. Amen. - - - - -A POSTSCRIPT. - - -If any man desire a more ample relation of the state of this -country, before such time as this present Relation taketh place, I -refer them to the two former printed books; the one published by -the President and Council for New England, and the other gathered -by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New -England.[127] - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -_Dedication_ (_pp. 3-5_) - -[1] The merchant adventurers. - -[2] This sentiment shows how little obnoxious the first settlers of -New England were to the charge of fanaticism, which has often been -alleged against them by persons alike ignorant of their spirit and -their history. - -[3] EDWARD WINSLOW was, according to Hutchinson, “of a very -reputable family and of a very active genius”--“a gentleman of the -best family of any of the Plymouth planters, his father, Edward -Winslow, Esq., being a person of some figure at Droitwich, in -Worcestershire,” a town seven miles from Worcester, celebrated -for its salt springs. Edward was the eldest of eight children, -and was born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as appears from the -following extract from the records of St. Peter’s church in that -place: “1595, Oct. 20, baptized Edward, son of Edward Winslow, born -the previous Friday,” which was the 19th. His mother’s name was -Magdalen; her surname is unknown; she was married Nov. 3, 1594. He -was not one of the original band of Pilgrims who escaped to Holland -in 1608, but being on his travels, fell in with them at Leyden, -in 1617, as we learn from his Brief Narration, where he speaks of -“living three years under Mr. Robinson’s ministry before we began -the work of plantation in New England.” His name stands the third -among the signers of the Compact on board the Mayflower; and his -family consisted at that time of his wife, Elizabeth, George Soule, -and two others, perhaps his children, Edward and John, who died -young. As has already been seen, and will hereafter appear, he was -one of the most energetic and trusted men in the Colony. He went -to England in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as agent of the Plymouth -or Massachusetts colonies; and in 1633 he was chosen governor, to -which office he was reëlected in 1636 and 1644. He did not return -to New England after 1646. In 1655 he was sent by Cromwell as one -of three commissioners to superintend the expedition against the -Spanish possessions in the West Indies, and died at sea, near -Hispaniola, on the 8th of May of that year, in his 60th year. An -interesting letter, written by him at Barbadoes, March 16, and -addressed to Secretary Thurloe, is preserved in Thurloe’s State -Papers, iii. 250. Three letters of his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the -Commissioners of the United Colonies, and another to Thurloe from -Barbadoes, March 30, are contained in Hutchinson’s Collection of -Papers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268. - -In 1637 he obtained a grant of a valuable tract of land at Green’s -harbour, now Marshfield, to which he gave the name of Careswell. -This estate continued in the family till a few years since, when it -came into possession of Daniel Webster, the late Secretary of State. - -Edward Winslow’s son, (2) Josiah, born at Plymouth in 1628, was -governor of the Colony, from 1673 to his death in 1680, and -commanded the New-England forces in Philip’s war. (3) Isaac, -his only surviving son, sustained the chief civil and military -offices in the county of Plymouth after its incorporation with -Massachusetts, and was President of the Provincial Council. He -died in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his son, was a captain in the -expedition against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at Louisburgh in 1744, -and afterwards a major-general in the British service. He died in -1774, aged 71. His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician in Marshfield, -and died in 1819, aged 80. His only son, (6) John, was an attorney, -and died in 1822, aged 48. His only surviving son, (7) Isaac, and -the last surviving male descendant of Gov. Edward, of the name of -Winslow, born in 1813, resides in Boston, and possesses original -portraits of these his illustrious ancestors. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -xxvii. 286. - -Edward Winslow had four brothers, all of whom came over to New -England. Their names were, John, born in April, 1597; Kenelm, born, -April 29, 1599; Gilbert, born in Oct. 1600; and Josiah, born in -Feb. 1605.--John came in the Fortune in 1621, married Mary Chilton, -who came in the Mayflower, and removed to Boston, in 1655, where -he died in 1674, aged 77. He left a numerous posterity, one of -whom is Isaac Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a merchant in -Boston.--Gilbert came in the Mayflower, and soon left the Colony, -and it is thought went to Portsmouth, N. H. and died before -1660.--Kenelm and Josiah arrived at Plymouth before 1632, and -both settled at Marshfield. The former died whilst on a visit at -Salem in 1672, aged 73, and the latter in 1674, aged 69.--Edward -Winslow’s sisters were Eleanor, born in April, 1598, Elizabeth, -born in March, 1601, and Magdalen, born Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth -died in Jan. 1604, and neither of the other two ever came to New -England. - -For the copy of the record of St. Peter’s Church, Droitwich, -containing the births and baptisms of Edward Winslow and his -sisters and brothers, excepting Josiah, I am indebted to Isaac -Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New York, visited -that place for this purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also indebted to -Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, for the loan of the family bible of -the Winslows, containing on one of its covers an ancient register, -corresponding nearly with the Droitwich records, with the addition -of the birth and baptism of Josiah, the youngest child. See -Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 187, ii. 457-460; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. -281-309; Mitchell’s Bridgewater, p. 387-390; Deane’s Scituate, -p. 388-390; Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 90-103; 139-144; Morton’s -Memorial, pp. 178, 235, 259-261, 382, 415; Hazard’s Hist. Coll. i. -326. - - -_To the Reader_ (_p. 6_) - -[4] At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, of which an ample account will be -found in the ensuing Narrative. - -[5] Thomas Weston. - -[6] Winslow returned in the ship Charity, in March, 1624. He had -been absent six months, having sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, on -the 10th of Sept. previous. See Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225. - -[7] This serves to confirm the statement of numerous typographical -errors in the previous Narrative. - - -_Chapter 1_ (_p. 7_) - -[8] West had a commission as admiral of New England, to restrain -such ships as came to fish and trade without license from the -New England Council; but finding the fishermen stubborn fellows, -and too strong for him, he sails for Virginia; and their owners -complaining to Parliament, procured an order that fishing should be -free. Bradford, in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, p. 97. - -[9] The Damariscove islands, five or six in number, lying west -by north from Monhegan, were early resorted to and occupied as -fishing-stages. See Williamson’s Maine, i. 56. - -[10] On the 22d of March, 1622, at mid-day, the Indians, by a -preconcerted plan, fell upon the English settlements in Virginia, -and massacred 347 persons. A war of extermination immediately -ensued. See Smith’s Virginia, ii. 64-79, and Stith, p. 208-213. - -[11] Opechancanough, as the name is commonly spelt. - - -_Chapter 2_ (_pp. 8-18_) - -[12] The Narragansetts were a numerous and powerful tribe that -occupied nearly the whole of the present territory of the State of -Rhode Island, including the islands in Narragansett Bay. They had -escaped the pestilence which had depopulated other parts of New -England, and their population at this time was estimated at thirty -thousand, of whom five thousand were warriors. Roger Williams says -they were so populous that a traveller would meet with a dozen -Indian towns in twenty miles. They were a martial and formidable -race, and were frequently at war with the Pokanokets on the east, -the Pequots on the west, and the Massachusetts on the north. See -Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. -iv. 123; Potter’s Early History of Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and -Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 457. - -[13] “Since the death of so many Indians, they thought to lord -it over the rest, conceive we are a bar in their way, and see -Massasoit already take shelter under our wings.” Bradford’s Hist. -quoted by Prince, p. 200. - -[14] Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, though -hostile to the Plymouth colonists, probably on account of their -league with his enemy, Massasoit, showed himself friendly to the -first settlers of Rhode Island, who planted themselves within -his territory. Roger Williams says that “when the hearts of -my countrymen and friends failed me, the Most High stirred up -the barbarous heart of Connonicus to love me as his son to the -last gasp. Were it not for the favor that God gave me with him, -none of these parts, no, not Rhode Island had been purchased or -obtained; for I never gat any thing of Connonicus but by gift.” In -1636 the Massachusetts Colony sent to him “a solemn embassage,” -who “observed in the sachem much state, great command over his -men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers.” Edward Johnson, -who probably accompanied the ambassadors, has given in his -“Wonderworking Providence,” b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account -of their reception and entertainment. He says that “Canonicus was -very discreet in his answers.” He died June 4th, 1647, according -to Winthrop, “a very old man.” See his Life in Thatcher’s Indian -Biography, i. 177-209, and in Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii. -54-57. - -[15] Probably Stephen Hopkins. - -[16] Isaac Allerton. - -[17] “There is a remarkable coincidence in the form of this -challenge with that of the challenge given by the Scythian prince -to Darius. Five arrows made a part of the present sent by his -herald to the Persian king. The manner of declaring war by the -Aracaunian Indians of South America, was by sending from town to -town an arrow clenched in a dead man’s hand.” Holmes, Annals, i. -177. See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -69. - -[18] Bradford adds, “Which are locked every night; a watch and ward -kept in the day.” Prince, p. 200. - -[19] This was the first general muster in New England, and the -embryo of our present militia system. - -[20] This indicates that the writer himself, Winslow, was one of -the party. - -[21] So early was the name of Gurnet given to this remarkable -feature of Plymouth harbour. It is a peninsula or promontory, -connected with Marshfield by a beach about six miles long, called -Salthouse beach. It contains about twenty-seven acres of excellent -soil. On its southern extremity, or nose, are two light-houses. -It probably received its name from some headland known to the -Pilgrims in the mother country. The late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, -the accurate topographer, and faithful chronicler of the Old -Colony, says, “Gurnet is the name of several places on the coast -of England; in the Channel we believe there are at least two.” -Connected with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, and contiguous to -Clark’s island, is another headland, called Saquish, containing ten -or fourteen acres. See note 2 on page 164, Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. -182, 204, and Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 330. - -[22] The sachem of the Wampanoags. - -[23] The same as Coubatant or Corbitant. - -[24] What is now called a _brave_. - -[25] We should like to have known more about this second voyage to -Boston harbour. - -[26] On the part of. - -[27] This headland is Hither Manomet Point, forming the southern -boundary of Plymouth bay. Manomet is the most prominent landmark -in Barnstable bay, being visible from all points of its circling -shore, from Sandwich to Provincetown. - -[28] Brabbles, clamors. - -[29] The passengers in the Fortune. - -[30] Winslow himself had sent home too flattering an account of -their condition. - -[31] “She brings a letter to Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. -17. By his letter we find he has quite deserted us, and is going -to settle a plantation of his own. The boat brings us a kind -letter from Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of a ship fishing at -the eastward, whose name we never heard before, to inform us of -a massacre of 400 English by the Indians in Virginia, whence he -came. By this boat the Governor returns a grateful answer, and -with them sends Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to get provisions of -the fishing ships; whom Captain Huddleston receives kindly, and -not only spares what he can, but writes to others to do the like; -by which means he gets as much bread as amounts to a quarter of a -pound a person per day till harvest; the Governor causing their -portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. And by this -voyage we not only got a present supply, but also learn the way to -those parts for our future benefit.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 202. -Huddleston’s letter, (or Hudston’s, as Morton calls him,) may be -found in New England’s Memorial, p. 80. See note [10] on page 7. - -[32] See note [9] on page 7. - -[33] The burying-hill. The intelligence of the massacre in Virginia -reached Plymouth in May, and was the immediate incitement to the -erection of this fort. See page 7. - -“Some traces of the fort are still visible on the eminence called -the burying-hill, directly above the meeting-house of the first -church in Plymouth. After the fort was used as a place of worship, -it is probable they began to bury their dead around it. Before that -time the burial-place was on the bank, above the rock on which the -landing was made.” Judge Davis’s note in Morton’s Memorial, p. 82. - - -_Chapter 3_ (_pp. 19-30_) - -[34] “By Mr. Weston’s ship comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in -whose name the Plymouth patent is taken, signifying that whom the -governor admits into the association, he will approve.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 204. - -[35] They came upon no religious design, as did the planters of -Plymouth; so they were far from being Puritans. Mr. Weston in a -letter owns that many of them are rude and profane fellows. Mr. -Cushman in another writes, “They are no men for us, and I fear they -will hardly deal so well with the savages as they should. I pray -you therefore signify to Squanto that they are a distinct body -from us, and we have nothing to do with them, nor must be blamed -for their faults, much less can warrant their fidelity.” And Mr. -John Pierce in another writes, “As for Mr. Weston’s company they -are so base in condition for the most part, as in all appearance -not fit for an honest man’s company. I wish they prove otherwise.” -Bradford, in Prince, p. 203. - -[36] Boston harbour. - -[37] Or Wessagusset, now called Weymouth. - -[38] Dr. Fuller. - -[39] That is, the same Indians. - -[40] This is supposed to be the same Jones who was captain of the -Mayflower. - -[41] Prince says, p. 205, that “Mr. Winslow seems to mistake in -thinking Captain Jones was now bound for Virginia;” and Bradford -states that “she was on her way from Virginia homeward, being sent -out by some merchants to discover the shoals about Cape Cod, and -harbours between this and Virginia.” - -[42] “Of her we buy knives and beads, which is now good trade, -though at cent. per cent. or more, and yet pay away coat beaver at -3s. a pound, (which a few years after yields 20s.); by which means -we are fitted to trade both for corn and beaver.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 205, and in Morton’s Memorial, p. 83. - -[43] Isaac Allerton. - -[44] Chatham. - -[45] His disorder was a fever, accompanied with “a bleeding at the -nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom.” Before his death -“he desired the Governor (Bradford) to pray that he might go to the -Englishman’s God in heaven, bequeathing divers of his things to -sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love; of whom -we had great loss.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p. -85. Judge Davis adds in his note, that “Governor Bradford’s pen was -worthily employed in the tender notice taken of the death of this -child of nature. With some aberrations, his conduct was generally -irreproachable, and his useful services to the infant settlement -entitle him to grateful remembrance.” - -[46] Aspinet. - -[47] The country between Barnstable and Yarmouth harbours. - -[48] The distance from Eastham to Plymouth by land is about fifty -miles. - -[49] With galled feet. - -[50] The Swan. See page 20. - -[51] Nauset, or Eastham, abounds with creeks. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 155, 188. - -[52] In the original, _saluting_; probably a typographical error. - -[53] The part of Sandwich, which lies on Manomet river. - -[54] “It is almost incredible”, says Roger Williams, “what burthens -the poor women carry of corn, of fish, of beans, of mats, and a -child besides.” Gookin says, “In their removals from place to -place, for their fishing and hunting, the women carry the greatest -burthen.” And Wood says, “In the summer they trudge home two or -three miles with a hundred weight of lobsters at their backs; in -winter they are their husbands’ porters to lug home their venison.” -See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, and Wood’s New England’s -Prospect, part ii. ch. 20. - -[55] This is called Manomet or Buzzard’s bay, though Winslow seems -to mistake it for Narragansett bay, which is near twenty leagues to -the westward. Prince, p. 208. - -[56] “This creek runs out easterly into Cape Cod bay at Scussett -harbour; and this river runs out westerly into Manomet bay. The -distance overland from bay to bay is but six miles. The creek and -river nearly meet in a low ground; and this is the place, through -which there has been a talk of making a canal, this forty years; -which would be a vast advantage to all these countries, by saving -the long and dangerous navigation round the Cape, and through the -shoals adjoining.” Prince, p. 208, (A.D. 1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 122. - -[57] Oysters are still found in great excellence and plenty in -Sandwich, on the shores of Buzzard’s bay. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 122. - -[58] The common clam, (_mya arenaria_,) or perhaps the quahaug, -(_venus mercenaria_). The English call the former the sand-gaper, -the word _clam_ not being in use among them, and not to be found -in their dictionaries. And yet it is mentioned by Captain Smith, -in his Description of New England, printed in 1616. Johnson, -whose Wonderworking Providence was published in 1654, speaks of -“_clambanks_, a fish as big as horse-muscles.” Morton too, in his -New English Canaan, (1637) mentions them, and Josselyn, (1672) -in his Rarities, p. 96, speaks of “clam, or clamp, a kind of -shell-fish, a white muscle.” Wood says, ch. ix. “clams or clamps -is a shellfish not much unlike a cockle; it lieth under the sand. -These fishes be in great plenty. In some places of the country -there be clams as big as a penny white-loaf.” See Mass. Hist. Col. -iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould’s Report -on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 40-42, and 85,86. - -[59] The razor-shell, (_solen_,) which very much resembles a bean -pod, or the haft of a razor, both in size and shape. See Mass. -Hist. Coll. viii. 192. Josselyn calls them “_sheath fish_, which -are very plentiful, a delicate fish, as good as a prawn, covered -with a thin shell like the sheath of a knife, and of the color of a -muscle.” And Morton says, “_razor fishes_ there are.” - -“The animal is cylindrical, and is often used as an article of food -under the name of long-clam, razor-fish, knife-handle, &c.” See Dr. -Gould’s Report on the Mollusca of Massachusetts, p. 29. - -[60] In Manomet river, as well as in Buzzard’s and Buttermilk bays, -are found fish of various kinds, such as bass, sheep’s head, -tautaug, scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. - -[61] He was the same as Cawnacome. - -[62] “In their gamings,” says Roger Williams, “they will sometimes -stake and lose their money, clothes, house, corn, and themselves, -if single persons.” Gookin says, “They are addicted to gaming, -and will, in that vein, play away all they have.” And Wood adds, -“They are so bewitched with these two games, that they will lose -sometimes all they have, beaver, moose skins, kettles, wampompeage, -mowhackies, hatchets, knives, all is confiscate by these two -games.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, and Wood’s New -England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 14. - -[63] Powow, a priest and medicine man. - -[64] It seems as if the Captain went into Scussett harbour, which -goes up westward towards Manomet. Prince, p. 210. - -[65] In the Indian dialects. - -[66] Or Iyanough. - -[67] See note [54] on page 78. - -[68] Or Pamet, now called Truro. - - -_Chapter 4_ (_pp. 31-39_) - -[69] “All their refreshing in their sickness is the visit of -friends and neighbours, a poor empty visit and presence; and yet -indeed this is very solemn, unless it be in infectious diseases, -and then all forsake them and fly.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. -Coll. iii. 236. - -[70] It was conjectured by Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has -since been repeatedly asserted as a fact by other writers, -that this person was the celebrated English patriot of the same -name. But this is highly improbable. Hampden, who was born in -1594, and married in 1619, was a member of the parliament which -assembled in January, 1621, and was dissolved by James in 1622, -under circumstances and in a juncture of affairs which rendered it -certain that a new parliament must soon be called. It is not at all -likely that a person in Hampden’s circumstances, a man of family, -wealth and consideration, would, merely for the sake of gratifying -his curiosity, have left England at this critical period, on a -long voyage to another hemisphere, and run the risk of not being -at home at the issuing of the writs for a new parliament. For the -passage to America was at that time precarious; the vessels were -few, and the voyage a long one; so that a person who undertook -it could not reasonably calculate upon getting back in much less -than a year. Winslow’s companion, whoever he was, must have come -in the Charity, which brought Weston’s colony, unless we adopt the -improbable supposition that this “gentleman of London” embarked in -one of the fishing vessels that visited the Grand Bank, and took -his chance of getting to Plymouth as he could. Now the Charity left -London the last of April, 1622, and arrived at Plymouth the last of -June. The visit to Massasoit took place in March, 1623, and after -this no vessel sailed for England till the Anne, September 10, in -which Winslow went home. Of course this “gentleman of London,” must -have been absent at least eighteen months, which it is altogether -improbable that Hampden would have done, running the risk of -not being at home to stand for the next parliament, to which he -undoubtedly expected to be returned, as we know he actually was. - -Besides, had this companion of Winslow been the great English -patriot, the silence of the early Plymouth writers on the point -is unaccountable. On publishing his “Good News from New England” -immediately on his arrival in London, in 1624, one object of which -was to recommend the new colony, how gladly would Winslow have -appealed for the correctness of his statements to this member of -parliament who had passed more than a year in their Plantation. -How natural too would it have been for him to have mentioned the -fact in his “Brief Narration,” published in 1646, only three years -after the death of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, also, whose -sympathies were all with the popular party in England, in writing -an elaborate history of the Colony, would not have failed to record -the long residence among them of one who, at the time he wrote, had -become so distinguished as the leader of that party in the House -of Commons. That his lost history contained no such passage we may -be certain; for had it been there, it must have been quoted either -by Prince or Morton, who make so free use of it, both of whom too -mention this visit to Massasoit, and who would not have omitted a -circumstance so honorable to the Colony. - -Again, Winslow’s companion was “a gentleman of _London_.” -Now although John Hampden happened to be born in London, -when his father was in parliament in 1594, he was properly of -Buckinghamshire. Winslow, who was himself of Worcestershire, if he -knew who Hampden was, would not have called him “a gentleman of -_London_;” and we cannot suppose that this English gentleman would -have spent so many months in the Colony without making himself -known to its two leading men, Winslow and Bradford. - -Equally unfounded is the statement that has gained so wide a -currency and become incorporated with the history of those times, -and is repeated in Lord Nugent’s Life of Hampden, that John -Hampden, in company with Cromwell, Pym, and Hazelrig, had actually -embarked for America on board a fleet in the Thames, in 1638, but -were detained by an order from the Privy Council. Miss Aikin, in -her Memoirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was the first to detect and -expose this error of the historians.--For some of the views in this -note I am indebted to the MS. suggestions of the learned editor of -Governor Winthrop’s History of New England. - -[71] Probably the same which is now called Slade’s Ferry, in -Swanzey. Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292. - -[72] Conbatant or Corbitant, was the sachem of Pocasset, and was -subject to Massasoit. See Baylies’ Plymouth, ii. 232. - -[73] A neck of land in the township of Swanzey, commonly pronounced -Mattapoiset, now Gardner’s neck, situated between the Shawomet -and Toweset necks. See Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292, and Baylies’ -Plymouth, ii. 232, 234. - -[74] “_Sachimmaacommock_, a prince’s house, which, according to -their condition, is far different from the other house, both in -capacity or receipt, and also the fineness and quality of their -mats.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xxii. - -[75] _Wetu_, or _wigwam_. See Gallatin’s Indian Vocabularies, in -Am. Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322. - -[76] “There are among them certain men and women, whom they call -_powows_. These are partly wizards and witches, holding familiarity -with Satan, that evil one; and partly are physicians, and make -use, at least in show, of herbs and roots for curing the sick and -diseased. These are sent for by the sick and wounded; and by their -diabolical spells, mutterings, exorcisms, they seem to do wonders. -They use extraordinary strange motions of their bodies, insomuch -that they will sweat until they foam; and thus continue for some -hours together, stroking and hovering over the sick.” Gookin, in -Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154. - -“_Powaws_, priests. These do begin and order their service and -invocation of their gods, and all the people follow, and join -interchangeably in a laborious bodily service, unto sweating, -especially of the priest, who spends himself in strange antic -gestures and actions, even unto fainting. In sickness the priest -comes close to the sick person, and performs many strange actions -about him, and threatens and conjures out the sickness. The poor -people commonly die under their hands; for, alas, they administer -nothing, but howl and roar and hollow over them, and begin the -song to the rest of the people, who all join like a choir in prayer -to their gods for them.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. -227, 237. - -“The manner of their action in their conjuration is thus. The -parties that are sick are brought before them; the powow sitting -down, the rest of the Indians give attentive audience to his -imprecations and invocations, and after the violent expression of -many a hideous bellowing and groaning, he makes a stop, and then -all the auditors with one voice utter a short canto. Which done, -the powow still proceeds in his invocations, sometimes roaring -like a bear, other times groaning like a dying horse, foaming at -the mouth like a chafed boar, smiting on his naked breast and -thighs with such violence as if he were mad. Thus will he continue -sometimes half a day.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. -12. See also Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 474. - -[77] Wood says, ch. 18, “They pronounce _l_ and _r_ in our English -tongue, with much difficulty, calling a lobster a nobstan.” Yet -Roger Williams states, that “although some pronounce not _l_ or -_r_, yet it is the most proper dialect of other places, contrary -to many reports;” and Eliot, in his Indian Grammar, says, “These -consonants, _l_, _n_, _r_, have such a natural coincidence, that -it is an eminent variation of their dialects. We Massachusetts -pronounce the _n_; the Nipmuk Indians pronounce _l_; and the -Northern Indians pronounce _r_. As instance: - - We say _Anum_} - Nipmuck, _Alum_} A Dog.” - Northern, _Arum_} - -See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 248. - -[78] “When they are sick, their misery appears, that they have not, -but what sometimes they get from the English, a raisin or currant, -or any physic, fruit, or spice, or any comfort more than their -corn and water, &c. In which bleeding case, wanting all means of -recovery or present refreshing, I have been constrained, to and -beyond my power, to refresh them, and to save many of them from -death, who I am confident perish many millions of them, in that -mighty continent, for want of means.” Roger Williams, in Mass. -Hist. Coll. iii. 236. - -[79] The same as _pinse_. See page 13. - -[80] Sokones, or Succonusset, now called Falmouth. - -[81] Or Agawam, part of Wareham. - -[82] Martha’s Vineyard. - -[83] “_Maskit_, give me some physic.” Roger Williams’s Key, in R. -I. Hist. Coll. i. 159. - -[84] “_Ketan_ is their good God, to whom they sacrifice after their -garners be full with a good crop. Upon this God likewise they -invocate for fair weather, for rain in time of drought, and for the -recovery of their sick.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. -ch. 12. - - -_Chapter 5_ (_pp. 40-52_) - -[85] Morton says, in his New English Canaan, ch. vii. “There are -great store of oysters in the entrance of all rivers. They are not -round, as those of England, but excellent fat and all good. I have -seen an oyster bank a mile in length. Muscles there are infinite -store. I have often gone to Wessaguseus, where were excellent -muscles to eat, (for variety,) the fish is so fat and large.” - -[86] The word _inclined_ or _disposed_ seems to have been -accidentally omitted. - -[87] Morton says, “this man’s name was Phinehas Prat, who has -penned the particulars of his perilous journey, and some other -things relating to this tragedy.” Hubbard states that he was -living in 1677, at the time he was writing his History of New -England. In 1662 the General Court of Massachusetts, in answer -to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was -accompanied “with a narrative of the straits and hardships that -the first planters of this Colony underwent in their endeavours -to plant themselves at Plymouth, and since, whereof he was one, -the Court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where -it is to be had, not hindering a plantation.” At the Court held -May 3, 1665, it was ordered that land be laid out for Prat, “in -the wilderness on the east of the Merrimack river, near the upper -end of Nacook [Pennacook?] brook, on the southeast of it.” Prat -married in 1630, at Plymouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson. -His heirs had grants of land in Abington subsequent to 1672. Drake -says that after long search he has not been able to discover Prat’s -narrative. It was probably never printed. See Morton’s Memorial, p. -90; Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii. 35; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -78, xvii. 122. - -[88] The notorious Thomas Morton, of Merry Mount, in his New -English Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was published in 1637, is the -first writer who mentions a ludicrous fable connected with this -execution, which has been made the occasion of some reproach on -the first planters of New England. After relating the settlement -of Weston’s colony at Weymouth, he mentions that one of them stole -the corn of an Indian, and upon his complaint was brought before -“a parliament of all the people” to consult what punishment should -be inflicted on him. It was decided that this offence, which might -have been settled by the gift of a knife or a string of beads, “was -felony, and by the laws of England, punished with death; and this -must be put in execution, for an example, and likewise to appease -the salvage. When straightways one arose, moved as it were with -some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former -sentence, yet he had conceived within the compass of his brain -an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and -cherished. He said that it would most aptly serve to pacify the -salvage’s complaint, and save the life of one that might, if need -should be, stand them in good stead, being young and strong, fit -for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpected, for -any thing they knew. The oration made was like of every one, and he -entreated to proceed to show the means how this may be performed. -Says he, ‘You all agree that one must die; and one shall die. This -young man’s clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is -old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death; such -is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young -man’s clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the -other’s stead.’ ‘Amen,’ says one, and so say many more. And this -had liked to have proved their final sentence; but that one, with -a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put -by that conclusive motion, alleging such deceits might be a means -hereafter to exasperate the minds of the complaining salvages, and -that by his death the salvages should see their zeal to justice; -and therefore he should die. This was concluded;” and they “hanged -him up hard by.” - -This story of the unscrupulous Morton furnished Butler with the -materials out of which he constructed the following fable in his -Hudibras, part. ii. canto ii. line 409. - - “Our brethren of New England use - Choice malefactors to excuse, - And hang the guiltless in their stead, - Of whom the churches have less need; - As lately happened. In a town, - There lived a cobbler and but one, - That out of doctrine could cut use, - And mend men’s lives as well as shoes. - This precious brother having slain, - In times of peace, an Indian, - (Not out of malice, but mere zeal, - Because he was an infidel,) - The mighty Tottipotymoy - Sent to our elders an envoy, - Complaining sorely of the breach - Of league, held forth, by brother Patch, - Against the articles in force - Between both churches, his and ours; - For which he craved the saints to render - Into his hands, or hang the offender. - But they, maturely having weighed, - They had no more but him of the trade, - A man that served them in a double - Capacity, to teach and cobble, - Resolved to spare him; yet to do - The Indian Hoghgan Moghgan, too, - Impartial justice, in his stead did - Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid.” - -It will be observed that Morton mentions this substitution merely -as the suggestion of an individual, which was rejected by the -company. Even had it been adopted by them, and carried into -execution, it would not have implicated the Plymouth people at all, -nor cast the least slur on their characters or principles. For -Weston’s colony was entirely distinct from theirs, and composed -of a very different set of men. Their character, as portrayed -by Weston himself, and by Cushman and Pierce, before they came -over, may be seen in note [35] on page 77, to which the reader -is particularly requested to refer. Morton himself calls “many -of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavour to take the -benefit of the country.” As Belknap says, “they were a set of -needy adventurers, intent only on gaining a subsistence.” They did -not come over from any religious scruples, or with any religious -purpose. There is no evidence that they had any church at all; -they certainly were not Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist. of New -England, i. 102, that Weston obtained a patent under pretence of -propagating the discipline of the Church of England in America. - -Grahame, i. 198, falls into an error in attributing this execution -to Gorges’s colony, which settled at the same place in the autumn -of the same year; and Drake, b. ii. 34, errs in saying that -Morton was one of Weston’s company. Morton did not come over till -March, 1625, in company with Wollaston, and settled with him -not at Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 221, 231. The -accurate Hutchinson, i. 6, should not have made a fact out of the -careless Hubbard’s supposition, which the latter mentions as barely -“possible.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77. - -[89] Hansel, to use for the first time. - -[90] The same as _pinse_, on page 13. - -[91] Standish is said to have been a man of short stature. See -Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 111, and xviii, 121. - -[92] When the news of the first Indians being killed by Standish -at Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, their pastor, at Leyden, he -wrote to the church at Plymouth, December 19, 1623, “to consider -the disposition of their Captain, who was of a warm temper. He -hoped the Lord had sent him among them for good, if they used him -right; but he doubted where there was not wanting that tenderness -of the life of man, made after God’s image, which was meet;” and -he concludes with saying, “O how happy a thing had it been that -you had converted some before you killed any!” Prince adds, “It -is to be hoped that Squanto was converted.” It seems Standish -was not of their church at first, and Hubbard says he had more -of his education in the school of Mars than in the school of -Christ. Judge Davis remarks, “These sentiments are honorable to -Mr. Robinson; they indicate a generous philanthropy, which must -always gain our affection, and should ever be cherished. Still -the transactions of which the strictures relate, are defensible. -As to Standish, Belknap places his defence on the rules of duty -imposed by his character, as the military servant of the Colony. -The government, it is presumed, will be considered as acting under -severe necessity, and will require no apology if the reality of the -conspiracy be admitted, of which there can be little doubt. It is -certain that they were fully persuaded of its existence, and with -the terrible example of the Virginia massacre in fresh remembrance, -they had solemn duties to discharge. The existence of the whole -settlement was at hazard.” See Prince, p. 226; Hutchinson’s Mass. -ii. 461; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 330; Morton’s Memorial, p. 91. - -[93] His bow. - -[94] To England. - -[95] “Thus this plantation is broken up in a year; and this is the -end of those who being all able men, had boasted of their strength -and what they would bring to pass, in comparison of the people -at Plymouth, who had many women, children, and weak ones with -them; and said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants at -Plymouth, that they would take another course, and not fall into -such a condition as this simple people were come to.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 214, and in Morton, p. 92. - -“Shortly after Mr. Weston’s people went to the eastward, he comes -there himself with some of the fishermen, under another name -and disguise of a blacksmith; where he hears the ruin of his -plantation; and getting a shallop with a man or two comes on to -see how things are; but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of -the bay between Pascataquak and Merrimak river, and hardly escapes -with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the Indians, -who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip him of all -his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Pascataquak, borrows -a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, and desires -to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our straits, yet in -consideration of his necessity, we let him have one hundred and -seventy odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the eastward, -stays his small ship and some of his men, buys provisions and fits -himself, which is the foundation of his future courses; and yet -never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our enemy on -all occasions.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216. - -[96] “This may excite in some minds an objection to the humanity of -our forefathers. The reason assigned for it was that it might prove -a terror to others. In matters of war and public justice, they -observed the customs and laws of the English nation. As late as the -year 1747, the heads of the lords who were concerned in the Scots -rebellion were set up over Temple Bar, the most frequented passage -between London and Westminster.” Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 326. - - -_Chapter 6_ (_pp. 53-56_) - -[97] The word _no_ appears to be an error of the press. - -[98] This allotment was only for one year. In the spring of the -next year, 1624, “the people requesting the Governor to have some -land for continuance, and not by yearly lot, as before, he gives -every person an acre of land.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 215 and -226. See this latter allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and in Morton, p. -376. - -[99] “But by the time our corn is planted, our victuals are spent, -not knowing at night where to have a bit in the morning, and have -neither bread nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear -our wants with cheerfulness and rest on Providence. Having but one -boat left, we divide the men into several companies, six or seven -in each; who take their turns to go out with a net and fish, and -return not till they get some, though they be five or six days -out; knowing there is nothing at home, and to return empty would -be a great discouragement. When they stay long or get but little, -the rest go a digging shellfish; and thus we live the summer; only -sending one or two to range the woods for deer, they now and then -get one, which we divide among the company; and in the winter are -helped with fowl and ground-nuts.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216. - -[100] “At length we receive letters from the adventurers in England -of December 22 and April 9 last, wherein they say, ‘It rejoiceth -us much to hear those good reports that divers have brought home -of you;’ and give an account, that last fall, a ship, the Paragon, -sailed from London with passengers, for New Plymouth; being fitted -out by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken, -his name being only used in trust; but when he saw we were here -hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us, had obtained -favor with the Council for New England, he gets another patent of -a larger extent, meaning to keep it to himself, allow us only what -he pleased, hold us as his tenants and sue to his courts as chief -lord. But meeting with tempestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is -so bruised and leaky that in fourteen days she returned to London, -was forced to be put into the dock, £100 laid out to mend her, and -lay six or seven weeks to December 22, before she sailed a second -time; but being half way over, met with extreme tempestuous weather -about the middle of February which held fourteen days, beat off the -round house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her mast -and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce -himself. Upon which great and repeated loss and disappointment, he -is prevailed upon for £500 to resign his patent to the Company, -which cost him but £50; and the goods with charge of passengers in -this ship cost the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire -another ship, namely, the Anne, of 140 tons, to transport them, -namely 60 passengers with 60 tons of goods, hoping to sail by the -end of April.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 217, 218. - -[101] This is the last time that Hobbamock’s name occurs in the -history of the Colony. His services to the infant settlement had -been very important, and in the allotment of the land in 1624, -mention is made of “Hobbamock’s ground.” In New England’s First -Fruits, published in London in 1643, he is described as follows: -“As he increased in knowledge, so in affection, and also in his -practice, reforming and conforming himself accordingly; and though -he was much tempted by enticements, scoffs, and scorns from the -Indians, yet could he never be gotten from the English, nor from -seeking after their God, but died amongst them, leaving some good -hopes in their hearts that his soul went to rest.” - -[102] David Thomson was sent over by Gorges and Mason in the spring -of 1623, and commenced a settlement at a place called Little -Harbour, on the west side of Piscataqua river, near its mouth. -Christopher Levett says he stayed a month at Thomsons plantation -in 1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or later, out of dislike of the -place or his employers, Thomson removed to Boston harbour, and -took possession of “a fruitful island and very desirable neck of -land,” which were afterwards confirmed to him or his heirs by the -government of Massachusetts. This neck of land was Squantum, in -Quincy, and the island which is very near it, has ever since been -called by his name. It is now the seat of the Farm School. Compare -Savage’s Winthrop, i. 44, with Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -105; and see Adams’s Annals of Portsmouth, p. 10, and Levett’s -voyage into New-England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 164. - -[103] So called after himself, by Captain John Smith, who -discovered them in 1614. He thus describes them: “Smyth’s Isles -are a heap together, none near them, against Accominticus.” They -are eight in number, and are now called the Isles of Shoals. See -a description and historical account of them in Mass. Hist. Coll. -vii. 242-262; xxvi. 120. - -[104] “Governor Bradford gives no hint of this third repulse.” -Prince, p. 219. - -[105] The following is an alphabetical list of those who came over -in the Anne and Little James. - - Anthony Annable, - Edward Bangs, - Robert Bartlett, - Fear Brewster, - Patience Brewster, - Mary Bucket, - Edward Butcher, - Thomas Clark, - Christopher Conant, - Cuthbert Cuthbertson, - Anthony Dix, - John Faunce, - Manasseh Faunce, - Goodwife Flavell, - Edmund Flood, - Bridget Fuller, - Timothy Hatherly, - William Heard, - Margaret Hickes, and her children, - William Hilton’s wife and two children, - Edward Holman, - John Jenny, - Robert Long, - Experience Mitchell, - George Morton, - Thomas Morton, jr. - Ellen Newton, - John Oldham, - Frances Palmer, - Christian Penn, - Mr. Perce’s two servants, - Joshua Pratt, - James Rand, - Robert Rattliffe, - Nicholas Snow, - Alice Southworth, - Francis Sprague, - Barbara Standish, - Thomas Tilden, - Stephen Tracy, - Ralph Wallen. - -This list, as well as that of the passengers in the Fortune, is -obtained from the record of the allotment of lands, in 1624, which -may be found in Hazard’s State Papers, i. 101-103, and in the -Appendix to Morton’s Memorial, pp. 377-380. In that list, however, -Francis Cooke’s and Richard Warren’s names are repeated, although -they came in the Mayflower; probably because their wives and -children came in the Anne, and therefore an additional grant of -land was made to them. Many others brought their families in this -ship; and Bradford says that “some were the wives and children of -such who came before.” - -Fear and Patience Brewster were daughters of Elder Brewster. John -Faunce married Patience, daughter of George Morton, and was father -of the venerable Elder Faunce. Thomas Clark’s gravestone is one of -the oldest on the Burial hill in Plymouth. Francis Cooke’s wife, -Hester, was a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbertson was a Dutchman, as -we learn from Winslow’s Brief Narration. Anthony Dix is mentioned -in Winthrop, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell was probably the wife of -Thomas, who came in the Fortune, and Bridget Fuller was the wife -of Samuel, the physician. Timothy Hatherly went to England the -next winter, and did not return till 1632; he settled in Scituate. -Margaret Hicks, was the wife of Robert, who came in the Fortune. -William Hilton had sent for his wife and children. George Morton -brought his son, Nathaniel, the secretary, and four other children. -Thomas Morton, jr. was probably the son of Thomas, who came in the -Fortune. John Oldham afterwards became notorious in the history of -the Colony. Frances Palmer was the wife of William, who came in -the Fortune. Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land assigned him among -those who came in the Anne; but he was undoubtedly one of Weston’s -colony, as appears from page 44. Barbara Standish was the Captain’s -second wife, whom he married after the arrival of the Anne. Her -maiden name is unknown. - -Annable afterwards settled in Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and -Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. -John Jenny was a brewer, and in 1636 had “liberty to erect a mill -for grinding and beating of corn upon the brook of Plymouth.” - -Those who came in the first three ships, the Mayflower, the -Fortune, and the Anne, are distinctively called the _old comers_, -or the _forefathers_. For further particulars concerning them, see -Farmer’s Genealogical Register, Mitchell’s Bridgewater, and Deane’s -Scituate. - -[106] “Of 140 tons, Mr. William Pierce, master.” Bradford, in -Prince, pp. 218 and 220. - -[107] “Being laden with clapboards, and all the beaver and other -furs we have; with whom we send Mr. Winslow, to inform how things -are and procure what we want.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 221. - -[108] “A fine new vessel of 44 tons Mr. Bridges, master.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 220. - -[109] “They bring about 60 persons, some being very useful and -become good members of the body; of whom the principal are Mr. -Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, who came in the Anne, and -Mr. John Jenny, who came in the James. Some were the wives and -children of such who came before; and some others are so bad we are -forced to be at the charge to send them home next year. - -“By this ship R. C. [i.e. doubtless Mr. Cushman, their agent,] -writes, ‘Some few of your old friends are come; they come dropping -to you, and by degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all, -&c.’ - -“From the general, [that is, the joint concern, the company] -subscribed by thirteen, we have also a letter wherein they say, -‘Let it not be grievous to you, that you have been instruments to -break the ice for others who come after with less difficulty; the -honor shall be yours to the world’s end. We bear you always in our -breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the -hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless -pray your safety as their own.’ - -“When these passengers see our poor and low condition ashore, -they are much dismayed and full of sadness; only our old friends -rejoice to see us, and that it is no worse, and now hope we shall -enjoy better days together. The best dish we could present them -with, is a lobster, or piece of fish, without bread, or any thing -else but a cup of fair spring water; and the long continuance -of this diet, with our labors abroad, has somewhat abated the -freshness of our complexion; but God gives us health, &c. - -“August 11. The fourth marriage is of Governor Bradford to Mrs. -Alice Southworth, widow.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. Her -maiden name was Carpenter, as appears from the following entry in -the records of the Plymouth Church: “1667. Mary Carpenter, (sister -of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the wife of Governor Bradford,) a member of -the church at Duxbury, died in Plymouth, March 19-20, being newly -entered into the 91st year of her age. She was a godly old maid, -never married.” - - -_Chapter 7_ (_pp. 57-66_) - -[110] The meaning of the word Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to -antiquity; for _Chise_ is an old man, and _Kichchise_ a man that -exceedeth in age.--_Winslow’s Note._ - -[111] “They relate how they have it from their fathers, that -Kautantowwit made one man and woman of a stone, which disliking he -broke them in pieces, and made another man and woman of a tree, -which were the fountains of all mankind.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. -xxi. - -[112] “_Kautantowwit_, the great southwest God, to whose house all -souls go, and from whom came their corn and beans, as they say. -They believe that the souls of men and women go to the southwest; -their great and good men and women to Kautantowwit’s house, where -they have hopes, as the Turks have, of carnal joys; murtherers, -thieves and liars, their souls, say they, wander restless abroad.” -Williams’s Key, ch. xxi. - -[113] Wood, in his New England’s Prospect, ch. xix. spells this -word _Abamacho_. - -[114] See page 33, note [76]. - -[115] See pages 13 and 37. - -[116] Or centaury--probably the _sabbatia chloroides_, a plant -conspicuous for its beauty, which is found in great abundance on -the margin of the ponds in Plymouth. It belongs to the natural -order of Gentians, one characteristic of which is an intense -bitterness, residing both in the stems and roots. The _gentiana -crinita_, or fringed gentian, also grows in this region. See -Bigelows Plants of Boston, pp. 79 and 111. - -“The greater centaury is that famous herb wherewith Chiron the -_centaur_ (as the report goeth) was cured at what time as having -entertained Hercules in his cabin, he would needs be handling and -tampering with the weapons of his said guest so long until one -of the arrows light upon his foot and wounded him dangerously.” -Hollands Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6. - -[117] “Their government is generally monarchical, their chief -sagamore or sachem’s will being their law; but yet the sachem hath -some chief men that he consults with as his special counsellors. -Among some of the Indians their government is mixed, partly -monarchical and partly aristocratical; their sagamore doing not -any weighty matter without the consent of his great men or petty -sagamores. Their sachems have not their men in such subjection but -that very frequently their men will leave them upon distaste or -harsh dealing, and go and live under other sachems that can protect -them; so that their princes endeavour to carry it obligingly and -lovingly unto their people, lest they should desert them, and -thereby their strength, power and tribute would be diminished.” -Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154. - -[118] See page 31. - -[119] “Upon the death of the sick, the father, or husband, and -all his neighbours wear black faces, and lay on soot very thick, -which I have often seen clotted with their tears. This blacking -and lamenting they observe in most doleful manner divers weeks -and months, yea a year, if the person be great and public.--When -they come to the grave, they lay the dead by the grave’s mouth, -and then all sit down, and lament, that I have seen tears run down -the cheeks of stoutest captains in abundance; and after the dead -is laid in the grave, they have then a second lamentation.” Roger -Williams’s Key, ch. xxxii. - -[120] See note [54] on page 25. - -[121] See page 26. - -[122] “The most usual custom amongst them in executing punishments, -is for the sachim either to beat or whip or put to death with -his own hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit; -though sometimes the sachim sends a secret executioner, one -of his chiefest warriors, to fetch off a head by some sudden, -unexpected blow of a hatchet, when they have feared mutiny by -public execution.” Roger Williamss Key, ch. xxii. See also page 15 -previous. - -[123] “_Mosk_ or _paukunawaw_, the Great Bear, or Charles’s Wain; -which words mosk or paukunawaw signifies a bear; which is so -much the more observable, because in most languages that sign or -constellation is called the Bear.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xii. - -[124] “Their powows, by their exorcisms, and necromantic charms, -bring to pass strange things, if we may believe the Indians; who -report of one Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon Merrimack river, -and the most celebrated powow in the country, that he can make -the water burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, and metamorphize -himself into a flaming man. In winter, when there are no green -leaves to be got, he will burn an old one to ashes, and putting -these into the water, produce a new green leaf, which you shall not -only see, but substantially handle and carry away; and make a dead -snake’s skin a living snake, both to be seen, felt, and heard.” -Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; Hutchinson’s Mass. -i. 474; Morton’s New English Canaan, book i. ch. 9. - -[125] “There is a mixture of this language north and south, from -the place of my abode, about 600 miles; yet within the 200 miles -aforementioned, their dialects do exceedingly differ; yet not so -but, within that compass, a man may converse with thousands of -natives all over the country.” Roger Williams’s Key, Pref. - -“The Indians of the parts of New England, especially upon the -sea-coasts, use the same sort of speech and language, only with -some difference in the expressions, as they differ in several -counties in England, yet so as they can well understand one -another.” Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. - - -_Chapter 8_ (_pp. 67-71_) - -[126] In September 1609, Hudson ascended the “great river of the -mountains,” now called by his name, in a small vessel called the -Half-Moon, above the city of Hudson, and sent up a boat beyond -Albany. Josselyn says, that Hudson “discovered _Mohegan_ river, in -New England.” See Robert Juet’s Journal of Hudson’s third voyage, -in Purchas, iii. 593, and in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 139, 140, and -2d series, i. 317-332; Moulton’s Hist. of New York, 213, 244-249; -Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 372; Belknap’s Am. Biog. i. 400. - - -_Postscript_ (_p. 72_) - -[127] The former of the works here referred to is reprinted in -the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1-25; the latter has been reprinted by -Applewood Books as _Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at -Plymouth_. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - The term ‘salvage’ is used many times, almost as often as ‘savage’; - this archaic spelling has been left unchanged. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Frontmatter: ‘Iohn Bellamie’ replaced by ‘John Bellamie’. - Pg 8: ‘not kowing what’ replaced by ‘not knowing what’. - Pg 13: ‘no to undertake’ replaced by ‘not to undertake’. - Pg 65: ‘for a many to cry’ replaced by ‘for a man to cry’. - - Footnotes - Pg 76 Fn [21]: ‘Thacher’s Plymouth’ replaced by ‘Thatcher’s Plymouth’. - Pg 80 Fn [70]: ‘visit to Massassoit’ replaced by ‘visit to Massasoit’. - Pg 86 Fn [99]: ‘three our four’ replaced by ‘three or four’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/66332-0.zip b/old/66332-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b2bd681..0000000 --- a/old/66332-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/66332-h.zip b/old/66332-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4d547f0..0000000 --- a/old/66332-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/66332-h/66332-h.htm b/old/66332-h/66332-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 3bca691..0000000 --- a/old/66332-h/66332-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5686 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - Good Newes from New England, by Edward Winslow—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: .5em; - word-spacing: 0.2em; - line-height: 1em; - font-weight: normal; -} - -h1 {font-size: 120%;} -h2 {font-size: 100%; line-height: 1.1em; margin: 1em 5% .5em 5%;} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p1 {margin-top: 1em;} -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} - -.negin2 {padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; text-align: justify;} - -.hidden {display: none;} - -.noindent {text-indent: 0em;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -.fs135 {font-size: 135%; font-style: normal;} - - -/* for horizontal lines */ -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 1.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} - -.x-ebookmaker hr.chap {width: 0%; display: none;} - - -/* for inserting info from TN and Errata changes */ -.corr { - text-decoration: none; - border-bottom: thin dotted gray;} - -.x-ebookmaker .corr { - text-decoration: none; - border-bottom: none;} - - -/* for non-image large letter dropcaps */ -p.drop-cap {text-indent: -.5em;} - -p.drop-cap:first-letter { - float: left; - margin: .08em .12em 0em .2em; - padding: 0em; - font-size: 400%; - line-height:0.7em; - clear: both; -} - -.x-ebookmaker p.drop-cap {text-indent: 0em;} - -.x-ebookmaker p.drop-cap:first-letter { - float: none; - margin: 0; - font-size: 100%;} - - -/* for spacing */ -.pad2 {padding-left: 2em;} -.pad3 {padding-left: 3em;} -.pad4 {padding-left: 4em;} -.pad6 {padding-left: 6em;} -.pad10 {padding-left: 10em;} - - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - color: #A9A9A9; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-indent: .5em; -} - - -/* blockquote (/# #/) */ -.blockquot { margin: 2em 5% 1em 5%; } - -.blockquot p {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em;} - - -/* sidenotes */ - -.sidenote { - width: 2.5em; - padding: .5em; - margin: .2em .2em 0em .2em; - float: left; - clear: both; - font-size: 90%; - color: black; - background: #eeeeee; } - -.x-ebookmaker .sidenote { - width: 2.5em; - margin: .7em .2em 0em 1em; - float: left; - clear: both;} - - -/* general placement and presentation */ - -.center {text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} - - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.u {text-decoration: underline;} - -.caption {font-weight: normal; font-size: 70%; - padding-bottom: 0.50em;} - - -/* Images */ - -img { - border: none; - max-width: 100%; - height: auto; -} - -img.w100 {width: 100%;} - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 100%;} - - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: dashed 1px; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 3em; - padding-bottom: 1em;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 90%;} -.footnote p {text-indent: 0em;} -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: none; -} - - -/* Poetry */ -.poetry-container {text-align: center;} -.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} -.poetry {display: inline-block; font-size: 80%} -.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} -.poetry .indentq {text-indent: -3.5em;} - -/* large inline blocks don't split well on paged devices */ -.x-ebookmaker .poetry {display: block; margin-left: 4.5em;} - - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - font-family: sans-serif, serif; } - -.transnote p {text-indent: 0em;} - - -/* custom cover (cover.jpg) */ -.customcover {visibility: hidden; display: none;} -.x-ebookmaker .customcover {visibility: visible; display: block;} - - -/* Poetry indents */ -.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} - - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowp43 {width: 43%;} -.illowp46 {width: 46%;} -.x-ebookmaker .illowp43 {width: 100%;} -.x-ebookmaker .illowp46 {width: 100%;} - - - </style> - </head> - -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Good Newes from New England, by Edward Winslow</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Good Newes from New England</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0;'>A true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of plimoth in New England</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Edward Winslow</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Editor: Alexander Young</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: September 17, 2021 [eBook #66332]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND ***</div> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>This book was published in 1841, and is a reprint of the original book -by Edward Winslow published in 1624, with many footnotes added by the -1841 editor. The editor has occasionally inserted in brackets [] a -word missing from the 1624 text, for example [which] on page 9.</p> - -<p>The footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes remain -at the end of the main text, as they were in the original (1841) book. -They have been renumbered from 1 to 127. Some references to a ‘note’ -have therefore been renumbered accordingly, for example the reference -to ‘note 2 on page 77’ has been changed to ‘note [35] on page 77’.</p> - -<p>Some other minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a></p> - -<p class="customcover">The cover image was created by the transcriber -and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -<p>A sample page from the original 1624 edition is displayed below.</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowp43" id="orig_page" style="max-width: 25em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/orig_page.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"> - -<h1><span class="hidden">Good Newes from New England</span></h1> -</div> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Good Newes from New England</span>: or a true Relation of -things very remarkable at the Plantation of <em>Plimoth</em> in New-England.</p> - -<p>Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of <span class="smcap">God</span>, in their -preservation and continuance, being delivered from many -apparent deaths and dangers.</p> - -<p>Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and -Customes, as are in practise amongst the <em>Indians</em>, adjoyning to -them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be -raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations -in the said Country.</p> - -<p>Written by <em>E. W.</em> who hath borne a part in the forenamed -troubles, and there lived since their first Arrivall.</p> - -<p>Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible -intelligence of the present Estate of <em>Virginia</em>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">London.</span> Printed by <em>I. D.</em> for <em>William Bladen</em> -and <em><ins class="corr" id="tn-fm" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Iohn Bellamie'"> -John Bellamie</ins></em>, -and are to be sold at their Shops, at the <em>Bible</em> in <em>Paul’s</em> Churchyard, -and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere the -<em>Royall Exchange</em>. 1624.” pp. 66, sm. 4to.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="figcenter illowp46" id="i002" style="max-width: 25em;"> - <img class="w100" src="images/plimap.jpg" alt="" /> - <div class="caption">Map of Plymouth from Young’s <cite>Chronicles</cite></div> -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="DEDICATION">DEDICATION</h2> -</div> - -<p class="center"><em>To all well-willers and furtherers of Plantations in New England, -especially to such as ever have or desire to assist the people of Plymouth -in their just proceedings, grace and peace be multiplied.</em></p> - - -<p class="p1 negin2"> -<span class="smcap">Right Honorable and Worshipful<br /> -Gentlemen, or whatsoever</span>,</p> - -<p class="drop-cap">Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of -his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his -Majesty’s dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so -healthful and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the -church of God being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of -convincing the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to -the true knowledge and worship of the living God, and so consequently -the salvation of their souls by the merits of Jesus Christ, -than elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely -prosecuted,—I therefore think it but my duty to offer the view of -our proceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that end -composed them together thus briefly, as you see; wherein, to your -great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of -God working with you in our preservation from so many dangerous -plots and treacheries as have been intended against us, as also -in giving his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had, -enabling us with health and ability beyond expectation in our -greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages with -astonishment and fear of us; whereas if God had let them loose, -they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful in -comparison of those forces they might have gathered together -against us; which now, by God’s blessing, will be more hard and -difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our town better -fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed therefore be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -his name, that hath done so great things for us and hath wrought -so great a change amongst us.</p> - -<p>Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness, -and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be -not discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged -with us, hoping that God hath wrought with us in our beginning of -this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us -accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect not -the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to some -of you<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the brunt of -the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God’s mercy, we -are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means a great step -is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the same, than -if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon it.</p> - -<p>Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as I may term it, -of plantations.</p> - -<p>1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly -taketh a principal seat in the heart and affection, though God’s -glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation.</p> - -<p>2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to -make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to -maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft punisheth -with contempt.