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diff --git a/old/67127-0.txt b/old/67127-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 02725eb..0000000 --- a/old/67127-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11158 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Origin, Tendencies and Principles -of Government, by Victoria C. Woodhull - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Origin, Tendencies and Principles of Government - A review of the rise and fall of nations from early historic time - to the present; with special considerations regarding the future - of the United States as the representative government of the - world and the form of administration which will secure this - consummation. Also, papers on human equality, as represented by - labor and its representative, money; and the meaning and - significance of life from a scientific standpoint, with its - prophecies for the great future. - -Author: Victoria C. Woodhull - -Release Date: January 8, 2022 [eBook #67127] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ORIGIN, TENDENCIES AND -PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT *** - - -[Illustration: _Victoria C Woodhull_] - - - - - THE - ORIGIN, TENDENCIES AND PRINCIPLES - OF - GOVERNMENT: - OR, - A REVIEW OF THE RISE AND FALL OF NATIONS - FROM EARLY HISTORIC TIME TO THE PRESENT; - WITH - SPECIAL CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING THE FUTURE OF - THE UNITED STATES - AS THE - REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT OF THE WORLD - AND THE -FORM OF ADMINISTRATION WHICH WILL SECURE THIS CONSUMMATION. ALSO, PAPERS - ON HUMAN EQUALITY, AS REPRESENTED BY LABOR AND ITS REPRESENTATIVE, - MONEY; AND THE MEANING AND SIGNIFICANCE OF LIFE FROM A SCIENTIFIC - STANDPOINT, WITH ITS PROPHECIES FOR THE GREAT FUTURE. - - - BY VICTORIA C. WOODHULL. - - - NEW YORK: - WOODHULL, CLAFLIN & CO., 44 BROAD STREET. - 1871. - - - - - Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871, by VICTORIA C. - WOODHULL, in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. - - - FROM THE - CO-OPERATIVE PRESS, - 30 BEEKMAN STREET, - NEW YORK. - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - God in Creation, History and Government, 1 - - Constitution of the United States, 3 - - First Pronunciamento, 19 - - A Review of the General Situation, 23 - - Second Pronunciamento, 36 - - The Tendencies of Government, 41 - - Woman’s Idea of Government, 86 - - The Limits and Sphere of Government, 88 - - The Principles of Government, 109 - - Papers on Labor and Capital, 128 - - Paper on Finance and Commerce, 174 - - The Basis of Physical Life, 205 - - The Tendencies and Prophecies of the Present Age, 223 - - - - - INTRODUCTORY. - - -Specializations have been characteristic of the present generation. -Branches of science, philosophy or art have been selected and treated as -though possessed of great and independent importance. The process of -individuality has been the cause; but true evolution, whether in man or -matter, consists in viewing whatever is presented for consideration as -being related to all the rest, and as a part of the whole. - -It will be evident to the careful reader that the various subjects -contained in this volume were not originally prepared for this purpose. -In several instances the same points receive consideration, which, while -they perhaps interfere with the general consecutiveness of the entire -work, would interfere still more with the construction of its parts, -were they omitted. For this we have no other apology to offer. - -Perhaps, however, an explanation is due for errors which have -undoubtedly been passed unnoticed. During the publication we have been -variously engaged and not able to devote the time actually requisite to -reviewing a work of this character. Very much of the proof-reading has -necessarily been intrusted to others, and we regret that some -typographical errors have crept in. Those we have noticed are so evident -they scarcely need be mentioned. In one case evolution has been rendered -revolution; in another, evolve, revolve; in another, farce, force, etc. -All who might desire to read part of this book may not care for other -parts. Those who would find food for thought in “The Basis of Physical -Life” might not care to inquire whether the governmental evolution of -the world has been consistent and persistent; but we trust that -everybody who takes up this book will carefully read “The Limits and -Sphere and the Principles of Government,” and “Papers on Labor and -Capital and Commerce,” for these immediately concern us all. - -In introducing the Constitution of the United States and the late action -in reference to human rights, it is hoped to meet in a manner the -rapidly-growing demand for information upon the Woman Question, and in -giving it the prominence of introducing the book to our readers, we -trust to cause further inquiry into the subject of the equality of human -rights. Asking the indulgence of an ever generous public we commit our -effort to its care, with the hope that the Providence of God may approve -it, and that it may benefit that humanity in whose cause I profess to -labor. - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL - - NEW YORK, February 1, 1871. - - - - - GOD IN CREATION, IN HISTORY AND IN GOVERNMENT. - - - Almighty God! Who art alone first cause, - Of all that Nature works through changeless laws, - Maker and author of whate’er we see - That lives Thy life amid eternity. - - Look back ere time was, and the face of earth, - Lifeless and still, was solitude and dearth; - No lovely valleys and no hills sublime; - No rocks or waters marked the hours of time. - - Yet look again; behold the grass-clad hills, - Dew-spangled, multitudinous with rills, - Yet lifeless still: no reason and no sight, - That in these many glories know delight. - - Yet look again; field-beasts and birds of sky - Range woods and glades mere hunger to supply; - And time rolls onward, rocks grow old and gray, - And Nature’s face is wrinkled with decay. - - Yet look again; Creation’s fullness past, - And one supreme is born. Man comes at last; - Man, who to man is what God is to earth; - God’s image in the soul; in form her birth. - - Yet look again; Man reaches to his prime, - Like God, creating through fixed laws and time, - Must he not, too, through each gradation go, - Reaching to higher passes from the low? - - Is not our life breathed forth from God’s own breath? - Once having lived, can we in truth know death? - Each soul from birth until the final sleep, - Must on God’s own fixed lines its travel keep. - - Then, wherefore, with loud prayer and unctuous face, - To brother say: “Ye run a foolish race - To the abyss.” For how shall any know - Whither God’s ministry shall make us go? - - Doubt ye the power that governs everything - That lovely earth from chaos forth did bring? - Canst mark the line where ceases God’s command - From work that’s done by man’s own shaping hand? - - Forever, no! For man is but effect - Of causes which the Father doth direct; - Each act and thought and movement of his soul - Hath source in God, the Infinite and Whole. - - From earthly things man must his body feed; - But doth not soul from Heaven its nurture need? - His earthly frame bound earthward by fixed laws, - Doth not the soul yearn for a heavenly cause? - - Brothers to brothers linked, and each to all, - Live we one life on this terrestrial ball; - One life of those who live and those who die, - Of those whom sight knows and whom memory. - - Those elder brothers on that farther shore, - Risen higher than we in wisdom and in lore, - Send messages of knowledge and of love; - But know we well that these come from above! - - For angels’ wisdom to the earth descends, - And each fresh hour some bright, fresh wisdom sends; - Each day some wonder of new lore displayed, - Each year man’s mind with triumph new arrayed. - - Can mouldering relics, or can fossiled creeds, - Provide the quickening age her mighty needs? - Can codes, half dead, framed in days long gone by, - The soul’s new wants, so manifold, supply? - - New palaces of Science, Faith and Truth, - Tower o’er the humble dwellings of our youth. - Shall rule and State, then, in their old ways stand, - Denying Progress her supreme demand? - - Yet stand they do, and with contemptuous pride, - Fling Reason, Progress, Hope and Faith aside. - Shall the soul’s mighty yearnings thus have end? - As well with words think God’s own plans to bend. - - Decrees are sealed in Heaven’s own chancery, - Proclaiming universal liberty. - Rulers and Kings who will not hear the call, - In one dread hour shall thunder-stricken fall. - - So moves the growing world with march sublime, - Setting new music to the beats of Time; - Old things decay, and new things ceaseless spring, - And God’s own face is seen in everything. - - - - - CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. - - - ARTICLE I. - -SEC. I.—All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a -Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House -of Representatives. - -SEC. II.—1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members -chosen every second year, by the people of the several States; and the -electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for -electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. - -2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the -age of twenty-five years and been seven years a citizen of the United -States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the State -in which he shall be chosen. - -3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the -several States which may be included within this Union, according to -their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the -whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a -term of years, and excluding Indians, not taxed, three-fifths of all -other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years -after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within -every subsequent term of ten years in such manner as they shall by law -direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every -thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; -and until such enumeration shall be made the State of New Hampshire -shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode Island -and Providence Plantations, one; Connecticut, five; New York, six; New -Jersey, four; Pennsylvania, eight; Delaware, one; Maryland, six; -Virginia, ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina five, and Georgia, -three. - -4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the -executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such -vacancies. - -5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other -officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. - -SEC. III.—1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed two -Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six -years; and each Senator shall have one vote. - -2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first -election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three -classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated -at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the -expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration -of the sixth year, that one-third maybe chosen every second year; and, -if vacancies occur by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the -Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary -appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then -fill such vacancies. - -3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age of -thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and -who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he -is chosen. - -4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the -Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. - -5. The Senate shall choose their other officers and also a President -_pro tempore_, in the absence of the Vice-President or when he shall -exercise the office of the President of the United States. - -6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When -sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the -President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall -preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of -two-thirds of the members present. - -7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend farther than to -removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office -of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but the party -convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, -trial, judgment and punishment according to law. - -SEC. IV.—1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for -Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State, by the -Legislature thereof; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or -alter such regulation, except as to the places of choosing Senators. - -2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such -meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by -law appoint a different day. - -SEC. V.—1. Each House shall be judge of the elections, returns and -qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall -constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn -from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of -absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House -may provide. - -2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its -members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of -two-thirds, expel a member. - -3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to -time publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, -require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on -any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be -entered on the journal. - -4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the -consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any place -than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. - -SEC. VI.—1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a -compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out -of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases, except -for treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest -during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and -in going to or returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in -either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. - -2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was -elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the -United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof -shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any -office under the United States, shall be a member of either House, -during his continuance in office. - -SEC. VII.—1. All bills for raising revenues shall originate in the House -of Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with -amendments, as on other bills. - -2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and -the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President -of the United States; if he approves, he shall sign it; but if not, he -shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall -have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their -journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, -two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it must be sent, -together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall -likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, -it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses -shall be determined by yeas and nays; and the names of the persons -voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on the journal of each -House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President -within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to -him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, -unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in which -case it shall not be a law. - -3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the -Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a -question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the -United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved -by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of -the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and -limitations prescribed in the face of a bill. - -SEC. VIII.—The Congress shall have power— - -1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay the -debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the -United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform -throughout the United States: - -2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States: - -3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several -States, and with the Indian tribes: - -4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on -the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States: - -5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and -fix the standard of weights and measures: - -6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and -current coin of the United States: - -7. To establish post-offices and post-roads: - -8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing, for -limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their -respective writings and discoveries: - -9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; to define and -punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences -against the law of nations: - -10. