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diff --git a/old/66332-0.txt b/old/66332-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c932a2c..0000000 --- a/old/66332-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4049 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Good Newes from New England, by Edward -Winslow - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Good Newes from New England - A true relation of things very remarkable at the plantation of - plimoth in New England - -Author: Edward Winslow - -Editor: Alexander Young - -Release Date: September 17, 2021 [eBook #66332] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND *** - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - This book was published in 1841, and is a reprint of the original book - by Edward Winslow published in 1624, with many footnotes added by the - 1841 editor. The editor has occasionally inserted in brackets [] a - word missing from the 1624 text, for example [which] on page 9. - - The footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes remain - at the end of the main text, as they were in the original (1841) book. - They have been renumbered from 1 to 127. Some references to a ‘note’ - have therefore been renumbered accordingly, for example the reference - to ‘note 2 on page 77’ has been changed to ‘note [35] on page 77’. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Some other minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - “GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND: or a true Relation of things very - remarkable at the Plantation of _Plimoth_ in New-England. - - Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of GOD, in their - preservation and continuance, being delivered from many apparent - deaths and dangers. - - Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and - Customes, as are in practise amongst the _Indians_, adjoyning to - them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be raysed - for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said - Country. - - Written by _E. W._ who hath borne a part in the forenamed - troubles, and there lived since their first Arrivall. - - Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible - intelligence of the present Estate of _Virginia_. - - LONDON. Printed by _I. D._ for _William Bladen_ and _John - Bellamie_, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the _Bible_ in - _Paul’s_ Churchyard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, - neere the _Royall Exchange_. 1624.” pp. 66, sm. 4to. - - -[Illustration: Map of Plymouth from Young’s _Chronicles_] - - - - -DEDICATION - -_To all well-willers and furtherers of Plantations in New England, -especially to such as ever have or desire to assist the people of -Plymouth in their just proceedings, grace and peace be multiplied._ - - - RIGHT HONORABLE AND WORSHIPFUL - GENTLEMEN, OR WHATSOEVER, - -Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of -his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his -Majesty’s dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so healthful -and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the church of God -being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing -the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the true -knowledge and worship of the living God, and so consequently the -salvation of their souls by the merits of Jesus Christ, than -elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely -prosecuted,--I therefore think it but my duty to offer the view -of our proceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that -end composed them together thus briefly, as you see; wherein, to -your great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of -God working with you in our preservation from so many dangerous -plots and treacheries as have been intended against us, as also -in giving his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had, -enabling us with health and ability beyond expectation in our -greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages -with astonishment and fear of us; whereas if God had let them -loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a -handful in comparison of those forces they might have gathered -together against us; which now, by God’s blessing, will be more -hard and difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our -town better fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed -therefore be his name, that hath done so great things for us and -hath wrought so great a change amongst us. - -Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness, -and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be not -discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged with -us, hoping that God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this -worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us -accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect -not the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to -some of you[1] than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the -brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God’s -mercy, we are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means -a great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for -the same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon -it. - -Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as I may term it, -of plantations. - -1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly -taketh a principal seat in the heart and affection, though God’s -glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation. - -2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to -make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to -maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft -punisheth with contempt. - -3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of men -unto them, not caring how they be qualified; so that ofttimes -they are rather the image of men endued with bestial, yea, -diabolical affections, than the image of God, endued with reason, -understanding, and holiness. I praise God I speak not these things -experimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, but -having great cause on the contrary part to be thankful to God for -his mercies towards us; but rather, if there be any too desirous of -gain, to entreat them to moderate their affections, and consider -that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be grown; advising all -men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice of -such to manage and govern their affairs, as are approved not to be -seekers of themselves, but the common good of all for whom they are -employed; and beseeching such as have the care of transporting men -for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly careful -in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action. -There is no godly, honest man but will be helpful in his kind, -and adorn his profession with an upright life and conversation; -which doctrine of manners[2] ought first to be preached by giving -good example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom they live. -On the contrary part, what great offence hath been given by many -profane men, who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ and -Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, and so -laid a stumbling-block before them. But woe be to them by whom such -offences come. - -These things I offer to your Christian considerations, beseeching -you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in -good part this ensuing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore -unto your service; beseeching God to crown our Christian and -faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal. - - Yours in this service, - Ever to be commanded, - E. W.[3] - - - - -TO THE READER. - - -GOOD READER, - -When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for -the satisfaction of my private friends; but since that time have -been persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a -disorderly colony[4] that are dispersed, and most of them returned, -to the great prejudice and damage of him[5] that set them forth; -who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect -of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be -feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous -reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle -courses. I would not be understood to think there were no well -deserving persons amongst them; for of mine knowledge it was a -grief to some that they were so yoked; whose deserts, as they were -then suitable to their honest protestations, so I desire still may -be in respect of their just and true Relations. - -Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so plainly, than -any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation; yea, it may be, tax -me therewith, as seeming rather to discourage men than any way to -further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discouraged, I -am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause; and am so far from -being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.[6] And -for other light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my -desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where -they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task. - -Some faults have escaped because I could not attend on the -press,[7] which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall -account it as a favor unto me. - - Thine, - E. W. - - - - -_Chapter 1_ - -A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE -OF VIRGINIA. - - -At the earnest entreaty of some of my much respected friends, I -have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as -were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September -last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because -men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their affairs, -being we are so far distant, I will therefore satisfy the doubtful -therein. Captain Francis West[8] being in New England about the -latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and -returned in August. In September the same ship and company being -discharged by him at Damarin’s Cove,[9] came to New Plymouth, -where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia since -that bloody slaughter committed by the Indians upon our friends -and countrymen,[10] the whole ship’s company agreed in this, -viz. that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro, -insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for -the present would not admit of any; that Sir George Early, &c. was -at that present employed upon service against them; that amongst -many other, Opachancano,[11] the chief emperor, was supposed to -be slain; his son also was killed at the same time. And though, -by reason of these forenamed broils in the fore part of the year, -the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God’s -mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as -good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the hopes -of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn; so that the -planters were never more full of encouragement; which I pray God -long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory -may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for -his mercy’s sake. Amen. - - - - -_Chapter 2_ - -OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND -VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. - - -[Sidenote: 1622] - -The good ship called the FORTUNE, which, in the month of November, -1621, (blessed be God,) brought us a new supply of thirty-five -persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of -Nanohigganset,[12] which are reported to be many thousands strong, -began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding -their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer; -insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides -was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a -man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than -before our supply came. But though none of them were present, yet -understanding by others that they neither brought arms, nor other -provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them -to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.[13] At -length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,[14] their -chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly -Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, -who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and -leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake’s -skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not -knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it -with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custody of -Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so -often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, -at his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity with -the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could learn any thing from -him; whose answer was sparingly to this effect, that he could not -certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us. - -[Sidenote: _Jan. 1622_] - -That night Captain Standish gave me and another[15] charge of him, -and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want -any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire -of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify -that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom. -At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing; -but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger -which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return -persuaded him rather to war; and to the end he might provoke him -thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of -the things [which] were sent him by or Governor, scorning the -meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, -and also of the greatness of his own person; so that he much blamed -the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his -false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that -upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he -would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and -his Assistant[16] and Captain Standish, who, after consultation, -considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger; and it -being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe -to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty; the Governor -giving him order to certify his master that he had heard of his -large and many threatenings, at which he was much offended; daring -him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled -to live peaceably, as other his neighbours; manifesting withal -(as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolution, if he -could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be -offered him; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and -giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian -again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to -persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, -and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in -such extremity. - -After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were -delivered, and the manner of the messenger’s carriage related, -he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake’s skin -in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a -challenge.[17] Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor -stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning -no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now -present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of -his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us; yet -withal showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked -for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such -sort, as it was no small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he -would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in -his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another -took it up; and having been posted from place to place a long time, -at length came whole back again. - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1622_] - -In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our -high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to -all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our -arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town; which with all -expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few -days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated; -making four bulwarks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of -the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town; in three -whereof are gates,[18] and the fourth in time to be. This being -done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or -companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of -each; and, at a general muster of training,[19] appointed each his -place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm, -to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his -absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according -to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for -defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which -they brought their new commanders to their houses, where again they -graced them with their shot, and so departed. - -Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage -by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain company, -that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, -should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose the -house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with -their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in -that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this -guard, they were then freed from it; but not otherwise, without -special command. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1622_] - -Long before this time we promised the people of Massachusets, in -the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their -furs; which being then come, we began to make preparation for -that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who -still lived in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets -or Massachuseucks (for so they called the people of that place,) -were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of -Nanohigganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity -to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad; but, howsoever, -in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks -would assault the town at home; giving many reasons for his -jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, -we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our -shallops to the Indians’ houses, for their better advantage. To -confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages that -passed between him and others, having their meetings ordinarily -abroad, in the woods; but if at home, howsoever, he was excluded -from their secrecy; saying it was the manner of the Indians, when -they meant plainly, to deal openly; but in this his practice there -was no show of honesty. - -Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assistant and Captain -Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet -for advice in so weighty a business; who, after consideration -hereof, came to this resolution; that as hitherto, upon all -occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested undaunted -courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety -to mew up ourselves in our new-enclosed town; partly because our -store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily -food, without which we could not long subsist; but especially -for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged -to prosecute their malicious purposes with more eagerness than -ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of -God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and -weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed -in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go -the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home -and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty; -whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so -we had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in -our preservation and continuance, where we desired rather to be -instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give them the -least measure of just offence. - -[Sidenote: _April. 1622_] - -All things being now in readiness, the forenamed Captain, with ten -men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamock, set forwards for -the Massachusets. But we[20] had no sooner turned the point of the -harbour, called the Gurnet’s Nose,[21] (where, being becalmed, we -let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row,) -but there came an Indian of Tisquantum’s family running to certain -of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his -face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to -them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had -him in chase; saying that at Namaschet (a town some fifteen miles -from us,) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat[22] -our supposed friend, and Conbatant,[23] our feared enemy, with -many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present -opportunity to assault the town in the Captain’s absence; affirming -that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, -and by sleight escaped; looking oft backward, as if he suspected -them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor; -whereupon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance should be -made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of -hearing, we might return thereat; which we no sooner heard, but -we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, -and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the harbour, -we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with -all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock -said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat’s -faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken -any such act without his privity, himself being a pinse,[24] that -is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valor; it being the -manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the -advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor -answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions -of war should arise between him and any [of] the savages, but -especially Massassowat; not that he feared him more than the rest, -but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto -Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust -him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections. - -But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor -caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick, -the chief place of Massassowat’s residence, (pretending other -occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right -state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things -quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] -told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by them called -Patuxet;) which, when he understood, he was much offended at the -carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Governor for -his good thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their -first Articles of Peace, he would send word and give warning when -any such business was towards. - -Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were -only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means -of his nearness and favor with us; not caring who fell, so he -stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could -lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the -Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended -shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, -to work their peace; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem -than many of their sachims; yea, they themselves sought to him, who -promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so -as they would resort to him; so that whereas divers were wont to -rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to this abode, now -they began to leave him and seek after Tisquantum. Now, though he -could not make good these his large promises, especially because of -the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised -this false alarm; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of -blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby -he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched; -and hoping if that block were once removed, there were not other -between him and honor, which he loved as his life, and preferred -before his peace. For these and the like abuses the Governor -sharply reproved him; yet was he so necessary and profitable an -instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we -understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our -ignorance and innocency therein; assuring them, till they begun -with us, they should have no cause to fear; and if any hereafter -should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and -seekers of their and our disturbance; which gave the Indians good -satisfaction on all sides. - -[Sidenote: _May. 1622_] - -After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets; where -we had good store of trade,[25] and (blessed be God) returned in -safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and -extremity of weather. - -At our return we found Massassowat at the Plantation; who made his -seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being -much offended and enraged against Tisquantum; whom the Governor -pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after -his departure, he sent a messenger to the Governor, entreating him -to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. -But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in -respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare -him; and the rather, because without him he knew not well how to -understand himself or any other the Indians. With this answer the -messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with -divers others, demanding him from[26] Massassowat, their master, as -being one of his subjects, whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we -could not retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it without -the Governor’s approbation, offered him many beavers’ skins for -his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their -sachim had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off -his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor -answered, It was not the manner of the English to sell men’s lives -at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give -them their reward; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift; -but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet -offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author -and worker of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to -be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant -when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his -executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and -fall behind a headland[27] not far off. Whereupon, having heard -many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any -combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the -Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver -them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at -delay, they departed in great heat. - -Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this -Tisquantum; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with -the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told -them we had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our -pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and -destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, -upon the forenamed brabbles,[28] sent for by the Governor to this -place, where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being -broke in the midst of the house, whereunder certain barrels of -powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what -it meant. To whom he readily answered, That was the place wherein -the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. -After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whether such a thing -were, and whether we had such command of it; who answered, No; but -the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his -pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies. - -This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622; at which -time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long -before with a bare and short allowance. The reason was, that -supply of men, before mentioned,[29] which came so unprovided, -not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole -company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship’s store -homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be -blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were -too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we -enjoyed.[30] But that I may return. - -[Sidenote; _June. 1622_] - -This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a fishing -ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, -late merchant and citizen of London, which brought six or seven -passengers at his charge, that should before have been landed at -our Plantation;[31] who also brought no more provision for the -present than served the boat’s gang for their return to the ship; -which made her voyage at a place called Damarin’s Cove,[32] near -Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward; about which -place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself -was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals -as the ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment and good -respect, with a willingness to supply our wants. But being not able -to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of -some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would -not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely, -wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure -have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for -which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their -abilities; which, although it were not much amongst so many people -as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet -care of the governors, recovered and preserved strength till our -own crop on the ground was ready. - -Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, -where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than when I left -it; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof -much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. -But here it may be said, if the country abound with fish and fowl -in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure -of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer, every -thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith, -will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries; so he -that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his -expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the -beginning of October to the end of March; but these extremities -befell us in May and June. I confess, that as the fowl decrease, -so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a -great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks -were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong -seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through, -and carried all away before them. And though the sea were full of -cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And -indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shellfish -are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished, -unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for our -preservation. - -In the time of these straits, indeed before my going to Munhiggen, -the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, -glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere -long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and -neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned -further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill -called the Mount,[33] enclosed within our pale, under which our -town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon; from whence -a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians -can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. -This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation -of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual -guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from -having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it -took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, -life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead -thereof for our further preservation. - - - - -_Chapter 3_ - -OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON’S COLONY AT WESSAGUSSET, AND OF -SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN. - - -[Sidenote: _July. 1622_] - -In the end June or beginning of July, came into our harbour two -ships of Master Weston’s aforesaid; the one called the Charity,[34] -the other the Swan; having in them some fifty or sixty men, sent -over at his own charge to plant for him.[35] These we received into -our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition -could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them, -having many passengers which she was to land in Virginia. In the -mean time the body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst -some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of -corn we had was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest -walking of these strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem -to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not day and -night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to -taste, though green and unprofitable; and though they received much -kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the -love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the -chief of them being forestalled and made against us before then -came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master’s sake, -who formerly had deserved well from us, we continued to do them -whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things -to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when -God in his providence would disburden us of them, sorrowing that -their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their -places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and -unconscionable beginnings. - -At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment -a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets[36] -at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset.[37] To which place -the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still -with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor’s permission, -though on their parts undeserved; whom our surgeon,[38] by the -help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as -occasion served. - -They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears -with clamors against them, for stealing their corn, and other -abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the -same men,[39] in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading -Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor -to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons -how it might be commodious for us. Be we knew no means to redress -those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as -occasion served. - -[Sidenote: _Aug. 1622_] - -In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The -one, as I take it, was called the Discovery, Captain Jones[40] -having the command thereof; the other was that ship of Mr. -Weston’s, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of -fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for -Virginia.[41] Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such -provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare; who, as he -used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And -had not the Almighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him -to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or -after was; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year -following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner -of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by -trade; but, through God’s good mercy towards us, he had wherewith, -and did supply our wants on that kind competently.[42] - -[Sidenote: _Oct. 1622_] - -In the end of September, or beginning of October, Mr. Weston’s -biggest ship, called the Charity, returned for England, and left -their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit -amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with -his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired -to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn; to which our -Governor and his Assistant[43] agreed, upon such equal conditions, -as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief -places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod; and the more, -because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with -Massassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still -hoped, passage within the shoals. - -[Sidenote: _Nov. 1622_] - -Both colonies being thus agreed, and their companies fitted and -joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed -in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law -to master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and -government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom -we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could. -Afterward, having further order to proceed by letter from their -other Governor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set -forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent -winds; himself the second time being sick of a violent fever. By -reason whereof (our own wants being like to be now greater than -formerly, partly because we were enforced to neglect our corn and -spend much time in fortification, but especially because such -havock was made of that little we had, through the unjust and -dishonest carriage of those people, before mentioned, at our first -entertainment of them,) our Governor in his own person supplied the -Captain’s place; and, in the month of November, again set forth, -having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot; who affirmed he -had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English -and French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master -of the ship saw no hope of passage; but being, as he thought, in -danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum’s directions, made for -a harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke; which -they found, and sounding it with their shallop, found the channel, -though but narrow and crooked; where at length they harboured the -ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more -violence at some other place more southerly,[44] which they had not -seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season -all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof -might be beyond the shoals; but there is no certainty thereof as -yet known. - -That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum -for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played -least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there -before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came -to them, welcoming our Governor according to their savage manner; -refreshing them very well with store of venison and other victuals, -which they brought them in great abundance; promising to trade with -them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was -mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices; for -at first they were loth their dwellings should be known; but when -they saw our Governor’s resolution to stay on the shore all night, -they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their -stuff to a remote place, not far from the same; which one of our -men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, -neither it nor they could be found; and so many times after, upon -conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But -being afterwards, by Tisquantum’s means better persuaded, they -left their jealousy, and traded with them; where they got eight -hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This -gave our Governor and the company good encouragement; Tisquantum -being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming -they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals -aforesaid. - -But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet -God had otherways disposed; who struck Tisquantum with sickness, -insomuch as he there died;[45] which crossed their southward -trading, and the more, because the master’s sufficiency was much -doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon -discovery, having no guide to direct them. - -From thence they departed; and the wind being fair for the -Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because the savages, -upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised -not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a -great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the plague, -if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor, -against the other plantation seated by them, for their injurious -walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was overthrown -in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used -to do for a beaver’s skin; so that little good could be there done. - -From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod, -to a place called Nauset; where the sachim[46] used the Governor -very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn -and beans; also at a place called Mattachiest,[47] where they had -like kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their -trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms, -as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away; so -that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they had -bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues -from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no -carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in -her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round -stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge, to cover it; and gave charge -to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next -to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it; which he -undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, -according to the Governor’s request, the sachim sent men to seek -the shallop; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water -mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for -the present; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge, -that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch -both it and the corn; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he -would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship, which -they so much made show of; but if they were, they should certainly -smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good -whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest, -and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the ship and take -his journey home by land with our own company, sending word to -the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for -Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, to meet -them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty -miles to our Plantation,[48] set forward, receiving all respect -that could be from the Indians in his journey; and came safely -home, though weary and surbated;[49] whither some three days after -the ship[50] also came. - -The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston’s company -went to their own plantation; it being further agreed, that they -should return with all convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, -that they might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. - -[Sidenote: _Jan. 1623_] - -At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered and in health, -took another shallop, and went with them to the corn, which they -found in safety as they left it. Also they mended the other -shallop, and got all their corn aboard the ship. This was in -January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy; insomuch as, -(the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained to cut -both the shallops from the ship’s stern; and so lost them both a -second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, they found -them both, not having received any great hurt. - -Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore, -laying their shallop in a creek[51] not far from them, an Indian -came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other -trifles, out of the same; which, when the Captain missed, he took -certain of his company with him and went to the sachim, telling -him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party -that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or -else he would revenge it on them before his departure; and so took -leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness -they offered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous, -accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted[52] the -Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see -the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to -the finger’s end, withal bowing the knee, striving to imitate the -English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. -His men did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our -men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After -salutation, he delivered the beads and other things to the Captain, -saying he had much beaten the party for doing it; causing the women -to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire; seeming -to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they -departed and came home in safety; where the corn was equally -divided, as before. - -After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with -another company, and bought corn likewise of them. The one is -called Namasket, the other Manomet.[53] That from Namasket was -brought home partly by Indian women;[54] but a great sickness -arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the -rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim’s custody. - -This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and -stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of -Nanohigganset,[55] and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. -It will bear a boat of eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the -Dutch or French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the bay -of Cape Cod, about eight miles;[56] out of which bay it floweth -into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The -heads of the river and this creek are not far distant. This river -yieldeth, thus high, oysters,[57] muscles, clams,[58] and other -shellfish; one in shape like a bean,[59] another like a clam; -both good meat, and great 1623 abundance at all times; besides it -aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.