</p> - -<p>3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of men unto -them, not caring how they be qualified; so that ofttimes they are -rather the image of men endued with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, -than the image of God, endued with reason, understanding, -and holiness. I praise God I speak not these things experimentally, -by way of complaint of our own condition, but having great cause on -the contrary part to be thankful to God for his mercies towards us; -but rather, if there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to -moderate their affections, and consider that no man expecteth fruit -before the tree be grown; advising all men, that as they tender their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -own welfare, so to make choice of such to manage and govern their -affairs, as are approved not to be seekers of themselves, but the common -good of all for whom they are employed; and beseeching such -as have the care of transporting men for the supply and furnishing of -plantations, to be truly careful in sending such as may further and -not hinder so good an action. There is no godly, honest man but will -be helpful in his kind, and adorn his profession with an upright life -and conversation; which doctrine of manners<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> ought first to be -preached by giving good example to the poor savage heathens -amongst whom they live. On the contrary part, what great offence -hath been given by many profane men, who being but seeming -Christians, have made Christ and Christianity stink in the nostrils -of the poor infidels, and so laid a stumbling-block before them. But -woe be to them by whom such offences come.</p> - -<p>These things I offer to your Christian considerations, beseeching -you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in -good part this ensuing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore -unto your service; beseeching God to crown our Christian and faithful -endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal.</p> - -<p class="center">Yours in this service,</p> -<p class="center pad6">Ever to be commanded,</p> -<p class="center pad6">E. W.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="TO_THE_READER">TO THE READER.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="smcap noindent">Good Reader,</p> - -<p>When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for the -satisfaction of my private friends; but since that time have been -persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a disorderly -colony<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the -great prejudice and damage of him<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> that set them forth; who, as -they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect of their -lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be -no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, -because she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. I -would not be understood to think there were no well deserving persons -amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a grief to some -that they were so yoked; whose deserts, as they were then suitable -to their honest protestations, so I desire still may be in respect of -their just and true Relations.</p> - -<p>Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so plainly, than -any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation; yea, it may be, tax -me therewith, as seeming rather to discourage men than any way to -further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discouraged, I am -sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause; and am so far from being -discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> And for other -light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my desire, -accounting it better for them and us that they keep where they are, -as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task.</p> - -<p>Some faults have escaped because I could not attend on the -press,<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall account -it as a favor unto me.</p> - -<p class="center pad4">Thine,</p> -<p class="center pad10">E. W.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_1"><em>Chapter 1</em><br /> -<br /> -A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE -OF THE PRESENT ESTATE OF VIRGINIA.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-cap">At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respected friends, -I have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such -things as were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New -England, in September last past, concerning the present estate of -Virginia. And because men may doubt how we should have intelligence -of their affairs, being we are so far distant, I will therefore -satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis West<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> being in New -England about the latter end of May past, sailed from thence to -Virginia, and returned in August. In September the same ship and -company being discharged by him at Damarin’s Cove,<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> came to -New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of -Virginia since that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians -upon our friends and countrymen,<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> the whole ship’s company -agreed in this, viz. that upon all occasions they chased the Indians -to and fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, -who for the present would not admit of any; that Sir George Early, -&c. was at that present employed upon service against them; that -amongst many other, Opachancano,<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> the chief emperor, was supposed -to be slain; his son also was killed at the same time. And -though, by reason of these forenamed broils in the fore part of the -year, the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through -God’s mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much -and as good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the -hopes of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn; so that the -planters were never more full of encouragement; which I pray God -long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory -may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for his -mercy’s sake. Amen.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_2"><em>Chapter 2</em><br /> -<br /> -OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE -NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND -VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="sidenote">—— -<em>1622</em> -——</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">The good ship called the <span class="smcap">Fortune</span>, which, in the -month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) -brought us a new supply of thirty-five persons, was -not long departed our coast, ere the great people of -Nanohigganset,<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> which are reported to be many thousands strong, -began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding -their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer; -insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides -was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a -man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than -before our supply came. But though none of them were present, yet -understanding by others that they neither brought arms, nor other -provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them -to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> At length -came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> their chief -sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly -Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, -who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and -leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake’s -skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors <ins class="corr" id="tn-8" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not kowing what'"> -not knowing what</ins> to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it -with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of -Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we -so often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, -at his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with the -other forenamed Indian, to see if I could learn any thing from him; -whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not certainly -tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Jan. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">That night Captain Standish gave me and another<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> -charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, and -that he should not want any thing he desired, and to take -all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons of those reports we -heard, and withal to signify that upon his true relation he should -be sure of his own freedom. At first, fear so possessed him that he -could scarce say any thing; but in the end became more familiar, -and told us that the messenger which his master sent in summer to -treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war; and to the -end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our -reports,) detained many of the things [which] were sent him by or -Governor, scorning the meanness of them both in respect of what -himself had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own person; -so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that -upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his -life, but assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with -him to his master, he would be friends with us. Of this we informed -the Governor and his Assistant<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> and Captain Standish, who, after -consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; -and it being as well against the law of arms amongst them -as us in Europe to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty; -the Governor giving him order to certify his master that he had -heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he was much -offended; daring him in those respects to the utmost, if he would -not be reconciled to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting -withal (as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, -if he could not so live amongst them. After which he caused -meat to be offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to -return, and giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the -other Indian again to return. The weather being violent, he used -many words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. -Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his friends, and -would not take a journey in such extremity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span></p> - -<p>After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were -delivered, and the manner of the messenger’s carriage related, he signified -to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake’s skin in that -manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> -Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed the -skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning no less defiance -to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now present, -thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) -they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet withal showing -that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked for. This -message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was -no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he would not once -touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his house or country. -Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another took it up; and -having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came -whole back again.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Feb. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding -our high words and lofty looks towards them, and -still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no -other defence than our arms, we thought it most needful to impale -our town; which with all expedition we accomplished in the month -of February, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under -which our town is seated; making four bulwarks or jetties without the -ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole -town; in three whereof are gates,<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> and the fourth in time to be. This -being done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four -squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to -have command of each; and, at a general muster of training,<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> appointed -each his place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon -every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in -his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done -according to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place -for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again -they graced them with their shot, and so departed.</p> - -<p>Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage -by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain -company, that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the -town, should only betake themselves to their arms, and should -enclose the house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their -guard, with their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any -were in that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of -this guard, they were then freed from it; but not otherwise, without -special command.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Mar. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">Long before this time we promised the people of -Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come unto -them, and trade for their furs; which being then come, we -began to make preparation for that voyage. In the mean time, an -Indian, called Hobbamock, who still lived in the town, told us that -he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseucks (for so they called -the people of that place,) were joined in confederacy with the -Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohigganset, and that they therefore -would take this opportunity to cut off Captain Standish and his -company abroad; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to be -feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the town at home; -giving many reasons for his jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in -the confederacy, who, we should find, would use many persuasions -to draw us from our shallops to the Indians’ houses, for their better -advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret -passages that passed between him and others, having their meetings -ordinarily abroad, in the woods; but if at home, howsoever, he was -excluded from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, -when they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice -there was no show of honesty.</p> - -<p>Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant and -Captain Standish, called together such as by them were thought<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -most meet for advice in so weighty a business; who, after consideration -hereof, came to this resolution; that as hitherto, upon all -occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted -courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety -to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because -our store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our -daily food, without which we could not long subsist; but especially -for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged -to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than -ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of -God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and -weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed -in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go the -better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home and -abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty; whose -providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so we had -now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in our preservation -and continuance, where we desired rather to be instruments -of good to the heathens about us than to give them the least -measure of just offence.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em>April. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">All things being now in readiness, the forenamed Captain, -with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and -Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets. But we<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> -had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, called the Gurnet’s -Nose,<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> (where, being becalmed, we let fall our grapnel to set things -to right and prepare to row,) but there came an Indian of -Tisquantum’s family running to certain of our people that were -from home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, and the -blood still fresh on the same, calling to them to repair home, oft -looking behind him, as if some others had him in chase; saying that -at Namaschet (a town some fifteen miles from us,) there were many -of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> our supposed friend, and -Conbatant,<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> our feared enemy, with many others, with a resolution<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -to take advantage on the present opportunity to assault -the town in the Captain’s absence; affirming that he -received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, -and by sleight escaped; looking oft backward, as if he suspected -them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor; whereupon -he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should be -made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of -hearing, we might return thereat; which we no sooner heard, but -we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, -and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the -harbour, we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted -with all convenient speed. The news being made known unto -us, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, assuring us of -Massassowat’s faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would -never have undertaken any such act without his privity, himself -being a pinse,<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> that is, one of his chiefest champions or men of -valor; it being the manner amongst them <ins class="corr" id="tn-13" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'no to undertake'"> -not to undertake</ins> such -enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of that rank. -To this the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just and -necessary occasions of war should arise between him and any [of] -the savages, but especially Massassowat; not that he feared him -more than the rest, but because his love more exceeded towards -him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause -wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should do well to -continue his affections.</p> - -<p>But to the end things might be made more manifest, the -Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to -Puckanokick, the chief place of Massassowat’s residence, (pretending -other occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of -the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all -things quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, -[she] told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by -them called Patuxet;) which, when he understood, he was much<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, returning many -thanks to the Governor for his good thoughts of him, -and assuring him that, according to their first Articles of -Peace, he would send word and give warning when any such -business was towards.</p> - -<p>Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends -were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by -means of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he -stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could lead -us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the -Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended -shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to -work their peace; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than -many of their sachims; yea, they themselves sought to him, who -promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so as -they would resort to him; so that whereas divers were wont to rely -on Massassowat for protection, and resort to this abode, now they -began to leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though he -could not make good these his large promises, especially because of -the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore -raised this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of -blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby -he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched; -and hoping if that block were once removed, there were not other -between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred -before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor sharply -reproved him; yet was he so necessary and profitable an instrument, -as at that time we could not miss him. But when we understood his -dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency -therein; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have -no cause to fear; and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, -they should punish them as liars and seekers of their and our disturbance; -which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> May. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets; -where we had good store of trade,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and (blessed be God) -returned in safety, though driven from before our town in -great danger and extremity of weather.</p> - -<p>At our return we found Massassowat at the Plantation; who -made his seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, -being much offended and enraged against Tisquantum; whom the -Governor pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long -after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Governor, entreating -him to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much -abused him. But the Governor answered, although he had deserved -to die, both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he -would spare him; and the rather, because without him he knew not -well how to understand himself or any other the Indians. With this -answer the messenger returned, but came again not long after, -accompanied with divers others, demanding him from<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> -Massassowat, their master, as being one of his subjects, whom, by -our first Articles of Peace, we could not retain. Yet because he -would not willingly do it without the Governor’s approbation, -offered him many beavers’ skins for his consent thereto, saying that, -according to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, and -them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to -him. To which the Governor answered, It was not the manner of -the English to sell men’s lives at a price, but when they had deserved -justly to die, to give them their reward; and therefore refused their -beavers as a gift; but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew -their intent, yet offered not to fly, but came and accused -Hobbamock as the author and worker of his overthrow, yielding -himself to the Governor to be sent or not according as he thought -meet. But at the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver -him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea to -cross before our town, and fall behind a headland<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> not far off. -Whereupon, having heard many rumors of the French, and not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -knowing whether there were any combination between -the savages and them, the Governor told the Indians he -would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver -them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at -delay, they departed in great heat.</p> - -<p>Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this -Tisquantum; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with -the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told them we -had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our pleasure, we -could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy -them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, upon the -forenamed brabbles,<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> sent for by the Governor to this place, where -Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being broke in -the midst of the house, whereunder certain barrels of powder were -buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what it -meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein -the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. -After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whether such a -thing were, and whether we had such command of it; who answered, -No; but the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at -his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.</p> - -<p>This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; at which time -our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long before -with a bare and short allowance. The reason was, that supply of -men, before mentioned,<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> which came so unprovided, not landing -so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole company, but -contrariwise received from us for their ship’s store homeward. -Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed -therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal -in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> But -that I may return.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em>June. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a fishing ship, -called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, late merchant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -and citizen of London, which brought six or seven -passengers at his charge, that should before have been -landed at our Plantation;<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> who also brought no more provision -for the present than served the boat’s gang for their return to -the ship; which made her voyage at a place called Damarin’s Cove,<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> -near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward; about -which place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither -myself was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such -victuals as the ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment -and good respect, with a willingness to supply our wants. But being -not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity -of some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, -would not take any bills for the same, but did what they could -freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in greater -measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, -for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of -their abilities; which, although it were not much amongst so many -people as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet -care of the governors, recovered and preserved strength till our -own crop on the ground was ready.</p> - -<p>Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, -where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than -when I left it; for till now we were never without some bread, the -want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and -swelled others. But here it may be said, if the country abound with -fish and fowl in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo -such measure of hardness, except through their own negligence? -I answer, every thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, -as one saith, will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries; -so he that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his -expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the -beginning of October to the end of March; but these extremities -befell us in May and June. I confess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a -great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and -creeks were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and -strong seines and other netting, they for the most part brake -through, and carried all away before them. And though the sea were -full of cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. -And indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shellfish -are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished, -unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for -our preservation.</p> - -<p>In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen, -the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying -in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to -cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and neither -came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned further -thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill called the -Mount,<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> enclosed within our pale, under which our town is seated, we -resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence a few might easily secure -the town from any assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might -be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with great -eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being -once finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage -the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising -against us. And though it took the greatest part of our strength from -dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we hoped God would raise -some means in stead thereof for our further preservation.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_3"><em>Chapter 3</em><br /> -<br /> -OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON’S -COLONY AT WESSAGUSSET, AND OF -SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN.</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><em> July. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="drop-cap">In the end June or beginning of July, came into our -harbour two ships of Master Weston’s aforesaid; the one -called the Charity,<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> the other the Swan; having in them -some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge to plant for him.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> -These we received into our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy -our mean condition could afford. There the Charity, being the -bigger ship, left them, having many passengers which she was to -land in Virginia. In the mean time the body of them refreshed themselves -at Plymouth, whilst some most fit sought out a place for them. -That little store of corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the -unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers; who, though they -would sometimes seem to help us in our labor about our corn, yet -spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable and -pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable; and though they -received much kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to -requite the love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, -&c., the chief of them being forestalled and made against us before -then came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master’s sake, -who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them -whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things to -the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when -God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that -their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their places, -and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable -beginnings.</p> - -<p>At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment -a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> at a -place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> To which place the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with us -such as were sick and lame, by the Governor’s permission, though on -their parts undeserved; whom our surgeon,<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> by the help of God, -recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as occasion served.</p> - -<p>They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears -with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other abuses -conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the -same men,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading -Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor to -send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons how -it might be commodious for us. Be we knew no means to redress -those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as -occasion served.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Aug. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. -The one, as I take it, was called the Discovery, -Captain Jones<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> having the command thereof; the other -was that ship of Mr. Weston’s, called the Sparrow, which had now -made her voyage of fish, and was consorted with the other, being -both bound for Virginia.<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of -such provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as -he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And -had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him -to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or -after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year following, -so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner of -trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by trade; -but, through God’s good mercy towards us, he had wherewith, and -did supply our wants on that kind competently.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Oct. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">In the end of September, or beginning of October, Mr. -Weston’s biggest ship, called the Charity, returned for -England, and left their colony sufficiently victualled, as -some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the -Swan, remained with his colony, for their further help. At which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -time they desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn; to -which our Governor and his Assistant<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> agreed, upon such equal -conditions, as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The -chief places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod; and the -more, because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was -wrought with Massassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, -and still hoped, passage within the shoals.