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules -concerning capture on land and water: - -11. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that -use shall be for a longer term than two years: - -12. To provide and maintain a navy: - -13. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and -naval forces: - -14. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the -Union, suppress insurrection and repel invasions: - -15. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and -for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the -United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of -the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to -the discipline prescribed by Congress. - -16. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over -such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of -particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of -Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all -places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which -the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, -dock-yards, and other needful buildings:—And - -17. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying -into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this -Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any -department or officer thereof. - -SEC. IX.—1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the -States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited -by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; -but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten -dollars for each person. - -2. The privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ shall not be suspended -unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may -require it. - -3. No bill of attainder, or _ex-post facto_ law, shall be passed. - -4. No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in -proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be -taken. - -5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No -preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to -the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to -or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another. - -6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of -appropriations made by law; and a regular statement or account of the -receipts and expenditures of all public money, shall be published from -time to time. - -7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no -persons holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without -the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or -title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. - -SEC. X.—1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or -confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit -bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in -payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, _ex-post facto_ law, or -law impairing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title of -nobility. - -2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or -duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary -for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and -imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of -the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to -the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the -consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of -war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another -State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually -invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. - - - ARTICLE II. - -SEC. I.—1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the -United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of -four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same -term, be elected as follows: - -2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof -may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators -and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress; but -no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or -profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. - -3. [Annulled. See Amendments, Art. XII.] - -4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the elector, and the -day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same -throughout the United States. - -5. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United -States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be -eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be -eligible to that office, who shall not have attained to the age of -thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United -States. - -6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, -resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said -office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President; and the Congress -may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or -inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what -officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act -accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be -elected. - -7. The President shall at stated times receive, for his services, a -compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the -period for which he shall have been elected; and he shall not receive -within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of -them. - -8. Before he enter on the execution of his office he shall take the -following oath or affirmation: - -“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the -office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my -ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United -States.” - -SEC. II.—1. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and -navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when -called into actual service of the United States; he may require the -opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive -departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective -offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardon for -offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. - -2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the -Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present -concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the consent and advice of -the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and -consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the -United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, -and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may, by law, -vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper, in -the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of -departments. - -3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may -happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which -shall expire at the end of their next session. - -SEC. III.—He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information -of the State of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such -measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on -extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in -case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of -adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; -he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take -care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the -officers of the United States. - -SEC. IV.—1. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the -United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and -conviction of, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors. - - - ARTICLE III. - -SEC. I.—1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in -one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from -time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and -inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and -shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which -shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. - -SEC. II.—1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and -equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, -and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all -cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all -cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which -the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more -States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens -of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lands -under grants of different States, and between a State or the citizens -thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. - -2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and -consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court -shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before -mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as -to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the -Congress may make. - -3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by -jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes -shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the -trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have -directed. - -SEC. II.—1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in -levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them -aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the -testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in -open court. - -2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason; -but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or -forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. - - - ARTICLE IV. - -SEC. I.—1. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each State, to the -public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State. And -the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such -acts, records and proceeding, shall be proved, and the effect thereof. - -SEC. II.—1. THE CITIZENS OF EACH STATE SHALL BE ENTITLED TO ALL -PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES OF CITIZENS IN THE SEVERAL STATES. - -2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony or other crime, -who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on -demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be -delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the -crime. - -3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws -thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or -regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall -be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may -be due. - -SEC. III.—1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; -but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of -any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more -States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislature of -the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. - -2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful -rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property -belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall -be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of -any particular State. - -SEC. IV.—THE UNITED STATES SHALL GUARANTEE TO EVERY STATE IN THIS UNION -A REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT, AND SHALL PROTECT EACH OF THEM AGAINST -INVASION; AND, ON APPLICATION OF THE LEGISLATURE, OR OF THE EXECUTIVE -(WHEN THE LEGISLATURE CANNOT BE CONVENED), AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE. - - - ARTICLE V. - -The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it -necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution; or, on the -application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, -shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, -shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this -Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths -thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by -Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year -one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall, in any manner, affect the -first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; AND -THAT NO STATE, WITHOUT ITS CONSENT, SHALL BE DEPRIVED OF ITS EQUAL -SUFFRAGE IN THE SENATE. - - - ARTICLE VI. - -1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the -adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United -States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. - -2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be -made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made -under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of -the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby; anything -in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary -notwithstanding. - -3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of -the several State Legislatures, and executive and judicial officers both -of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath -or affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall -ever be required as a qualification to any office, or public trust, -under the United States. - - - ARTICLE VII. - -The ratification of the convention of nine States shall be sufficient -for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so -ratifying the same. - - GEORGE WASHINGTON, President. - - WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. - - - AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. - - - ARTICLE I. - -Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or -prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of -speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to -assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. - - - ARTICLE II. - -A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free -State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be -infringed. - - - ARTICLE III. - -No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without -the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be -prescribed by law. - - - ARTICLE IV. - -The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers -and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be -violated; and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported -by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be -searched, and the persons or things to be seized. - - - ARTICLE V. - -No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous -crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in -cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in -actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be -subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or -limb; nor shall he be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness -against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property without -due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use -without just compensation. - - - ARTICLE VI. - -In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a -speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district -wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have -been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and -cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against -him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, -and to have the assistance of counsel for the defence. - - - ARTICLE VII. - -In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed -twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no -fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the -United States than according to the rules of the common law. - - - ARTICLE VIII. - -Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor -cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. - - - ARTICLE IX. - -The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be -construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. - - - ARTICLE X. - -The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor -prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, -or to the people. - - - ARTICLE XI. - -The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend -to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the -United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects -of any foreign State. - - - ARTICLE XII. - -1. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by -ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall -not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name -in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct -ballots the person voted for as Vice-President; and they shall make -distinct lists of all persons voted for as President and of all persons -voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which -list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of -Government of the United States, directed to the President of the -Senate; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate -and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes -shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes -for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of -the whole number of electors appointed; and if no one has such majority, -then, from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, -on the list of those voted for as President, the House of -Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But -in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the -representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this -purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the -States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. -And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, -whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth -day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as -President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional -disability of the President. - -2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President -shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole -number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then, -from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the -Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of -the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall -be necessary to a choice. - -3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President -shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. - - - ARTICLE XIII. - -If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive or -retain any title of nobility or honor, or shall, without the consent of -Congress, accept and retain any present, pension, office or emolument, -of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince or foreign power, -such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall -be incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under them or -either of them. - - - ARTICLE XIV. - -1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to -the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the -State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which -shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United -States. Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or -property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its -jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. - -2. Representatives shall be appointed among the several States according -to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in -each State, excluding Indians not taxed; but whenever the right to vote -at any election for electors of President and Vice-President, or for -United States Representatives in Congress, executive and judicial -officers, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of -the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and -citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for -participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation -therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male -citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one -years of age in that State. - -3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, elector -of President or Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, -under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously -taken an oath as member of Congress, or as an officer of the United -States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or -judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United -States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the -same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, -by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. - -4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by -law, including debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties -for service in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be -questioned, but neither the United States nor any State shall assume or -pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion -against the United States, or claim for the loss or emancipation of any -slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal -and void. - - - ARTICLE XV. - -The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied -or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, -color or previous conditions of servitude. - - - - - [Revised from the New York Herald of April 2, 1870.] - - FIRST PRONUNCIAMENTO. - - -The disorganized condition of parties in the United States at the -present time affords a favorable opportunity for a review of the -political situation and for comment on the issues which are likely to -come up for settlement in the Presidential election in 1872. As I happen -to be the most prominent representative of the only unrepresented class -in the republic, and perhaps the most practical exponent of the -principles of equality, I request the favor of being permitted to -address the public through the medium of the _Herald_. While others of -my sex devoted themselves to a crusade against the laws that shackle the -women of the country, I asserted my individual independence; while -others prayed for the good time coming, I worked for it; while others -argued the equality of woman with man, I proved it by successfully -engaging in business; while others sought to show that there was no -valid reason why women should be treated, socially and politically, as -being inferior to man, I boldly entered the arena of politics and -business and exercised the rights I already possessed. I therefore claim -the right to speak for the unenfranchised women of the country, and -believing as I do that the prejudices which still exist in the popular -mind against women in public life will soon disappear, I now announce -myself as candidate for the Presidency. - -I am quite well aware that in assuming this position I shall evoke more -ridicule than enthusiasm at the outset But this is an epoch of sudden -changes and startling surprises. What may appear absurd to-day will -assume a serious aspect to-morrow. I am content to wait until my claim -for recognition as a candidate shall receive the calm consideration of -the press and the public. The blacks were cattle in 1860; a negro now -sits in Jeff Davis’ seat in the United States Senate. The sentiment of -the country was, even in 1863, against negro suffrage; now the negro’s -right to vote is acknowledged by the constitution of the United States. -Let those, therefore, who ridiculed the negro’s claim to exercise the -right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” and who lived to -see him vote and hold high public office, ridicule the aspirations of -the women of the country for complete political equality as much as they -please. They cannot roll back the rising tide of reform. The world -moves. - -That great Governmental changes were to follow the enfranchisement of -the negro I have long foreseen. While the curse of slavery covered the -land progress was enchained, but when it was swept away in the torrent -of war, the voice of justice was heard, and it became evident that the -last weak barrier against complete political and social equality must -soon give way. All that has been said and written hitherto, in support -of equality for women has had its proper effect on the public mind, just -as the anti-slavery speeches before secession were effective; but a -candidate and a policy are required to prove it. Lincoln’s election -showed the strength of the feeling against the peculiar institution; my -candidacy for the Presidency will, I confidently expect, develop the -fact that the principles of equal rights for all have taken deep root. -The advocates of political equality for women have, besides a -respectable known strength, a great undercurrent of unexpressed power, -which is only awaiting a fit opportunity to show itself. By the general -and decided test I propose, we shall be able to understand the woman -question aright, or at least have done much toward presenting the issue -involved in proper shape. I claim to possess the strength and courage to -be the subject of that test, and look forward confidently, to a -triumphant issue of the canvass. - -The present position of political parties is anomalous. They are not -inspired by any great principles of policy or economy. Political -preachers paw the air; there is no live issue up for discussion. The -only seemingly distinctive feature upon which a complete and -well-defined diversion exists, is on the dead issue of negro equality, -and this is to the political leaders a harp of a thousand strings. - -The minor questions of the hour do not affect parties as such, and no -well-defined division of sentiment exists. A great national question is -wanted, to prevent a descent into pure sectionalism. That question -exists in the issue, whether woman shall remain sunk below the right -granted to the negro, or be elevated to all the political rights enjoyed -by man. The simple issue whether woman should not have this complete -political equality with the negro is the only one to be tried, and none -more important is likely to arise before the Presidential election. But -besides the question of equality others of great magnitude are -necessarily included. The platform that is to succeed in the coming -election must enunciate the _general_ principles of enlightened justice -and economy. - -A complete reform in our system of prison discipline, having specially -in view the welfare of the families of criminals, whose labor should not -be lost to them; the rearrangement of the system and control of internal -improvements; the adoption of some better means for caring for the -helpless and indigent; the establishment of strictly mutual and -reciprocal relations with all foreign Powers who will unite to better -the condition of the productive class, and the adoption of such -principles as shall recognize this class as the true wealth of the -country, and give it a just position beside capital, thus introducing a -practical plan for universal government upon the most enlightened basis, -for the actual, not the imaginary benefit of mankind. - -These important changes can only be expected to follow a complete -departure from the beaten tracks of political parties and their -machinery; and this, I believe my canvass of 1872 will effect. - -That the people are sick of the present administration and the -principles it professes to sustain, is a proposition, I think, that does -not require to be argued; but as I have now taken a decided stand -against its continuance for another term of four years, and offered -myself as a candidate for the Presidential succession, a few preliminary -observations on the general management of our home and foreign policy -will not be out of place. The present administration has been a failure -from the beginning; weak, vacillating and deficient in moral courage, it -commands neither the respect nor admiration of foreign Powers nor -receives the active support of its party. The general management of our -foreign and domestic affairs does not seem to have risen to the dignity -of a policy; though it be allowed to have been consistent in its various -parts, it has been destitute of that decision and firmness which -characterized the victorious soldier who is now President. - -A decided Cuban policy would not only have settled at once the -inevitable destiny of that island, but would also have given republican -sentiment in Spain an impetus, strengthened the South American republics -and exercised a healthy influence in Mexico and Canada. But instead of -this we have to submit to the consequences of a policy of cowardice. -American citizens abroad are murdered by Spanish cut-throats, our -consuls are insulted, and our flag is disgraced. This is unworthy of the -American nation, and the people will hold Grant accountable. A giant who -never shows his strength is neither feared nor respected. On the -important questions of taxation, the tariff and the public debt, the -administration seems to have no settled policy. Taxation, whether for -the support of the Government or the payment of the debt, should in all -cases be general and never special. No special interest, nor several -special interests, should be singled out to sustain an extra proportion -of taxation. And in regard to the tariff the same principle should be -enforced. Whether the public debt be a blessing or a curse, it exists. -Created to save the republic, it must be paid strictly according to both -the spirit and the letter of the law. But there is no immediate -necessity for paying it off. By a proper policy its payment might be -made to extend through a hundred years, for even beyond that time will -the benefits its creation produced be felt and appreciated. In older -countries the pressure of national debt becomes a heavier charge and a -mightier burden every succeeding year, but with us this is reversed. The -development of our magnificent resources will render the gradual payment -of our indebtedness easier of accomplishment with each decade of time. - -All other questions, whether of a foreign or domestic nature, stand -illustrated by the Cuban policy of the administration. A bold, firm and, -withal, consistent national policy, if not at all times strictly within -the conservative limits of international law, will always command the -respect and support of the people. - -With the view of spreading to the people ideas which hitherto have not -been placed before them, and which they may, by reflection, carefully -amplify for their own benefit, I have written several papers on -Governmental questions of importance and will submit them in due order. -For the present the foregoing must suffice. I anticipate criticism; but -however unfavorable the comment this letter may evoke I trust that my -sincerity will not be called in question. I have deliberately and of my -own accord placed myself before the people as a candidate for the -Presidency of the United States, and having the means, courage, energy -and strength necessary for the race, intend to contest it to the close. - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL. - - - - - A VIEW OF THE GENERAL SITUATION. - - - NEW YORK, November 10, 1870. - -In national as well as in individual affairs, it is well to occasionally -take an exact account of the situation in which we are; to balance “our -general books,” to see whether the balance is to the “debit or credit” -or “profit and loss,” and to decide from the results obtained whether -satisfactory progress has been made. As nothing more than “a journal” of -such affairs as we shall take into the account has been kept, it will be -our duty to “post” these affairs into a new “ledger” from existing -“journals,” and also to enter up the new balances which we may find -standing to the several accounts. - -At no time since the close of the Revolutionary War has there been a -time more fitting and inviting for such a work. The whole world is in a -ferment, which was begun by the terrific strife into which the course of -events forced us, and from which we have just emerged through the -reconstruction of an almost demolished Governmental structure. Not all -of the legitimate results of that strife are even yet externally -apparent, either in our own country or in the world at large. There are -various undercurrents, eddies and outcroppings which have never been -taken into any consideration; but when considered, the destiny of this -country, so long foreshadowed, but which was pretty nearly eclipsed, -shines forth more clearly brilliant than ever before. - -Whatever may have been the arguments favorable for the continuance of -the institution of slavery, the destruction of it has rendered them -nugatory, and but few of those who once used them could now be found to -favor its resurrection. The atmosphere is cleared of the cloud it was -draped with, under its influence, and the radiant sun of freedom now -shines for all, and the star of hope our night was illumined by shall -now no more be dimmed by the dense fogs that were wont to arise from its -then already decaying carcass. With its destruction the lives of two -great political parties passed away, and left the people with no -distinct lines of demarkation. It is true that there bodies still exist, -but the process of disintegration is rapidly going on, and the stench of -their decay fills the nostrils of all whose senses are rendered acute by -the intensifying power of intuitive perception. - -Creation is from one point toward one purpose, the extremes of which -course, are beyond the comprehension of human ken. Any fact in the line -of its progress may be considered, and the relations it bears to -contemporaneous facts determined. A fact isolated from all connections -loses its significance. The comparison of a fact with other facts forms -the basis of all relative knowledge, and the further this comparison is -extended, the wider the range of this knowledge becomes: while an -infinite series of facts constitutes the sum total of creation. - -Hence, to obtain a substantially correct knowledge of the present, the -facts of it must not only be considered as facts of the present, but -their relations to, and dependencies upon prior facts, out of which they -arose, must be traced, so that it may be determined why they exist. It -is not sufficient to simply assert that this or that is thus or so. To -do so carries no conviction nor prophetic knowledge of what must be -next, as a necessary sequence. But if a retrospective glance be taken of -the causes that produced it, it is thus demonstrated why it is thus. If -the demonstration is placed with the fact, and their tendencies are -examined, it may be fair to conclude that what they may next lead to, -may be in a measure predicated. The chief value, then, of an intimate -knowledge of the past is, that from it the future may be foreseen, and -that the