[60] - -The Governor, or sachim, of this place was called Canacum;[61] who -had formerly, as well as many others, yea all with whom as yet we -had to do, acknowledged themselves the subjects of our sovereign -lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly; and it -seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For -whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather, -came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside -their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the -fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, -nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when -they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum; and one -of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from -his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which -the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech -to him; the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who -then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth. -It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game, -(for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away -all, even their skin from their backs,[62] yea their wives’ skins -also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as -myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed the -other. The actor of this fact was a _powah_,[63] one of special -note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well miss; yet -another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if -they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold; -neither would their sachim do one way or other till their return, -resting upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. -After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave -their judgment what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked -Hobbamock what he thought; who answered, He was but a stranger -to them; but thought it was better that one should die than many, -since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he -passed the sentence of death upon him. - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_] - -Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain -Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also -with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost; -insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they -entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared -them a good quantity of corn to confirm the same. Strangers also -came to this place, pretending only to see him and his company, -whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with -the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through -extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God -possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving -strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest -should wake, declaring some things to them which he understood, -whereof he could make no good construction. - -Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole some beads -also from him; which he no sooner perceived, having not above six -men with him, drew them all from the boat, and set them on their -guard about the sachim’s house, where the most of the people -were; threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if -they would not forthwith restore them; signifying to the sachim -especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the -least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which -should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the -sachim bestirred him to find out the party; which, when he had -done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to -the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about -the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them -lying openly upon the boat’s cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they -brought corn afresh to trade; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and -so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst -not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy -and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the -Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter; for it being -now February, they abounded with them. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he took a -shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor -had formerly bought,[64] hoping also to get more from them; but -was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he -found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The reason -whereof, and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken -of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards; wherein may be -observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his providence -for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and -not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the -shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim’s house, but in came -two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat, -a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands -in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own -valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, -they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. - -This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten -of Master Weston’s people, and presented it to the sachim; and -after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in -such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst -us,[65] could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was -afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massacheuseuks had -formerly concluded to ruinate Master Weston’s colony; and thought -themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to -execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time -as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their -party good against us at Plymouth; concluding, that if we remained, -though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we -would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged; and -therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both -plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachim, -as also the other, called Ianough,[66] at Mattachiest, and many -others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same; -and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain’s -presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company. - -After this his message was delivered, his entertainment much -exceeded the Captain’s; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, -and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him, -because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest -of his company; but he would not, desiring, according to promise, -that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the -women[67] for their labor; which they did. At the same time there -was a lusty Indian of Paomet,[68] or Cape Cod, then present, who -had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general -carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards -the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the -rest; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued -affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven -gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, -saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his -friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some -of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life -before; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with him at -their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to kill him before they -parted; which done, they intended to fall upon the rest. - -The night proved exceeding cold; insomuch as the Captain could not -take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and fro at -the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not -sleep as at other times; who answered, He knew not well, but had no -desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity. - -The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied -with the other Indian; who used many arguments to persuade them -to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the -most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our -wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by -contrary wind; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted -to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. - - - - -_Chapter 4_ - -WINSLOW’S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT MASSASOIT IN HIS -SICKNESS. - - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news came to -Plymouth that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the -same time there was a Dutch ship driven so high on the shore -by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till -the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a -commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, -are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to -visit them in their extremity,[69] either in their persons, or -else to send some acceptable persons to them; therefore it was -thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had -ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same, -by observing this their laudable custom; and the rather, because -we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing -when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself -having formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the -Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself, -and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him; having one -Master John Hamden,[70] a gentleman of London, who then wintered -with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and -Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first -night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment. - -The next day, about one of the clock, we came to a ferry[71] in -Conbatant’s country, where, upon discharge of my piece, divers -Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us -that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried; and that the -Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off -their ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially -Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him -I would first think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, -Conbatant[72] was the most like to succeed him, and that we were -not above three miles from Mattapuyst,[73] his dwelling-place, -although he were but a hollow-hearted friend toward us, I thought -no time so fit as this to enter into more friendly terms with -him, and the rest of the sachims thereabout; hoping, through the -blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to -settle their affections towards us; and though it were somewhat -dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and -Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him, which he -might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving -the event to God in his mercy, I resolved to put it in practice, if -Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me; whom I found -willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good. -So we went towards Mattapuyst. - -In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth -into these speeches: _Neen womasu sagimus, neen womasu sagimus_, -&c. “My loving sachim, my loving sachim! Many have I known, but -never any like thee.” And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived, -I should never see his like amongst the Indians; saying, he was no -liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians; in anger -and passion he was soon reclaimed; easy to be reconciled towards -such as had offended him; ruled by reason in such measure as he -would not scorn the advice of mean men; and that he governed his -men better with few strokes, than others did with many; truly -loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend -left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained -their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of -lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest -heart relent. - -At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the _sachimo -comaco_,[74] for so they call the sachim’s place, though they -call an ordinary house _witeo_;[75] but Conbatant, the sachim, -was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six -miles off. The _squasachim_, for so they call the sachim’s wife, -gave us friendly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning -Massassowat; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty. -Whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick, -that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint -Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before -sunsetting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet -dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this -we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it -was late within night ere we got thither. About two from the clock -that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed; so that in that respect our -journey was frustrate. - -When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we -could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make -way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, -making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, -and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.[76] About him were -six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep -heat in him. When they had made an end of their charming, one told -him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Having -understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who -was come? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the -letter _l_, but ordinarily _n_ in place thereof.[77] He desired to -speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put -forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very -inwardly, _Keen Winsnow_? which is to say, “Art thou Winslow?” I -answered, _Ahhe_, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words; _Matta -neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow_! that is to say, “O Winslow, I shall -never see thee again.” - -Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that -the Governor, hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same; and -though, by reason of many businesses, he could not come himself, -yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely -to do him good in this his extremity;[78] and whereof if he pleased -to take, I would presently give him; which he desired; and having -a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of -my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his -teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice -of it, whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he -had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired -to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue -swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat -such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed -his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption -out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection, -which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, -I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half -an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in the eyes of -all that beheld him. Presently after his sight began to come to -him, which gave him and us good encouragement. In the mean time -I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he -slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. -Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way, -in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, -saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send -for more of the same; also for chickens to make him broth, and for -other things, which I knew were good for him; and would stay the -return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous -kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the -clock in the morning; against which time I made ready a letter, -declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, &c., -desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as -the surgeon durst administer to him. - -He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece, -and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such -as he had eaten at Plymouth; which I promised. After, his stomach -coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before I -went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and -unacquainted in such businesses, especially having nothing to make -it comfortable, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being -we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and -take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in -a pipkin, for they have earthen pots of all sizes. When the day -broke, we went out, it being now March, to seek herbs, but could -not find any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a handful, -and put into the same; and because I had nothing to relish it, I -went forth again, and pulled up a sassafras root, and sliced a -piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then -took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through -my handkerchief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and -liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more; also -he had three moderate stools, and took some rest; insomuch as we -with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and -ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of -them acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation. - -That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another -amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash -their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I -gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with -willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being -accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me -to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, -with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made -a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed -one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it, -making more broth therewith, which he much desired. Never did I see -a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. -The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take -off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if -he did eat it. This he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would -not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the -strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not -possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and -ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an -hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast -up the broth again; and in overstraining himself, began to bleed -at the nose, and so continued the space of four hours. Then they -all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we -much feared also. They asked me what I thought of him. I answered, -his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life; for -if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which -was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed, -and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed -his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen -cloth. But on a sudden he chopped his nose in the water, and drew -up some therein, and sent it forth again with such violence, as he -began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope; but we -perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore -told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did. - -The messengers were now returned; but finding his stomach come -to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for -breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent, -because his body was so much altered since our instructions; -neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he -were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him; some, by -their report, from a place not less than an hundred miles. To all -that came one of his chief men related the manner of his sickness, -how near he was spent, how amongst others his friends the English -came to see him, and how suddenly they recovered him to this -strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself. - -The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him -that now he might see how hollow-hearted the English were, saying -if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would -have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to -withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some -things against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But -upon his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches: Now I see -the English are my friends and love me; and whilst I live, I will -never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were -there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers’. Divers -other things were worthy the noting; but I fear I have been too -tedious. - -At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, and privately (none -hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,[79] who are of his -council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken -of, against Master Weston’s colony, and so against us; saying that -the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,[80] Mattachiest, Manomet, -Agowaywam,[81] and the isle of Capawack,[82] were joined with them; -himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would -neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we -respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own after safety, -he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors -of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we -would not strike a stroke till they first began; if, said he, upon -this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their -countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to -defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their -lives; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with -great difficulty preserve their own; and therefore he counselled -without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would -cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the -way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming -home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him; who -returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for -our labor and love; the like did all that were about him. So we -departed. - -That night, through the earnest request of Conbatant, who till -now remained at Sawaams, or Puckanokick, we lodged with him at -Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise -at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry -jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are -returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in -case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and -should send word thereof to Patuxet for _maskiet_,[83] that is, -physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it; and if he would, -whether I would come therewith to him. To both which I answered, -Yea; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at -his house, he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, come -so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there -was no fear; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for -mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if -your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it -to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, -with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us? Whereupon I -answered, it was the most honorable and respective entertainment -we could give them; it being an order amongst us so to receive our -best respected friends; and as it was used on the land, so the -ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen -observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such -salutations. - -Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we -did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what -was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion -to tell them of God’s works of creation and preservation, of his -laws and ordinances, especially of the ten commandments; all which -they hearkened unto with great attention, and like well of; only -the seventh commandment they excepted against, thinking there -were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one -woman; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, -that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the -author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon -that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and -strengthen our bodies; and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied -therewith, we again returned thanks to the same our God, for that -our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well; -and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that -the same power that we called God, they called _Kiehtan_.