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Nov. -<span class="u">1622</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">Both colonies being thus agreed, and their companies fitted -and joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft -crossed in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law -to master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight -and government of his colony, died suddenly at our -Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, in the best -manner we could. Afterward, having further order to proceed by -letter from their other Governor at the Massachusets, twice -Captain Standish set forth with them, but were driven in again by -cross and violent winds; himself the second time being sick of a -violent fever. By reason whereof (our own wants being like to be -now greater than formerly, partly because we were enforced to -neglect our corn and spend much time in fortification, but especially -because such havock was made of that little we had, through -the unjust and dishonest carriage of those people, before mentioned, -at our first entertainment of them,) our Governor in his -own person supplied the Captain’s place; and, in the -month of November, again set forth, having Tisquantum -for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he had twice -passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English and -French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master of -the ship saw no hope of passage; but being, as he thought, in danger, -bare up, and according to Tisquantum’s directions, made for a -harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke; which -they found, and sounding it with their shallop, found the channel, -though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -the ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out -with more violence at some other place more southerly,<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> -which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of -the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some -judged the entrance thereof might be beyond the shoals; but there -is no certainty thereof as yet known.</p> - -<p>That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having -Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants -played least in sight, because none of our people had ever -been there before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at -length came to them, welcoming our Governor according to their -savage manner; refreshing them very well with store of venison and -other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance; -promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. -Yet their joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by -their after practices; for at first they were loth their dwellings -should be known; but when they saw our Governor’s resolution to -stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having -first conveyed all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the -same; which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, espied. -Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor they could be found; and -so many times after, upon conceived occasions, they would be all -gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s -means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and traded with -them; where they got eight hogsheads of corn and beans, though -the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the company -good encouragement; Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, -and the inhabitants affirming they had seen ships of good burthen -pass within the shoals aforesaid.</p> - -<p>But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, -yet God had otherways disposed; who struck Tisquantum with sickness, -insomuch as he there died;<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> which crossed their southward -trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon -discovery, having no guide to direct them.</p> - -<p>From thence they departed; and the wind being fair for the -Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because the savages, -upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they -promised not long before that time. When they came thither, -they found a great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike -the plague, if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our -Governor, against the other plantation seated by them, for their -injurious walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was -overthrown in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn -as we used to do for a beaver’s skin; so that little good could be -there done.</p> - -<p>From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape -Cod, to a place called Nauset; where the sachim<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> used the -Governor very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten -hogsheads of corn and beans; also at a place called Mattachiest,<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -where they had like kind entertainment and corn also. During the -time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent -storms, as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away; -so that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they -had bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues -from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no -carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in -her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round -stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge -to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next -to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he undertook, -and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, -according to the Governor’s request, the sachim sent men to seek -the shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water -mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for -the present; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to -fetch both it and the corn; assuring them, if neither were -diminished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and -true friendship, which they so much made show of; but if they were, -they should certainly smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, -and further make good whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise -at Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to leave -the ship and take his journey home by land with our own company, -sending word to the ship that they should take their first opportunity -to go for Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of -God, to meet them. And having procured a guide, it being no less -than fifty miles to our Plantation,<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> set forward, receiving all respect -that could be from the Indians in his journey; and came safely home, -though weary and surbated;<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> whither some three days after the -ship<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> also came.</p> - -<p>The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston’s -company went to their own plantation; it being further agreed, that -they should return with all convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, -that they might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Jan. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered and in -health, took another shallop, and went with them to the -corn, which they found in safety as they left it. Also they -mended the other shallop, and got all their corn aboard the ship. -This was in January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy; insomuch -as, (the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained -to cut both the shallops from the ship’s stern; and so lost -them both a second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, -they found them both, not having received any great hurt.</p> - -<p>Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore, -laying their shallop in a creek<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> not far from them, an Indian came -into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other trifles, out -of the same; which, when the Captain missed, he took certain of -his company with him and went to the sachim, telling him what<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party -that stole them, (who was known to certain of the -Indians,) or else he would revenge it on them before his -departure; and so took leave for that night, being late, refusing -whatsoever kindness they offered. On the morrow the sachim came -to their rendezvous, accompanied with many men, in a stately -manner, who saluted<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> the Captain in this wise. He thrust out his -tongue, that one might see the root thereof, and therewith licked -his hand from the wrist to the finger’s end, withal bowing the knee, -striving to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein -formerly by Tisquantum. His men did the like, but in so rude and -savage a manner, as our men could scarce forbear to break out in -open laughter. After salutation, he delivered the beads and other -things to the Captain, saying he had much beaten the party for -doing it; causing the women to make bread, and bring them, -according to their desire; seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but -glad to be reconciled. So they departed and came home in safety; -where the corn was equally divided, as before.</p> - -<p>After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with -another company, and bought corn likewise of them. The one is -called Namasket, the other Manomet.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> That from Namasket was -brought home partly by Indian women;<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> but a great sickness arising -amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the rest. -That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim’s custody.</p> - -<p>This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and stands -upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of Nanohigganset,<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> -and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It will -bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or -French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the bay of Cape -Cod, about eight miles;<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> out of which bay it floweth into a creek -some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The heads of the -river and this creek are not far distant. This river yieldeth, thus high, -oysters,<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> muscles, clams,<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and other shellfish; one in shape like a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -bean,<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> another like a clam; both good meat, and great -1623 abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with divers -sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> - -<p>The Governor, or sachim, of this place was called Canacum;<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> -who had formerly, as well as many others, yea all with whom as yet -we had to do, acknowledged themselves the subjects of our sovereign -lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly; and -it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. -For whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather, -came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set -aside their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by -the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that -time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting -when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; -and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him -from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, -which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long -speech to him; the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock -(who then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth. -It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in -game, (for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away -all, even their skin from their backs,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> yea their wives’ skins also, -though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as myself -have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The -actor of this fact was a <em>powah</em>,<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> one of special note amongst them, -and such an one as they could not well miss; yet another people -greater than themselves threatened them with war, if they would -not put him to death. The party offending was in hold; neither -would their sachim do one way or other till their return, resting -upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. After -this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave their judgment -what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked -Hobbamock what he thought; who answered, He was but a stranger<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -to them; but thought it was better that one should die than many, -since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he -passed the sentence of death upon him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Feb. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, -Captain Standish went again with a shallop to -Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of -weather, both of wind, snow, and frost; insomuch as they were -frozen in the harbour, the first night they entered the same. Here -they pretended their wonted love, and spared them a good quantity -of corn to confirm the same. Strangers also came to this place, -pretending only to see him and his company, whom they never saw -before that time, but intending to join with the rest to kill them, as -after appeared. But being forced through extremity to lodge in their -houses, which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of the -Captain with just jealousy, giving strait command, that as one part -of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to -them which he understood, whereof he could make no good construction.</p> - -<p>Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole some beads -also from him; which he no sooner perceived, having not above six -men with him, drew them all from the boat, and set them on their -guard about the sachim’s house, where the most of the people were; -threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if they would -not forthwith restore them; signifying to the sachim especially, and -so to them all, that as he would not offer the least injury, so he would -not receive any at their hands, which should escape without punishment -or due satisfaction. Hereupon the sachim bestirred him to -find out the party; which, when he had done, caused him to return -them again to the shallop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to -search whether they were not about the boat; who, suspecting their -knavery, sent one, who found them lying openly upon the boat’s -cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they brought corn afresh to trade; -insomuch as he laded his shallop, and so departed. This accident so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against -him. So that, through the good mercy and providence of God, they -returned in safety. At this place the Indians get abundance of bass -both summer and winter; for it being now February, they abounded -with them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he -took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that -which the Governor had formerly bought,<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> hoping also to -get more from them; but was deceived in his expectation, not finding -that entertainment he found elsewhere, and the Governor had -there received. The reason whereof, and of the treachery intended -in the place before spoken of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards; -wherein may be observed the abundant mercies of God, -working with his providence for our good. Captain Standish being -now far from the boat, and not above two or three of our men with -him, and as many with the shallop, was not long at Canacum, the -sachim’s house, but in came two of the Massachuset men. The chief -of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who -had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, -and had oft boasted of his own valour, and derided their weakness, -especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, -more like children than men.</p> - -<p>This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had -gotten of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachim; -and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in -such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst -us,<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards -discovered to be as followeth. The Massacheuseuks had formerly -concluded to ruinate Master Weston’s colony; and thought themselves, -being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to execute the -same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered -more strength to themselves, to make their party good against -us at Plymouth; concluding, that if we remained, though they had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -no other arguments to use against us, yet we would never -leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged; and therefore -their safety could not be without the overthrow of -both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this -sachim, as also the other, called Ianough,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> at Mattachiest, and many -others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same; -and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain’s -presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company.</p> - -<p>After this his message was delivered, his entertainment much -exceeded the Captain’s; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, -and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him, -because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of -his company; but he would not, desiring, according to promise, that -the corn might be carried down, and he would content the women<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -for their labor; which they did. At the same time there was a lusty -Indian of Paomet,<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> or Cape Cod, then present, who had ever -demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general carriage very -affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards the Captain. This -savage was now entered into confederacy with the rest; yet, to avoid -suspicion, made many signs of his continued affections, and would -needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven gallons on him, and -would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying he was rich and -could afford to bestow such favors on his friends whom he loved. -Also he would freely help to carry some of the corn, affirming he had -never done the like in his life before; and the wind being bad, would -needs lodge with him at their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken -to kill him before they parted; which done, they intended to fall -upon the rest.</p> - -<p>The night proved exceeding cold; insomuch as the Captain -could not take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and -fro at the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did -not sleep as at other times; who answered, He knew not well, but -had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span></p> - -<p>The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, -accompanied with the other Indian; who used many arguments -to persuade them to go to Paomet, where himself -had much corn, and many other, the most whereof he would procure -for us, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put -forth with him, and was forced back by contrary wind; which wind -serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to go thither. But on a sudden -it altered again.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_4"><em>Chapter 4</em><br /> -<br /> -WINSLOW’S SECOND JOURNEY -TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT -MASSASOIT IN HIS SICKNESS.</h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="drop-cap">During the time that the Captain was at -Manomet, news came to Plymouth that -Massassowat was like to die, and that at the same -time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore by stress -of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides increased, -she could not be got off. Now it being a commendable manner of -the Indians, when any, especially of note, are dangerously sick, for -all that profess friendship to them to visit them in their extremity,<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> -either in their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to -them; therefore it was thought meet, being a good and warrantable -action, that as we had ever professed friendship, so we should now -maintain the same, by observing this their laudable custom; and -the rather, because we desired to have some conference with the -Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an opportunity. To -that end, myself having formerly been there, and understanding in -some measure the Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this -service upon myself, and fitted me with some cordials to administer -to him; having one Master John Hamden,<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> a gentleman of -London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the -country, for my consort, and Hobbamock for our guide. So we set -forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had -friendly entertainment.</p> - -<p>The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> in -Conbatant’s country, where, upon discharge of my piece, divers -Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us that -Massassowat was dead, and that day buried; and that the Dutch -would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off their -ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially Hobbamock,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -who desired we might return with all speed. I told him I -would first think of it. Considering now, that he being -dead, Conbatant<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> was the most like to succeed him, and -that we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> his dwelling-place, -although he were but a hollow-hearted friend toward us, I -thought no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with -him, and the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through the -blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to settle -their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat dangerous, -in respect of our personal safety, because myself and -Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him, which -he might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving -the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if -Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me; whom I -found willing to that or any other course might tend to the general -good. So we went towards Mattapuyst.</p> - -<p>In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake -forth into these speeches: <em>Neen womasu sagimus, neen womasu sagimus</em>, -&c. “My loving sachim, my loving sachim! Many have I -known, but never any like thee.” And turning him to me, said, -whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the Indians; saying, -he was no liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; -in anger and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled -towards such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure -as he would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed -his men better with few strokes, than others did with many; -truly loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful -friend left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained -their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of -lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest -heart relent.</p> - -<p>At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the <em>sachimo comaco</em>,<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> -for so they call the sachim’s place, though they call an ordinary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -house <em>witeo</em>;<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> but Conbatant, the sachim, was not at home, -but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six miles off. -The <em>squasachim</em>, for so they call the sachim’s wife, gave us -friendly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning -Massassowat; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty. -Whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick, -that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint -Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before sunsetting -the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet dead, -though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we -were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was -late within night ere we got thither. About two from the clock that -afternoon, the Dutchmen departed; so that in that respect our journey -was frustrate.</p> - -<p>When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we -could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make -way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, -making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and -therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> About him were six or -eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep heat in -him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told him -that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having understanding -left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who was -come? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the letter -<em>l</em>, but ordinarily <em>n</em> in place thereof.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> He desired to speak with me. -When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand -to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, <em>Keen -Winsnow</em>? which is to say, “Art thou Winslow?” I answered, <em>Ahhe</em>, -that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words; <em>Matta neen wonckanet -namen, Winsnow</em>! that is to say, “O Winslow, I shall never see thee -again.”</p> - -<p>Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, -that the Governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same; and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -though, by reason of many businesses, he could not come -himself, yet he sent me with such things for him as he -thought most likely to do him good in this his extremity;<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> -and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him; which -he desired; and having a confection of many comfortable conserves, -&c., on the point of my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce -get through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed -the juice of it, whereat those that were about him much -rejoiced, saying he had not swallowed any thing in two days before. -Then I desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and -his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to -eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I -washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption -out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection, -which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to -drink, I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within -half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of all -that beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to him, -which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean time I -inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he slept -not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. Then I gave -him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way, in breaking a -bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, saying if he would -send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same; -also for chickens to make him broth, and for other things, which I -knew were good for him; and would stay the return of his messenger, -if he desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and appointed some, -who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning; against -which time I made ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, -the state of his body, &c., desiring to send me such things as I sent for, -and such physic as the surgeon durst administer to him.</p> - -<p>He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece, -and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -as he had eaten at Plymouth; which I promised. After, his -stomach coming to him, I must needs make him some -without fowl, before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled -me, being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such businesses, -especially having nothing to make it comfortable, my consort being -as ignorant as myself; but being we must do somewhat, I caused a -woman to bruise some corn, and take the flour from it, and set over -the grit, or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all -sizes. When the day broke, we went out, it being now March, to seek -herbs, but could not find any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered -a handful, and put into the same; and because I had nothing to -relish it, I went forth again, and pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced -a piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then took -it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through my handkerchief, -and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked it -very well. After this his sight mended more and more; also he had -three moderate stools, and took some rest; insomuch as we with -admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and ignorant -means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of them -acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation.</p> - -<p>That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to -another amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to -wash their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same -I gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with willingness, -though it were much offensive to me, not being accustomed -with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me to -get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, -with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made -a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed one, -at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it, -making more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I -see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a -time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very -sick again if he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat -therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I -pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weakness -of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. -Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as -would well have satisfied a man in health. About an hour after he -began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast up the broth -again; and in overstraining himself, began to bleed at the nose, and -so continued the space of four hours. Then they all wished he had -been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we much feared -also. They asked me what I thought of him. I answered, his case was -desperate, yet it might be it would save his life; for if it ceased in -time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the principal -thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed, and he slept -at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed his face, and -bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a -sudden he chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some therein, -and sent it forth again with such violence, as he began to bleed -afresh. Then they thought there was no hope; but we perceived it -was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I -thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did.</p> - -<p>The messengers were now returned; but finding his stomach -come to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them -for breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then -sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions; -neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he -were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him; some, by -their report, from a place not less than an hundred miles. To all that -came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness, how -near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the English came -to see him, and how suddenly they recovered him to this strength -they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span></p> - -<p>The day before our coming, another sachim being there, -told him that now he might see how hollow-hearted the -English were, saying if we had been such friends in deed, as -we were in show, we would have visited him in this his sickness, -using many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to persuade -him to give way to some things against us, which were motioned to -him not long before. But upon his recovery, he brake forth into -these speeches: Now I see the English are my friends and love me; -and whilst I live, I will never forget this kindness they have showed -me. Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all other -strangers’. Divers other things were worthy the noting; but I fear I -have been too tedious.</p> - -<p>At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, and privately -(none hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> who -are of his council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before -spoken of, against Master Weston’s colony, and so against us; saying -that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Mattachiest, -Manomet, Agowaywam,<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and the isle of Capawack,<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> were joined -with them; himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but -he would neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. -Therefore, as we respected the lives of our countrymen, and our -own after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who -were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were -wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said -he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when -their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able -to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their -lives; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with -great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled -without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would -cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the -way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming -home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him; who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves -for our labor and love; the like did all that were -about him. So we departed.</p> - -<p>That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who till -now remained at Sawaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at -Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise -at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests -and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are returned -again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he -were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and should -send word thereof to Patuxet for <em>maskiet</em>,<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> that is, physic, whether -then Mr. Governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would -come therewith to him. To both which I answered, Yea; whereat he -gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at his house, he -demanded further, how we durst, being but two, come so far into the -country. I answered, where was true love, there was no fear; and my -heart was so upright towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless -to come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such, and it -bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass, that when we come to -Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouths of your pieces -presented towards us? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honorable -and respective entertainment we could give them; it being an -order amongst us so to receive our best respected friends; and as it -was used on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which -Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. But shaking the head, he -answered, that he liked not such salutations.</p> - -<p>Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we -did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what was -the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to -tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of his laws -and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments; all which -they hearkened unto with great attention, and like well of; only the -seventh commandment they excepted against, thinking there were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to -one woman; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I -told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we -received from God, as the author and giver thereof; and therefore -craved his blessing upon that we had, and were about to eat, that it -might nourish and strengthen our bodies; and having eaten sufficient, -being satisfied therewith, we again returned thanks to the -same our God, for that our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded -to be very well; and said, they believed almost all the same -things, and that the same power that we called God, they called -<em>Kiehtan</em>.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which -would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, -than comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but -never had better entertainment amongst any of them.</p> - -<p>The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the -private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged -him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before; which -having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto. -That night we lodged at Namasket; and the day following, about -the mid-way between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us, -that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But -contrary winds again drove him back; so that we found him at -home; where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate -that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to -go with him. But their secret and villainous purposes being, through -God’s mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain -Standish to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of -anger, that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which -should be thought most necessary.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_5"><em>Chapter 5</em><br /> -<br /> -OF STANDISH’S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE -INDIANS OF WESSAGUSSET, AND THE BREAKING -UP OF WESTON’S COLONY AT THAT PLACE.</h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Feb. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="drop-cap">Before this journey we heard many complaints, -both by the Indians, and some others of best desert -amongst Master Weston’s colony, how exceedingly -their company abased themselves by indirect means, to get victuals -from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, fetching them -wood and water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat; whereas, in the mean -time, they might with diligence have gotten enough to have served -them three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, and -robbed the Indians’ store; for which they had been publicly stocked -and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about -the end of February; at which time they had spent all their bread -and corn, not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians lend -or sell them any more upon any terms. Hereupon they had -thoughts to take it by violence; and to that spiked up every -entrance into their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full -resolution to proceed. But some more honestly minded advised -John Sanders, their overseer, first to write to Plymouth; and if the -Governor advised him thereunto, he might the better do it. This -course was well liked, and an Indian was sent with all speed with a -letter to our Governor, the contents whereof were to this effect; -that being in great want, and their people daily falling down, he -intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a plantation of Sir -Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither -a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind; but knew not how the -colony would be preserved till his return. He had used all means -both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to be stored, and -he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore was resolved to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -take it by violence, and only waited the return of the messenger, -which he desired should be hastened, craving his -advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. -The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger -what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; -who answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, -having already spared all they could.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to -advise with them herein; who, after serious consideration, no way -approving of this intended course, the Governor answered his letter, -and caused many of us to set our hands thereto; the contents whereof -were to this purpose. We altogether disliked their intendment, as -being against the law of God and nature, showing how it would cross -the worthy ends and proceedings of the King’s Majesty, and his honorable -Council for this place, both in respect of the peaceable -enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and also of the propagation of -the knowledge and law of God, and the glad tidings of salvation, -which we and they were bound to seek, and were not to use such -means as would breed a distaste in the savages against our persons -and professions, assuring them their master would incur much blame -hereby, neither could they answer the same. For our own parts, our -case was almost the same with theirs, having but a small quantity of -corn left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, -and such other things as naturally the country afforded, and which -did and would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten; all -which things they had in great abundance, yea, oysters<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> also, which -we wanted; and therefore necessity could not be said to constrain -them thereunto. Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded -therein, all they could so get would maintain them but a -small time, and then they must perforce seek their food abroad; -which, having made the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult -for them, and therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, -and so continue their peace; upon which course they might with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -good conscience desire and expect the blessing of God; -whereas on the contrary they could not.</p> - -<p>Also that they should consider their own weakness, being -most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more -unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they -should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful -actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the -principal agents should expect no better than the gallows, whensoever -any special officer should be sent over by his Majesty, or his -Council for New England, which we expected, and who would -undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the -contents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony. -Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders, -showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being -he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner -advised him to desist.</p> - -<p>With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt -whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as they -could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen; who first -coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the -Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But -not having sufficient for the ship’s store, he took a shallop, and -leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his return, set -forward about the end of February; so that he knew not of this conspiracy -of the Indians before his going. Neither was it known to any -of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick; at which time -also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the -sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking -with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, -revealed the same thing.</p> - -<p>The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a -yearly court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and -many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -undertake war without the consent of the body of the company, -made known the same in public court, offering it to -the consideration of the company, it being high time to -come to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, fearing it -would be put in execution before we could give any intelligence -thereof. This business was no less troublesome than grievous, and -the more, because it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure -things by the events thereof; but especially for that we knew no -means to deliver our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by -returning their malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, -and causing them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; -though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose -good we ever intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings. -But in the end we came to this public conclusion, that -because it was a matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency -to judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other -Indians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with us; therefore -the Governor, his Assistant, and the Captain, should take such -to themselves as they thought most meet, and conclude thereof. -Which done, we came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish -should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party -good against all the Indians in the Massachuset bay; and because, -(as all men know that have to do with them in that kind,) it is -impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them -in such traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pretend -trade, as at other times; but first go to the English, and acquaint -them with the plot, and the end of his own coming; that comparing -it with their carriages towards them, he might the better judge of -the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the -same; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he -could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain -before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that -he might be a warning and terror to all of that disposition.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> 24<br /> - Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, -and would not take more, because he would prevent jealousy, -knowing their guilty consciences would soon be provoked -thereunto. But on the next day, before he could go, came -one<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> of Mr. Weston’s company by land unto us, with his pack at his -back, who made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak -estate, and of the Indians’ carriages, whose boldness increased -abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it -out of their pots, and eat before their faces; yea, if in any thing they -gainsaid them, they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts; that -to give them content, since John Sanders went to Munhiggen, -they had hanged<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> one of them that stole their corn, and yet they -regarded it not; that another of their company was turned salvage; -that their people had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous -where they got their victuals, because they would not take -pains to bring it home; that they had sold their clothes for corn, and -were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they -could not endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness; and -that they were dispersed into three companies, scarce having any -powder and shot left. What would be the event of these things he -said he much feared; and therefore not daring to stay any longer -among them, though he knew not the way, yet adventured to come -to us; partly to make known their weak and dangerous estate, as he -conceived, and partly to desire he might there remain till things -were better settled at the other plantation. As this relation was -grievous to us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in our -intendments, for which Captain Standish was now fitted; and the -wind coming fair, the next day set forth for the Massachusets.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> 25<br /> - Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man; and suspecting -his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave -out there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some -wolves or bears would eat him. But we know, both by our own experience, -and the reports of others, that though they find a man<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and -shun him. This Indian missed him but very little; and -missing him, passed by the town and went to Manomet; -whom we hoped to take at his return, as afterward we did. Now was -our fort made fit for service, and some ordnance mounted; and -though it may seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, -yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun with such -small means, a little time cannot bring [it] to perfection. Beside, -those works which tend to the preservation of man, the enemy of -mankind will hinder, what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the -judgment, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own -safety; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would -have dissuaded from proceeding, flattering themselves with peace -and security, and accounting it rather a work of superfluity and -vainglory, than simple necessity. But God, whose providence hath -waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we slept, having -determined to preserve us from these intended treacheries, -undoubtedly ordained this as a special means to advantage us and -discourage our adversaries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of -the governors and other forward instruments, as the work was just -made serviceable against this needful and dangerous time, though -we ignorant of the same.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em> Mar. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return -from Manomet, came through the town, pretending still friendship -and in love to see us; but as formerly others, so his end was to see -whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into -weakness, like their neighbours; which they hoped and looked for, -(though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would -be glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed -him; and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of -him as their prisoner; where he told him he must be contented to -remain till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. -So he was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -there kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> this being the -first day, as I take it, that ever any watch was there kept.</p> - -<p>The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went -first to the ship; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. -Upon the discharge of a musket, the master and some others of -the plantation showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering -ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation, -Captain Standish asked them how they durst so leave the ship, -and live in such security; who answered, like men senseless of -their own misery, they feared not the Indians, but lived and suffered -them to lodge with them, not having sword or gun, or needing -the same. To which the Captain answered, if there were no -cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further inquiry, understanding -that those in whom John Sanders had reposed most special -confidence, and left in his stead to govern the rest, were at the -plantation, thither he went; and, to be brief, made known the -Indians’ purpose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which -formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it -was the intendment of the governors and people of Plymouth -there to receive them, till they could be better provided; but if -they conceived of any other course, that might be more likely for -their good, that himself should further them therein to the uttermost -of his power. These men, comparing other circumstances -with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better; -and it was God’s mercy that they were not killed before his coming; -desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity to -proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send -special command to one third of their company, that were farthest -off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to -keep the town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian corn to a -man for a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. -The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before -he could do any thing.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span></p> - -<p>In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought -some furs, but rather to gather what he could from the -Captain, than coming then for trade; and though the -Captain carried things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his -return he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart; -and therefore began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused -one Pecksuot, who was a <em>pniese</em>,<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> being a man of a notable spirit, to -come to Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he -understood that the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of -the salvages there. “Tell him,” said he, “we know it, but fear him not, -neither will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall -not take us at unawares.” Many times after, divers of them severally, -or few together, came to the plantation to him; where they would -whet and sharpen the points of their knives before his face, and use -many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest -Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the -handle there was pictured a woman’s face; “but,” said he, “I have -another at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, -and that hath a man’s face on it; and by and by these two must -marry.” Further he said of that knife he there had, <em>Hinnaim namen, -hinnaim michen, matta cuts</em>; that is to say, By and by it should see, and -by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man -of greater stature than the Captain,<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> told him, though he were a -great captain, yet he was but a little man; and, said he, though I be -no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These -things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present.</p> - -<p>On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together -at once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with -another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was -brother to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily -putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about -as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to -his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -and snatching his own knife from his neck, though with -much struggling, killed him therewith, the point whereof -he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the back also -to an edge. Wituwamat and the other man the rest killed, and took -the youth, whom the Captain caused to be hanged. But it is incredible -how many wounds these two pineses received before they died, -not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and -striving to the last. Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, -and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselves in -this action. All being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these -speeches to the Captain: “Yesterday Pecksuot, bragging of his own -strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you -were but a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him -on the ground.” But to proceed; there being some women at the -same time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. -Weston’s people at the town, and sent word to another company, -that had intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were -amongst them. These killed two more. Himself also with some of his -own men went to another place, where they killed another; and -through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered -and crossed their proceedings.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> - -<p>Not long before this execution, three of Mr. Weston’s men, -which more regarded their bellies than any command or commander, -having formerly fared well with the Indians for making them -canoes, went again to the sachim to offer their service, and had -entertainment. The first night they came thither, within night, late -came a messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message. -Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots -and breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows -and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their -return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one -being more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to -mind, especially the Captain’s presence, and the strait charge that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -on pain of death none should go a musket shot from the -plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of theirs -therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at home again, -which was further off than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved -his fellows to return, but could not persuade them. So there being -none but women left, and the other that was turned salvage, about -midnight came away, forsaking the paths, lest he should be pursued; -and by this means saved his life.</p> - -<p>Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two -of Mr. Weston’s, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of -them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians, which -made towards them amain; and there being a small advantage in -the ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for -it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took -each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at himself -and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, -and being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them -so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him; insomuch -as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm -and half face of a notable villain, as he drew<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> at Captain Standish; -who together with another both discharged at once at him, and -brake his arm; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they were -in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting nothing -but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come out and -fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was in -tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain -returned to the plantation; where he released the women, and -would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least discourtesy -to be offered them.</p> - -<p>Now were Mr. Weston’s people resolved to leave their plantation, -and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> -with the fishing ships. The Captain told them, that for his own -part he durst there live with fewer men than they were; yet since<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -they were otherways minded, according to his order from -the governors and people of Plymouth, he would help -them with corn competent for their provision by the way; -which he did, scarce leaving himself more than brought them -home. Some of them disliked the choice of the body to go to -Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he -took them into the shallop; and seeing them set sail, and clear of -the Massachuset bay,<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> he took leave and returned to Plymouth; -whither he came in safety, blessed be God! and brought the head -of Wituwamat with him.</p> - -<p>Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a -courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding -the death of his countrymen, came to the Captain without fear, saying, -his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so to -do. This youth confessed, that the Indians intended to kill Mr. -Weston’s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two -more canoes or boats, which Mr. Weston’s men would have finished -by this time, having made them three already, had not the Captain -prevented them; and the end of stay for those boats was to take their -ship therewith.</p> - -<p>Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head -being brought to the fort, and there set up.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> The governors and captains -with divers others went up the same further, to examine the -prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether he -knew it, he answered, Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that all -the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being -drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that prosecuted -it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal were -killed, being Pecksuot and Wituwamat, whose head was there; the -other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, -though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he -would not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging -earnestly for his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -stranger lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good -report of him, and besought for him; but was bribed so to -do. Nevertheless, that we might show mercy as well as -extremity, the Governor released him, and the rather, because we -desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest, his master. No sooner -were the irons from his legs, but he would have been gone; but the -Governor bid him stay, and fear not, for he should receive no hurt; -and by Hobbamock commanded him to deliver this message to his -master: That for our parts it never entered into our hearts to take -such a course with them, till their own treachery enforced us thereunto, -and therefore they might thank themselves for their own -overthrow; yet since he had begun, if again by any the like courses -he did provoke him, his country should not hold him; for he would -never suffer him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly consumed -them; and therefore should take this as a warning; further, that he -should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen he had, and not kill -them; also that he should not spoil the pale and houses at -Wichaguscusset; and that this messenger should either bring the -English, or an answer, or both; promising his safe return.</p> - -<p>This message was delivered, and the party would have returned -with [an] answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterwards -they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, -though long, a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry -that the English were killed, before he heard from the Governor; -otherwise he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain -make his peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to -treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed -from place to place, expecting when we would take further -vengeance on him.</p> - -<p>Concerning those other people, that intended to join the -Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of -them; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with the -just judgment of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terrified<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their -houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in -swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold -diseases amongst themselves, whereof very many are dead; as -Canacum, the sachim of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, -and Ianough, sachim of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the -midst of these distractions, said the God of the English was offended -with them, and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is -strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst -them. Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because -through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and -without which they cannot long preserve health and strength. From -one of these places a boat was sent with presents to the Governor, -hoping thereby to work their peace; but the boat was cast away, and -three of the persons drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one -escaped, who durst not come to us, but returned; so as none of them -dare come amongst us.</p> - -<p>I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things. Yet -when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth and -grounds of this action especially should be made known, and the -several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly -will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I -thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, lest I should -eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise, which -belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were at the -pit’s brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in danger.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_6"><em>Chapter 6</em><br /> -<br /> -OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, -AND THE DISTRESSED STATE -OF THE COLONY.</h2> -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><em>April. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - - -<p class="drop-cap">The month of April being now come, on all hands -we began to prepare for corn. And because there -was no corn left before this time, save that was preserved -for seed, being also hopeless of relief by supply, we thought -best to leave off all other works, and prosecute that as most necessary. -And because there was no<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> small hope of doing good, in that -common course of labor that formerly we were in; for that the governors, -that followed men to their labors, had nothing to give men -for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that -command over them therein, as formerly they had done; especially -considering that self-love wherewith every man, in a measure -more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbour’s, -and also the base disposition of some drones, that, as at -other times, so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest; -it was therefore thought best that every man should use the best -diligence he could for his own preservation, both in respect of the -time present, and to prepare his own corn for the year following; -and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of public -officers, fishermen, &c., which could not be freed from their calling -without greater inconveniences. This course was to continue -till harvest, and then the governors to gather in the appointed portion, -for the maintenance of themselves and such others as necessity -constrained to exempt from this condition. Only if occasion -served, upon any special service they might employ such as they -thought most fit to execute the same, during this appointed time, -and at the end thereof all men to be employed by them in such service -as they thought most necessary for the general good. And -because there is great difference in the ground, that therefore a set<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -quantity should be set down for a person, and each man to -have his fall by lot,<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> as being most just and equal, and -against which no man could except.</p> - -<p>At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded, -but this approved and followed, as being the most likely -for the present and future good of the company; and therefore before -this month began to prepare our ground against seed-time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><em>July. -<span class="u">1623</span></em></div> - -<p class="noindent">In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then -seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of -after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of May. But -it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a great drought, -insomuch as in six weeks after the latter setting there scarce fell any -rain; so that the stalk of that was first set began to send -forth the ear, before it came to half growth, and that which -was later not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk -hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner, as we -judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according to their -wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as -though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes -overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> - -<p>To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard of -a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having two -repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship three -hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no further -of her; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast, which -could not be judged to be any other than the same.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> So that at once -God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most courageous -were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had been our -only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm himself -against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath?</p> - -<p>These and the like considerations moved not only every good -man privately to enter into examination with his own estate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -between God and his conscience, and so to humiliation -before him, but also more solemnly to humble ourselves -together before the Lord by fasting and prayer. To that end -a day was appointed by public authority, and set apart from all other -employments; hoping that the same God, which had stirred us up -hereunto, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon us, -and grant the request of our dejected souls, if our continuance there -might any way stand with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy -of our God! who was as ready to hear, as we to ask; for though in the -morning, when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear, -and the drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise -continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our departure, the -weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and -on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers -of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such seasonable -weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered corn or -drooping affections were most quickened or revived; such was the -bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of -Hobbamock,<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> took notice; who being then in the town, and this -exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but three days since -Sunday; and therefore demanded of a boy, what was the reason -thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects followed thereupon, -he and all of them admired the goodness of our God towards -us, that wrought so great a change in so short a time; showing the -difference between their conjuration, and our invocation on the -name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with such storms and tempests, -as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it layeth the corn -flat on the ground, to their prejudice; but ours in so gentle and seasonable -a manner, as they never observed the like.</p> - -<p>At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by -the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, -returned with the same, accompanied with one Mr. David Tomson,<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> -a Scotchman, who also that spring began a plantation twenty-five<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -leagues northeast from us, near Smith’s isles,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> at a place -called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard -we of the third repulse that our supply had,<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> of their safe, -though dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to -come to us. So that having these many signs of God’s favor and -acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we -should smother up the same, or content ourselves with private -thanksgiving for that, which by private prayer could not be -obtained. And therefore another solemn day was set apart and -appointed for that end; wherein we returned glory, honor, and -praise, with all thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously -with us; whose name for these and all other his mercies -towards his church, and chosen ones, by them be blessed and -praised, now and evermore. Amen.</p> - -<p>In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two -ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers,<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> except -one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also, notwithstanding -all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found not any -one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger ship, called -the Anne,<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> was hired, and there again freighted back;<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> from -whence we set sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the -<span class="smcap">Little James</span>,<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> was built for the company at their charge.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> She was -now also fitted for trade and discovery to the southward of Cape -Cod, and almost ready to set sail; whom I pray God to bless in her -good and lawful proceedings.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_7"><em>Chapter 7</em><br /> -<br /> -OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS -OPINIONS AND CEREMONIES OF THE INDIANS.</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="sidenote">—— -<em>1623</em> -——</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">Thus have I made a true and full narration of the -state of our Plantation, and such things as were -most remarkable therein since December, 1621. If I -have omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of memory, or -because I judged it not material. I confess my style rude, and unskilfulness -in the task I undertook; being urged thereunto by opportunity, -which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for which I -would not have undertaken the same. Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, -and therefore the easier to be understood; wherein others may see -that which we are bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any people -in these later ages were upheld by the providence of God after a -more special manner than others, then we; and therefore are the -more bound to celebrate the memory of His goodness with everlasting -thankfulness. For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, -as in the morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and yet -performed the duties of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to -provide for after time; and though at some times in some seasons at -noon I have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, -yet ere night, by the good providence and blessing of God, we have -enjoyed such plenty as though the windows of heaven had been -opened unto us. How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, -and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous enemies! Yet -God wrought our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit’s -brim, and in danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward -that we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, and from -how many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can -best tell. So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but -think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance to -our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in so desolate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -a state, considering it agreeth so well with the constitution -of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate -for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish -New England from Old.</p> - -<p>A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have -observed amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and -sundry other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and -others, in former letters, (which came to the press against my will -and knowledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without -any religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though -we could then gather no better; for as they conceive of many divine -powers, so of one, whom they call <em>Kiehtan</em>,<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> to be the principal and -maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they say, created -the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures contained therein; also -that he made one man and one woman, of whom they and we and -all mankind came;<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> but how they became so far dispersed, that -know they not. At first, they say, there was no sachim or king, but -Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, whither all good -men go when they die, to see their friends, and have their fill of all -things. This his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they -say; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door, but he bids -them <em>quatchet</em>, that is to say, walk abroad, for there is no place for -such; so that they wander in restless want and penury.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Never man -saw this Kiehtan; only old men tell of him, and bid them tell their -children, yea to charge them to teach their posterities the same, -and lay the like charge upon them. This power they acknowledge -to be good; and when they would obtain any great matter, meet -together and cry unto him; and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. -sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang up garlands and other -things in memory of the same.</p> - -<p>Another power they worship, whom they call <em>Hobbamock</em>, and -to the northward of us, <em>Hobbamoqui</em>;<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> this, as far as we can conceive, -is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and diseases.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the -same for some conceived anger against them; but upon -their calling upon him, can and doth help them; but when -they are mortal and not curable in nature, then he persuades them -Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom none can cure; insomuch -as in that respect only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply -good, and therefore in sickness never call upon him. This -Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of a -man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He -appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst -them; though all of them strive to attain to that hellish height of -honor. He appeareth most ordinary and is most conversant with -three sorts of people. One, I confess I neither know by name nor -office directly; of these they have few, but esteem highly of them, -and think that no weapon can kill them; another they call by the -name of <em>powah</em>; and the third <em>pniese</em>.</p> - -<p>The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in -calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. -The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation, -but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith; -yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The -powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and -joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the -party diseased.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck -the wound; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, -but <em>askooke</em>, that is, the snake, or <em>wobsacuck</em>, that is, the eagle, sitteth -on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none see but the powah, -who tells them he doth it himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, -it is accounted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house, -taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery.</p> - -<p>And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and -Diana at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had -their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -those forms in the same. In the powah’s speech, he -promiseth to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, -beads, knives, and other the best things they have to -the fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased; but whether -they perform it, I know not. The other practices I have seen, being -necessarily called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the -best arguments I could to make them understand against the same. -They have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the -party; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so -proved; yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when -any of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail -in child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary -means, they send for this powah; though ordinarily their travail is -not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more -hardy nature; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen the -mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, in a -boat upon the sea.</p> - -<p>Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. -It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, -and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan; -saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The -Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great -spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term -them, priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort all their -people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, -skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast by the -priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and -there consumed to ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely; -and the more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all -men. This the other Indians about us approve of as good, and wish -their sachims would appoint the like; and because the plague hath -not reigned at Nanohigganset as at other places about them, they -attribute to this custom there used.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span></p> - -<p>The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to -those also the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, -and as we conceive, maketh covenant with them to -preserve them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, -&c. or at least both themselves and especially the people think -themselves to be freed from the same. And though, against their -battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, yet they are -known by their courage and boldness, by reason whereof one of -them will chase almost an hundred men; for they account it death -for whomsoever stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all -sorts of people, and are of the sachim’s council, without whom they -will not war, or undertake any weighty business.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> In war their -sachims, for their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are -commonly men of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will -endure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous and -humane in their carriages than any amongst them, scorning theft, -lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation -as any men. And to the end they may have store of these, -they train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, -in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, -observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of -age, the devil may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> -and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge -into the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through -extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood; and -this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till -by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, and then -must go forth into the cold. Also they beat their shins with sticks, -and cause them to run through bushes, stumps and brambles, to -make them hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may -appear unto them.</p> - -<p>Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of -them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage unto<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span> -them;<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> neither may they war without their knowledge and -approbation; yet to be commanded by the greater, as occasion -serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and -Conanacus, of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim -taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged -and any way maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide -for them. A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is -equal to him in birth; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time -become ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are -they no other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience -to the principal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The -like their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their -lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is -successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or -daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection -and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till -he be of age; but when that is, I know not.</p> - -<p>Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own -country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of -that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth them -as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this circuit -whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him his fee; -which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on the land, but if -in the water, then the skin thereof. The great sachims or kings -know their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All -travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachim’s. When -they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what -place they go; during which time they receive entertainment, -according to their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses -use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the sachim. To -that end, they appoint a certain time and place, near the sachim’s -dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of corn, and make -a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> -to the people, on the sachim’s behalf; and after acquaint -the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no -less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them.</p> - -<p>When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto -them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till their -death or recovery.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> If they die, they stay a certain time to mourn for -them. Night and morning they perform this duty, many days after -the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be -ordinary and the note musical, which they take one from another -and all together, yet it will draw tears from their eyes, and almost -from ours also.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> But if they recover, then because their sickness -was chargeable, they send corn and other gifts unto them, at a certain -appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call -<em>commoco</em>. When they bury the dead, they sow up the corpse in a -mat, and so put it in the earth. If the party be a sachim, they cover -him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and -enclose the grave with a pale. If it be a child, the father will also -put his own most special jewels and ornaments in the earth with it; -also will cut his hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of -sorrow. If it be the man or woman of the house, they will pull down -the mats, and leave the frame standing, and bury them in or near -the same, and either remove their dwelling or give over housekeeping.</p> - -<p>The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other -exercises of the bow, except at some times they take some pains in -fishing. The women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> -set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of -their food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all -household care lying upon them.</p> - -<p>The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, -whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls -may not wear their hair like men and women, but are distinguished -thereby.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span></p> - -<p>A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, -or show forth such courage and resolution as becometh his -place. The men take much tobacco; but for boys so to do, -they account it odious.</p> - -<p>All their names are significant and variable; for when they come -to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their -deeds or dispositions.</p> - -<p>When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, -and after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown -out. Their women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they -will scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being -very chaste also; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a -woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be -war or opposition between that and any other people, she will run -away from him to the contrary party, and there live; where they -never come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest -plenty.</p> - -<p>When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself -from all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone; -after which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or -used, and is again received to her husband’s bed or family. For adultery, -the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. -Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places; but -they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for -adultery; for no man will keep such an one to wife.</p> - -<p>In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachim examineth -and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first -offence, he is disgracefully rebuked; for the second, beaten by the -sachim with a cudgel on the naked back; for the third, he is beaten -with many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby -all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he -must likewise die for the same. The sachim not only passes the -sentence upon malefactors,<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> but executeth the same with his own<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -hands, if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his -own knife, in case of death, in the hands of others to perform -the same.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> But if the offender be to receive other -punishment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim -himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and will not offer -to run away, though he beat him never so much, it being a greater -disparagement <ins class="corr" id="tn-65" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'for a many to cry'"> -for a man to cry</ins> during the time of his correction, -than is his offence and punishment.</p> - -<p>As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, -like some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the -same leather. They wear also a deer’s skin loose about them, like a -cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they -travel; but when they are at home, or come to their journey’s end, -presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, wring out -the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. -Though these be off, yet have they another small garment that covereth -their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad in cold -weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only their bracer -on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their -legs, which the men never do.</p> - -<p>The people are very ingenious and observative; they keep -account of time by the moon, and winters or summers; they know -divers of the stars by name; in particular they know the north star, -and call it <em>maske</em>, which is to say, the bear;<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> also they have many -names for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and -weather beforehand, by observations in the heavens. They report -also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part -they list—can raise storms and tempests,<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> which they usually do -when they intend the death or destruction of other people, that by -reason of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of -their enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their -greatest exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with -any, they keep more careful watch than at other times.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span></p> - -<p>As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult. -As yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but -can understand them, and explain ourselves to their -understanding, by the help of those that daily converse with us. -And though there be difference in a hundred miles’ distance of -place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that -they very well understand each other.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> And thus much of their -lives and manners.</p> - -<p>Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course. Where -any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or -by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the -ground, about a foot deep, and as much over; which when others -passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, -which being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as -occasion serveth, therewith; and lest such holes should be filled or -grown up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the -same; by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in -memory. So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, -his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical -discourses [which] will be related unto him.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="Chapter_8"><em>Chapter 8</em><br /> -<br /> -OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND -PRODUCTIONS OF NEW ENGLAND.</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="sidenote">—— -<em>1623</em> -——</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor dispraised -the country; and since I lived so long therein, -my judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction to -them that know me, than the relation of our proceedings. To which -I answer, that as in one, so of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I -can, yet will make known what I conceive thereof.</p> - -<p>And first for that continent, on which we are, called New -England, although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be -a part of the main land adjoining the Virginia, yet by relation of the -Indians it should appear to be otherwise; for they affirm confidently -that it is an island, and that either the Dutch or French pass -through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, and drive a great -trade in the same. The name of the inlet of the sea they call -Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we call Hudson’s -river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of -means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> For confirmation of this their -opinion, is thus much; though Virginia be not above a hundred and -fifty leagues from us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that -any English were planted in his country, save only by us and -Tisquantum, who went in an English ship thither; and therefore it is -the more probable, because the water is not passable for them, who -are very adventurous in their boats.</p> - -<p>Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years’ experience -I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, in -respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, -because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42°, it must needs be -much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the contrary; only -experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed England, it is so little as -must require better judgments to discern it. And for the winter, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -rather think (if there be difference) it is both sharper and -longer in New England than Old; and yet the want of those -comforts in the one, which I have enjoyed in the other, -may deceive my judgment also. But in my best observation, comparing -our own condition with the Relations of other parts of -America, I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the constitution -of the English, not being oppressed with extremity of heat, -nor nipped by biting cold; by which means, blessed be God, we -enjoy our health, notwithstanding those difficulties we have undergone, -in such a measure as would have been admired if we had lived -in England with the like means. The day is two hours longer than -here, when it is at the shortest, and as much shorter there, when it -is at the longest.</p> - -<p>The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, a -mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea -wheat. The seed time beginneth in [the] midst of April, and continueth -good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with -September. This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior in -quantity to the same in Virginia; the reason I conceive is because -Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. -But whereas it is objected against New England, that corn will not -grow there except the ground be manured with fish, I answer, that -where men set with fish, (as with us,) it is more easy so to do than to -clear ground, and set without some five or six years, and so begin -anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, -where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance, the -Indians set four years together without, and have as good corn or better -than we have that set with them; though indeed I think if we had -cattle to till the ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable -to the soil to sow wheat, rye, barley, pease and oats, than to set -mays, which our Indians call <em>ewachim</em>; for we have had experience -that they like and thrive well; and the other will not be procured -without good labor and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> -must also be watched by night, to keep the wolves from the -fish, till it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men -agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not much.</p> - -<p>Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as -shall here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right -course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume, upon that small -experience I have had, to affirm that the English, Dutch and French -return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that -island on which we are seated.</p> - -<p>Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in -some other places; neither were it profitable there to follow it, -though the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer -commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in -as great abundance as in any other part of the world; witness the -west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains -yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt -at a great charge, and transport more company to make their voyage -than will sail their ships, what may the planters expect when once -they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ -themselves at least eight months in fishing; whereas the other fish -but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time, -whereas such shipping as belong to plantations may take freight of -passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading provided against -they come? I confess we have come so far short of the means to raise -such returns, as with great difficulty we have preserved our lives; -insomuch as when I look back upon our condition, and weak means -to preserve the same, I rather admire at God’s mercy and providence -in our preservation, than that no greater things have been effected -by us. But though our beginning have been thus raw, small and difficult, -as thou hast seen, yet the same God that hath hitherto led us -through the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. -Not that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to be the -main end of that we have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -honor of our country, in the enlarging of his Majesty’s -dominions. Yet wanting outward means to set things in -that forwardness we desire, and to further the latter by the -former, I thought meet to offer both to consideration, hoping that -where religion and profit jump together (which is rare) in so honorable -an action, it will encourage every honest man, either in person -or purse, to set forward the same, or at leastwise to commend the -welfare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed God.</p> - -<p>I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison, -and variety of fish, in their seasons, which might encourage many to -go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, -that as they hear of countries that abound with the good creatures -of God, so means must be used for the taking of every one in his -kind, and therefore not only to content themselves that there is sufficient, -but to foresee how they shall be able to obtain the same. -Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the -midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, but hath -rather his sorrow increased by the sight of that he wanteth, and cannot -enjoy it, so also there, if thou want art and other necessaries -thereunto belonging, thou mayest see that thou wantest and thy -heart desireth, and yet be never the better for the same. Therefore, -if thou see thine own insufficiency of thyself, then join to some others, -where thou mayest in some measure enjoy the same; otherwise, -assure thyself thou art better where thou art. Some there be that -thinking altogether of their present wants they enjoy here, and not -dreaming of any there, through indiscretion plunge themselves into -a deeper sea of misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and firing -are so chargeable, as without great difficulty a man cannot -accomplish the same; never considering, that as he shall have no -rent to pay, so he must build his house before he have it, and peradventure -may with more ease pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch -it home, if he have not cattle to draw it there; though there is no -scarcity, but rather too great plenty.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span></p> - -<p>I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, -upon due examination, set themselves to further the glory -of God, and the honor of our country, in so worthy an -enterprise, but rather to discourage such as with too great lightness -undertake such courses; who peradventure strain themselves and -their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, than -seeing their foolish imagination made void, are at their wits’ end, -and would give ten times so much for their return, if they could procure -it; and out of such discontented passions and humors, spare not -to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves -deserve.</p> - -<p>As, for example, I have heard some complain of others for their -large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water -and want many delicates they here enjoyed, could presently return -with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so simple as to -conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, or the -woods and rivers be like butchers’ shops, or fishmongers’ stalls, -where they might have things taken to their hands? If thou canst -not live without such things, and hast no means to procure the one, -and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others -for thee, rest where thou art; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, -a beggar’s purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so that person -that hath these qualities there, is much more abominable. If -therefore God hath given thee a heart to undertake such courses, -upon such grounds as bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as -a principal, and all other outward good things but as accessaries, -which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou -wilt with true comfort and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies; -whereas on the contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, -being senseless of greater blessings, and through prejudice -smother up the love and bounty of God; whose name be ever glorified -in us, and by us, now and evermore. Amen.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="POSTSCRIPT">A POSTSCRIPT.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-cap">If any man desire a more ample relation of the state of this country, -before such time as this present Relation taketh place, I refer -them to the two former printed books; the one published by the -President and Council for New England, and the other gathered by -the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New -England.