lesson it teaches may assist in the formation of aids to the -natural order of things. - -If a tree or plant is desired in a certain place, for a certain purpose, -its growth is promoted by all the means which experience has -demonstrated will assist. All other growths that draw from the same -source for supplies, and thereby diminish its fountain of supplies, are -destroyed; the weeds are uprooted, and if the natural supplies which the -earth and air furnish are not sufficient for its demands, that which is -lacking is supplied. The same line of action should govern in the -various departments of nature, and especially in the higher departments -of mind. - -There is another consideration that should never be lost sight of when a -survey of the situation is to be attempted; and this is, that while the -facts which are to be passed upon bear special relations to their -immediate predecessors and surroundings, that these with them bear -certain definite, general relations to the facts of all past time, and -to those that will be in all future time. The present is a part of the -common order of the universe, extending infinitely backward and -forward—a part of the line of evolvement, neither end of which can be -compassed by human mind; and if we would learn well, we must learn all -there is to learn regarding what we learn. - -It is a definite and unanswerable proposition, then, that every nation -of which we have historic record, was a result of pre-existing causes, -and led to further effects, and that each filled and performed a part, -especially its own, which was a natural and necessary result of the time -and place it existed in. By a careful study of the rise and fall of each -of the great nations that have existed and an analytic comparison of the -elements of strength and decay that were prominent therein, and of their -relations to each other, just deductions as to what the present will -lead to, may be arrived at. If the present is the result of the past, -the future must be the result of the present, and like it be the -experiences of creation in the process of evolution from the infinite to -the infinite. - -Government, standing forth prominently as the grandest of all human -conceptions and realizations, has in all times been the representative -of civilization, and the principal means of its diffusion. Bearing this -impress of importance, it may be well to examine the real significance -of the term, or to find the relations it sustains to society. One fact -meets us wherever we may search in the past—the fact of government -Though it is one of the universal necessities and accompaniments of -existence, it is extremely doubtful if its composition is realized to -any considerable extent. Government means control—implies power. No -people can create government because they cannot create power. An -existing power may be organized into form by a people, and this becomes -their government. This power is not in the individuals who exercise it, -they are simply its servants. It is not the people who organize or -consent to it; they are simply represented by it. It is above -individuals, and is independent of peoples, though its channels of -operation may be modified by individuals and peoples. Thus come all -governments, while revolutions are the results of the outworking of -principles, through peoples, who are their representatives. When -analyzed, it thus appears that governments are independent of peoples, -and always exist in some form while peoples come and pass away. - -It is problematically true, that China was the first nation that arrived -at a system of government at all removed from brute, individual force, -and historically so, that there always was a westward tendency to -empire. After China, India; then Assyria, Egypt, Persia, Greece, Rome, -general Europe and America. Each one of these nations, to Rome, was the -result of the course of events, begun in China, to the course of which -each succeeding one added its experiences. The progress of this course -of events has encircled the world. It can go no further westward without -crossing the Pacific and beginning again in China. What is the -significance of this fact, or has it no special indications? It is -evident that the old order of nature has completed a cycle, and that a -new order will be commenced, and that, the new order is to spring from -this country, and consequently, that we are its representatives. This is -made doubly plain, when we refer to the fact that Asiatic tendencies are -now eastward, and that John Chinaman is the new competition our laboring -classes have to encounter. - -It cannot be expected that the new order of events, we, as a country are -inaugurating, will be characterized by the element of the old, just -completed. It had its mission to perform. It accomplished it, and has -passed away. Its fruit is our Government and the civilization of the -present. A new mission begins. Are there any sources from which its -character may be predicated? Though the creation has completed another -cycle of progressive development, the common course of nature never -stops. Therefore the same common order prevails now, that did when the -planes of Iran poured forth its people westward. - -One of the principal features of natural events has been a tendency on -the part of all great nations to acquire universal dominion. Each in -turn attempted it and failed, because of the imperfectly developed form -of the government they sought to control by. What are the evidences that -all future forms may not fail from similar causes, or specially, that -the form we represent will not fail? - -The first and most important evidence is, that in its organic principles -the Brotherhood of the Human Race is recognized. All men are born free -and equal, does not mean that all men born in the United States are free -and equal, but that all men everywhere are. This, then, is the basis -idea upon which our Government is built; whether the structure is yet -perfect or not the foundation is, and can never be overturned. There can -be no higher proposition upon which to build; therefore additions, -tending to perfectability, must be made upon this foundation. - -Another evidence is, that the world is becoming Americanized: that is, -the world is assimilating to the American idea of freedom and equality. -How and why? The vast populations other countries have transplanted to -our soil are in constant communication with friends they left behind, -who thus catch the spirit of equality and freedom, and become imbued -with the spirit of our institutions, and thus involuntarily become like -us, while still subjects of other powers. - -All nations contribute to our strength, and by so doing render us not -only peculiarly American in character, but cosmopolitan to the world. We -are not only American, but European, Asiatic and African; while each of -these are becoming American. We are, therefore, the centre of attraction -for the world, and the world involuntarily recognizes our superior -strength by giving up its population to increase it; while we repay it, -not in physical strength, but with progressive and comprehensive ideas. -In accordance with these facts, patent to every one, it is asserted, -that The World is becoming Americanized, and that this is an evidence -that the form of government by which we tend to universal control is -founded on those general principles which give it that permanency, which -insures its continuance until it shall become universal. - -If the order of civilization is observed the same deduction will be -arrived at The material universe has had its geologic periods The social -has had and will have its periods to correspond. Nature maintains a -regular and consistent order everywhere. It is the degree that this -order is understood, by the general mind, that constitutes the -sociologic periods of the world. The first era of civilization was -inaugurated by the Assyrian and Egyptian empires, more especially the -latter, more than 2000 years B. C. - -This civilization began to spread in the barbaric world immediately -after the famous conquests of Sesostris, and continued during the time -of the Persian, Grecian and Roman empires, culminating with the downfall -of the latter, and thus completing the order of civilization made -possible by Egypt. Egypt conquered and levied tribute upon the -barbarian. Rome conquered, and the barbarian became the Roman citizen. -The present configuration of Europe rose from the ruins of Rome, and -assumed the form through which a greater variety of power could operate -than in the previous era. - -No part of the world but has felt the mighty modifying influence of the -civilizing power of modern Europe. It has permeated the entire temperate -zone, penetrated the frozen latitudes north and south, and attacked the -Hottentot of Central Africa and the Bushman of Australia. It organized -legislation, perfected and maintained administration and made it -possible for all minds to attain individuality, and for individuals, as -such, to rise by personal merit, even from the lowest strata of society. -By its procreative power a new continent, full of native purity and -vitality, conceived, and a higher degree of life than it represented -burst upon the startled world. - -In the first era, it was one controlling mind operating for personal -ends and aggrandizement; in the second, it was several, operating for -the same end; in the third, it will be all minds merged in one channel, -to operate for the good of the whole. The first was personal -civilization thrust upon the barbarism of the world compelling it into -servility; the second was sectional civilization exerting its influence, -first upon its immediate subjects, and through them upon others less -advanced; the third shall be general civilization, in which the utmost -parts of the earth can join in one grand and common effort for mutual -advancement, its peoples having risen to the recognition of the greatest -of all human facts—the common brotherhood of mankind. - -From these general observations the tendencies in the order of the -universe must be inferred, and if there is any inference possible to be -drawn, which will coincide with the present aspect of affairs, it is, -that upon this country devolves the duty, no less than the privilege, of -presenting the world with a form of administrative government that shall -be possessed of the elements of perfection and duration; and this brings -us down to the consideration, whether this general indication of the -centuries does coincide with the condition in which the world is to-day. - -Europe contains but four positive determining powers: Russia, Prussia, -France and England, while the remainder of the Eastern Continent is -unrepresented. The Western Continent contains the United States. France -and Prussia have been the contending parties for simple European -supremacy: the former probably also entertaining an ulterior design upon -Africa. The policy of England and Russia is more comprehensive, and -undoubtedly includes the possibility of a consolidated Continent. -Consistent with this view, England is performing in India what Cæsar did -in Gaul; and Russia, in Western Asia, what Rome did in “The East.” They -comprehend that every nation is an object upon which change is indelibly -stamped, and that it will remain so until some one of them shall arrive -at a perfect system of government, which shall be the pattern for all -government, or which shall absorb all government. These countries labor -under one insurmountable difficulty. All the effort they expend to carry -their policies abroad detracts just so much from their actual home -strength, and they have no fountain, furnishing supplies to make good -their expenditure, and they thus expand at the expense of vitality. - -Notwithstanding this great difficulty, Russian supremacy might be a -consistent conclusion, could the fact of the rapid diffusion of -principles antagonistic to monarchy be left out of the consideration; -but considered, as it necessarily must be, the legitimate conclusion is -entirely different. It is too well known what sentiments lie suppressed -in various parts of continental Europe—in Poland, Hungary, Italy, -France, Germany, Spain and England—to ever make it possible that the -common order of advancement should so change as to compel the general -mind from general freedom toward absolute monarchy, as represented by -Russia, or to any monarchy represented by any of the nations of Europe. -The common course of events will not so change, but it will continue in -the direction of general freedom, not only in Europe but over the entire -continent. Considering the progress this sentiment has already made in -connection with events which are transpiring in Europe, it is not -presuming very much to say that it will ultimately convert Western and -Central Europe into great republics, represented by the Latin and the -Teuton. - -So much for the special situation of Europe proper, as connected with -its local policies. England and Russia have further reaching -pretensions, and, by so having, their policies become intermingled with -American policies. - -The processes of civilization are soon to receive accelerating powers in -Asia. England, by virtue of her great commercial influence, has already -exerted very considerable modifying effect upon the vast population of -India. China, by its fickle action regarding foreigners resident there, -is claiming the attention of all interested countries, in such manner as -will undoubtedly force these countries to use some other than moral -suasion to compel its people to the common usages of the civilized -world. Thus barbarism invites the elements which ultimately transform it -into general worldly utility. - -With China, the United States has more intimate connection, by reason of -recent scientific progress, and, with England, will divide the honor of -civilizing Eastern Asia. American influence, however, will be the -preponderant influence, for the Chinese are attracted to this country, -and the genius of our institutions cannot fail to react through such as -come here upon China itself. While this process of evolution is going on -in Eastern Asia, Russia will be effecting the same purposes in Western -Asia, and thus these three nations will in due course of time reclaim -the most densely populated part of the world and add it to the sum total -of civilization. - -There is a very important and highly suggestive inference to be drawn -from the tendency the peoples of Europe have been exhibiting during the -past few years. Italian unity has been accomplished, and German unity is -about to be accomplished. It is not to be supposed that this process -will stop short of further consolidations. Continental Europe is Latin -and Teuton, and Slav, and this process cannot well cease until these are -united under their respective governments. When this shall have been -accomplished, thrones and crowns will have done their work, and the -peoples will be ready to erect the Latinic, the Teutonic, and the -Slavonic Republics, three mighty nations which could in peace and quiet -pursue their respective appointments in the path of progress, until a -necessity should arise for a still wider and more comprehensive unity, -in which, under one head, the three should be united. They who have -studied the general tendencies of governmental evolution cannot doubt -but such a consummation awaits Continental Europe, nor that Asia is -destined to be regenerated as above shadowed forth. - -If such be the course events must take, what is the lesson to be -gathered by that part of the world’s people who speak the English -language? The location of the countries they inhabit does not so readily -point to unity, but all their interests will compel it. The nations of -the world instinctively seek equality of power, or rather, they seek to -keep pace with each other in acquiring power. In view of the prospective -union of the three dominant races in Continental Europe, where shall -England look for her compensating power, except it be in a unity of all -peoples speaking the English Language? - -It is true that in this Western Continent there is a new race being -built up, in whose composition all other races are destined to become -blended, and which will inevitably be the dominant and the absorbing -future race of the world. However, in the mean time, England’s only hope -for the retention of an existence, or at least of any general power, -will be to unite its peculiar national characteristics to the younger -and more rapidly changing peoples of America. There might be reasons -without number adduced in support of the suggested course, while valid -ones against it cannot be found. The power such a nation would represent -would be one that neither nor all of the prospective Continental -European countries could hinder from pursuing its predestined work in -Asia and Africa, to which latter division enterprise is just being -attracted by the discovery of immense diamond countries, which are first -offered as the necessary temptation to draw people to it, who shall -afterward find other riches than precious stones within its virgin soil, -as other than golden wealth has been found in California. - -Thus, in as comprehensive a manner as possible, is presented the present -general situation and its evident tendencies, which bring us to the -special consideration of the present condition of the country, which, of -all countries, is destined to play the most prominent part in the third -order of