[84] -Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be -too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than -comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had -better entertainment amongst any of them. - -The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the -private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged -him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before; which -having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto. -That night we lodged at Namasket; and the day following, about -the mid-way between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us, -that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But -contrary winds again drove him back; so that we found him at home; -where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that -the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go -with him. But their secret and villainous purposes being, through -God’s mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish -to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger, -that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which should -be thought most necessary. - - - - -_Chapter 5_ - -OF STANDISH’S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSAGUSSET, AND -THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON’S COLONY AT THAT PLACE. - - -[Sidenote: _Feb. 1623_] - -Before this journey we heard many complaints, both by the Indians, -and some others of best desert amongst Master Weston’s colony, how -exceedingly their company abased themselves by indirect means, -to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, -fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal’s meat; -whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten -enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night -brake the earth, and robbed the Indians’ store; for which they -had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small -amendment. This was about the end of February; at which time they -had spent all their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, -neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any -terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence; and to -that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled, -save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly -minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to write to -Plymouth; and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the -better do it. This course was well liked, and an Indian was sent -with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof -were to this effect; that being in great want, and their people -daily falling down, he intended to go to Munhiggen, where was a -plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships -that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind; -but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He -had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew -to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore -was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return -of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving -his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. -The Governor, upon the receipt hereof, asked the messenger what -store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who -answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having -already spared all they could. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to -advise with them herein; who, after serious consideration, no -way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered -his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto; the -contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked -their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature, -showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the -King’s Majesty, and his honorable Council for this place, both in -respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions, and -also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and the -glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were bound to seek, -and were not to use such means as would breed a distaste in the -savages against our persons and professions, assuring them their -master would incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer -the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with -theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced -to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as -naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain -strength, and were easy to be gotten; all which things they had -in great abundance, yea, oysters[85] also, which we wanted; and -therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto. -Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, -all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and -then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made -the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and -therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue -their peace; upon which course they might with good conscience -desire and expect the blessing of God; whereas on the contrary they -could not. - -Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most -swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more -unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they -should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful -actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet -the principal agents should expect no better than the gallows, -whensoever any special officer should be sent over by his Majesty, -or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would -undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the -contents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony. -Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders, -showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being -he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner -advised him to desist. - -With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt -whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as -they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen; who -first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the -Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But -not having sufficient for the ship’s store, he took a shallop, -and leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his -return, set forward about the end of February; so that he knew not -of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it -known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick; -at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to -Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted -for partaking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge -himself, revealed the same thing. - -The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearly -court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many -circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being[86] to -undertake war without the consent of the body of the company, made -known the same in public court, offering it to the consideration of -the company, it being high time to come to resolution, how sudden -soever it seemed to them, fearing it would be put in execution -before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was -no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so -ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events -thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver -our countrymen and preserve ourselves, than by returning their -malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing -them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others; though -it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever -intended and aimed at, as a principal in all our proceedings. But -in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a -matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge, -nor fitness to know, because of many other Indians, which daily, -as occasion serveth, converse with us; therefore the Governor, his -Assistant, and the Captain, should take such to themselves as they -thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to -this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men, -as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the -Indians in the Massachuset bay; and because, (as all men know that -have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with -them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay -for others, therefore he should pretend trade, as at other times; -but first go to the English, and acquaint them with the plot, and -the end of his own coming; that comparing it with their carriages -towards them, he might the better judge of the certainty of it, -and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same; but should -forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make -sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken -of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a -warning and terror to all of that disposition. - -[Sidenote: _24 Mar. 1623_] - -Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not -take more, because he would prevent jealousy, knowing their guilty -consciences would soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day, -before he could go, came one[87] of Mr. Weston’s company by land -unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of -their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians’ carriages, -whose boldness increased abundantly; insomuch as the victuals they -got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their -faces; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to -hold a knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since -John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged[88] one of them -that stole their corn, and yet they regarded it not; that another -of their company was turned salvage; that their people had most -forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous where they got their -victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home; that -they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both -with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get -victuals by reason of their nakedness; and that they were dispersed -into three companies, scarce having any powder and shot left. What -would be the event of these things he said he much feared; and -therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, though he knew -not the way, yet adventured to come to us; partly to make known -their weak and dangerous estate, as he conceived, and partly to -desire he might there remain till things were better settled at -the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to us, so it -gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which -Captain Standish was now fitted; and the wind coming fair, the next -day set forth for the Massachusets. - -[Sidenote: _25 Mar. 1623_] - -The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man; and suspecting -his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave out -there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some wolves -or bears would eat him. But we know, both by our own experience, -and the reports of others, that though they find a man sleeping, -yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him. -This Indian missed him but very little; and missing him, passed -by the town and went to Manomet; whom we hoped to take at his -return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for service, -and some ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work, it -being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so -great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot -bring [it] to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the -preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him -lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men -to reason against their own safety; as amongst us divers seeing -the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, -flattering themselves with peace and security, and accounting it -rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity. -But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched -for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these -intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means -to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore -so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward -instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this -needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. - -[Sidenote: _Mar. 1623_] - -But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return -from Manomet, came through the town, pretending still friendship -and in love to see us; but as formerly others, so his end was to -see whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into -weakness, like their neighbours; which they hoped and looked for, -(though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be -glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him; -and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him -as their prisoner; where he told him he must be contented to remain -till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he -was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there -kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,[89] this being the first day, as -I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. - -The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the -ship; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the -discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation -showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, -and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked -them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security; -who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared -not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge with them, -not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain -answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon -further inquiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders -had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to -govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to -be brief, made known the Indians’ purpose, and the end of his own -coming, as also, (which formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they -durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and -people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they could be better -provided; but if they conceived of any other course, that might -be more likely for their good, that himself should further them -therein to the uttermost of his power. These men, comparing other -circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect -no better; and it was God’s mercy that they were not killed before -his coming; desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity -to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send -special command to one third of their company, that were farthest -off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep -the town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for -a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The -weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he -could do any thing. - -In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs, -but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming -then for trade; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly -as possibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by -his eyes that he was angry in his heart; and therefore began to -suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who -was a _pniese_,[90] being a man of a notable spirit, to come to -Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that -the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of the salvages -there. “Tell him,” said he, “we know it, but fear him not, neither -will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take -us at unawares.” Many times after, divers of them severally, or few -together, came to the plantation to him; where they would whet and -sharpen the points of their knives before his face, and use many -other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat -bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle -there was pictured a woman’s face; “but,” said he, “I have another -at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that -hath a man’s face on it; and by and by these two must marry.” -Further he said of that knife he there had, _Hinnaim namen, hinnaim -michen, matta cuts_; that is to say, By and by it should see, and -by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man -of greater stature than the Captain,[91] told him, though he were a -great captain, yet he was but a little man; and, said he, though I -be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These -things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present. - -On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at -once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another -man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother -to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting -many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many -of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, -and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and -snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, -killed him therewith, the point whereof he had made as sharp as -a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the -other man the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain -caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these -two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful -noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. -Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, -observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action. All -being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to -the Captain: “Yesterday Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and -stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but -a little man; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on -the ground.” But to proceed; there being some women at the same -time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston’s -people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had -intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst -them. These killed two more. Himself also with some of his own -men went to another place, where they killed another; and through -the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered and -crossed their proceedings.[92] - -Not long before this execution, three of Mr. Weston’s men, which -more regarded their bellies than any command or commander, having -formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went -again to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertainment. -The first night they came thither, within night, late came a -messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message. -Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and -breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and -went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their -return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being -more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind, -especially the Captain’s presence, and the strait charge that on -pain of death none should go a musket shot from the plantation, -and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began -to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off -than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, -but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left, -and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away, -forsaking the paths, lest he should be pursued; and by this means -saved his life. - -Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two -of Mr. Weston’s, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of -them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians, which -made towards them amain; and there being a small advantage in the -ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for -it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took -each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at -himself and Hobbamock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off his coat, and -being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so -fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him; insomuch -as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm -and half face of a notable villain, as he drew[93] at Captain -Standish; who together with another both discharged at once at him, -and brake his arm; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they -were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting -nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come -out and fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was -in tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain -returned to the plantation; where he released the women, and -would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least -discourtesy to be offered them. - -Now were Mr. Weston’s people resolved to leave their plantation, -and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return[94] with -the fishing ships. The Captain told them, that for his own part he -durst there live with fewer men than they were; yet since they -were otherways minded, according to his order from the governors -and people of Plymouth, he would help them with corn competent for -their provision by the way; which he did, scarce leaving himself -more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of -the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with -him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop; and seeing them -set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,[95] he took leave and -returned to Plymouth; whither he came in safety, blessed be God! -and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. - -Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a -courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding -the death of his countrymen, came to the Captain without fear, -saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so -to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians intended to kill Mr. -Weston’s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two -more canoes or boats, which Mr. Weston’s men would have finished -by this time, having made them three already, had not the Captain -prevented them; and the end of stay for those boats was to take -their ship therewith. - -Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being -brought to the fort, and there set up.[96] The governors and -captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine -the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether -he knew it, he answered, Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that -all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being -drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that -prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal -were killed, being Pecksuot and Wituwamat, whose head was there; -the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, -though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would -not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for -his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger -lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and -besought for him; but was bribed so to do. Nevertheless, that we -might show mercy as well as extremity, the Governor released him, -and the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to -Obtakiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but -he would have been gone; but the Governor bid him stay, and fear -not, for he should receive no hurt; and by Hobbamock commanded -him to deliver this message to his master: That for our parts it -never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till -their own treachery enforced us thereunto, and therefore they might -thank themselves for their own overthrow; yet since he had begun, -if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his country -should not hold him; for he would never suffer him or his to rest -in peace, till he had utterly consumed them; and therefore should -take this as a warning; further, that he should send to Patuxet the -three Englishmen he had, and not kill them; also that he should -not spoil the pale and houses at Wichaguscusset; and that this -messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both; -promising his safe return. - -This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with -[an] answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterwards -they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though -long, a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry that the -English were killed, before he heard from the Governor; otherwise -he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his -peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about -it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to -place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him. - -Concerning those other people, that intended to join the -Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of -them; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with -the just judgment of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so -terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their -houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps -and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst -themselves, whereof very many are dead; as Canacum, the sachim -of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and Ianough, sachim -of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the midst of these -distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them, -and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange -to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them. -Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease; because -through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of -life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and -strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents -to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace; but the boat -was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from -our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but -returned; so as none of them dare come amongst us. - -I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things. -Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth -and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and -the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports -undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself -where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, -lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise, -which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were -at the pit’s brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in -danger. - - - - -_Chapter 6_ - -OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE -COLONY. - - -[Sidenote: _April. 