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span><br /></p> -</div> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak fs135" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#DEDICATION">Dedication</a></em> (<em>pp. 3-5</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> The merchant adventurers.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> This sentiment shows how little -obnoxious the first settlers of New -England were to the charge of fanaticism, -which has often been alleged -against them by persons alike ignorant -of their spirit and their history.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> <span class="smcap">Edward Winslow</span> was, according -to Hutchinson, “of a very reputable -family and of a very active -genius”—“a gentleman of the best -family of any of the Plymouth -planters, his father, Edward Winslow, -Esq., being a person of some figure at -Droitwich, in Worcestershire,” a town -seven miles from Worcester, celebrated -for its salt springs. Edward was the -eldest of eight children, and was born -at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as appears -from the following extract from the -records of St. Peter’s church in that -place: “1595, Oct. 20, baptized -Edward, son of Edward Winslow, born -the previous Friday,” which was the -19th. His mother’s name was -Magdalen; her surname is unknown; -she was married Nov. 3, 1594. He was -not one of the original band of -Pilgrims who escaped to Holland in -1608, but being on his travels, fell in -with them at Leyden, in 1617, as we -learn from his Brief Narration, where -he speaks of “living three years under -Mr. Robinson’s ministry before we -began the work of plantation in New -England.” His name stands the third -among the signers of the Compact on -board the Mayflower; and his family -consisted at that time of his wife, -Elizabeth, George Soule, and two others, -perhaps his children, Edward and -John, who died young. As has already -been seen, and will hereafter appear, -he was one of the most energetic and -trusted men in the Colony. He went -to England in 1623, 1624, 1635 and -1646, as agent of the Plymouth or -Massachusetts colonies; and in 1633 -he was chosen governor, to which -office he was reëlected in 1636 and -1644. He did not return to New -England after 1646. In 1655 he was -sent by Cromwell as one of three commissioners -to superintend the expedition -against the Spanish possessions in -the West Indies, and died at sea, near -Hispaniola, on the 8th of May of that -year, in his 60th year. An interesting -letter, written by him at Barbadoes, -March 16, and addressed to Secretary -Thurloe, is preserved in Thurloe’s -State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters of -his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the -Commissioners of the United -Colonies, and another to Thurloe -from Barbadoes, March 30, are contained -in Hutchinson’s Collection of -Papers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268.</p> - -<p>In 1637 he obtained a grant of a -valuable tract of land at Green’s harbour, -now Marshfield, to which he -gave the name of Careswell. This -estate continued in the family till a few -years since, when it came into possession -of Daniel Webster, the late -Secretary of State.</p> - -<p>Edward Winslow’s son, (2) -Josiah, born at Plymouth in 1628, was -governor of the Colony, from 1673 to -his death in 1680, and commanded the -New-England forces in Philip’s war. -(3) Isaac, his only surviving son, sustained<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -the chief civil and military -offices in the county of Plymouth after -its incorporation with Massachusetts, -and was President of the Provincial -Council. He died in 1738, aged 68. (4) -John, his son, was a captain in the -expedition against Cuba in 1740, a -colonel at Louisburgh in 1744, and -afterwards a major-general in the -British service. He died in 1774, aged -71. His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician -in Marshfield, and died in 1819, aged -80. His only son, (6) John, was an -attorney, and died in 1822, aged 48. -His only surviving son, (7) Isaac, and -the last surviving male descendant of -Gov. Edward, of the name of Winslow, -born in 1813, resides in Boston, and -possesses original portraits of these his -illustrious ancestors. See Mass. Hist. -Coll. xxvii. 286.</p> - -<p>Edward Winslow had four brothers, -all of whom came over to New -England. Their names were, John, -born in April, 1597; Kenelm, born, -April 29, 1599; Gilbert, born in Oct. -1600; and Josiah, born in Feb. 1605.—John -came in the Fortune in 1621, -married Mary Chilton, who came in -the Mayflower, and removed to -Boston, in 1655, where he died in -1674, aged 77. He left a numerous posterity, -one of whom is Isaac Winslow, -Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a merchant -in Boston.—Gilbert came in the -Mayflower, and soon left the Colony, -and it is thought went to Portsmouth, -N. H. and died before 1660.—Kenelm -and Josiah arrived at Plymouth before -1632, and both settled at Marshfield. -The former died whilst on a visit at -Salem in 1672, aged 73, and the latter -in 1674, aged 69.—Edward Winslow’s -sisters were Eleanor, born in April, -1598, Elizabeth, born in March, 1601, -and Magdalen, born Dec. 26, 1604. -Elizabeth died in Jan. 1604, and neither -of the other two ever came to -New England.</p> - -<p>For the copy of the record of St. -Peter’s Church, Droitwich, containing -the births and baptisms of Edward -Winslow and his sisters and brothers, -excepting Josiah, I am indebted to -Isaac Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, -whose son, Isaac, of New York, visited -that place for this purpose in Aug. -1839. I am also indebted to Mr. Isaac -Winslow, of Boston, for the loan of -the family bible of the Winslows, containing -on one of its covers an ancient -register, corresponding nearly with -the Droitwich records, with the addition -of the birth and baptism of -Josiah, the youngest child. See -Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 187, ii. 457-460; -Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 281-309; -Mitchell’s Bridgewater, p. 387-390; -Deane’s Scituate, p. 388-390; -Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 90-103; 139-144; -Morton’s Memorial, pp. 178, -235, 259-261, 382, 415; Hazard’s -Hist. Coll. i. 326.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#TO_THE_READER">To the Reader</a></em> (<em>p. 6</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, of -which an ample account will be found -in the ensuing Narrative.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Thomas Weston.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Winslow returned in the ship -Charity, in March, 1624. He had been -absent six months, having sailed from -Plymouth in the Anne, on the 10th of -Sept. previous. See Bradford, in -Prince, p. 221, 225.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span></p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> This serves to confirm the statement -of numerous typographical errors -in the previous Narrative.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_1">Chapter 1</a></em> (<em>p. 7</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> West had a commission as admiral -of New England, to restrain such -ships as came to fish and trade without -license from the New England -Council; but finding the fishermen -stubborn fellows, and too strong for -him, he sails for Virginia; and their -owners complaining to Parliament, -procured an order that fishing should -be free. Bradford, in Prince, p. 218, -and in Morton, p. 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The Damariscove islands, five or -six in number, lying west by north from -Monhegan, were early resorted to and -occupied as fishing-stages. See -Williamson’s Maine, i. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> On the 22d of March, 1622, at -mid-day, the Indians, by a preconcerted -plan, fell upon the English settlements -in Virginia, and massacred 347 -persons. A war of extermination -immediately ensued. See Smith’s -Virginia, ii. 64-79, and Stith, p. 208-213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Opechancanough, as the name -is commonly spelt.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_2">Chapter 2</a></em> (<em>pp. 8-18</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> The Narragansetts were a -numerous and powerful tribe that -occupied nearly the whole of the present -territory of the State of Rhode -Island, including the islands in -Narragansett Bay. They had escaped -the pestilence which had depopulated -other parts of New England, and their -population at this time was estimated -at thirty thousand, of whom five thousand -were warriors. Roger Williams -says they were so populous that a traveller -would meet with a dozen Indian -towns in twenty miles. They were a -martial and formidable race, and were -frequently at war with the Pokanokets -on the east, the Pequots on the west, -and the Massachusetts on the north. -See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147; -Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 123; -Potter’s Early History of Narragansett, -ibid. iii. 1, and Hutchinson’s Mass. i. -457.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> “Since the death of so many -Indians, they thought to lord it over -the rest, conceive we are a bar in their -way, and see Massasoit already take -shelter under our wings.” Bradford’s -Hist. quoted by Prince, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Canonicus, the great sachem of -the Narragansetts, though hostile to -the Plymouth colonists, probably on -account of their league with his -enemy, Massasoit, showed himself -friendly to the first settlers of Rhode -Island, who planted themselves within -his territory. Roger Williams says that -“when the hearts of my countrymen -and friends failed me, the Most High -stirred up the barbarous heart of -Connonicus to love me as his son to -the last gasp. Were it not for the favor -that God gave me with him, none of -these parts, no, not Rhode Island had -been purchased or obtained; for I -never gat any thing of Connonicus but -by gift.” In 1636 the Massachusetts -Colony sent to him “a solemn embassage,” -who “observed in the sachem -much state, great command over his -men, and marvellous wisdom in his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -answers.” Edward Johnson, who probably -accompanied the ambassadors, -has given in his “Wonderworking -Providence,” b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute -account of their reception and entertainment. -He says that “Canonicus -was very discreet in his answers.” He -died June 4th, 1647, according to -Winthrop, “a very old man.” See his -Life in Thatcher’s Indian Biography, i. -177-209, and in Drake’s Book of the -Indians, b. ii. 54-57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Probably Stephen Hopkins.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Isaac Allerton.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> “There is a remarkable coincidence -in the form of this challenge -with that of the challenge given by the -Scythian prince to Darius. Five arrows -made a part of the present sent by his -herald to the Persian king. The manner -of declaring war by the Aracaunian -Indians of South America, was by -sending from town to town an arrow -clenched in a dead man’s hand.” -Holmes, Annals, i. 177. See Rollin, -Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; and Mass. Hist. -Coll. xv. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Bradford adds, “Which are -locked every night; a watch and ward -kept in the day.” Prince, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> This was the first general muster -in New England, and the embryo of -our present militia system.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> This indicates that the writer -himself, Winslow, was one of the party.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> So early was the name of -Gurnet given to this remarkable feature -of Plymouth harbour. It is a -peninsula or promontory, connected -with Marshfield by a beach about six -miles long, called Salthouse beach. It -contains about twenty-seven acres of -excellent soil. On its southern -extremity, or nose, are two light-houses. -It probably received its name from -some headland known to the Pilgrims -in the mother country. The late -Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, the accurate -topographer, and faithful chronicler -of the Old Colony, says, “Gurnet -is the name of several places on the -coast of England; in the Channel we -believe there are at least two.” -Connected with the Gurnet by a narrow -neck, and contiguous to Clark’s -island, is another headland, called -Saquish, containing ten or fourteen -acres. See note 2 on page 164, Mass. -Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, 204, and -<ins class="corr" id="tn-76" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Thacher’s Plymouth'"> -Thatcher’s Plymouth</ins>, p. 330.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> The sachem of the -Wampanoags.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> The same as Coubatant or -Corbitant.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> What is now called a <em>brave</em>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> We should like to have known -more about this second voyage to -Boston harbour.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> On the part of.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> This headland is Hither -Manomet Point, forming the southern -boundary of Plymouth bay. Manomet -is the most prominent landmark in -Barnstable bay, being visible from all -points of its circling shore, from -Sandwich to Provincetown.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Brabbles, clamors.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> The passengers in the Fortune.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Winslow himself had sent home -too flattering an account of their condition.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> “She brings a letter to Mr. -Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. 17. -By his letter we find he has quite -deserted us, and is going to settle a -plantation of his own. The boat<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -brings us a kind letter from Mr. John -Huddleston, a captain of a ship fishing -at the eastward, whose name we -never heard before, to inform us of a -massacre of 400 English by the -Indians in Virginia, whence he came. -By this boat the Governor returns a -grateful answer, and with them sends -Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to get -provisions of the fishing ships; whom -Captain Huddleston receives kindly, -and not only spares what he can, but -writes to others to do the like; by -which means he gets as much bread -as amounts to a quarter of a pound a -person per day till harvest; the -Governor causing their portion to be -daily given them, or some had -starved. And by this voyage we not -only got a present supply, but also -learn the way to those parts for our -future benefit.” Bradford, in Prince, p. -202. Huddleston’s letter, (or -Hudston’s, as Morton calls him,) may -be found in New England’s Memorial, -p. 80. See <a href="#Footnote_10">note [10]</a> on <a href="#Page_7">page 7</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_9">note [9]</a> on <a href="#Page_7">page 7</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> The burying-hill. The intelligence -of the massacre in Virginia -reached Plymouth in May, and was the -immediate incitement to the erection -of this fort. See <a href="#Page_7">page 7</a>.</p> - -<p>“Some traces of the fort are still -visible on the eminence called the -burying-hill, directly above the meeting-house -of the first church in -Plymouth. After the fort was used as a -place of worship, it is probable they -began to bury their dead around it. -Before that time the burial-place was -on the bank, above the rock on which -the landing was made.” Judge Davis’s -note in Morton’s Memorial, p. 82.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_3">Chapter 3</a></em> (<em>pp. 19-30</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> “By Mr. Weston’s ship comes a -letter from Mr. John Pierce, in whose -name the Plymouth patent is taken, -signifying that whom the governor -admits into the association, he will -approve.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> They came upon no religious -design, as did the planters of Plymouth; -so they were far from being Puritans. -Mr. Weston in a letter owns that many -of them are rude and profane fellows. -Mr. Cushman in another writes, “They -are no men for us, and I fear they will -hardly deal so well with the savages as -they should. I pray you therefore signify -to Squanto that they are a distinct -body from us, and we have nothing to -do with them, nor must be blamed for -their faults, much less can warrant -their fidelity.” And Mr. John Pierce in -another writes, “As for Mr. Weston’s -company they are so base in condition -for the most part, as in all appearance -not fit for an honest man’s company. I -wish they prove otherwise.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 203.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Boston harbour.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Or Wessagusset, now called -Weymouth.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Dr. Fuller.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> That is, the same Indians.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> This is supposed to be the same -Jones who was captain of the -Mayflower.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Prince says, p. 205, that “Mr. -Winslow seems to mistake in thinking -Captain Jones was now bound for -Virginia;” and Bradford states that “she -was on her way from Virginia homeward, -being sent out by some merchants -to discover the shoals about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> -Cape Cod, and harbours between this -and Virginia.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> “Of her we buy knives and beads, -which is now good trade, though at -cent. per cent. or more, and yet pay -away coat beaver at 3s. a pound, -(which a few years after yields 20s.); by -which means we are fitted to trade -both for corn and beaver.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 205, and in Morton’s -Memorial, p. 83.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Isaac Allerton.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Chatham.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> His disorder was a fever, accompanied -with “a bleeding at the nose, -which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom.” -Before his death “he desired the -Governor (Bradford) to pray that he -might go to the Englishman’s God in -heaven, bequeathing divers of his -things to sundry of his English friends, -as remembrances of his love; of whom -we had great loss.” Bradford, in Prince, -p. 206, and in Morton, p. 85. Judge -Davis adds in his note, that “Governor -Bradford’s pen was worthily employed -in the tender notice taken of the death -of this child of nature. With some aberrations, -his conduct was generally irreproachable, -and his useful services to -the infant settlement entitle him to -grateful remembrance.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Aspinet.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> The country between Barnstable -and Yarmouth harbours.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> The distance from Eastham to -Plymouth by land is about fifty miles.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> With galled feet.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> The Swan. See <a href="#Page_20">page 20</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Nauset, or Eastham, abounds -with creeks. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. -155, 188.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> In the original, <em>saluting</em>; probably -a typographical error.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> The part of Sandwich, which -lies on Manomet river.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> “It is almost incredible”, says -Roger Williams, “what burthens the -poor women carry of corn, of fish, of -beans, of mats, and a child besides.” -Gookin says, “In their removals from -place to place, for their fishing and -hunting, the women carry the greatest -burthen.” And Wood says, “In the -summer they trudge home two or three -miles with a hundred weight of lobsters -at their backs; in winter they are their -husbands’ porters to lug home their -venison.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, -iii. 212, and Wood’s New England’s -Prospect, part ii. ch. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> This is called Manomet or -Buzzard’s bay, though Winslow seems -to mistake it for Narragansett bay, -which is near twenty leagues to the -westward. Prince, p. 208.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> “This creek runs out easterly into -Cape Cod bay at Scussett harbour; and -this river runs out westerly into -Manomet bay. The distance overland -from bay to bay is but six miles. The -creek and river nearly meet in a low -ground; and this is the place, through -which there has been a talk of making a -canal, this forty years; which would be a -vast advantage to all these countries, by -saving the long and dangerous navigation -round the Cape, and through the -shoals adjoining.” Prince, p. 208, (A.D. -1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Oysters are still found in great -excellence and plenty in Sandwich, on -the shores of Buzzard’s bay. See Mass. -Hist. Coll. viii. 122.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> The common clam, (<i>mya arenaria</i>,) -or perhaps the quahaug,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> -(<i>venus mercenaria</i>). The English call the former -the sand-gaper, the word <em>clam</em> not -being in use among them, and not to -be found in their dictionaries. And yet -it is mentioned by Captain Smith, in -his Description of New England, printed -in 1616. Johnson, whose -Wonderworking Providence was published -in 1654, speaks of “<em>clambanks</em>, a -fish as big as horse-muscles.” Morton -too, in his New English Canaan, -(1637) mentions them, and Josselyn, -(1672) in his Rarities, p. 96, speaks of -“clam, or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a -white muscle.” Wood says, ch. ix. -“clams or clamps is a shellfish not -much unlike a cockle; it lieth under -the sand. These fishes be in great plenty. -In some places of the country there -be clams as big as a penny white-loaf.” -See Mass. Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 193, -xiii. 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould’s -Report on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. -40-42, and 85,86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> The razor-shell, (<em>solen</em>,) which -very much resembles a bean pod, or the -haft of a razor, both in size and shape. -See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 192. Josselyn -calls them “<em>sheath fish</em>, which are very -plentiful, a delicate fish, as good as a -prawn, covered with a thin shell like -the sheath of a knife, and of the color -of a muscle.” And Morton says, “<em>razor -fishes</em> there are.”</p> - -<p>“The animal is cylindrical, and is -often used as an article of food under -the name of long-clam, razor-fish, -knife-handle, &c.” See Dr. Gould’s -Report on the Mollusca of -Massachusetts, p. 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> In Manomet river, as well as in -Buzzard’s and Buttermilk bays, are -found fish of various kinds, such as -bass, sheep’s head, tautaug, scuppaug, -&c. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> He was the same as -Cawnacome.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> “In their gamings,” says Roger -Williams, “they will sometimes stake -and lose their money, clothes, house, -corn, and themselves, if single persons.” -Gookin says, “They are addicted -to gaming, and will, in that vein, -play away all they have.” And Wood -adds, “They are so bewitched with -these two games, that they will lose -sometimes all they have, beaver, -moose skins, kettles, wampompeage, -mowhackies, hatchets, knives, all is -confiscate by these two games.” See -Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, and -Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part -ii. ch. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Powow, a priest and medicine -man.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> It seems as if the Captain went -into Scussett harbour, which goes up -westward towards Manomet. Prince, p. -210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> In the Indian dialects.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Or Iyanough.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_54">note [54]</a> on <a href="#Page_78">page 78</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Or Pamet, now called Truro.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_4">Chapter 4</a></em> (<em>pp. 31-39</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> “All their refreshing in their -sickness is the visit of friends and -neighbours, a poor empty visit and -presence; and yet indeed this is very -solemn, unless it be in infectious diseases, -and then all forsake them and -fly.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. -Coll. iii. 236.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> It was conjectured by Belknap, -Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has since been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> -repeatedly asserted as a fact by other -writers, that this person was the celebrated -English patriot of the same -name. But this is highly improbable. -Hampden, who was born in 1594, and -married in 1619, was a member of the -parliament which assembled in -January, 1621, and was dissolved by -James in 1622, under circumstances -and in a juncture of affairs which rendered -it certain that a new parliament -must soon be called. It is not at all likely -that a person in Hampden’s circumstances, -a man of family, wealth and -consideration, would, merely for the -sake of gratifying his curiosity, have -left England at this critical period, on -a long voyage to another hemisphere, -and run the risk of not being at home -at the issuing of the writs for a new parliament. -For the passage to America -was at that time precarious; the vessels -were few, and the voyage a long one; -so that a person who undertook it -could not reasonably calculate upon -getting back in much less than a year. -Winslow’s companion, whoever he -was, must have come in the Charity, -which brought Weston’s colony, -unless we adopt the improbable supposition -that this “gentleman of -London” embarked in one of the fishing -vessels that visited the Grand -Bank, and took his chance of getting -to Plymouth as he could. Now the -Charity left London the last of April, -1622, and arrived at Plymouth the last -of June. The <ins class="corr" id="tn-80" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'visit to Massassoit'"> -visit to Massasoit</ins> took -place in March, 1623, and after this no -vessel sailed for England till the Anne, -September 10, in which Winslow -went home. Of course this “gentleman -of London,” must have been absent at -least eighteen months, which it is -altogether improbable that Hampden -would have done, running the risk of -not being at home to stand for the -next parliament, to which he -undoubtedly expected to be returned, -as we know he actually was.</p> - -<p>Besides, had this companion of -Winslow been the great English patriot, -the silence of the early Plymouth -writers on the point is unaccountable. -On publishing his “Good News from -New England” immediately on his -arrival in London, in 1624, one object -of which was to recommend the new -colony, how gladly would Winslow -have appealed for the correctness of his -statements to this member of parliament -who had passed more than a year -in their Plantation. How natural too -would it have been for him to have -mentioned the fact in his “Brief -Narration,” published in 1646, only -three years after the death of the illustrious -patriot. Bradford, also, whose -sympathies were all with the popular -party in England, in writing an elaborate -history of the Colony, would not -have failed to record the long residence -among them of one who, at the -time he wrote, had become so distinguished -as the leader of that party in -the House of Commons. That his lost -history contained no such passage we -may be certain; for had it been there, it -must have been quoted either by -Prince or Morton, who make so free -use of it, both of whom too mention -this visit to Massasoit, and who would -not have omitted a circumstance so -honorable to the Colony.</p> - -<p>Again, Winslow’s companion -was “a gentleman of <em>London</em>.” Now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -although John Hampden happened to -be born in London, when his father -was in parliament in 1594, he was -properly of Buckinghamshire. -Winslow, who was himself of -Worcestershire, if he knew who -Hampden was, would not have called -him “a gentleman of <em>London</em>;” and we -cannot suppose that this English gentleman -would have spent so many -months in the Colony without making -himself known to its two leading men, -Winslow and Bradford.</p> - -<p>Equally unfounded is the statement -that has gained so wide a currency -and become incorporated with the -history of those times, and is repeated -in Lord Nugent’s Life of Hampden, -that John Hampden, in company with -Cromwell, Pym, and Hazelrig, had -actually embarked for America on -board a fleet in the Thames, in 1638, -but were detained by an order from the -Privy Council. Miss Aikin, in her -Memoirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was the -first to detect and expose this error of -the historians.—For some of the views -in this note I am indebted to the MS. -suggestions of the learned editor of -Governor Winthrop’s History of New -England.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Probably the same which is now -called Slade’s Ferry, in Swanzey. -Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Conbatant or Corbitant, was the -sachem of Pocasset, and was subject to -Massasoit. See Baylies’ Plymouth, ii. -232.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> A neck of land in the township -of Swanzey, commonly pronounced -Mattapoiset, now Gardner’s neck, situated -between the Shawomet and -Toweset necks. See Belknap’s Am. -Biog. ii. 292, and Baylies’ Plymouth, ii. -232, 234.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> “<em>Sachimmaacommock</em>, a prince’s -house, which, according to their condition, -is far different from the other -house, both in capacity or receipt, and -also the fineness and quality of their -mats.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xxii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> <em>Wetu</em>, or <em>wigwam</em>. See Gallatin’s -Indian Vocabularies, in Am. Antiq. -Soc. Coll. ii. 322.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> “There are among them certain -men and women, whom they call -<em>powows</em>. These are partly wizards and -witches, holding familiarity with -Satan, that evil one; and partly are -physicians, and make use, at least in -show, of herbs and roots for curing the -sick and diseased. These are sent for by -the sick and wounded; and by their -diabolical spells, mutterings, exorcisms, -they seem to do wonders. They -use extraordinary strange motions of -their bodies, insomuch that they will -sweat until they foam; and thus continue -for some hours together, stroking -and hovering over the sick.” Gookin, -in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154.</p> - -<p>“<em>Powaws</em>, priests. These do begin -and order their service and invocation -of their gods, and all the people follow, -and join interchangeably in a laborious -bodily service, unto sweating, especially -of the priest, who spends himself in -strange antic gestures and actions, -even unto fainting. In sickness the -priest comes close to the sick person, -and performs many strange actions -about him, and threatens and conjures -out the sickness. The poor people commonly -die under their hands; for, alas, -they administer nothing, but howl and -roar and hollow over them, and begin<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> -the song to the rest of the people, who -all join like a choir in prayer to their -gods for them.” Roger Williams, in -Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 227, 237.</p> - -<p>“The manner of their action in -their conjuration is thus. The parties -that are sick are brought before them; -the powow sitting down, the rest of the -Indians give attentive audience to his -imprecations and invocations, and -after the violent expression of many a -hideous bellowing and groaning, he -makes a stop, and then all the auditors -with one voice utter a short canto. -Which done, the powow still proceeds -in his invocations, sometimes roaring -like a bear, other times groaning like a -dying horse, foaming at the mouth like -a chafed boar, smiting on his naked -breast and thighs with such violence as -if he were mad. Thus will he continue -sometimes half a day.” Wood’s New -England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. See -also Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 474.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Wood says, ch. 18, “They pronounce -<em>l</em> and <em>r</em> in our English tongue, -with much difficulty, calling a lobster a -nobstan.” Yet Roger Williams states, -that “although some pronounce not <em>l</em> -or <em>r</em>, yet it is the most proper dialect of -other places, contrary to many -reports;” and Eliot, in his Indian -Grammar, says, “These consonants, <em>l</em>, -<em>n</em>, <em>r</em>, have such a natural coincidence, -that it is an eminent variation of their -dialects. We Massachusetts pronounce -the <em>n</em>; the Nipmuk Indians pronounce -<em>l</em>; and the Northern Indians pronounce -<em>r</em>. As instance:</p> - -<p class="pad3"> -We say <em>Anum</em>}<br /> -Nipmuck, <em>Alum</em>} A Dog.”<br /> -Northern, <em>Arum</em>}<br /> -</p> - -<p>See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 248.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> “When they are sick, their misery -appears, that they have not, but -what sometimes they get from the -English, a raisin or currant, or any -physic, fruit, or spice, or any comfort -more than their corn and water, &c. In -which bleeding case, wanting all -means of recovery or present refreshing, -I have been constrained, to and -beyond my power, to refresh them, and -to save many of them from death, who -I am confident perish many millions of -them, in that mighty continent, for -want of means.” Roger Williams, in -Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> The same as <em>pinse</em>. See <a href="#Page_13">page 13</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Sokones, or Succonusset, now -called Falmouth.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Or Agawam, part of Wareham.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Martha’s Vineyard.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> “<em>Maskit</em>, give me some physic.” -Roger Williams’s Key, in R. I. Hist. -Coll. i. 159.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> “<em>Ketan</em> is their good God, to -whom they sacrifice after their garners -be full with a good crop. Upon this -God likewise they invocate for fair -weather, for rain in time of drought, -and for the recovery of their sick.” -Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part -ii. ch. 12.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_5">Chapter 5</a></em> (<em>pp. 40-52</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Morton says, in his New English -Canaan, ch. vii. “There are great store -of oysters in the entrance of all rivers. -They are not round, as those of -England, but excellent fat and all -good. I have seen an oyster bank a -mile in length. Muscles there are infinite -store. I have often gone to -Wessaguseus, where were excellent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -muscles to eat, (for variety,) the fish is -so fat and large.