civilization—the United States of America. - -We have just arisen mightier than ever from a civil war which was -intended by the world’s conservatism to destroy us, and with a -population of forty millions we step at once into the front ranks of, -and into the lead in, the grand march of progress. Our Government is a -nearer approach to a popular form, and more nearly allied to true -freedom and justice than any other in existence. We have, however, only -to review the causes which led to the civil war to see how far we still -are from a perfect form. - -This war was either a necessary result of existing causes or else it was -a great national blunder. Many who recognize no order or law in the -progress of civilization, deny both these propositions, and affirm that -the war was produced solely by the personal ambition of party leaders, -representing the _pro_ and _con._ of the institution of slavery. If the -matter is viewed from the standpoint of the science of society, each one -of these propositions is relatively true, but neither is absolutely so. -The war was the necessary result of the growth of the principles of -freedom within the general mind, in antagonism to special, local -interests, which evidences that it did arise naturally, out of the -existing conditions, while the individuals who were prominent upon -either side may be considered as responsible for precipitating it. Those -who stood by, constituting much the larger proportion of the -representative men of the nation, and observed the growth of the -conflict between the two extremes, without stepping in to control the -situation, place it altogether in the light of a great national blunder -or crime. Had the circumstances been controlled by this large third -party, the first proposition would have been true, and yet the war have -been prevented. - -We are obliged to speak relatively of relative things, and to consider -facts, isolated from the general sum of all facts, and in a special -sense, and in this sense the war was an enormous national blunder, and -should have been averted by a bold grasping and control of the -circumstances on the part of the Government and those whose _duty_ it -was to have known what the result would be. These servants of the -people, to whom was intrusted the welfare of the country, were utterly -false and faithless, and allowed us to be precipitated, entirely -unprepared, into a fratricidal war which cost the common country -millions of lives and billions of treasure. - -How much better would it have been had the situation been understood and -controlled; had the Government shown itself competent to meet it; had it -raised armies and occupied the disaffected country and then abolished -slavery, which it was finally obliged to do, but which could have been -done previously without the sacrifice of life and wealth. Such action -would have exhibited the highest order of statesmanship and would have -been the admiration of ages. - -This examination of the causes which led to the war is made to show, -that in our system of government as now administered, there is no -responsibility anywhere, and if we drift into danger and destruction no -one is accountable; and also, that it is the habitual practice, to evade -issues which press for solution, by dodging along with small expedients, -hoping the issues themselves will die out or pass away. This has been -true of us as a government since corruption first began to find its -emissaries among our legislators, and since, it has continually grown -more and more decidedly a feature of its administration, until to-day we -stand a gigantic nation without giving any indication that we realize -our power or that we have any national policy other than to be quite -certain that we do not interfere with any of the nice arrangements of -other nations, or that we do not lend struggling freedom a sympathetic -helping hand, such as we first acquired life by. - -By whom are our legislative halls filled? Do we find any Jeffersons, -Jacksons, Hamiltons, Bentons, Websters or Clays among them? No! As a -rule, to which, however, there a few most honorable exceptions, there -are all small men with ideas no more comprehensive than the districts or -States they represent, and who make the purposes of personal gain the -mainspring of all their actions. What can such men thus employed, know -of a great nation’s power; or what her policy should be? - -There have been two great political divisions of the people called -Republican and Democratic, the issue between which, grew entirely out of -the slavery question and its sequel, War and Reconstruction. These -issues are all settled. Slavery can never more be made a party issue. -All efforts that have been made to galvanize it into life have proved -futile. The Democratic party leaders have pretty nearly given up the -issue as utterly dead, though many of the rank and file still mouth “the -nigger.” The Republican party has absolutely nothing to make it hold -together except possession of place and power, which in these times of -levying official taxation is no inconsiderable advantage. As for issues -and policies, both parties absolutely lack them. The Democratic and -Republican parties exist to-day in opposition to each other, simply and -solely because they were opposed to each other upon the issues now dead. -No live issues divide them. All of these which are before the people -find advocates and opposers in both ranks, so that in reality there are -no political parties in existence which represent any question to be -solved or settled. Nothing could be more appropriate in the political -musterings and parades of either party than that upon their banners -should be inscribed— - - WANTED, A POLICY. - -It is evident, if another Presidential canvass passes over, that some -grand issue must come up to give the people inspiration, and which will -be of such character as to _divide_ them, not such as would _unite_ them -unanimously; for to this last condition, it is to be feared, we have not -yet arrived _though there may be such things arise as will command as -much unanimity_ as Washington commanded; but this could not be, _except -revolution_ occurs and it becomes the result of it. - -With a young intelligence such as we represent, no old issues can be -made to divide parties. Upon such questions as have heretofore been made -the distinguishing features of political parties, there should be no -misunderstanding. That there is, demonstrates that the principles of -government have not been taught to the people. It teaches that party -leaders have built up theories which lack the support of science and -principle; and in this way all those issues upon which the permanent -vitality of the country depends have been put before the people, colored -and trimmed to suit their prejudices and to shape parties into -opposition. Were all of these issues taught to the people as the -legitimate deduction of the science of government, and entirely bereft -of partisanship, they would all work together for the obtaining of more, -greater and better conditions and privileges. To bring about this course -for the people is the object of the science of society which is just -beginning to be recognized. - -There are but three principles by which all questions should be tested: -Freedom, Equality and Justice; and when legislation shall be brought to -the test of these, and entirely abstracted from partisanship, there will -not be very much further legislation to be performed. All questions now -undecided, which still remain before the people, such as those of -finance, commerce, revenue, internal improvements, and international -policy, should have the touchstone of these principles applied, and they -should be decided thereby. It should be asked of them, What course do -you point out which will be consistent with freedom, which shall not -interfere with equality, and which shall be just to everybody? We -venture to assert that, tried by these tests, not a single line of -policy which is now being pursued by the Government will stand. Surely -its financial policy cannot; for what is there in it which is consistent -with the constitutional question of freedom? Surely its revenue, its -tariff system, cannot, for what is there in either which is not in -direct antagonism with equality?—while we may look in vain for even the -skeleton of justice wherever money can find its way. - -All this is true, and very much more, and it comes of the departure of -legislation and administration from the fundamental propositions of the -Constitution. It is also true that such conditions cannot last. The -people, as a whole, are not entirely unregenerate, though so many of -their self-appointed leaders are. It only remains for the people to -become fully aroused to the depths of corruption to which legislation -and administration have been carried to demand and obtain the needed -redress. This corruption is not confined to Government, but it has -permeated nearly all corporate organizations, many of which are -organized specially to defraud the productive classes of their -hard-earned wealth. The possibility of this being done is because our -system of finance is entirely wrong, and nothing will save the country -from general financial and commercial ruin except complete revolution in -this system. If the ruin comes it will ultimately fall upon the -producing classes. In other words, the producing interests of the -country cannot sustain the inflation of prices which has been brought -about by speculation, in alliance with fraud, which are the ruling -spirits of the day. - -It may be said that such radical changes as will depose the powers which -rule us, and inaugurate the reign of principles, which will secure -freedom, equality and justice to every power, cannot yet be introduced. -We aver that they can; and further, we aver that unless it is done, -revolution such as has never yet been known will inaugurate them for us. -The whole substrata of society is seething and foaming with pent-up -endurance of injustice and wrong, and unless those abuses which have -produced this condition are remedied at once, the existence of the -Government cannot be counted upon. And it is criminal to seek to ignore -this fact. We must not “lie supinely upon our backs while the enemy -binds us hand and foot,” and delivers us to destruction. - -In view, then, of our destiny as a nation, and in view of the position -which the order of events seems to have assigned us, we are called upon -to put our Government in perfect order before the constructive part of -the work of the third part of the order of civilization is to be begun. -We must be perfect within ourselves before we can expect to become the -pattern for others, or expect that others will gravitate to us. THE -REVIEW OF THE GENERAL SITUATION, then, results in the finding that the -process of diffusive government has culminated, and that the process of -a continuously constructive and concentrating government has already -been begun, in which our Government, as the most progressive -representative of the principles upon which a perfect government can -alone exist, is assigned the leading position, and that we, recognizing -this assignment, should proceed to assume the responsibilities and the -duties which legitimately flow from it; and they are great in the same -degree that our destiny is great. - -It was under the realization of what our destiny should be that the -Pronunciamento of April 2, 1870, in the New York _Herald_, was made; and -now, having offered this general review, my Second Pronunciamento, which -is supplementary to and the completing of the first, is laid before the -people. It is believed that the policy and principles underlying it, -proclaimed therein, will be the final departure necessary to be made, as -the point from which progress will be continued, until the grand -realization of the prophecies of all ages is fulfilled, when all -nations, kindred and tongues shall be united in one harmonious family, -they having risen into the full knowledge of the truth, that whether we -be Christian or Pagan, Greek or Roman, Atheist or Spiritualist, we are -all the children of one common Father, God, whom we shall ever worship -as the Creator, Ruler and Final Destiny of the Universe. - - - - - SECOND PRONUNCIAMENTO. - - - CONSTITUTIONAL EQUALITY THE LOGICAL RESULT OF THE XIV. AND XV. - AMENDMENTS, WHICH NOT ONLY DECLARE WHO ARE CITIZENS, BUT ALSO DEFINE -THEIR RIGHTS, ONE OF WHICH IS THE RIGHT TO VOTE, WITHOUT REGARD TO SEX, -BOTH SEXES BEING INCLUDED IN THE MORE COMPREHENSIVE PROHIBITORY TERMS OF - RACE AND COLOR. - - THE STATE LAWS WHICH PROSCRIBED WOMEN AS VOTERS WERE REPEALED BY THE - STATES WHEN THEY RATIFIED SAID AMENDMENTS—THERE ARE NO EXISTING - OPERATIVE LAWS WHICH PROSCRIBE THE RIGHT OF ANY CITIZEN TO VOTE—THE -PERFECTED FRUITS OF THE LATE WAR—THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES IS -BOUND TO PROTECT ITS CITIZENS, MALE AND FEMALE, IN THE EXERCISE OF THEIR - RIGHT TO VOTE—THE DUTY OF CONGRESS IN THE PREMISES. - - -The time has now arrived when it becomes proper to present the final and -unanswerable proposition, which cannot by any possibility be -controverted, that the several States which, until recently, assumed and -exercised the right of defining which of its citizens should exercise -the right to vote, have by their own voluntary act not only forever -repealed all such prohibitory laws, but also have forever barred their -re-enactment. - -Of this I have been fully aware since the proclamation by the President -that the XV. Amendment had become a part of the Organic Law of the -country. - -To bring the whole matter properly before the public I published an -address on the 2d of April last, in which I announced myself a candidate -for the Presidency in 1872, and thus asserted the right of woman to -occupy the highest office in the gift of the people. - -After that address had had its legitimate effect in arousing the press -of the country to the realization that women are a constituent part of -the body politic, and to a discussion in a much more general way than -had ever been before, I published my second address to the people, -announcing that the XVI. Amendment was a dead letter, and that the -Constitution fully recognized the equality of all citizens. - -In this address the general bearings of the Constitution were examined, -and from the blending of its various parts the conclusion was arrived at -that no State should deny the right to vote to any citizen. - -I now take the final step, and show that the States themselves, by their -legislative enactments, have removed the only obstacle which until then -had prevented women from voting, and have forever debarred themselves -from receding to their former position. It is as follows: - -SUFFRAGE, or the right to vote, is declared by the XV. Article of -Amendments to the Constitution to be a RIGHT, not a privilege, of -citizens of the United States. - -A right of a citizen is inherent in the individual, of which he cannot -be deprived by any law of any State. - -A privilege may be conferred upon the citizen of the State, and by it -may be taken away. This distinction is made to show that _to vote is not -a privilege_ conferred by a State upon its citizens, but a -CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT of every citizen of the United States, of which -they cannot be deprived. The language of the Constitution is most -singularly emphatic upon this point. It is as follows: - - - ARTICLE XV. - -1. _The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be -denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of -race, color, or previous condition of servitude._ - -It is thus forever proclaimed, in unmistakable terms, that _to vote is a -right_ of citizens of the United States. - -Were it an immunity, or even were it a privilege, to vote, those who -possess it could not be deprived of it by any State, for the State is -bound to protect every citizen within its jurisdiction in the exercise -thereof. It being declared by the XV. Amendment that citizens of the -United States have the right to vote, the next step to determine is, Who -are citizens? This is also definitely, though for the first time, -determined by Article XIV. of Amendments to the Constitution as follows: - - - ARTICLE XIV. - -1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to -the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the -State wherein they reside. _No State shall make or enforce any law which -shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United -States._ Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or -property without due process of law, _nor deny to any person_ within its -jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. - -The next point of inquiry is, How is it that the State laws which -formerly did proscribe women and exclude them from the exercise of -suffrage, no longer _do_ so? Simply and effectively by this fact, that, -by the adoption of the XV. Article of Amendments to the Constitution, -the States established, as the “SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND,” the fact that -no person born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the -jurisdiction thereof shall be denied or abridged by the United States, -or by any State, of the RIGHT TO VOTE. - -Women are citizens of the United States; and the States themselves, by -their own voluntary act, have established the fact of their citizenship, -and confirmed their right to vote, which, by such action, has become the -supreme law