1623_] - -The month of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare -for corn. And because there was no corn left before this time, -save that was preserved for seed, being also hopeless of relief by -supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and prosecute -that as most necessary. And because there was no[97] small hope of -doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were -in; for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had -nothing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not -so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they -had done; especially considering that self-love wherewith every -man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good -before his neighbour’s, and also the base disposition of some -drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most -burdenous to the rest; it was therefore thought best that every man -should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation, -both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own corn -for the year following; and bring in a competent portion for the -maintenance of public officers, fishermen, &c., which could not -be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This -course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to -gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselves -and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this -condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they -might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, -during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be -employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary -for the general good. And because there is great difference in the -ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a -person, and each man to have his fall by lot,[98] as being most -just and equal, and against which no man could except. - -At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded, -but this approved and followed, as being the most likely for the -present and future good of the company; and therefore before this -month began to prepare our ground against seed-time. - -[Sidenote: _July. 1623_] - -In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then -seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of -after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of -May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a -great drought, insomuch as in six weeks after the latter setting -there scarce fell any rain; so that the stalk of that was first -set began to send forth the ear, before it came to half growth, -and that which was later not like to yield any at all, both blade -and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner, -as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according -to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched -away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were -our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into -mourning.[99] - -To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard -of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having -two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship -three hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no -further of her; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast, -which could not be judged to be any other than the same.[100] So -that at once God seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most -courageous were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had -been our only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm -himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his -wrath? - -These and the like considerations moved not only every good man -privately to enter into examination with his own estate between -God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but -also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord -by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public -authority, and set apart from all other employments; hoping that -the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved -hereby in mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of -our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand -with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God! who -was as ready to hear, as we to ask; for though in the morning, -when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the -drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise -continuing some eight or nine hours,) before our departure, the -weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, -and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate -showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such -seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered -corn or drooping affections were most quickened or revived; such -was the bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians, by -means of Hobbamock,[101] took notice; who being then in the town, -and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but -three days since Sunday; and therefore demanded of a boy, what -was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects -followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of -our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a -time; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our -invocation on the name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with -such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, -it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice; but ours -in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the -like. - -At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by -the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, -returned with the same, accompanied with one Mr. David Tomson,[102] -a Scotchman, who also that spring began a plantation twenty-five -leagues northeast from us, near Smith’s isles,[103] at a place -called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of -the third repulse that our supply had,[104] of their safe, though -dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to -us. So that having these many signs of God’s favor and acceptation, -we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should -smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving -for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And -therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for -that end; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all -thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us; -whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church, -and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. -Amen. - -In the latter end of July, and the beginning of August, came two -ships with supply unto us; who brought all their passengers,[105] -except one, in health, who recovered in short time; who, also, -notwithstanding all our wants and hardship, blessed be God! found -not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger -ship, called the Anne,[106] was hired, and there again freighted -back;[107] from whence we set sail the 10th of September. The -lesser, called the LITTLE JAMES,[108] was built for the company at -their charge.[109] She was now also fitted for trade and discovery -to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail; whom I -pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings. - - - - -_Chapter 7_ - -OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CEREMONIES OF THE -INDIANS. - - -[Sidenote: _1623_] - -Thus have I made a true and full narration of the state of our -Plantation, and such things as were most remarkable therein since -December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through -weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I confess -my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I undertook; being -urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in -others, and but for which I would not have undertaken the same. -Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to -be understood; wherein others may see that which we are bound to -acknowledge, viz. that if ever any people in these later ages were -upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than -others, then we; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the -memory of His goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these -forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had -often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties -of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after -time; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I have seen -men stagger by reason of faintness for want of food, yet ere night, -by the good providence and blessing of God, we have enjoyed such -plenty as though the windows of heaven had been opened unto us. -How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there -settling, and in the midst of barbarous enemies! Yet God wrought -our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit’s brim, and in -danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that -we were in peril! And yet God preserved us; yea, and from how -many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can best -tell. So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but -think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance -to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in -so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the -constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate -for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish -New England from Old. - -A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed -amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and sundry -other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others, -in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and -knowledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without -any religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though -we could then gather no better; for as they conceive of many -divine powers, so of one, whom they call _Kiehtan_,[110] to be -the principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. -He, they say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures -contained therein; also that he made one man and one woman, of whom -they and we and all mankind came;[111] but how they became so far -dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no -sachim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, -whither all good men go when they die, to see their friends, and -have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far -westward in the heavens, they say; thither the bad men go also, and -knock at his door, but he bids them _quatchet_, that is to say, -walk abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in -restless want and penury.[112] Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old -men tell of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge -them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge -upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they -would obtain any great matter, meet together and cry unto him; -and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give -thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same. - -Another power they worship, whom they call _Hobbamock_, and to -the northward of us, _Hobbamoqui_;[113] this, as far as we can -conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and -diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the -same for some conceived anger against them; but upon their calling -upon him, can and doth help them; but when they are mortal and -not curable in nature, then he persuades them Kiehtan is angry, -and sends them, whom none can cure; insomuch as in that respect -only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore -in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry -forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an -eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but -the chiefest and most judicious amongst them; though all of them -strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He appeareth most -ordinary and is most conversant with three sorts of people. One, I -confess I neither know by name nor office directly; of these they -have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can -kill them; another they call by the name of _powah_; and the third -_pniese_. - -The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in -calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. -The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation, -but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he -saith; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. -The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and -joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the -party diseased.[114] If the party be wounded, he will also seem to -suck the wound; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth -it not, but _askooke_, that is, the snake, or _wobsacuck_, that is, -the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none -see but the powah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party -be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape -he but come into the house, taking it for an undoubted sign of -recovery. - -And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana -at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had -their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared -in those forms in the same. In the powah’s speech, he promiseth -to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, -knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he -will come to help the party diseased; but whether they perform it, -I know not. The other practices I have seen, being necessarily -called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best -arguments I could to make them understand against the same. They -have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the -party; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so -proved; yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when any -of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in -child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary -means, they send for this powah; though ordinarily their travail is -not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more -hardy nature; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen -the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, -in a boat upon the sea. - -Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. -It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a -little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to -Kiehtan; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The -Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great -spacious house, wherein only some few (that are, as we may term -them, priests) come. Thither, at certain known times, resort all -their people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their -gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which -are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the -midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering -every man bringeth freely; and the more he is known to bring, hath -the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us -approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like; -and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset as at -other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used. - -The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also -the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we -conceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death -by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both -themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed -from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by -painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage -and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an -hundred men; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in -their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and -are of the sachim’s council, without whom they will not war, or -undertake any weighty business.[115] In war their sachims, for -their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men -of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most -hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous and humane in their -carriages than any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the -like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any -men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the -most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great -hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers -orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil -may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry[116] and -other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into -the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through -extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood; -and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so -continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on -their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat -their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, -stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the -devil, that in time he may appear unto them. - -Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of -them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage -unto them;[117] neither may they war without their knowledge -and approbation; yet to be commanded by the greater, as occasion -serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, -of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for -the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way -maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. -A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to -him in birth; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become -ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no -other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience -to the principal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like -their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their -lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is -successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or -daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection -and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till -he be of age; but when that is, I know not. - -Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own -country extendeth; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of -that, if any of his men desire land to set their corn, he giveth -them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this -circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him -his fee; which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on -the land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof. The great -sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well -as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge -at the sachim’s. When they come, they tell them how long they will -stay, and to what place they go; during which time they receive -entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a -year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on -the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place, -near the sachim’s dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of -corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready -to give thanks to the people, on the sachim’s behalf; and after -acquaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no -less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. - -When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto -them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till -their death or recovery.[118] If they die, they stay a certain -time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty, -many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as -though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one -from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their -eyes, and almost from ours also.[119] But if they recover, then -because their sickness was chargeable, they send corn and other -gifts unto them, at a certain appointed time, whereat they feast -and dance, which they call _commoco_. When they bury the dead, -they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If -the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and -bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale. -If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special -jewels and ornaments in the earth with it; also will cut his hair, -and disfigure himself very much, in token of sorrow. If it be the -man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats, and leave -the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either -remove their dwelling or give over housekeeping. - -The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of -the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The -women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,[120] -set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their -food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household -care lying upon them. - -The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, -whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys -and girls may not wear their hair like men and women, but are -distinguished thereby. - -A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show -forth such courage and resolution as becometh his place. The men -take much tobacco; but for boys so to do, they account it odious. - -All their names are significant and variable; for when they come -to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their -deeds or dispositions. - -When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and -after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out. -Their women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will -scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very -chaste also; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a -woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war -or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away -from him to the contrary party, and there live; where they never -come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty. - -When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself from -all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone; after -which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used, -and is again received to her husband’s bed or family. For adultery, -the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. -Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places; but -they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for -adultery; for no man will keep such an one to wife. - -In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sachim examineth -and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence, -he is disgracefully rebuked; for the second, beaten by the sachim -with a cudgel on the naked back; for the third, he is beaten with -many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all -men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must -likewise die for the same. The sachim not only passes the sentence -upon malefactors,[121] but executeth the same with his own hands, -if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, in -case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same.