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> The word <em>inclined</em> or <em>disposed</em> -seems to have been accidentally omitted.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Morton says, “this man’s name -was Phinehas Prat, who has penned -the particulars of his perilous journey, -and some other things relating to this -tragedy.” Hubbard states that he was -living in 1677, at the time he was writing -his History of New England. In -1662 the General Court of -Massachusetts, in answer to a petition -of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, -which was accompanied “with a narrative -of the straits and hardships that -the first planters of this Colony underwent -in their endeavours to plant -themselves at Plymouth, and since, -whereof he was one, the Court judgeth -it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, -where it is to be had, not hindering a -plantation.” At the Court held May 3, -1665, it was ordered that land be laid -out for Prat, “in the wilderness on the -east of the Merrimack river, near the -upper end of Nacook [Pennacook?] -brook, on the southeast of it.” Prat -married in 1630, at Plymouth, a -daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson. -His heirs had grants of land in -Abington subsequent to 1672. Drake -says that after long search he has not -been able to discover Prat’s narrative. -It was probably never printed. See -Morton’s Memorial, p. 90; Drake’s -Book of the Indians, b. ii. 35; Mass. -Hist. Coll. xv. 78, xvii. 122.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> The notorious Thomas -Morton, of Merry Mount, in his New -English Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which -was published in 1637, is the first -writer who mentions a ludicrous fable -connected with this execution, -which has been made the occasion of -some reproach on the first planters of -New England. After relating the settlement -of Weston’s colony at -Weymouth, he mentions that one of -them stole the corn of an Indian, and -upon his complaint was brought -before “a parliament of all the people” -to consult what punishment should -be inflicted on him. It was decided -that this offence, which might have -been settled by the gift of a knife or a -string of beads, “was felony, and by -the laws of England, punished with -death; and this must be put in execution, -for an example, and likewise to -appease the salvage. When straightways -one arose, moved as it were with -some compassion, and said he could -not well gainsay the former sentence, -yet he had conceived within the compass -of his brain an embryon, that was -of special consequence to be delivered -and cherished. He said that it -would most aptly serve to pacify the -salvage’s complaint, and save the life -of one that might, if need should be, -stand them in good stead, being -young and strong, fit for resistance -against an enemy, which might come -unexpected, for any thing they knew. -The oration made was like of every -one, and he entreated to proceed to -show the means how this may be performed. -Says he, ‘You all agree that -one must die; and one shall die. This -young man’s clothes we will take off, -and put upon one that is old and -impotent, a sickly person that cannot -escape death; such is the disease on -him confirmed, that die he must. Put<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> -the young man’s clothes on this man, -and let the sick person be hanged in -the other’s stead.’ ‘Amen,’ says one, -and so say many more. And this had -liked to have proved their final sentence; -but that one, with a ravenous -voice, begun to croak and bellow for -revenge, and put by that conclusive -motion, alleging such deceits might -be a means hereafter to exasperate -the minds of the complaining salvages, -and that by his death the salvages -should see their zeal to justice; -and therefore he should die. This was -concluded;” and they “hanged him up -hard by.”</p> - -<p>This story of the unscrupulous -Morton furnished Butler with the -materials out of which he constructed -the following fable in his Hudibras, -part. ii. canto ii. line 409.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indentq">“Our brethren of New England use</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Choice malefactors to excuse,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And hang the guiltless in their stead,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of whom the churches have less need;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">As lately happened. In a town,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">There lived a cobbler and but one,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">That out of doctrine could cut use,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And mend men’s lives as well as shoes.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">This precious brother having slain,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">In times of peace, an Indian,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">(Not out of malice, but mere zeal,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Because he was an infidel,)</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The mighty Tottipotymoy</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Sent to our elders an envoy,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Complaining sorely of the breach</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of league, held forth, by brother Patch,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Against the articles in force</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Between both churches, his and ours;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">For which he craved the saints to render</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Into his hands, or hang the offender.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">But they, maturely having weighed,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">They had no more but him of the trade,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">A man that served them in a double</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Capacity, to teach and cobble,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Resolved to spare him; yet to do</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The Indian Hoghgan Moghgan, too,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Impartial justice, in his stead did</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>It will be observed that Morton -mentions this substitution merely as -the suggestion of an individual, which -was rejected by the company. Even had -it been adopted by them, and carried -into execution, it would not have -implicated the Plymouth people at all, -nor cast the least slur on their characters -or principles. For Weston’s colony -was entirely distinct from theirs, and -composed of a very different set of -men. Their character, as portrayed by -Weston himself, and by Cushman and -Pierce, before they came over, may be -seen in note [35] on page 77, to which the -reader is particularly requested to refer. -Morton himself calls “many of them -lazy persons, that would use no -endeavour to take the benefit of the -country.” As Belknap says, “they were -a set of needy adventurers, intent only -on gaining a subsistence.” They did -not come over from any religious scruples, -or with any religious purpose. -There is no evidence that they had any -church at all; they certainly were not -Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist. of New -England, i. 102, that Weston obtained -a patent under pretence of propagating -the discipline of the Church of -England in America.</p> - -<p>Grahame, i. 198, falls into an -error in attributing this execution to -Gorges’s colony, which settled at the -same place in the autumn of the same<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -year; and Drake, b. ii. 34, errs in saying -that Morton was one of Weston’s company. -Morton did not come over till -March, 1625, in company with -Wollaston, and settled with him not at -Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, -pp. 221, 231. The accurate -Hutchinson, i. 6, should not have -made a fact out of the careless -Hubbard’s supposition, which the latter -mentions as barely “possible.” See -Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Hansel, to use for the first time.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> The same as <em>pinse</em>, on <a href="#Page_13">page 13</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Standish is said to have been a -man of short stature. See Mass. Hist. -Coll. xv. 111, and xviii, 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> When the news of the first -Indians being killed by Standish at -Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, -their pastor, at Leyden, he wrote to the -church at Plymouth, December 19, -1623, “to consider the disposition of -their Captain, who was of a warm temper. -He hoped the Lord had sent him -among them for good, if they used him -right; but he doubted where there was -not wanting that tenderness of the life -of man, made after God’s image, -which was meet;” and he concludes -with saying, “O how happy a thing -had it been that you had converted -some before you killed any!” Prince -adds, “It is to be hoped that Squanto -was converted.” It seems Standish was -not of their church at first, and -Hubbard says he had more of his education -in the school of Mars than in -the school of Christ. Judge Davis -remarks, “These sentiments are honorable -to Mr. Robinson; they indicate -a generous philanthropy, which must -always gain our affection, and should -ever be cherished. Still the transactions -of which the strictures relate, are -defensible. As to Standish, Belknap -places his defence on the rules of duty -imposed by his character, as the military -servant of the Colony. The government, -it is presumed, will be considered -as acting under severe necessity, -and will require no apology if the -reality of the conspiracy be admitted, -of which there can be little doubt. It is -certain that they were fully persuaded -of its existence, and with the terrible -example of the Virginia massacre in -fresh remembrance, they had solemn -duties to discharge. The existence of -the whole settlement was at hazard.” -See Prince, p. 226; Hutchinson’s -Mass. ii. 461; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. -330; Morton’s Memorial, p. 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> His bow.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> To England.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> “Thus this plantation is broken -up in a year; and this is the end of those -who being all able men, had boasted of -their strength and what they would -bring to pass, in comparison of the people -at Plymouth, who had many -women, children, and weak ones with -them; and said at their first arrival, -when they saw the wants at Plymouth, -that they would take another course, -and not fall into such a condition as -this simple people were come to.” -Bradford, in Prince, p. 214, and in -Morton, p. 92.</p> - -<p>“Shortly after Mr. Weston’s people -went to the eastward, he comes -there himself with some of the fishermen, -under another name and disguise -of a blacksmith; where he hears -the ruin of his plantation; and getting -a shallop with a man or two comes on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> -to see how things are; but in a storm is -cast away in the bottom of the bay -between Pascataquak and Merrimak -river, and hardly escapes with his life. -Afterwards he falls into the hands of -the Indians, who pillage him of all he -saved from the sea, and strip him of all -his clothes to his shirt. At length he -gets to Pascataquak, borrows a suit of -clothes, finds means to come to -Plymouth, and desires to borrow some -beaver of us. Notwithstanding our -straits, yet in consideration of his -necessity, we let him have one hundred -and seventy odd pounds of -beaver, with which he goes to the eastward, -stays his small ship and some of -his men, buys provisions and fits himself, -which is the foundation of his -future courses; and yet never repaid us -any thing save reproaches, and -becomes our enemy on all occasions.” -Bradford, in Prince, p. 216.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> “This may excite in some minds -an objection to the humanity of our -forefathers. The reason assigned for it -was that it might prove a terror to others. -In matters of war and public justice, -they observed the customs and -laws of the English nation. As late as -the year 1747, the heads of the lords -who were concerned in the Scots -rebellion were set up over Temple Bar, -the most frequented passage between -London and Westminster.” Belknap’s -Am. Biog. ii. 326.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_6">Chapter 6</a></em> (<em>pp. 53-56</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> The word <em>no</em> appears to be an -error of the press.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> This allotment was only for one -year. In the spring of the next year, -1624, “the people requesting the -Governor to have some land for continuance, -and not by yearly lot, as -before, he gives every person an acre of -land.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 215 and -226. See this latter allotment in -Hazard, i. 100, and in Morton, p. 376.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> “But by the time our corn is -planted, our victuals are spent, not -knowing at night where to have a bit -in the morning, and have neither -bread nor corn for <ins class="corr" id="tn-86" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'three our four'"> -three or four</ins> months together, yet bear our wants -with cheerfulness and rest on -Providence. Having but one boat left, -we divide the men into several companies, -six or seven in each; who take -their turns to go out with a net and fish, -and return not till they get some, -though they be five or six days out; -knowing there is nothing at home, and -to return empty would be a great discouragement. -When they stay long or -get but little, the rest go a digging shellfish; -and thus we live the summer; only -sending one or two to range the woods -for deer, they now and then get one, -which we divide among the company; -and in the winter are helped with fowl -and ground-nuts.” Bradford, in Prince, -p. 216.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> “At length we receive letters -from the adventurers in England of -December 22 and April 9 last, wherein -they say, ‘It rejoiceth us much to hear -those good reports that divers have -brought home of you;’ and give an -account, that last fall, a ship, the -Paragon, sailed from London with passengers, -for New Plymouth; being fitted -out by Mr. John Pierce, in whose -name our first patent was taken, his -name being only used in trust; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -when he saw we were here hopefully -seated, and by the success God gave us, -had obtained favor with the Council -for New England, he gets another -patent of a larger extent, meaning to -keep it to himself, allow us only what -he pleased, hold us as his tenants and -sue to his courts as chief lord. But -meeting with tempestuous storms in -the Downs, the ship is so bruised and -leaky that in fourteen days she -returned to London, was forced to be -put into the dock, £100 laid out to -mend her, and lay six or seven weeks to -December 22, before she sailed a second -time; but being half way over, met -with extreme tempestuous weather -about the middle of February which -held fourteen days, beat off the round -house with all her upper works, obliged -them to cut her mast and return to -Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, -with Mr. Pierce himself. Upon which -great and repeated loss and disappointment, -he is prevailed upon for £500 to -resign his patent to the Company, -which cost him but £50; and the goods -with charge of passengers in this ship -cost the Company £640, for which -they were forced to hire another ship, -namely, the Anne, of 140 tons, to -transport them, namely 60 passengers -with 60 tons of goods, hoping to sail by -the end of April.” Bradford, in Prince, -pp. 217, 218.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> This is the last time that -Hobbamock’s name occurs in the history -of the Colony. His services to the -infant settlement had been very -important, and in the allotment of the -land in 1624, mention is made of -“Hobbamock’s ground.” In New -England’s First Fruits, published in -London in 1643, he is described as follows: -“As he increased in knowledge, -so in affection, and also in his practice, -reforming and conforming himself -accordingly; and though he was much -tempted by enticements, scoffs, and -scorns from the Indians, yet could he -never be gotten from the English, nor -from seeking after their God, but died -amongst them, leaving some good -hopes in their hearts that his soul went -to rest.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> David Thomson was sent over -by Gorges and Mason in the spring of -1623, and commenced a settlement at -a place called Little Harbour, on the -west side of Piscataqua river, near its -mouth. Christopher Levett says he -stayed a month at Thomsons plantation -in 1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or -later, out of dislike of the place or his -employers, Thomson removed to -Boston harbour, and took possession of -“a fruitful island and very desirable -neck of land,” which were afterwards -confirmed to him or his heirs by the -government of Massachusetts. This -neck of land was Squantum, in -Quincy, and the island which is very -near it, has ever since been called by -his name. It is now the seat of the Farm -School. Compare Savage’s Winthrop, -i. 44, with Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. -Coll. xv. 105; and see Adams’s Annals -of Portsmouth, p. 10, and Levett’s voyage -into New-England, in Mass. Hist. -Coll. xxviii. 164.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> So called after himself, by -Captain John Smith, who discovered -them in 1614. He thus describes them: -“Smyth’s Isles are a heap together, -none near them, against Accominticus.” -They are eight in number, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -are now called the Isles of Shoals. See a -description and historical account of -them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242-262; -xxvi. 120.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> “Governor Bradford gives no -hint of this third repulse.” Prince, p. -219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> The following is an alphabetical -list of those who came over in the -Anne and Little James.</p> - -<p class="pad2"> -Anthony Annable,<br /> -Edward Bangs,<br /> -Robert Bartlett,<br /> -Fear Brewster,<br /> -Patience Brewster,<br /> -Mary Bucket,<br /> -Edward Butcher,<br /> -Thomas Clark,<br /> -Christopher Conant,<br /> -Cuthbert Cuthbertson,<br /> -Anthony Dix,<br /> -John Faunce,<br /> -Manasseh Faunce,<br /> -Goodwife Flavell,<br /> -Edmund Flood,<br /> -Bridget Fuller,<br /> -Timothy Hatherly,<br /> -William Heard,<br /> -Margaret Hickes, and her children,<br /> -William Hilton’s wife and two children,<br /> -Edward Holman,<br /> -John Jenny,<br /> -Robert Long,<br /> -Experience Mitchell,<br /> -George Morton,<br /> -Thomas Morton, jr.<br /> -Ellen Newton,<br /> -John Oldham,<br /> -Frances Palmer,<br /> -Christian Penn,<br /> -Mr. Perce’s two servants,<br /> -Joshua Pratt,<br /> -James Rand,<br /> -Robert Rattliffe,<br /> -Nicholas Snow,<br /> -Alice Southworth,<br /> -Francis Sprague,<br /> -Barbara Standish,<br /> -Thomas Tilden,<br /> -Stephen Tracy,<br /> -Ralph Wallen.<br /> -</p> - -<p>This list, as well as that of the -passengers in the Fortune, is obtained -from the record of the allotment of -lands, in 1624, which may be found in -Hazard’s State Papers, i. 101-103, -and in the Appendix to Morton’s -Memorial, pp. 377-380. In that list, -however, Francis Cooke’s and Richard -Warren’s names are repeated, -although they came in the Mayflower; -probably because their wives and children -came in the Anne, and therefore -an additional grant of land was made -to them. Many others brought their -families in this ship; and Bradford says -that “some were the wives and children -of such who came before.”</p> - -<p>Fear and Patience Brewster were -daughters of Elder Brewster. John -Faunce married Patience, daughter of -George Morton, and was father of the -venerable Elder Faunce. Thomas -Clark’s gravestone is one of the oldest -on the Burial hill in Plymouth. -Francis Cooke’s wife, Hester, was a -Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbertson -was a Dutchman, as we learn from -Winslow’s Brief Narration. Anthony -Dix is mentioned in Winthrop, i. -287. Goodwife Flavell was probably -the wife of Thomas, who came in the -Fortune, and Bridget Fuller was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -wife of Samuel, the physician. -Timothy Hatherly went to England -the next winter, and did not return -till 1632; he settled in Scituate. -Margaret Hicks, was the wife of -Robert, who came in the Fortune. -William Hilton had sent for his wife -and children. George Morton -brought his son, Nathaniel, the secretary, -and four other children. Thomas -Morton, jr. was probably the son of -Thomas, who came in the Fortune. -John Oldham afterwards became -notorious in the history of the -Colony. Frances Palmer was the wife -of William, who came in the Fortune. -Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land -assigned him among those who came -in the Anne; but he was undoubtedly -one of Weston’s colony, as appears -from page 44. Barbara Standish was -the Captain’s second wife, whom he -married after the arrival of the Anne. -Her maiden name is unknown.</p> - -<p>Annable afterwards settled in -Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and -Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in -Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. -John Jenny was a brewer, and in 1636 -had “liberty to erect a mill for grinding -and beating of corn upon the brook of -Plymouth.”</p> - -<p>Those who came in the first -three ships, the Mayflower, the -Fortune, and the Anne, are distinctively -called the <em>old comers</em>, or the <em>forefathers</em>. -For further particulars concerning -them, see Farmer’s -Genealogical Register, Mitchell’s -Bridgewater, and Deane’s Scituate.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> “Of 140 tons, Mr. William -Pierce, master.” Bradford, in Prince, -pp. 218 and 220.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> “Being laden with clapboards, -and all the beaver and other furs we -have; with whom we send Mr. -Winslow, to inform how things are -and procure what we want.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 221.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> “A fine new vessel of 44 tons -Mr. Bridges, master.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 220.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> “They bring about 60 persons, -some being very useful and become -good members of the body; of whom -the principal are Mr. Timothy -Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, -who came in the Anne, and Mr. John -Jenny, who came in the James. Some -were the wives and children of such -who came before; and some others are -so bad we are forced to be at the -charge to send them home next year.</p> - -<p>“By this ship R. C. [i.e. doubtless -Mr. Cushman, their agent,] writes, -‘Some few of your old friends are come; -they come dropping to you, and by -degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy -them all, &c.’</p> - -<p>“From the general, [that is, the -joint concern, the company] subscribed -by thirteen, we have also a letter -wherein they say, ‘Let it not be -grievous to you, that you have been -instruments to break the ice for others -who come after with less difficulty; -the honor shall be yours to the world’s -end. We bear you always in our -breasts, and our hearty affection is -towards you all, as are the hearts of -hundreds more which never saw your -faces, who doubtless pray your safety -as their own.’</p> - -<p>“When these passengers see our -poor and low condition ashore, they -are much dismayed and full of sadness;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -only our old friends rejoice to see us, -and that it is no worse, and now hope -we shall enjoy better days together. -The best dish we could present them -with, is a lobster, or piece of fish, without -bread, or any thing else but a cup -of fair spring water; and the long continuance -of this diet, with our labors -abroad, has somewhat abated the -freshness of our complexion; but God -gives us health, &c.</p> - -<p>“August 11. The fourth marriage -is of Governor Bradford to Mrs. Alice -Southworth, widow.” Bradford, in -Prince, pp. 220, 221. Her maiden -name was Carpenter, as appears from -the following entry in the records of -the Plymouth Church: “1667. Mary -Carpenter, (sister of Mrs. Alice -Bradford, the wife of Governor -Bradford,) a member of the church at -Duxbury, died in Plymouth, March -19-20, being newly entered into the -91st year of her age. She was a godly -old maid, never married.”</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_7">Chapter 7</a></em> (<em>pp. 57-66</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> The meaning of the word -Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to -antiquity; for <em>Chise</em> is an old man, and -<em>Kichchise</em> a man that exceedeth in age.—<cite>Winslow’s -Note.</cite></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> “They relate how they have it -from their fathers, that Kautantowwit -made one man and woman of a stone, -which disliking he broke them in -pieces, and made another man and -woman of a tree, which were the fountains -of all mankind.” Roger -Williams’s Key, ch. xxi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> “<em>Kautantowwit</em>, the great southwest -God, to whose house all souls go, -and from whom came their corn and -beans, as they say. They believe that -the souls of men and women go to the -southwest; their great and good men -and women to Kautantowwit’s house, -where they have hopes, as the Turks -have, of carnal joys; murtherers, -thieves and liars, their souls, say they, -wander restless abroad.” Williams’s -Key, ch. xxi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Wood, in his New England’s -Prospect, ch. xix. spells this word -<em>Abamacho</em>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> See <a href="#Page_33">page 33</a>, <a href="#Footnote_76">note [76]</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> See <a href="#Page_13">pages 13</a> and <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Or centaury—probably the <i>sabbatia -chloroides</i>, a plant conspicuous for -its beauty, which is found in great -abundance on the margin of the -ponds in Plymouth. It belongs to the -natural order of Gentians, one characteristic -of which is an intense bitterness, -residing both in the stems and -roots. The <i>gentiana crinita</i>, or fringed -gentian, also grows in this region. See -Bigelows Plants of Boston, pp. 79 and -111.</p> - -<p>“The greater centaury is that -famous herb wherewith Chiron the -<em>centaur</em> (as the report goeth) was -cured at what time as having entertained -Hercules in his cabin, he would -needs be handling and tampering -with the weapons of his said guest so -long until one of the arrows light upon -his foot and wounded him dangerously.” -Hollands Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> “Their government is generally -monarchical, their chief sagamore or -sachem’s will being their law; but yet -the sachem hath some chief men that -he consults with as his special counsellors. -Among some of the Indians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -their government is mixed, partly -monarchical and partly aristocratical; -their sagamore doing not any weighty -matter without the consent of his -great men or petty sagamores. Their -sachems have not their men in such -subjection but that very frequently -their men will leave them upon distaste -or harsh dealing, and go and live -under other sachems that can protect -them; so that their princes endeavour -to carry it obligingly and lovingly -unto their people, lest they should -desert them, and thereby their -strength, power and tribute would be -diminished.” Gookin in Mass. Hist. -Coll. i. 154.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> See <a href="#Page_31">page 31</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> “Upon the death of the sick, -the father, or husband, and all his -neighbours wear black faces, and lay -on soot very thick, which I have often -seen clotted with their tears. This -blacking and lamenting they observe -in most doleful manner divers weeks -and months, yea a year, if the person -be great and public.—When they -come to the grave, they lay the dead -by the grave’s mouth, and then all sit -down, and lament, that I have seen -tears run down the cheeks of stoutest -captains in abundance; and after the -dead is laid in the grave, they have -then a second lamentation.” Roger -Williams’s Key, ch. xxxii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> See <a href="#Footnote_54">note [54]</a> on <a href="#Page_25">page 25</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> See <a href="#Page_26">page 26</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> “The most usual custom -amongst them in executing punishments, -is for the sachim either to beat -or whip or put to death with his own -hand, to which the common sort most -quietly submit; though sometimes the -sachim sends a secret executioner, one -of his chiefest warriors, to fetch off a -head by some sudden, unexpected -blow of a hatchet, when they have -feared mutiny by public execution.” -Roger Williamss Key, ch. xxii. See -also <a href="#Page_15">page 15</a> previous.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> “<em>Mosk</em> or <em>paukunawaw</em>, the -Great Bear, or Charles’s Wain; which -words mosk or paukunawaw signifies a -bear; which is so much the more -observable, because in most languages -that sign or constellation is called the -Bear.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> “Their powows, by their exorcisms, -and necromantic charms, bring -to pass strange things, if we may -believe the Indians; who report of one -Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon -Merrimack river, and the most celebrated -powow in the country, that he -can make the water burn, the rocks -move, the trees dance, and metamorphize -himself into a flaming man. In -winter, when there are no green -leaves to be got, he will burn an old -one to ashes, and putting these into -the water, produce a new green leaf, -which you shall not only see, but substantially -handle and carry away; and -make a dead snake’s skin a living -snake, both to be seen, felt, and -heard.” Wood’s New England’s -Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; Hutchinson’s -Mass. i. 474; Morton’s New English -Canaan, book i. ch. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> “There is a mixture of this language -north and south, from the place -of my abode, about 600 miles; yet -within the 200 miles aforementioned, -their dialects do exceedingly differ; -yet not so but, within that compass, a -man may converse with thousands of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -natives all over the country.” Roger -Williams’s Key, Pref.</p> - -<p>“The Indians of the parts of New -England, especially upon the sea-coasts, -use the same sort of speech and -language, only with some difference -in the expressions, as they differ in -several counties in England, yet so as -they can well understand one another.” -Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. -149.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#Chapter_8">Chapter 8</a></em> (<em>pp. 67-71</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> In September 1609, Hudson -ascended the “great river of the -mountains,” now called by his name, -in a small vessel called the Half-Moon, -above the city of Hudson, and -sent up a boat beyond Albany. -Josselyn says, that Hudson “discovered -<em>Mohegan</em> river, in New England.” -See Robert Juet’s Journal of Hudson’s -third voyage, in Purchas, iii. 593, and -in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 139, 140, and 2d -series, i. 317-332; Moulton’s Hist. of -New York, 213, 244-249; Mass. Hist. -Coll. xxiii. 372; Belknap’s Am. Biog. -i. 400.</p> - -</div> - - -<p class="center"><em><a href="#POSTSCRIPT">Postscript</a></em> (<em>p. 72</em>)</p> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> The former of the works here -referred to is reprinted in the Mass. -Hist. Coll. xix. 1-25; the latter has -been reprinted by Applewood Books -as <cite>Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the -Pilgrims at Plymouth</cite>.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<div class="transnote"> -<a name="TN" id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>The term ‘salvage’ is used many times, almost as often as ‘savage’; -this archaic spelling has been left unchanged.</p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#tn-fm">Frontmatter</a>: Iohn Bellamie’ replaced by ‘John Bellamie’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-8">Pg 8</a>: ‘not kowing what’ replaced by ‘not knowing what’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-13">Pg 13</a>: ‘no to undertake’ replaced by ‘not to undertake’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-65">Pg 65</a>: ‘for a many to cry’ replaced by ‘for a man to cry’.<br /> -<br /> -Footnotes<br /> -<a href="#tn-76">Pg 76 Fn [21]</a>: ‘Thacher’s Plymouth’ replaced by ‘Thatcher’s Plymouth’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-80">Pg 80 Fn [70]</a>: ‘visit to Massassoit’ replaced by ‘visit to Massasoit’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-86">Pg 86 Fn [99]</a>: ‘three our four’ replaced by ‘three or four’.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. -</div> - -<div style='margin:0.83em 0; font-size:1.1em; text-align:center'>START: FULL LICENSE<br /> -<span style='font-size:smaller'>THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE<br /> -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</span> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person -or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when -you share it without charge with others. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: -</div> - -<blockquote> - <div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most - other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions - whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms - of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online - at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this eBook. - </div> -</blockquote> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format -other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain -Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -provided that: -</div> - -<div style='margin-left:0.7em;'> - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation.” - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ - works. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - </div> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/donate/">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. -</div> - -</div> - -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/66332-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/66332-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index bf3c694..0000000 --- a/old/66332-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/66332-h/images/orig_page.jpg b/old/66332-h/images/orig_page.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4b78646..0000000 --- a/old/66332-h/images/orig_page.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/66332-h/images/plimap.jpg b/old/66332-h/images/plimap.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a638e2b..0000000 --- a/old/66332-h/images/plimap.jpg +++ /dev/null |