of the land, which supersedes, annuls and abrogates all -previous State laws inconsistent therewith or contravening the same. The -XV. Article of Amendments to the Constitution is as much a part of it as -any originally adopted; for Art VI., ¶ 2, says: - - This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be - made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be - made under the authority of the United States, _shall be_ THE SUPREME - _law of_ THE LAND; and the _judges in_ EVERY _State shall_ BE BOUND - THEREBY; anything in _the Constitution or laws_ OF ANY _State_ TO THE - CONTRARY NOTWITHSTANDING. - -The XV. Amendment was adopted by the several States as a legislative -enactment by their Legislatures, under Art V., which provides: - -The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it -necessary, _shall propose amendments to this Constitution_; or, on the -application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, -shall call a convention for proposing amendments, _which_, in either -case, _shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this -Constitution_, when _ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths -thereof_ as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by -Congress, provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year -one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall, in any manner, affect the -first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; AND -THAT NO STATE, WITHOUT ITS CONSENT, SHALL BE DEPRIVED OF ITS EQUAL -SUFFRAGE IN THE SENATE. - -Since, therefore, all citizens have the RIGHT TO VOTE under this act or -participation by the Legislatures of the several States, all State Laws -which abridge the right are inoperative, null and void, and the -exclusion of women who are citizens from the right to vote, was repealed -and must stand repealed until the Legislatures of the several States -shall again pass an act positively excluding her. If we again examine -Art XV. we shall see that this right shall not be denied or abridged by -the United States or any State on account of RACE, COLOR, or PREVIOUS -CONDITION OF SERVITUDE; it is left to be inferred that it might be on -account of SEX, but this denial has not yet been attempted, nor could it -be accomplished if it were, for here the XIV. Amendment again comes to -our relief saying, “That no State shall make or enforce any law which -shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United -States.” - -Again, the Constitution is assuredly a contract between States and -citizens, and Sec. 10, Art I., provides that no State shall pass any law -impairing contracts. - -Art I., Sec. 4,¶ I, provides that: - - “The times, places and _manner of holding elections_ for senators and - representatives shall be prescribed in each State, by the Legislature - thereof; but the _Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter - such regulations_, except as to the places of choosing senators,” - while the judiciary of the United States has acquired complete - jurisdiction over this matter by the authority of Art III., Sec. 2,¶ - 1, which provides that: “_The judicial power shall extend to all cases - in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the - United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their - authority_.” - -And for all these reasons, the State Legislatures having, by the -adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, abrogated all previously existing, -conflicting laws on the subject of suffrage, are now forever precluded -by the Fourteenth Amendment from re-establishing any restriction to -apply to women, whom the authorities of the United States, in their -support of the Constitution, are in duty bound to protect in their right -to vote. - -Now what was the fruit of the late war, which threw the entire nation -into such convulsive throes, unless it is found in the Fourteenth and -Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, namely: that grand change in -the fundamental laws which declares _who_ are citizens and what are -their _rights_, _privileges_ and immunities, which cannot be abridged? -Will any one pretend that these great enactments can be understood to -mean less than the language thereof plainly conveys? Or will any one -claim that the old, absurd State laws, which were sunk in oblivion by -the adoption of these amendments to the Constitution, are still in -force? Who will _dare_ to say, in the face of these plainly worded -amendments, which have such an unmistakable meaning, that the women of -America shall not enjoy their emancipation as well as the black slave? - -WOMEN HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE! It is the duty of the Government to see -that they are not denied the right to exercise it, and, to secure the -necessary action of Congress in the premises, I did, on the 21st day of -December, 1870, memorialize Congress as recorded in the Congressional -_Globe_, December 22, 1870. - -In the Senate: - -Mr. Harris presented the memorial of Victoria C. Woodhull, praying for -the passage of such laws as may be necessary and proper for carrying -into execution the right vested by the Constitution in the citizens of -the United States to vote without regard to sex; which was referred to -the Committee on the Judiciary and ordered to be printed. - -In the House: - -Mr. Julian—I ask unanimous consent to present at this time and have -printed in the _Globe_ the memorial of Victoria C. Woodhull, claiming -the right of suffrage under the XIV. and XV. Articles of Amendments to -the Constitution of the United States, and asking for the enactment of -the necessary and appropriate legislation to guarantee the exercise of -that right to the women of the United States. I also ask that the -petition be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. - -No objection was made, and it was ordered accordingly. - -The petition is as follows: - - - THE MEMORIAL OF VICTORIA C. WOODHULL, - - _To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the - United States in Congress assembled, respectfully showeth_: - -That she was born in the State of Ohio, and is above the age of -twenty-one years; that she has resided in the State of New York during -the past three years; that she is still a resident thereof, and that she -is a citizen of the United States, as declared by the XIV. Article of -Amendments to the Constitution of the United States. - -That since the adoption of the XV. Article of Amendments to the -Constitution, neither the State of New York nor any other State, nor any -Territory, has passed any law to abridge the right of any citizen of the -United States to vote, as established by said article, neither on -account of sex or otherwise: - -That, nevertheless, the right to vote is denied to women citizens of the -United States by the operation of Election Laws in the several States -and Territories, which laws were enacted prior to the adoption of the -said XV. Article, and which are inconsistent with the Constitution as -amended, and, therefore, are void and of no effect; but which, being -still enforced by the said States and Territories, render the -Constitution inoperative as regards the right of women citizens to vote: - -And whereas, Article VI., Section 2, declares “That this Constitution, -and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance -thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the -authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; -and all judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the -Constitution and laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding:” And -whereas, no distinction between citizens is made in the Constitution of -the United States on account of sex; but the XV. Article of Amendments -to it provides that “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall -abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States, -nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of -the laws:” - -And whereas, Congress has power to make laws which shall be necessary -and proper for carrying into execution all powers vested by the -Constitution in the Government of the United States; and to make or -alter all regulations in relation to holding elections for senators or -representatives, and especially to enforce, by appropriate legislation, -the provisions of the said XIV. Article: - -And whereas, the continuance of the enforcement of said local election -laws, denying and abridging the Right of Citizens to Vote on account of -sex, is a grievance to your memorialist and to various other persons, -citizens of the United States, being women,— - -Therefore, your memorialist would most respectfully petition your -Honorable Bodies to make such laws as in the wisdom of Congress shall be -necessary and proper for carrying into execution the right vested by the -Constitution in the citizens of the United States to vote, without -regard to sex. - -And your memorialist will ever pray. - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL. - - Dated NEW YORK CITY, _December 19, 1870_. - - -This memorial having been referred to the Judiciary Committee, I then -prepared and submitted the following legal deductions in support -thereof: - - - CONSTITUTIONAL EQUALITY. - - TO THE HON. THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEES OF THE SENATE AND THE HOUSE OF - REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: - -The undersigned, VICTORIA C. WOODHULL, having most respectfully -memorialized Congress for the passage of such laws as in its wisdom -shall seem necessary and proper to carry into effect the rights vested -by the Constitution of the United States in the citizens to vote, -without regard to sex, begs leave to submit to your honorable body the -following in favor of her prayer in said Memorial which has been -referred to your Committee: - -The public law of the world is founded upon the conceded fact that -sovereignty cannot be forfeited or renounced. The sovereign power of -this country is perpetual in the politically-organized people of the -United States, and can neither be relinquished nor abandoned by any -portion of them. The people in this Republic who confer sovereignty are -its citizens: in a monarchy the people are the subjects of sovereignty. -All citizens of a republic by rightful act or implication confer -sovereign power. All people of a monarchy are subjects who exist under -its supreme shield and enjoy its immunities. - -The subject of a monarch takes municipal immunities from the sovereign -as a gracious favor; but the woman citizen of this country has the -inalienable “sovereign” right of self-government in _her own proper -person_. Those who look upon woman’s status by the dim light of the -common law, which unfolded itself under the feudal and military -institutions that establish right upon physical power, cannot find any -analogy in the status of the woman citizen of this country, _where the -broad sunshine of our Constitution has enfranchised all_. - -As sovereignty cannot be forfeited, relinquished or abandoned, those -from whom it flows—the citizens—are equal in conferring the power, and -should be equal in the enjoyment of its benefits and in the exercise of -its rights and privileges. - -One portion of citizens have no power to deprive another portion of -rights and privileges such as are possessed and exercised by themselves. -The male citizen has no more right to deprive the female citizen of the -free, public, political expression of opinion than the female citizen -has to deprive the male citizen thereof. - -The sovereign will of the people is expressed in our written -Constitution, which is the supreme law of the land. The Constitution -makes no distinction of sex. The Constitution defines a woman born or -naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction -thereof, to be a citizen. It recognizes the right of citizens to vote. -It declares that the right of citizens of the United States to vote -shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on -account of “race, color or previous condition of servitude.” - -Women, white and black, belong to races; although to different races. A -race of people comprises all the people, male and female. The right to -vote cannot be denied on account of race. All people included in the -term race have the right to vote, unless otherwise prohibited. - -Women of all races are white, black or some intermediate color. Color -comprises all people, of all races and both sexes. The right to vote -cannot be denied on account of color. All people included in the term -color have the right to vote unless otherwise prohibited. - -With the right to vote sex has nothing to do. Race and color include all -people of both sexes. All people of both sexes have the right to vote, -unless prohibited by special limiting terms less comprehensive than race -or color. No such limiting terms exist in the Constitution. - -Women, white and black, have from time immemorial groaned under what is -properly termed in the Constitution “previous condition of servitude.” - -Women are the equals of men before the law, and are equal in all their -rights as citizens. - -Women are debarred from voting in some parts of the United States, -although they are allowed to exercise that right elsewhere. - -Women were formerly permitted to vote in places where they are now -debarred therefrom. - -The Naturalization Laws of the United States expressly provide for the -naturalization of women. - -But the right to vote has only lately been distinctly declared by the -Constitution to be inalienable, under three distinct conditions—in all -of which woman is distinctly embraced. - -The citizen who is taxed should also have a voice in the subject matter -of taxation. “No taxation without representation” is a right which was -fundamentally established at the very birth of our country’s -independence; and by what ethics does any free government impose taxes -on women without giving them a voice upon the subject or a participation -in the public declaration as to how and by whom these taxes shall be -applied for common public use? - -Women are free to own and to control property, separate and apart from -males, and they are held responsible in their own proper persons, in -every particular, as well as men, in and out of court. - -Women have the same inalienable right to life, liberty and the _pursuit -of_ happiness that men have. Why have they not this right politically, -as well as men? - -Women constitute a majority of the people of this country—they hold vast -portions of the nation’s wealth and pay a proportionate share of the -taxes. They are intrusted with the most holy duties and the most vital -responsibilities of society; they bear, rear and educate men; they train -and mould their characters; they inspire the noblest impulses in men; -they often hold the accumulated fortunes of a man’s life for the safety -of the family and as guardians of the infants, and yet they are debarred -from uttering any opinion, by public vote, as to the management by -public servants of these interests; they are the secret counsellors, the -best advisers, the most devoted aids in the most trying periods of men’s -lives, and yet men shrink from trusting them in the common questions of -ordinary politics. Men trust women in the market, in the shop, on the -highway and the railroad, and in all other public places and assemblies, -but when they propose to carry a slip of paper with a name upon it to -the polls, they fear them. Nevertheless, as citizens women have the -right to vote; they are part and parcel of that great element in which -the sovereign power of the land had birth: and it is by usurpation only -that men debar them from their right to vote. The American nation, in -its march onward and upward, cannot publicly choke the intellectual and -political activity of half its citizens by narrow statutes. The will of -the entire people is the true basis of republican government, and a free -expression of that will by the public vote of all citizens, without -distinctions of race, color, occupation or sex, is the only means by -which that will can be ascertained. As the world has advanced in -civilization and culture; as mind has risen in its dominion over matter; -as the principle of justice and moral right has gained sway, and merely -physically organized power has yielded thereto; as the might of right -has supplanted the right of might, so have the rights of women become -more fully recognized, and that recognition is the result of the -development of the minds of men, which through the ages she has -polished, and thereby heightened the lustre of civilization. - -It was reserved for our great country to recognize by constitutional -enactment that political equality of all citizens which religion, -affection, and common sense should have long since accorded; it was -reserved for America to sweep away the mist of prejudice and ignorance, -and that chivalric condescension of a darker age, for in the language of -Holy Writ, “The night is far spent, the day is at hand, let us therefore -cast off the work of darkness, and let us put on the armor of light. Let -us walk honestly as in the day.” - -It may be argued against the proposition that there still remains upon -the statute books of some States the word “male” to an exclusion, but as -the Constitution in its paramount character can only be read by the -light of the established principle, _ita lex Scripta est_; and as the -subject of sex is not mentioned and the Constitution is not limited -either