[122] But -if the offender be to receive other punishment, he will not receive -the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he -kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never -so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during -the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment. - -As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like -some Irish, which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the -same leather. They wear also a deer’s skin loose about them, like -a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit -they travel; but when they are at home, or come to their journey’s -end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, -wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe -the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment -that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad -in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm, but only -their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings -about their legs, which the men never do. - -The people are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of -time by the moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the -stars by name; in particular they know the north star, and call it -_maske_, which is to say, the bear;[123] also they have many names -for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather -beforehand, by observations in the heavens. They report also, that -some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list--can -raise storms and tempests,[124] which they usually do when they -intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason -of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their -enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest -exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, -they keep more careful watch than at other times. - -As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult. -As yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can -understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by -the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be -difference in a hundred miles’ distance of place, both in language -and manners, yet not so much but that they very well understand -each other.[125] And thus much of their lives and manners. - -Instead of records and chronicles, they take this course. Where any -remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by -some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, -about a foot deep, and as much over; which when others passing by -behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which -being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion -serveth, therewith; and lest such holes should be filled or grown -up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same; -by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. -So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his -journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many historical -discourses [which] will be related unto him. - - - - -_Chapter 8_ - -OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OF NEW ENGLAND. - - -[Sidenote: _1623_] - -In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor dispraised -the country; and since I lived so long therein, my judgment thereof -will give no less satisfaction to them that know me, than the -relation of our proceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so -of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make -known what I conceive thereof. - -And first for that continent, on which we are, called New England, -although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part -of the main land adjoining the Virginia, yet by relation of -the Indians it should appear to be otherwise; for they affirm -confidently that it is an island, and that either the Dutch or -French pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, -and drive a great trade in the same. The name of the inlet of -the sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we -call Hudson’s river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, -and for want of means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.[126] For -confirmation of this their opinion, is thus much; though Virginia -be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from us, yet they never -heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his -country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an English -ship thither; and therefore it is the more probable, because the -water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their -boats. - -Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years’ -experience I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, -in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some -object, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42°, it -must needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of -the contrary; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed -England, it is so little as must require better judgments to -discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if there be -difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England than -Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I have -enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment also. But in my -best observation, comparing our own condition with the Relations -of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree -better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed -with extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold; by which -means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding those -difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as would have -been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The -day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and -as much shorter there, when it is at the longest. - -The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, -a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea -wheat. The seed time beginneth in [the] midst of April, and -continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with -September. This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior -in quantity to the same in Virginia; the reason I conceive is -because Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring -great heat to ripen. But whereas it is objected against New -England, that corn will not grow there except the ground be manured -with fish, I answer, that where men set with fish, (as with us,) it -is more easy so to do than to clear ground, and set without some -five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. -Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease -in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and -have as good corn or better than we have that set with them; though -indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be -more profitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, rye, -barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which our Indians call -_ewachim_; for we have had experience that they like and thrive -well; and the other will not be procured without good labor and -diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched -by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till it be rotten, -which will be in fourteen days. Yet men agreeing together, and -taking their turns, it is not much. - -Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall -here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right -course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume, upon that small -experience I have had, to affirm that the English, Dutch and French -return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that -island on which we are seated. - -Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some -other places; neither were it profitable there to follow it, though -the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer -commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in -as great abundance as in any other part of the world; witness the -west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains -yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their -salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their -voyage than will sail their ships, what may the planters expect -when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, -and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing; whereas the -other fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour -all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to plantations may -take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading -provided against they come? I confess we have come so far short -of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we -have preserved our lives; insomuch as when I look back upon our -condition, and weak means to preserve the same, I rather admire -at God’s mercy and providence in our preservation, than that no -greater things have been effected by us. But though our beginning -have been thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet -the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope -will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether, -or principally, propound profit to be the main end of that we -have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the honor of our -country, in the enlarging of his Majesty’s dominions. Yet wanting -outward means to set things in that forwardness we desire, and to -further the latter by the former, I thought meet to offer both to -consideration, hoping that where religion and profit jump together -(which is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every -honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or -at leastwise to commend the welfare thereof in his daily prayers to -the blessing of the blessed God. - -I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison, -and variety of fish, in their seasons, which might encourage many -to go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to -consider, that as they hear of countries that abound with the good -creatures of God, so means must be used for the taking of every -one in his kind, and therefore not only to content themselves -that there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able -to obtain the same. Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, -though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not -the better, but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of -that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if thou want -art and other necessaries thereunto belonging, thou mayest see -that thou wantest and thy heart desireth, and yet be never the -better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency -of thyself, then join to some others, where thou mayest in some -measure enjoy the same; otherwise, assure thyself thou art better -where thou art. Some there be that thinking altogether of their -present wants they enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, -through indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery. -As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so chargeable, -as without great difficulty a man cannot accomplish the same; never -considering, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must build -his house before he have it, and peradventure may with more ease -pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not -cattle to draw it there; though there is no scarcity, but rather -too great plenty. - -I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon -due examination, set themselves to further the glory of God, and -the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to -discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such courses; -who peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their -passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish -imagination made void, are at their wits’ end, and would give ten -times so much for their return, if they could procure it; and out -of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that -imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve. - -As, for example, I have heard some complain of others for their -large reports of New England, and yet because they must drink water -and want many delicates they here enjoyed, could presently return -with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so simple as -to conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, -or the woods and rivers be like butchers’ shops, or fishmongers’ -stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands? If thou -canst not live without such things, and hast no means to procure -the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability -to employ others for thee, rest where thou art; for as a proud -heart, a dainty tooth, a beggar’s purse, and an idle hand, be here -intolerable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is -much more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a heart -to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear thee out in -all difficulties, viz. his glory as a principal, and all other -outward good things but as accessaries, which peradventure thou -shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort -and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies; whereas on the -contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, being senseless -of greater blessings, and through prejudice smother up the love and -bounty of God; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now -and evermore. Amen. - - - - -A POSTSCRIPT. - - -If any man desire a more ample relation of the state of this -country, before such time as this present Relation taketh place, I -refer them to the two former printed books; the one published by -the President and Council for New England, and the other gathered -by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New -England.[127] - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -_Dedication_ (_pp. 3-5_) - -[1] The merchant adventurers. - -[2] This sentiment shows how little obnoxious the first settlers of -New England were to the charge of fanaticism, which has often been -alleged against them by persons alike ignorant of their spirit and -their history. - -[3] EDWARD WINSLOW was, according to Hutchinson, “of a very -reputable family and of a very active genius”--“a gentleman of the -best family of any of the Plymouth planters, his father, Edward -Winslow, Esq., being a person of some figure at Droitwich, in -Worcestershire,” a town seven miles from Worcester, celebrated -for its salt springs. Edward was the eldest of eight children, -and was born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as appears from the -following extract from the records of St. Peter’s church in that -place: “1595, Oct. 20, baptized Edward, son of Edward Winslow, born -the previous Friday,” which was the 19th. His mother’s name was -Magdalen; her surname is unknown; she was married Nov. 3, 1594. He -was not one of the original band of Pilgrims who escaped to Holland -in 1608, but being on his travels, fell in with them at Leyden, -in 1617, as we learn from his Brief Narration, where he speaks of -“living three years under Mr. Robinson’s ministry before we began -the work of plantation in New England.” His name stands the third -among the signers of the Compact on board the Mayflower; and his -family consisted at that time of his wife, Elizabeth, George Soule, -and two others, perhaps his children, Edward and John, who died -young. As has already been seen, and will hereafter appear, he was -one of the most energetic and trusted men in the Colony. He went -to England in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as agent of the Plymouth -or Massachusetts colonies; and in 1633 he was chosen governor, to -which office he was reëlected in 1636 and 1644. He did not return -to New England after 1646. In 1655 he was sent by Cromwell as one -of three commissioners to superintend the expedition against the -Spanish possessions in the West Indies, and died at sea, near -Hispaniola, on the 8th of May of that year, in his 60th year. An -interesting letter, written by him at Barbadoes, March 16, and -addressed to Secretary Thurloe, is preserved in Thurloe’s State -Papers, iii. 250. Three letters of his to Gov. Winthrop, one to the -Commissioners of the United Colonies, and another to Thurloe from -Barbadoes, March 30, are contained in Hutchinson’s Collection of -Papers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268. - -In 1637 he obtained a grant of a valuable tract of land at Green’s -harbour, now Marshfield, to which he gave the name of Careswell. -This estate continued in the family till a few years since, when it -came into possession of Daniel Webster, the late Secretary of State. - -Edward Winslow’s son, (2) Josiah, born at Plymouth in 1628, was -governor of the Colony, from 1673 to his death in 1680, and -commanded the New-England forces in Philip’s war. (3) Isaac, -his only surviving son, sustained the chief civil and military -offices in the county of Plymouth after its incorporation with -Massachusetts, and was President of the Provincial Council. He -died in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his son, was a captain in the -expedition against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at Louisburgh in 1744, -and afterwards a major-general in the British service. He died in -1774, aged 71. His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician in Marshfield, -and died in 1819, aged 80. His only son, (6) John, was an attorney, -and died in 1822, aged 48. His only surviving son, (7) Isaac, and -the last surviving male descendant of Gov. Edward, of the name of -Winslow, born in 1813, resides in Boston, and possesses original -portraits of these his illustrious ancestors. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -xxvii. 286. - -Edward Winslow had four brothers, all of whom came over to New -England. Their names were, John, born in April, 1597; Kenelm, born, -April 29, 1599; Gilbert, born in Oct. 1600; and Josiah, born in -Feb. 1605.--John came in the Fortune in 1621, married Mary Chilton, -who came in the Mayflower, and removed to Boston, in 1655, where -he died in 1674, aged 77. He left a numerous posterity, one of -whom is Isaac Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a merchant in -Boston.--Gilbert came in the Mayflower, and soon left the Colony, -and it is thought went to Portsmouth, N. H. and died before -1660.--Kenelm and Josiah arrived at Plymouth before 1632, and -both settled at Marshfield. The former died whilst on a visit at -Salem in 1672, aged 73, and the latter in 1674, aged 69.--Edward -Winslow’s sisters were Eleanor, born in April, 1598, Elizabeth, -born in March, 1601, and Magdalen, born Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth -died in Jan. 1604, and neither of the other two ever came to New -England. - -For the copy of the record of St. Peter’s Church, Droitwich, -containing the births and baptisms of Edward Winslow and his -sisters and brothers, excepting Josiah, I am indebted to Isaac -Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New York, visited -that place for this purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also indebted to -Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, for the loan of the family bible of -the Winslows, containing on one of its covers an ancient register, -corresponding nearly with the Droitwich records, with the addition -of the birth and baptism of Josiah, the youngest child. See -Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 187, ii. 457-460; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. -281-309; Mitchell’s Bridgewater, p. 387-390; Deane’s Scituate, -p. 388-390; Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 90-103; 139-144; Morton’s -Memorial, pp. 178, 235, 259-261, 382, 415; Hazard’s Hist. Coll. i. -326. - - -_To the Reader_ (_p. 6_) - -[4] At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, of which an ample account will be -found in the ensuing Narrative. - -[5] Thomas Weston. - -[6] Winslow returned in the ship Charity, in March, 1624. He had -been absent six months, having sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, on -the 10th of Sept. previous. See Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225. - -[7] This serves to confirm the statement of numerous typographical -errors in the previous Narrative. - - -_Chapter 1_ (_p. 7_) - -[8] West had a commission as admiral of New England, to restrain -such ships as came to fish and trade without license from the -New England Council; but finding the fishermen stubborn fellows, -and too strong for him, he sails for Virginia; and their owners -complaining to Parliament, procured an order that fishing should be -free. Bradford, in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, p. 97. - -[9] The Damariscove islands, five or six in number, lying west -by north from Monhegan, were early resorted to and occupied as -fishing-stages. See Williamson’s Maine, i. 56. - -[10] On the 22d of March, 1622, at mid-day, the Indians, by a -preconcerted plan, fell upon the English settlements in Virginia, -and massacred 347 persons. A war of extermination immediately -ensued. See Smith’s Virginia, ii. 64-79, and Stith, p. 208-213. - -[11] Opechancanough, as the name is commonly spelt. - - -_Chapter 2_ (_pp. 8-18_) - -[12] The Narragansetts were a numerous and powerful tribe that -occupied nearly the whole of the present territory of the State of -Rhode Island, including the islands in Narragansett Bay. They had -escaped the pestilence which had depopulated other parts of New -England, and their population at this time was estimated at thirty -thousand, of whom five thousand were warriors. Roger Williams says -they were so populous that a traveller would meet with a dozen -Indian towns in twenty miles. They were a martial and formidable -race, and were frequently at war with the Pokanokets on the east, -the Pequots on the west, and the Massachusetts on the north. See -Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. -iv. 123; Potter’s Early History of Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and -Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 457. - -[13] “Since the death of so many Indians, they thought to lord -it over the rest, conceive we are a bar in their way, and see -Massasoit already take shelter under our wings.” Bradford’s Hist. -quoted by Prince, p. 200. - -[14] Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts, though -hostile to the Plymouth colonists, probably on account of their -league with his enemy, Massasoit, showed himself friendly to the -first settlers of Rhode Island, who planted themselves within -his territory. Roger Williams says that “when the hearts of -my countrymen and friends failed me, the Most High stirred up -the barbarous heart of Connonicus to love me as his son to the -last gasp. Were it not for the favor that God gave me with him, -none of these parts, no, not Rhode Island had been purchased or -obtained; for I never gat any thing of Connonicus but by gift.” In -1636 the Massachusetts Colony sent to him “a solemn embassage,” -who “observed in the sachem much state, great command over his -men, and marvellous wisdom in his answers.” Edward Johnson, -who probably accompanied the ambassadors, has given in his -“Wonderworking Providence,” b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account -of their reception and entertainment. He says that “Canonicus was -very discreet in his answers.” He died June 4th, 1647, according -to Winthrop, “a very old man.” See his Life in Thatcher’s Indian -Biography, i. 177-209, and in Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii. -54-57. - -[15] Probably Stephen Hopkins. - -[16] Isaac Allerton. - -[17] “There is a remarkable coincidence in the form of this -challenge with that of the challenge given by the Scythian prince -to Darius. Five arrows made a part of the present sent by his -herald to the Persian king. The manner of declaring war by the -Aracaunian Indians of South America, was by sending from town to -town an arrow clenched in a dead man’s hand.” Holmes, Annals, i. -177. See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -69. - -[18] Bradford adds, “Which are locked every night; a watch and ward -kept in the day.” Prince, p. 200. - -[19] This was the first general muster in New England, and the -embryo of our present militia system. - -[20] This indicates that the writer himself, Winslow, was one of -the party. - -[21] So early was the name of Gurnet given to this remarkable -feature of Plymouth harbour. It is a peninsula or promontory, -connected with Marshfield by a beach about six miles long, called -Salthouse beach. It contains about twenty-seven acres of excellent -soil. On its southern extremity, or nose, are two light-houses. -It probably received its name from some headland known to the -Pilgrims in the mother country. The late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, -the accurate topographer, and faithful chronicler of the Old -Colony, says, “Gurnet is the name of several places on the coast -of England; in the Channel we believe there are at least two.” -Connected with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, and contiguous to -Clark’s island, is another headland, called Saquish, containing ten -or fourteen acres. See note 2 on page 164, Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. -182, 204, and Thatcher’s Plymouth, p. 330. - -[22] The sachem of the Wampanoags. - -[23] The same as Coubatant or Corbitant. - -[24] What is now called a _brave_. - -[25] We should like to have known more about this second voyage to -Boston harbour. - -[26] On the part of. - -[27] This headland is Hither Manomet Point, forming the southern -boundary of Plymouth bay. Manomet is the most prominent landmark -in Barnstable bay, being visible from all points of its circling -shore, from Sandwich to Provincetown. - -[28] Brabbles, clamors. - -[29] The passengers in the Fortune. - -[30] Winslow himself had sent home too flattering an account of -their condition. - -[31] “She brings a letter to Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. -17. By his letter we find he has quite deserted us, and is going -to settle a plantation of his own. The boat brings us a kind -letter from Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of a ship fishing at -the eastward, whose name we never heard before, to inform us of -a massacre of 400 English by the Indians in Virginia, whence he -came. By this boat the Governor returns a grateful answer, and -with them sends Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to get provisions of -the fishing ships; whom Captain Huddleston receives kindly, and -not only spares what he can, but writes to others to do the like; -by which means he gets as much bread as amounts to a quarter of a -pound a person per day till harvest; the Governor causing their -portion to be daily given them, or some had starved. And by this -voyage we not only got a present supply, but also learn the way to -those parts for our future benefit.