in terms or by necessary implication in the general rights of -citizens to vote, this right cannot be limited on account of anything in -the spirit of inferior or previous enactments upon a subject which is -not mentioned in the supreme law. A different construction would destroy -a vested right in a portion of the citizens, and this no legislature has -a right to do without compensation, and nothing can compensate a citizen -for the loss of his or her suffrage—its value is equal to the value of -life. Neither can it be presumed that women are to be kept from the -polls as a mere police regulation: it is to be hoped, at least, that -police regulations in their case need not be very active. The effect of -the amendments to the Constitution must be to annul the power over this -subject in the States whether past, present or future, which is contrary -to the amendments. The amendments would even arrest the action of the -Supreme Court in cases pending before it prior to their adoption, and -operate as an absolute prohibition to the exercise of any other -jurisdiction than merely to dismiss the suit. - -3 Dall., 382; 6 Wheaton, 405; 9 Id., 868; 3d Circ., Pa., 1832. - -And if the restrictions contained in the Constitution as to color, race -or servitude, were designed to limit the State governments in reference -to their own citizens, and were intended to operate also as restrictions -on the Federal power, and to prevent interference with the rights of the -State and its citizens, how then can the State restrict citizens of the -United States in the exercise of rights not mentioned in any restrictive -clause in reference to actions on the part of those citizens having -reference solely to the necessary functions of the General Government, -such as the election of representatives and senators to Congress, whose -election the Constitution expressly gives Congress the power to -regulate? - -S. C., 1847: Fox vs. Ohio, 5 Howard, 410. - -Your memorialist complains of the existence of State Laws, and prays -Congress, by appropriate legislation, to declare them, as they are, -annulled, and to give vitality to the Constitution under its power to -make and alter the regulations of the States contravening the same. - -It may be urged in opposition that the Courts have power, and should -declare upon this subject. - -The Supreme Court has the power, and it would be its duty so to declare -the law; but the Court will not do so unless a determination of such -point as shall arise make it necessary to the determination of a -controversy, and hence a case must be presented in which there can be no -rational doubt. All this would subject the aggrieved parties to much -dilatory, expensive and needless litigation, which your memorialist -prays your Honorable Body to dispense with by appropriate legislation, -as there can be no purpose in special arguments “ad inconvenienti,” -enlarging or contracting the import of the language of the Constitution. - -_Therefore_, Believing firmly in the right of citizens to freely -approach those in whose hands their destiny is placed, under the -Providence of God, your memorialist has frankly, but humbly, appealed to -you, and prays that the wisdom of Congress may be moved to action in -this matter for the benefit and the increased happiness of our beloved -country. - - Most respectfully submitted, - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL. - - Dated NEW YORK, January 2, 1871. - - -The issue upon the question of female suffrage being thus definitely and -clearly set forth, and its rights inalienably vested in woman, a -brighter future dawns upon the country. When Congress shall have moved -in the matter, and thus secured to woman the free exercise of these -newly-defined rights, she can unite in purifying the elements of -political strife—in restoring the Government to pristine integrity, -strength and vigor. To do this, many reforms become of absolute -necessity. Prominent among these are— - -A reform in representation by which all Legislative Bodies and the -Presidential Electoral College shall be so elected that minorities as -well as majorities shall have direct representation. - -A complete reform in Executive and Departmental conduct, by which the -President and the Secretaries of the United States, and the Governors -and State Officers shall be forced to recognize that they are the -servants of the people, appointed to attend to the business of the -people, and not for the purpose of perpetuating their official -positions, or of securing the plunder of public trusts for the -enrichment of their political adherents and supporters. - -A reform in the tenure of office, by which the Presidency shall be -limited to one term, with a retiring life pension, and a permanent seat -in the Federal Senate, where his Presidential experience may become -serviceable to the nation, and on the dignity and life emolument of -Presidential Senator he shall be placed above all other political -position, and be excluded from all professional pursuits. - -A radical reform in our Civil Service, by which the Government, in its -executive capacity, shall at all times secure faithful and efficient -officers, and the people trustworthy servants, whose appointment shall -be entirely removed from, and be made independent of, the influence and -control of the legislative branch of the Government, and who shall be -removed for “cause” only, and who shall be held strictly to frequent -public accounting to superiors for all their official transactions, -which shall forever dispose of the corrupt practices induced by the -allurements of the motto of present political parties, that “to the -victor belong the spoils,” which is a remnant of arbitrarily assumed -authority, unworthy of a government emanating from the whole people. - -A reform in our systems of finance, by which the arbitrary standard of -ancient and feudal despotisms shall be removed; by which the true source -of wealth shall become the basis and the security of a national -currency, which shall be made convertible into a National Bond bearing -such an interest, while in the hands of the people, as shall secure an -equilibrium between the demands of all the varieties of exchanges and -the supply of money to effect them with, the Bond being also convertible -at pleasure into money again, by which system of adjustment, “plethora” -equally with “tightness” shall be banished from the financial centres of -our country; and which, in its practical workings, shall secure such -pecuniary equality between the employing and the laboring classes as -will forever make poverty and its long list of consequent ills -impossible in our country; and which shall suggest the solution of those -schemes which are being discussed for “funding the public debt” at a -lower rate of interest. - -A complete reform in our system of Internal improvements, which connect -and bind together the several States in commercial unity, to the end -that they shall be conducted so as to administer to the best interests -of the whole people, for whose benefit they were first permitted, and -are now protected; by which the General Government, in the use of its -postal powers, and in the exercise of its duties in regulating commerce -between the States, shall secure the transportation of passengers, -merchandise and the mails, from one extremity of the country to the -opposite, and throughout its whole area, at the actual cost of -maintaining such improvements, plus legitimate interest upon their -original cost of construction, thus converting them into public -benefits, instead of their remaining, as now, hereditary taxes upon the -industries of the country, by which, if continued, a few favored -individuals are likely to become the actual rulers of the country. - -A complete reform in commercial and navigation laws, by which American -built or purchased ships and American seamen shall be practically -protected by the admission of all that is required for construction of -the first, or the use and maintenance of either, free in bond or on -board. - -A reform in the relations of the employer and employed, by which shall -be secured the practice of the great natural law, of one-third of time -to labor, one-third to recreation and one-third to rest, that by this, -intellectual improvement and physical development may go on to that -perfection which the Almighty Creator designed. - -A reform in the principles of protection and revenue, by which the -largest home and foreign demand shall be created and sustained for -products of American industry of every kind; by which this industry -shall be freed from the ruinous effects consequent upon frequent changes -in these systems; by which shall be secured that constant employment to -workingmen and workingwomen throughout the country which will maintain -them upon an equality in all kinds and classes of industry; by which a -continuous prosperity—which, if not so marked by rapid accumulation, -shall possess the merit of permanency—will be secured to all, which in -due time will reduce the cost of all products to a minimum value; by -which the laboring poor shall be relieved of the onerous tax, now -indirectly imposed upon them by government; by which the burden of -governmental support shall be placed where it properly belongs, and by -which an unlimited national wealth will gradually accumulate, the ratio -of taxation upon which will become so insignificant in amount as to be -no burden to the people. - -A reform by which the power of legislative bodies to levy taxes shall be -limited to the actual necessities of the legitimate functions of -government in its protection of the rights of persons, property and -nationality; and by which they shall be deprived of the power to exempt -any property from taxation; or to make any distinctions directly or -indirectly among citizens in taxation for the support of government; or -to give or loan the public property or credit to individuals or -corporations to promote any enterprise whatever. - -A reform in the system of criminal jurisprudence, by which the death -penalty shall no longer be inflicted—by which the hardened criminal -shall have no human chance of being let loose to harass society until -the term of the sentence, whatever that may be, shall have expired, and -by which, during that term, the entire prison employment shall be -for—and the product thereof be faithfully paid over to—the support of -the criminal’s family; and by which our so-called prisons shall be -virtually transformed into vast reformatory workshops, from which the -unfortunate may emerge to be useful members of society, instead of the -alienated citizens they now are. - -The institution of such supervisory control and surveillance over the -now low orders of society as shall compel them to industry, and provide -for the helpless, and thus banish those institutions of pauperism and -beggary which are fastening upon the vitals of society, and are so -prolific of crime and suffering in certain communities. - -The organization of a general system of national education, which shall -positively secure to every child of the country such an education in the -arts, sciences and general knowledge as will render them profitable and -useful members of society, and the entire proceeds of the public domain -should be religiously devoted to this end. - -Such change in our general foreign policy as shall plainly indicate that -we realize and appreciate the important position which has been assigned -us as a nation by the common order of civilization; which shall indicate -our supreme faith in that form of government which emanates from, and is -supported by, the whole people, and that such government must eventually -be uniform throughout the world; which shall also have in view the -establishment of a Grand International Tribunal, to which all disputes -of peoples and nations shall be referred for final arbitration and -settlement, without appeal to arms; said Tribunal maintaining only such -an International army and navy as would be necessary to enforce its -decrees, and thus secure the return of the 15,000,000 of men who now -compose the standing armies of the world, to industrial and productive -pursuits. - -Thus in the best sense do I claim to be the friend and exponent of the -most complete equality to which humanity can attain; of the broadest -individual freedom compatible with the public good, and that supreme -justice which shall know no distinction among citizens upon any ground -whatever, in the administration and the execution of the laws; and also, -to be a faithful worker in the cause of human advancement; and -especially to be the co-laborer with those who strive to better the -condition of the poor and friendless; to secure to the great mass of -working people the just reward of their toil,—I claim from these, and -from all others in the social scale, that support in the bold political -course I have taken, which shall give me the strength and the position -to carry out these needed reforms, which shall secure to them, in -return, the blessings which the Creator designed the human race should -enjoy. - -If I obtain this support, woman’s strength and woman’s will, with God’s -support, if He vouchsafe it, shall open to them, and to this country, a -new career of greatness in the race of nations, which can only be -secured by that fearless course of truth from which the nations of the -earth, under despotic male governments, have so far departed. - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL. - - NEW YORK, JANUARY 10, 1871. - - - - - TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of April 16, 1870.] - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL ON THE “TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT.” - - - GOD IN CREATION, IN HISTORY, AND IN GOVERNMENT—A PHILOSOPHICAL PREFACE - TO A PHILOSOPHICAL DISCOURSE. - -[The head of the firm of Woodhull, Claflin & Co., Commodore Vanderbilt’s -financial _proteges_—the famous brokers of Broad street—has undertaken -the difficult task of correcting popular errors in the science of -government, and has prepared a paper on the subject, which, as the lady -expects to be too busy to deliver for some time to come, we publish it -_in extenso_. Whether her conclusions will agree with her premises or -not, the document will be found exceedingly interesting, as showing the -quality of the female mind against which the money changers of Wall -street will have to contend in business:] - -As far back into the past as dim historic lights enable us to see, and -still much farther, even behind the appearance of man upon the face of -this planet, the existence of government can be plainly traced. Wherever -two or more of any species of animals—not to descend lower and including -man—are or have been, something simulating to what is in our day -denominated government exists or existed; and, whether it is or was over -a greater or less community, it is or was possessed of certain -characterizing elements, from and by which a clear insight into the -composition of the community can be obtained by those who will analyze -the elements somewhat philosophically; that is to say governments are -truthful reflections of the governed when considered as a whole, and all -changes or modifications that occur therein, result from growth of the -governed. - -No just nor advantageous deductions from any subject or fact which is -worthy of a position in the world’s history, and which is capable of -permanently maintaining such a position, can be arrived at, except -through a complete philosophical analysis of all the elements entering -into its composition. All facts as well as all chemical compounds are -made up of elementary principles brought into intimate productive -relations by some general power, operating by some general law of -combination. By such an analysis the composition of such subjects and -facts as are analyzed are not only determined, but the relations which -they sustain to all other subjects and facts are also demonstrated, and -thus a general law of relativity is found which makes the whole round of -creation one in purpose and effect. - -It is not proposed in the present article to prosecute an exhaustive -analysis of government as it is or as it has been, but rather to observe -the chain of progression which has been evolved, and to endeavor to -determine whether, link by link, it does not form one harmonious whole, -from the present aspect of which its culmination may be caught sight of; -and whether that culmination will not be found a complete circle, -containing within its immense area all that has conspired and assisted -in its completion, and which will be entitled to positions in such a -community of interests by virtue of having thus conspired and assisted -in its formation. - -Neither is it proposed to extend the limits of this inquiry beyond the -consideration of human government, except in so far as analogies may be -sought to enforce the application of general laws and to assist by such -application in the solution of such questions as may not be entirely -apparent from the evidences contained specifically within the said -limits. Philosophically considered, however, the objects sought could as -well be obtained from any other department of government; for, while a -general law underlies all forms and systems of human government and -controls all its modifications, the self-same law underlies and controls -all other forms and systems of government, from which human government -sprung and upon which it rests as a primary basis. - -It