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 202. -Huddleston’s letter, (or Hudston’s, as Morton calls him,) may be -found in New England’s Memorial, p. 80. See note [10] on page 7. - -[32] See note [9] on page 7. - -[33] The burying-hill. The intelligence of the massacre in Virginia -reached Plymouth in May, and was the immediate incitement to the -erection of this fort. See page 7. - -“Some traces of the fort are still visible on the eminence called -the burying-hill, directly above the meeting-house of the first -church in Plymouth. After the fort was used as a place of worship, -it is probable they began to bury their dead around it. Before that -time the burial-place was on the bank, above the rock on which the -landing was made.” Judge Davis’s note in Morton’s Memorial, p. 82. - - -_Chapter 3_ (_pp. 19-30_) - -[34] “By Mr. Weston’s ship comes a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in -whose name the Plymouth patent is taken, signifying that whom the -governor admits into the association, he will approve.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 204. - -[35] They came upon no religious design, as did the planters of -Plymouth; so they were far from being Puritans. Mr. Weston in a -letter owns that many of them are rude and profane fellows. Mr. -Cushman in another writes, “They are no men for us, and I fear they -will hardly deal so well with the savages as they should. I pray -you therefore signify to Squanto that they are a distinct body -from us, and we have nothing to do with them, nor must be blamed -for their faults, much less can warrant their fidelity.” And Mr. -John Pierce in another writes, “As for Mr. Weston’s company they -are so base in condition for the most part, as in all appearance -not fit for an honest man’s company. I wish they prove otherwise.” -Bradford, in Prince, p. 203. - -[36] Boston harbour. - -[37] Or Wessagusset, now called Weymouth. - -[38] Dr. Fuller. - -[39] That is, the same Indians. - -[40] This is supposed to be the same Jones who was captain of the -Mayflower. - -[41] Prince says, p. 205, that “Mr. Winslow seems to mistake in -thinking Captain Jones was now bound for Virginia;” and Bradford -states that “she was on her way from Virginia homeward, being sent -out by some merchants to discover the shoals about Cape Cod, and -harbours between this and Virginia.” - -[42] “Of her we buy knives and beads, which is now good trade, -though at cent. per cent. or more, and yet pay away coat beaver at -3s. a pound, (which a few years after yields 20s.); by which means -we are fitted to trade both for corn and beaver.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 205, and in Morton’s Memorial, p. 83. - -[43] Isaac Allerton. - -[44] Chatham. - -[45] His disorder was a fever, accompanied with “a bleeding at the -nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom.” Before his death -“he desired the Governor (Bradford) to pray that he might go to the -Englishman’s God in heaven, bequeathing divers of his things to -sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love; of whom -we had great loss.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p. -85. Judge Davis adds in his note, that “Governor Bradford’s pen was -worthily employed in the tender notice taken of the death of this -child of nature. With some aberrations, his conduct was generally -irreproachable, and his useful services to the infant settlement -entitle him to grateful remembrance.” - -[46] Aspinet. - -[47] The country between Barnstable and Yarmouth harbours. - -[48] The distance from Eastham to Plymouth by land is about fifty -miles. - -[49] With galled feet. - -[50] The Swan. See page 20. - -[51] Nauset, or Eastham, abounds with creeks. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 155, 188. - -[52] In the original, _saluting_; probably a typographical error. - -[53] The part of Sandwich, which lies on Manomet river. - -[54] “It is almost incredible”, says Roger Williams, “what burthens -the poor women carry of corn, of fish, of beans, of mats, and a -child besides.” Gookin says, “In their removals from place to -place, for their fishing and hunting, the women carry the greatest -burthen.” And Wood says, “In the summer they trudge home two or -three miles with a hundred weight of lobsters at their backs; in -winter they are their husbands’ porters to lug home their venison.” -See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, and Wood’s New England’s -Prospect, part ii. ch. 20. - -[55] This is called Manomet or Buzzard’s bay, though Winslow seems -to mistake it for Narragansett bay, which is near twenty leagues to -the westward. Prince, p. 208. - -[56] “This creek runs out easterly into Cape Cod bay at Scussett -harbour; and this river runs out westerly into Manomet bay. The -distance overland from bay to bay is but six miles. The creek and -river nearly meet in a low ground; and this is the place, through -which there has been a talk of making a canal, this forty years; -which would be a vast advantage to all these countries, by saving -the long and dangerous navigation round the Cape, and through the -shoals adjoining.” Prince, p. 208, (A.D. 1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 122. - -[57] Oysters are still found in great excellence and plenty in -Sandwich, on the shores of Buzzard’s bay. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -viii. 122. - -[58] The common clam, (_mya arenaria_,) or perhaps the quahaug, -(_venus mercenaria_). The English call the former the sand-gaper, -the word _clam_ not being in use among them, and not to be found -in their dictionaries. And yet it is mentioned by Captain Smith, -in his Description of New England, printed in 1616. Johnson, -whose Wonderworking Providence was published in 1654, speaks of -“_clambanks_, a fish as big as horse-muscles.” Morton too, in his -New English Canaan, (1637) mentions them, and Josselyn, (1672) -in his Rarities, p. 96, speaks of “clam, or clamp, a kind of -shell-fish, a white muscle.” Wood says, ch. ix. “clams or clamps -is a shellfish not much unlike a cockle; it lieth under the sand. -These fishes be in great plenty. In some places of the country -there be clams as big as a penny white-loaf.” See Mass. Hist. Col. -iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould’s Report -on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 40-42, and 85,86. - -[59] The razor-shell, (_solen_,) which very much resembles a bean -pod, or the haft of a razor, both in size and shape. See Mass. -Hist. Coll. viii. 192. Josselyn calls them “_sheath fish_, which -are very plentiful, a delicate fish, as good as a prawn, covered -with a thin shell like the sheath of a knife, and of the color of a -muscle.” And Morton says, “_razor fishes_ there are.” - -“The animal is cylindrical, and is often used as an article of food -under the name of long-clam, razor-fish, knife-handle, &c.” See Dr. -Gould’s Report on the Mollusca of Massachusetts, p. 29. - -[60] In Manomet river, as well as in Buzzard’s and Buttermilk bays, -are found fish of various kinds, such as bass, sheep’s head, -tautaug, scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. - -[61] He was the same as Cawnacome. - -[62] “In their gamings,” says Roger Williams, “they will sometimes -stake and lose their money, clothes, house, corn, and themselves, -if single persons.” Gookin says, “They are addicted to gaming, -and will, in that vein, play away all they have.” And Wood adds, -“They are so bewitched with these two games, that they will lose -sometimes all they have, beaver, moose skins, kettles, wampompeage, -mowhackies, hatchets, knives, all is confiscate by these two -games.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, and Wood’s New -England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 14. - -[63] Powow, a priest and medicine man. - -[64] It seems as if the Captain went into Scussett harbour, which -goes up westward towards Manomet. Prince, p. 210. - -[65] In the Indian dialects. - -[66] Or Iyanough. - -[67] See note [54] on page 78. - -[68] Or Pamet, now called Truro. - - -_Chapter 4_ (_pp. 31-39_) - -[69] “All their refreshing in their sickness is the visit of -friends and neighbours, a poor empty visit and presence; and yet -indeed this is very solemn, unless it be in infectious diseases, -and then all forsake them and fly.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. -Coll. iii. 236. - -[70] It was conjectured by Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has -since been repeatedly asserted as a fact by other writers, -that this person was the celebrated English patriot of the same -name. But this is highly improbable. Hampden, who was born in -1594, and married in 1619, was a member of the parliament which -assembled in January, 1621, and was dissolved by James in 1622, -under circumstances and in a juncture of affairs which rendered it -certain that a new parliament must soon be called. It is not at all -likely that a person in Hampden’s circumstances, a man of family, -wealth and consideration, would, merely for the sake of gratifying -his curiosity, have left England at this critical period, on a -long voyage to another hemisphere, and run the risk of not being -at home at the issuing of the writs for a new parliament. For the -passage to America was at that time precarious; the vessels were -few, and the voyage a long one; so that a person who undertook -it could not reasonably calculate upon getting back in much less -than a year. Winslow’s companion, whoever he was, must have come -in the Charity, which brought Weston’s colony, unless we adopt the -improbable supposition that this “gentleman of London” embarked in -one of the fishing vessels that visited the Grand Bank, and took -his chance of getting to Plymouth as he could. Now the Charity left -London the last of April, 1622, and arrived at Plymouth the last of -June. The visit to Massasoit took place in March, 1623, and after -this no vessel sailed for England till the Anne, September 10, in -which Winslow went home. Of course this “gentleman of London,” must -have been absent at least eighteen months, which it is altogether -improbable that Hampden would have done, running the risk of -not being at home to stand for the next parliament, to which he -undoubtedly expected to be returned, as we know he actually was. - -Besides, had this companion of Winslow been the great English -patriot, the silence of the early Plymouth writers on the point -is unaccountable. On publishing his “Good News from New England” -immediately on his arrival in London, in 1624, one object of which -was to recommend the new colony, how gladly would Winslow have -appealed for the correctness of his statements to this member of -parliament who had passed more than a year in their Plantation. -How natural too would it have been for him to have mentioned the -fact in his “Brief Narration,” published in 1646, only three years -after the death of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, also, whose -sympathies were all with the popular party in England, in writing -an elaborate history of the Colony, would not have failed to record -the long residence among them of one who, at the time he wrote, had -become so distinguished as the leader of that party in the House -of Commons. That his lost history contained no such passage we may -be certain; for had it been there, it must have been quoted either -by Prince or Morton, who make so free use of it, both of whom too -mention this visit to Massasoit, and who would not have omitted a -circumstance so honorable to the Colony. - -Again, Winslow’s companion was “a gentleman of _London_.” -Now although John Hampden happened to be born in London, -when his father was in parliament in 1594, he was properly of -Buckinghamshire. Winslow, who was himself of Worcestershire, if he -knew who Hampden was, would not have called him “a gentleman of -_London_;” and we cannot suppose that this English gentleman would -have spent so many months in the Colony without making himself -known to its two leading men, Winslow and Bradford. - -Equally unfounded is the statement that has gained so wide a -currency and become incorporated with the history of those times, -and is repeated in Lord Nugent’s Life of Hampden, that John -Hampden, in company with Cromwell, Pym, and Hazelrig, had actually -embarked for America on board a fleet in the Thames, in 1638, but -were detained by an order from the Privy Council. Miss Aikin, in -her Memoirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was the first to detect and -expose this error of the historians.--For some of the views in this -note I am indebted to the MS. suggestions of the learned editor of -Governor Winthrop’s History of New England. - -[71] Probably the same which is now called Slade’s Ferry, in -Swanzey. Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292. - -[72] Conbatant or Corbitant, was the sachem of Pocasset, and was -subject to Massasoit. See Baylies’ Plymouth, ii. 232. - -[73] A neck of land in the township of Swanzey, commonly pronounced -Mattapoiset, now Gardner’s neck, situated between the Shawomet -and Toweset necks. See Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 292, and Baylies’ -Plymouth, ii. 232, 234. - -[74] “_Sachimmaacommock_, a prince’s house, which, according to -their condition, is far different from the other house, both in -capacity or receipt, and also the fineness and quality of their -mats.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xxii. - -[75] _Wetu_, or _wigwam_. See Gallatin’s Indian Vocabularies, in -Am. Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322. - -[76] “There are among them certain men and women, whom they call -_powows_. These are partly wizards and witches, holding familiarity -with Satan, that evil one; and partly are physicians, and make -use, at least in show, of herbs and roots for curing the sick and -diseased. These are sent for by the sick and wounded; and by their -diabolical spells, mutterings, exorcisms, they seem to do wonders. -They use extraordinary strange motions of their bodies, insomuch -that they will sweat until they foam; and thus continue for some -hours together, stroking and hovering over the sick.” Gookin, in -Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154. - -“_Powaws_, priests. These do begin and order their service and -invocation of their gods, and all the people follow, and join -interchangeably in a laborious bodily service, unto sweating, -especially of the priest, who spends himself in strange antic -gestures and actions, even unto fainting. In sickness the priest -comes close to the sick person, and performs many strange actions -about him, and threatens and conjures out the sickness. The poor -people commonly die under their hands; for, alas, they administer -nothing, but howl and roar and hollow over them, and begin the -song to the rest of the people, who all join like a choir in prayer -to their gods for them.” Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. -227, 237. - -“The manner of their action in their conjuration is thus. The -parties that are sick are brought before them; the powow sitting -down, the rest of the Indians give attentive audience to his -imprecations and invocations, and after the violent expression of -many a hideous bellowing and groaning, he makes a stop, and then -all the auditors with one voice utter a short canto. Which done, -the powow still proceeds in his invocations, sometimes roaring -like a bear, other times groaning like a dying horse, foaming at -the mouth like a chafed boar, smiting on his naked breast and -thighs with such violence as if he were mad. Thus will he continue -sometimes half a day.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. -12. See also Hutchinson’s Mass. i. 474. - -[77] Wood says, ch. 18, “They pronounce _l_ and _r_ in our English -tongue, with much difficulty, calling a lobster a nobstan.” Yet -Roger Williams states, that “although some pronounce not _l_ or -_r_, yet it is the most proper dialect of other places, contrary -to many reports;” and Eliot, in his Indian Grammar, says, “These -consonants, _l_, _n_, _r_, have such a natural coincidence, that -it is an eminent variation of their dialects. We Massachusetts -pronounce the _n_; the Nipmuk Indians pronounce _l_; and the -Northern Indians pronounce _r_. As instance: - - We say _Anum_} - Nipmuck, _Alum_} A Dog.” - Northern, _Arum_} - -See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. 248. - -[78] “When they are sick, their misery appears, that they have not, -but what sometimes they get from the English, a raisin or currant, -or any physic, fruit, or spice, or any comfort more than their -corn and water, &c. In which bleeding case, wanting all means of -recovery or present refreshing, I have been constrained, to and -beyond my power, to refresh them, and to save many of them from -death, who I am confident perish many millions of them, in that -mighty continent, for want of means.” Roger Williams, in Mass. -Hist. Coll. iii. 236. - -[79] The same as _pinse_. See page 13. - -[80] Sokones, or Succonusset, now called Falmouth. - -[81] Or Agawam, part of Wareham. - -[82] Martha’s Vineyard. - -[83] “_Maskit_, give me some physic.” Roger Williams’s Key, in R. -I. Hist. Coll. i. 159. - -[84] “_Ketan_ is their good God, to whom they sacrifice after their -garners be full with a good crop. Upon this God likewise they -invocate for fair weather, for rain in time of drought, and for the -recovery of their sick.” Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. -ch. 12. - - -_Chapter 5_ (_pp. 40-52_) - -[85] Morton says, in his New English Canaan, ch. vii. “There are -great store of oysters in the entrance of all rivers. They are not -round, as those of England, but excellent fat and all good. I have -seen an oyster bank a mile in length. Muscles there are infinite -store. I have often gone to Wessaguseus, where were excellent -muscles to eat, (for variety,) the fish is so fat and large.” - -[86] The word _inclined_ or _disposed_ seems to have been -accidentally omitted. - -[87] Morton says, “this man’s name was Phinehas Prat, who has -penned the particulars of his perilous journey, and some other -things relating to this tragedy.” Hubbard states that he was -living in 1677, at the time he was writing his History of New -England. In 1662 the General Court of Massachusetts, in answer -to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was -accompanied “with a narrative of the straits and hardships that -the first planters of this Colony underwent in their endeavours -to plant themselves at Plymouth, and since, whereof he was one, -the Court judgeth it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where -it is to be had, not hindering a plantation.” At the Court held -May 3, 1665, it was ordered that land be laid out for Prat, “in -the wilderness on the east of the Merrimack river, near the upper -end of Nacook [Pennacook?] brook, on the southeast of it.” Prat -married in 1630, at Plymouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson. -His heirs had grants of land in Abington subsequent to 1672. Drake -says that after long search he has not been able to discover Prat’s -narrative. It was probably never printed. See Morton’s Memorial, p. -90; Drake’s Book of the Indians, b. ii. 35; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -78, xvii. 122. - -[88] The notorious Thomas Morton, of Merry Mount, in his New -English Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was published in 1637, is the -first writer who mentions a ludicrous fable connected with this -execution, which has been made the occasion of some reproach on -the first planters of New England. After relating the settlement -of Weston’s colony at Weymouth, he mentions that one of them stole -the corn of an Indian, and upon his complaint was brought before -“a parliament of all the people” to consult what punishment should -be inflicted on him. It was decided that this offence, which might -have been settled by the gift of a knife or a string of beads, “was -felony, and by the laws of England, punished with death; and this -must be put in execution, for an example, and likewise to appease -the salvage. When straightways one arose, moved as it were with -some compassion, and said he could not well gainsay the former -sentence, yet he had conceived within the compass of his brain -an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and -cherished. He said that it would most aptly serve to pacify the -salvage’s complaint, and save the life of one that might, if need -should be, stand them in good stead, being young and strong, fit -for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpected, for -any thing they knew. The oration made was like of every one, and he -entreated to proceed to show the means how this may be performed. -Says he, ‘You all agree that one must die; and one shall die. This -young man’s clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is -old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death; such -is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young -man’s clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the -other’s stead.’ ‘Amen,’ says one, and so say many more. And this -had liked to have proved their final sentence; but that one, with -a ravenous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put -by that conclusive motion, alleging such deceits might be a means -hereafter to exasperate the minds of the complaining salvages, and -that by his death the salvages should see their zeal to justice; -and therefore he should die. This was concluded;” and they “hanged -him up hard by.” - -This story of the unscrupulous Morton furnished Butler with the -materials out of which he constructed the following fable in his -Hudibras, part. ii. canto ii. line 409. - - “Our brethren of New England use - Choice malefactors to excuse, - And hang the guiltless in their stead, - Of whom the churches have less need; - As lately happened. In a town, - There lived a cobbler and but one, - That out of doctrine could cut use, - And mend men’s lives as well as shoes. - This precious brother having slain, - In times of peace, an Indian, - (Not out of malice, but mere zeal, - Because he was an infidel,) - The mighty Tottipotymoy - Sent to our elders an envoy, - Complaining sorely of the breach - Of league, held forth, by brother Patch, - Against the articles in force - Between both churches, his and ours; - For which he craved the saints to render - Into his hands, or hang the offender. - But they, maturely having weighed, - They had no more but him of the trade, - A man that served them in a double - Capacity, to teach and cobble, - Resolved to spare him; yet to do - The Indian Hoghgan Moghgan, too, - Impartial justice, in his stead did - Hang an old weaver, that was bed-rid.” - -It will be observed that Morton mentions this substitution merely -as the suggestion of an individual, which was rejected by the -company. Even had it been adopted by them, and carried into -execution, it would not have implicated the Plymouth people at all, -nor cast the least slur on their characters or principles. For -Weston’s colony was entirely distinct from theirs, and composed -of a very different set of men. Their character, as portrayed -by Weston himself, and by Cushman and Pierce, before they came -over, may be seen in note [35] on page 77, to which the reader -is particularly requested to refer. Morton himself calls “many -of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavour to take the -benefit of the country.” As Belknap says, “they were a set of -needy adventurers, intent only on gaining a subsistence.” They did -not come over from any religious scruples, or with any religious -purpose. There is no evidence that they had any church at all; -they certainly were not Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist. of New -England, i. 102, that Weston obtained a patent under pretence of -propagating the discipline of the Church of England in America. - -Grahame, i. 198, falls into an error in attributing this execution -to Gorges’s colony, which settled at the same place in the autumn -of the same year; and Drake, b. ii. 34, errs in saying that -Morton was one of Weston’s company. Morton did not come over till -March, 1625, in company with Wollaston, and settled with him -not at Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 221, 231. The -accurate Hutchinson, i. 6, should not have made a fact out of the -careless Hubbard’s supposition, which the latter mentions as barely -“possible.” See Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77. - -[89] Hansel, to use for the first time. - -[90] The same as _pinse_, on page 13. - -[91] Standish is said to have been a man of short stature. See -Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 111, and xviii, 121. - -[92] When the news of the first Indians being killed by Standish -at Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, their pastor, at Leyden, he -wrote to the church at Plymouth, December 19, 1623, “to consider -the disposition of their Captain, who was of a warm temper. He -hoped the Lord had sent him among them for good, if they used him -right; but he doubted where there was not wanting that tenderness -of the life of man, made after God’s image, which was meet;” and -he concludes with saying, “O how happy a thing had it been that -you had converted some before you killed any!” Prince adds, “It -is to be hoped that Squanto was converted.” It seems Standish -was not of their church at first, and Hubbard says he had more -of his education in the school of Mars than in the school of -Christ. Judge Davis remarks, “These sentiments are honorable to -Mr. Robinson; they indicate a generous philanthropy, which must -always gain our affection, and should ever be cherished. Still -the transactions of which the strictures relate, are defensible. -As to Standish, Belknap places his defence on the rules of duty -imposed by his character, as the military servant of the Colony. -The government, it is presumed, will be considered as acting under -severe necessity, and will require no apology if the reality of the -conspiracy be admitted, of which there can be little doubt. It is -certain that they were fully persuaded of its existence, and with -the terrible example of the Virginia massacre in fresh remembrance, -they had solemn duties to discharge. The existence of the whole -settlement was at hazard.” See Prince, p. 226; Hutchinson’s Mass. -ii. 461; Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 330; Morton’s Memorial, p. 91. - -[93] His bow. - -[94] To England. - -[95] “Thus this plantation is broken up in a year; and this is the -end of those who being all able men, had boasted of their strength -and what they would bring to pass, in comparison of the people -at Plymouth, who had many women, children, and weak ones with -them; and said at their first arrival, when they saw the wants at -Plymouth, that they would take another course, and not fall into -such a condition as this simple people were come to.” Bradford, in -Prince, p. 214, and in Morton, p. 92. - -“Shortly after Mr. Weston’s people went to the eastward, he comes -there himself with some of the fishermen, under another name -and disguise of a blacksmith; where he hears the ruin of his -plantation; and getting a shallop with a man or two comes on to -see how things are; but in a storm is cast away in the bottom of -the bay between Pascataquak and Merrimak river, and hardly escapes -with his life. Afterwards he falls into the hands of the Indians, -who pillage him of all he saved from the sea, and strip him of all -his clothes to his shirt. At length he gets to Pascataquak, borrows -a suit of clothes, finds means to come to Plymouth, and desires -to borrow some beaver of us. Notwithstanding our straits, yet in -consideration of his necessity, we let him have one hundred and -seventy odd pounds of beaver, with which he goes to the eastward, -stays his small ship and some of his men, buys provisions and fits -himself, which is the foundation of his future courses; and yet -never repaid us any thing save reproaches, and becomes our enemy on -all occasions.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216. - -[96] “This may excite in some minds an objection to the humanity of -our forefathers. The reason assigned for it was that it might prove -a terror to others. In matters of war and public justice, they -observed the customs and laws of the English nation. As late as the -year 1747, the heads of the lords who were concerned in the Scots -rebellion were set up over Temple Bar, the most frequented passage -between London and Westminster.” Belknap’s Am. Biog. ii. 326. - - -_Chapter 6_ (_pp. 53-56_) - -[97] The word _no_ appears to be an error of the press. - -[98] This allotment was only for one year. In the spring of the -next year, 1624, “the people requesting the Governor to have some -land for continuance, and not by yearly lot, as before, he gives -every person an acre of land.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 215 and -226. See this latter allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and in Morton, p. -376. - -[99] “But by the time our corn is planted, our victuals are spent, -not knowing at night where to have a bit in the morning, and have -neither bread nor corn for three or four months together, yet bear -our wants with cheerfulness and rest on Providence. Having but one -boat left, we divide the men into several companies, six or seven -in each; who take their turns to go out with a net and fish, and -return not till they get some, though they be five or six days -out; knowing there is nothing at home, and to return empty would -be a great discouragement. When they stay long or get but little, -the rest go a digging shellfish; and thus we live the summer; only -sending one or two to range the woods for deer, they now and then -get one, which we divide among the company; and in the winter are -helped with fowl and ground-nuts.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 216. - -[100] “At length we receive letters from the adventurers in England -of December 22 and April 9 last, wherein they say, ‘It rejoiceth -us much to hear those good reports that divers have brought home -of you;’ and give an account, that last fall, a ship, the Paragon, -sailed from London with passengers, for New Plymouth; being fitted -out by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name our first patent was taken, -his name being only used in trust; but when he saw we were here -hopefully seated, and by the success God gave us, had obtained -favor with the Council for New England, he gets another patent of -a larger extent, meaning to keep it to himself, allow us only what -he pleased, hold us as his tenants and sue to his courts as chief -lord. But meeting with tempestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is -so bruised and leaky that in fourteen days she returned to London, -was forced to be put into the dock, £100 laid out to mend her, and -lay six or seven weeks to December 22, before she sailed a second -time; but being half way over, met with extreme tempestuous weather -about the middle of February which held fourteen days, beat off the -round house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her mast -and return to Portsmouth, having 109 souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce -himself. Upon which great and repeated loss and disappointment, he -is prevailed upon for £500 to resign his patent to the Company, -which cost him but £50; and the goods with charge of passengers in -this ship cost the Company £640, for which they were forced to hire -another ship, namely, the Anne, of 140 tons, to transport them, -namely 60 passengers with 60 tons of goods, hoping to sail by the -end of April.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 217, 218. - -[101] This is the last time that Hobbamock’s name occurs in the -history of the Colony. His services to the infant settlement had -been very important, and in the allotment of the land in 1624, -mention is made of “Hobbamock’s ground.” In New England’s First -Fruits, published in London in 1643, he is described as follows: -“As he increased in knowledge, so in affection, and also in his -practice, reforming and conforming himself accordingly; and though -he was much tempted by enticements, scoffs, and scorns from the -Indians, yet could he never be gotten from the English, nor from -seeking after their God, but died amongst them, leaving some good -hopes in their hearts that his soul went to rest.” - -[102] David Thomson was sent over by Gorges and Mason in the spring -of 1623, and commenced a settlement at a place called Little -Harbour, on the west side of Piscataqua river, near its mouth. -Christopher Levett says he stayed a month at Thomsons plantation -in 1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or later, out of dislike of the -place or his employers, Thomson removed to Boston harbour, and -took possession of “a fruitful island and very desirable neck of -land,” which were afterwards confirmed to him or his heirs by the -government of Massachusetts. This neck of land was Squantum, in -Quincy, and the island which is very near it, has ever since been -called by his name. It is now the seat of the Farm School. Compare -Savage’s Winthrop, i. 44, with Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. -105; and see Adams’s Annals of Portsmouth, p. 10, and Levett’s -voyage into New-England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 164. - -[103] So called after himself, by Captain John Smith, who -discovered them in 1614. He thus describes them: “Smyth’s Isles -are a heap together, none near them, against Accominticus.” They -are eight in number, and are now called the Isles of Shoals. See -a description and historical account of them in Mass. Hist. Coll. -vii. 242-262; xxvi. 120. - -[104] “Governor Bradford gives no hint of this third repulse.” -Prince, p. 219. - -[105] The following is an alphabetical list of those who came over -in the Anne and Little James. - - Anthony Annable, - Edward Bangs, - Robert Bartlett, - Fear Brewster, - Patience Brewster, - Mary Bucket, - Edward Butcher, - Thomas Clark, - Christopher Conant, - Cuthbert Cuthbertson, - Anthony Dix, - John Faunce, - Manasseh Faunce, - Goodwife Flavell, - Edmund Flood, - Bridget Fuller, - Timothy Hatherly, - William Heard, - Margaret Hickes, and her children, - William Hilton’s wife and two children, - Edward Holman, - John Jenny, - Robert Long, - Experience Mitchell, - George Morton, - Thomas Morton, jr. - Ellen Newton, - John Oldham, - Frances Palmer, - Christian Penn, - Mr. Perce’s two servants, - Joshua Pratt, - James Rand, - Robert Rattliffe, - Nicholas Snow, - Alice Southworth, - Francis Sprague, - Barbara Standish, - Thomas Tilden, - Stephen Tracy, - Ralph Wallen. - -This list, as well as that of the passengers in the Fortune, is -obtained from the record of the allotment of lands, in 1624, which -may be found in Hazard’s State Papers, i. 101-103, and in the -Appendix to Morton’s Memorial, pp. 377-380. In that list, however, -Francis Cooke’s and Richard Warren’s names are repeated, although -they came in the Mayflower; probably because their wives and -children came in the Anne, and therefore an additional grant of -land was made to them. Many others brought their families in this -ship; and Bradford says that “some were the wives and children of -such who came before.” - -Fear and Patience Brewster were daughters of Elder Brewster. John -Faunce married Patience, daughter of George Morton, and was father -of the venerable Elder Faunce. Thomas Clark’s gravestone is one of -the oldest on the Burial hill in Plymouth. Francis Cooke’s wife, -Hester, was a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbertson was a Dutchman, as -we learn from Winslow’s Brief Narration. Anthony Dix is mentioned -in Winthrop, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell was probably the wife of -Thomas, who came in the Fortune, and Bridget Fuller was the wife -of Samuel, the physician. Timothy Hatherly went to England the -next winter, and did not return till 1632; he settled in Scituate. -Margaret Hicks, was the wife of Robert, who came in the Fortune. -William Hilton had sent for his wife and children. George Morton -brought his son, Nathaniel, the secretary, and four other children. -Thomas Morton, jr. was probably the son of Thomas, who came in the -Fortune. John Oldham afterwards became notorious in the history of -the Colony. Frances Palmer was the wife of William, who came in -the Fortune. Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land assigned him among -those who came in the Anne; but he was undoubtedly one of Weston’s -colony, as appears from page 44. Barbara Standish was the Captain’s -second wife, whom he married after the arrival of the Anne. Her -maiden name is unknown. - -Annable afterwards settled in Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and -Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. -John Jenny was a brewer, and in 1636 had “liberty to erect a mill -for grinding and beating of corn upon the brook of Plymouth.” - -Those who came in the first three ships, the Mayflower, the -Fortune, and the Anne, are distinctively called the _old comers_, -or the _forefathers_. For further particulars concerning them, see -Farmer’s Genealogical Register, Mitchell’s Bridgewater, and Deane’s -Scituate. - -[106] “Of 140 tons, Mr. William Pierce, master.” Bradford, in -Prince, pp. 218 and 220. - -[107] “Being laden with clapboards, and all the beaver and other -furs we have; with whom we send Mr. Winslow, to inform how things -are and procure what we want.” Bradford, in Prince, p. 221. - -[108] “A fine new vessel of 44 tons Mr. Bridges, master.” Bradford, -in Prince, p. 220. - -[109] “They bring about 60 persons, some being very useful and -become good members of the body; of whom the principal are Mr. -Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, who came in the Anne, and -Mr. John Jenny, who came in the James. Some were the wives and -children of such who came before; and some others are so bad we are -forced to be at the charge to send them home next year. - -“By this ship R. C. [i.e. doubtless Mr. Cushman, their agent,] -writes, ‘Some few of your old friends are come; they come dropping -to you, and by degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all, -&c.’ - -“From the general, [that is, the joint concern, the company] -subscribed by thirteen, we have also a letter wherein they say, -‘Let it not be grievous to you, that you have been instruments to -break the ice for others who come after with less difficulty; the -honor shall be yours to the world’s end. We bear you always in our -breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the -hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless -pray your safety as their own.’ - -“When these passengers see our poor and low condition ashore, -they are much dismayed and full of sadness; only our old friends -rejoice to see us, and that it is no worse, and now hope we shall -enjoy better days together. The best dish we could present them -with, is a lobster, or piece of fish, without bread, or any thing -else but a cup of fair spring water; and the long continuance -of this diet, with our labors abroad, has somewhat abated the -freshness of our complexion; but God gives us health, &c. - -“August 11. The fourth marriage is of Governor Bradford to Mrs. -Alice Southworth, widow.” Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. Her -maiden name was Carpenter, as appears from the following entry in -the records of the Plymouth Church: “1667. Mary Carpenter, (sister -of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the wife of Governor Bradford,) a member of -the church at Duxbury, died in Plymouth, March 19-20, being newly -entered into the 91st year of her age. She was a godly old maid, -never married.” - - -_Chapter 7_ (_pp. 57-66_) - -[110] The meaning of the word Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to -antiquity; for _Chise_ is an old man, and _Kichchise_ a man that -exceedeth in age.--_Winslow’s Note._ - -[111] “They relate how they have it from their fathers, that -Kautantowwit made one man and woman of a stone, which disliking he -broke them in pieces, and made another man and woman of a tree, -which were the fountains of all mankind.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. -xxi. - -[112] “_Kautantowwit_, the great southwest God, to whose house all -souls go, and from whom came their corn and beans, as they say. -They believe that the souls of men and women go to the southwest; -their great and good men and women to Kautantowwit’s house, where -they have hopes, as the Turks have, of carnal joys; murtherers, -thieves and liars, their souls, say they, wander restless abroad.” -Williams’s Key, ch. xxi. - -[113] Wood, in his New England’s Prospect, ch. xix. spells this -word _Abamacho_. - -[114] See page 33, note [76]. - -[115] See pages 13 and 37. - -[116] Or centaury--probably the _sabbatia chloroides_, a plant -conspicuous for its beauty, which is found in great abundance on -the margin of the ponds in Plymouth. It belongs to the natural -order of Gentians, one characteristic of which is an intense -bitterness, residing both in the stems and roots. The _gentiana -crinita_, or fringed gentian, also grows in this region. See -Bigelows Plants of Boston, pp. 79 and 111. - -“The greater centaury is that famous herb wherewith Chiron the -_centaur_ (as the report goeth) was cured at what time as having -entertained Hercules in his cabin, he would needs be handling and -tampering with the weapons of his said guest so long until one -of the arrows light upon his foot and wounded him dangerously.” -Hollands Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6. - -[117] “Their government is generally monarchical, their chief -sagamore or sachem’s will being their law; but yet the sachem hath -some chief men that he consults with as his special counsellors. -Among some of the Indians their government is mixed, partly -monarchical and partly aristocratical; their sagamore doing not -any weighty matter without the consent of his great men or petty -sagamores. Their sachems have not their men in such subjection but -that very frequently their men will leave them upon distaste or -harsh dealing, and go and live under other sachems that can protect -them; so that their princes endeavour to carry it obligingly and -lovingly unto their people, lest they should desert them, and -thereby their strength, power and tribute would be diminished.” -Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154. - -[118] See page 31. - -[119] “Upon the death of the sick, the father, or husband, and -all his neighbours wear black faces, and lay on soot very thick, -which I have often seen clotted with their tears. This blacking -and lamenting they observe in most doleful manner divers weeks -and months, yea a year, if the person be great and public.--When -they come to the grave, they lay the dead by the grave’s mouth, -and then all sit down, and lament, that I have seen tears run down -the cheeks of stoutest captains in abundance; and after the dead -is laid in the grave, they have then a second lamentation.” Roger -Williams’s Key, ch. xxxii. - -[120] See note [54] on page 25. - -[121] See page 26. - -[122] “The most usual custom amongst them in executing punishments, -is for the sachim either to beat or whip or put to death with -his own hand, to which the common sort most quietly submit; -though sometimes the sachim sends a secret executioner, one -of his chiefest warriors, to fetch off a head by some sudden, -unexpected blow of a hatchet, when they have feared mutiny by -public execution.” Roger Williamss Key, ch. xxii. See also page 15 -previous. - -[123] “_Mosk_ or _paukunawaw_, the Great Bear, or Charles’s Wain; -which words mosk or paukunawaw signifies a bear; which is so -much the more observable, because in most languages that sign or -constellation is called the Bear.” Roger Williams’s Key, ch. xii. - -[124] “Their powows, by their exorcisms, and necromantic charms, -bring to pass strange things, if we may believe the Indians; who -report of one Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon Merrimack river, -and the most celebrated powow in the country, that he can make -the water burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, and metamorphize -himself into a flaming man. In winter, when there are no green -leaves to be got, he will burn an old one to ashes, and putting -these into the water, produce a new green leaf, which you shall not -only see, but substantially handle and carry away; and make a dead -snake’s skin a living snake, both to be seen, felt, and heard.” -Wood’s New England’s Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; Hutchinson’s Mass. -i. 474; Morton’s New English Canaan, book i. ch. 9. - -[125] “There is a mixture of this language north and south, from -the place of my abode, about 600 miles; yet within the 200 miles -aforementioned, their dialects do exceedingly differ; yet not so -but, within that compass, a man may converse with thousands of -natives all over the country.” Roger Williams’s Key, Pref. - -“The Indians of the parts of New England, especially upon the -sea-coasts, use the same sort of speech and language, only with -some difference in the expressions, as they differ in several -counties in England, yet so as they can well understand one -another.” Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. - - -_Chapter 8_ (_pp. 67-71_) - -[126] In September 1609, Hudson ascended the “great river of the -mountains,” now called by his name, in a small vessel called the -Half-Moon, above the city of Hudson, and sent up a boat beyond -Albany. Josselyn says, that Hudson “discovered _Mohegan_ river, in -New England.” See Robert Juet’s Journal of Hudson’s third voyage, -in Purchas, iii. 593, and in N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 139, 140, and -2d series, i. 317-332; Moulton’s Hist. of New York, 213, 244-249; -Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 372; Belknap’s Am. Biog. i. 400. - - -_Postscript_ (_p. 72_) - -[127] The former of the works here referred to is reprinted in -the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1-25; the latter has been reprinted by -Applewood Books as _Mourt’s Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at -Plymouth_. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - The term ‘salvage’ is used many times, almost as often as ‘savage’; - this archaic spelling has been left unchanged. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Frontmatter: ‘Iohn Bellamie’ replaced by ‘John Bellamie’. - Pg 8: ‘not kowing what’ replaced by ‘not knowing what’. - Pg 13: ‘no to undertake’ replaced by ‘not to undertake’. - Pg 65: ‘for a many to cry’ replaced by ‘for a man to cry’. - - Footnotes - Pg 76 Fn [21]: ‘Thacher’s Plymouth’ replaced by ‘Thatcher’s Plymouth’. - Pg 80 Fn [70]: ‘visit to Massassoit’ replaced by ‘visit to Massasoit’. - Pg 86 Fn [99]: ‘three our four’ replaced by ‘three or four’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD NEWES FROM NEW ENGLAND *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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