is believed that there is sufficient mental development and -comprehension contained in the philosophic minds of this latter part of -the nineteenth century to gather into form the evidence that has been -and is being presented, in the evolution and dissolution of government, -and grasp its signification, so that in its application to existing -things, permanent instead of politic modifications in governmental -affairs may be inaugurated. Governed by any other than such a broad -standard, changes and modifications in present systems and forms are -made simply to meet the exigencies of the times, and with no view to -place government upon a basis which should never need modification, and -which should meet all exigencies of all times. The reasons why such -government has not hitherto been inaugurated or attempted, are, because -in no country has the general mind as yet become sufficiently broad and -comprehensive to discover that great general laws underlie the universe -and govern all its manifestations, applying to each and every department -thereof with perfect uniformity. It is not my province to discuss what -these great general laws and principles are. I assume that they do -exist, and it is my office to predicate what the future of government -must be when it shall have its basis in such laws and principles, and to -judge whether what has been, and what is, may be considered as gradual -approaches from the most simple and homogeneous forms in which the -interest of all were very indefinite, either individually or -collectively, toward that wherein the interests of all, while becoming -more distinct individually, shall be merged in the general interests of -the whole and become identical therewith. - -Mr. Maine says, in his “Ancient Law,” that “society in ancient times was -not what it is assumed to be at present—a collection of individuals. In -fact, and in view of the men that composed it, it was an aggregation of -families. The contrast may be best and most forcibly expressed by saying -that the unit of an ancient society was the family; of a modern society, -the individual.” - -In speaking of ancient society, Mr. Fiske says: “Family government -excluded not only individual independence but also State supremacy; and -that vestiges of a time when there were no aggregates of men more -extensive than the family may be found in every part of the world, when -social organization was but one step removed from absolute and ferocious -anarchy;” and this he defines as a social aggregate of the first order; -the coalescence of families into civic communities an aggregate of the -second order; the coalescence of civic and tribual communities into the -nation an aggregate of the third order. The coalescence of nations would -then describe an aggregate of the fourth order. Under these four orders -all the forms of government which can ever exist in the world must be -classified. - -As low a form of government as can be conceived as existing next above -that of the family, worthy to be called human government, still exists -among the barbarians inhabiting some portions of Central Africa, some of -the East India Islands, and perhaps some of the South Sea Islands. These -people unite in bands or tribes, and rove about seeking the means of -subsistence and endeavoring to conquer other tribes. Some have central -points of rendezvous, where the rudest habitations are constructed, in -which the women and children remain during the absence of the men. The -women almost universally are considered very much in the light of slaves -by all these nomadic tribes, and as only fit to minister to their -passions and to perform their drudgery. Their language is as rude as -their habits, consisting of little more than a comparatively few -spasmodically uttered harsh sounds. Written language they have none, -excepting perhaps some images or rude figures symbolizing some special -event they in this way attempt to commemorate, and which may be -considered as the foundation of it for the tribes using them as they -were the primary foundation of all written language. - -One notable feature is universally observable among all these -representatives of primitive government—they all recognize the necessity -of a leader under some of the many forms of control exercised by the one -over the many, and he is generally one who has exhibited some particular -prowess in battle, the capacity to perform which he is supposed to be -endowed with by some unknown power, and which renders him superior to -all others, and best capable of ruling and protecting those who thus -recognize him, and who obey him in every particular, even to sacrificing -their lives. Such may be considered an outline of our conceptions of the -most primitive form of government of the present day; and the fact that -such still exists has a marked bearing upon the subject of general -government, when it is remembered that the time was when no higher form -existed on the face of the earth. - -The law of evolution and that of dissolution being a universal deduction -from the philosophic ultimatum _that force persists_, they apply to all -things wherein force is exhibited; consequently human government must be -the objective result of the persistence of force exhibited among the -people of the earth, and at the same time the subject of all -modifications that grow out of its transformations and equivalent -relations. In whatever light, then, human government is viewed, these -philosophic laws should never be lost sight of nor disregarded; but the -causes of all the rises and falls, transformations, modifications and -amalgamations, should be sought by the application of those laws to the -objective points under consideration. - -The question now naturally arises, Can human government, then be -analyzed, and the facts it presents be found to correspond to the -deductions of philosophic law? - -It has been remarked that the simplest combinations of force among human -beings, representing government which existed when none higher had been -attained, was still represented on the earth by certain of its -inhabitants. Beginning with this as the basis of the superstructure of -human government, can there be traced a gradual scale of progress from -it to the government of this country, in which scale each nation, tribe -and tongue will find its appropriate place, which, unoccupied, would -render the scale imperfect, as a chain would be imperfect were one of -its central links missing? and would an analysis of each of these -governments develop the fact that each successive one in the progressive -scale would represent some new application of the principle of liberty, -some more extended idea of equality, or some better formula of justice -than the preceding had, which application, idea or formula entitles it -to rank superior thereto, and also determines its position in the scale? - -Of all systems and forms of government that came and passed away during -the long lapse of ages, from the time the most primitive alone existed -on the earth to the time wherein those flourished that have left records -of their existence, we can know nothing except what may be gathered from -philosophic deduction unsupported by any actual record of facts -concerning them. It is, however, philosophically certain that very many -such intermediate governments did exist, variously modified and -advancing from the primitive forms. Possessing, as we may justly infer, -but little capability for duration, their integration was rapidly -succeeded by disintegration; being exposed to numerous and different -external influences, rapid and successive changes were inevitable, -because they were possessed of but little individuality and consequently -but little capacity for resisting external influences. They were bound -together by none of the higher laws of association, but were led by -transient ephemeral contingencies, combining at times together, to soon -divide and subdivide only to again form new and equally temporary -amalgamations. Thus constantly organizing and dissolving, the long -interval alluded to was occupied by primitive inhabitants in their march -from the purely homogeneous toward the individualized times wherein -civilization left records of itself. - -While no special inquiries into the correctness of the formulas laid -down at various times by various philosophers, which seek to include and -cover all the phenomena of the universe, will be made, those of the most -eminent may with propriety be stated; indeed, if it be attempted to show -that history obeys a fixed law of evolution, the law that it is presumed -to obey must be given, that it may be seen whether the deductions -arrived at are included within the limits of the formula. If it should -not so turn out, then either the deduction must be illegitimate, the -formula imperfect or impossible, or the fact made apparent, that, while -all the other sciences, as biology, psychology and their various -divisions, are known to conform to certain well determined laws of -causation, sociology, in which all history and government find their -basis, conforms to no law, but is the product of the merest chance. - -Until within the present century it was not claimed by any of the -various philosophers who had flourished that there was such a science as -sociology; or, if so claimed by any far-seeing mind, the attempt to -demonstrate or formulate it was not made until the time of Comte, who, -about the year 1830, did attempt it, and he may be justly styled the -father of the present system of formulated science. Though his system is -now shown to contain many imperfections and omissions, it is -nevertheless certain, that but for it, the improvements since made would -not have been possible to the present degree attained, though those who -have made them may repudiate the idea, and scorn to acknowledge that -they have built upon Comte. - -Gathering from his profuse writings upon this point his earlier and most -continuous opinions, the following are the terms in which they can be -the most simply expressed: Social progression is a gradual change from -rudimentary, homogeneous and anthropomorphic conditions to civilization, -heterogeneity and to definite conceptions of the external world; and at -the same time from nomadic characteristics, with aggressive purposes, to -inhabitative propensities and individual industrial pursuits. - -A number of philosophers, who have written since the days of Comte, have -from time to time presented formulas which at best can only be -considered as modifications of his, and it may confidently be asserted -that no real addition was acquired until the Spencerian was made, which, -while it included Comte’s, was more general and comprehensive, and at -the same time more definite and special. This seeming anomaly was made -possible by his having discovered the law of evolution, and by having -exhaustively demonstrated that all mental action—emotional as well as -intellectual—was included in it. It is as follows: Evolution is an -integration of matter and a concomitant dissipation of motion, during -which the matter passes from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to a -definite, coherent heterogeneity, and during which the retained motion -undergoes a partial transformation. This general formula includes all -evolution, organic and inorganic, and interprets not only the genesis of -the sidereal and solar systems and of the earth, but also of life upon -the earth, and has become the law of all social, moral and intellectual -change. He afterward found it necessary to make a supplement especially -applicable to organic life, in such terms as should not include the -inorganic. It was as follows: “Life—and intelligence being the highest -manifestations of life—consists in the continuous establishment of -relations within the organism, in correspondence with relations existing -within the environment or the surroundings.” - -To this exhaustive statement a late generalization and specialization -has been made by Mr. Fiske, especially applicable to social evolution, -as follows: The progress of society is a continuous establishment of -psychical relations within the community, in conformity to physical and -psychical relations arising within the environment, during which, both -the community and the environment pass from a state of incoherent -homogeneity to a state of coherent heterogeneity, and during which the -constitutional units of the community become ever more distinctly -individuated. - -Having now arrived at that point where history must furnish the facts -upon which the subject rests, it may be well to comprehensively -recapitulate a perhaps somewhat too long introduction. It was seen that -all over the face of the earth where human life was represented, -government exists, and that this government was representative of one or -another of the three orders of aggregates of individuals—the family, the -tribal, or the nations, and that an aggregate of nations would add the -fourth order. It was also seen that the evolution of government was the -objective result of the persistence of force among its component parts. -Fixing the basis of government in this philosophic fact, it was -necessary to examine the history of government to see if in its -evolution it had conformed to this law, according to present accepted -formulas; and if so found to have done, to extend the same into the -future, to ascertain if possible what the future would be. Thus by a -present understanding of the law and its tendencies, all modifications -and changes made in present systems and forms might be so made in -harmony therewith, and not with a simple view to meet the present -exigencies, but with an understanding that would meet all exigencies of -all time, which alone is perfect legislation. - - - - - THE TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of April 25, 1870.] - - - SECOND PART OF MRS. VICTORIA C. WOODHULL’S PHILIPPIC—LAWS, PEOPLES AND -COMMUNITIES FROM A FEMALE POINT OF VIEW—LESSONS IN HISTORY, POLITICS AND - WAR. - - -[Mrs. Victoria C. Woodhull, head of the firm of female brokers in Broad -street, presents to the readers of the _Herald_ the following -communication, the second part of her paper on “The Tendencies of -Government,” the preface to which has already appeared. Mrs. Woodhull -has undertaken the difficult task of enlightening the public mind on the -best means of running the Government machine of America. Though her -views, expressed in this paper, have a wide range, it must be said that -she is but putting herself in wind for a tremendous attack on “the best -Government the world ever saw.” Being already in the race for the -Presidency (not of the Sorosis, but of the United States), her -pronunciamentos are of course very important:] - - -It must begin to be apparent that the proposition is, that the evolution -of government does not differ from that of simplest organic forms either -in principle or in mode of operation. The same laws that govern the -growth and multiply the plant also govern society and multiply it. The -same laws that bring fruit to perfection and dissolution perfect and -dissolve societies. The same laws that produce and control the units of -the animal kingdom produce and control the units of society. The same -law that governs the ebbing and flowing of the tides, that determines -whether the component parts of water shall exist as water or vapor, -determines the movements of society and the conditions of its existence; -and the same law that produces an earthquake here, a volcanic eruption -there or a terrific hurricane elsewhere, produces the earthquakes, -volcanic eruptions and the hurricanes that are ever modifying and -changing society. Symbols of all the various processes society passes -through in its growth and extension can be found in every other -department of the universe; or, to assert the same fact differently, -everywhere in the universe there is a constant effort to attain an -equilibrium—a continuous working to supply wants, an unceasing process -of demand and supply, which are universal exemplifications of the law -that motion is always in the direction of the least resistance or the -greatest traction, or the resultant of the two operating conjointly. - -But what does history tell of the foundation and dissolution of -governments, and what illustrations of the law of progress does it -afford? As before stated, those who have most earnestly studied -pre-historic time have found ample evidence that the time was when the -head of the family was the highest sovereign power, and so absolute in -its character that the individual was entirely submerged in it, and -State supremacy was an impossibility. Nothing but anarchy and confusion -could have attended such rule; constant rivalry, jealousy and contention -must have kept up a continual strife between adjacent families, which -could know no settlement except through the subjugation or destruction -of the weaker of the contending parties. Of this order of governmental -aggregations, it is questionable if the earth at present furnishes any -illustrations, unless it be in some part thereof to which the discoverer -has not yet penetrated. Of the next, or tribal, order of aggregates, it -does, however; and with this second order the real analysis and -comparison must begin, though we have no objective means of -demonstrating the conditions stated as existing. When family sovereignty -was universal it can readily be seen that the continued existence of -such conditions would be impossible, for the continuous subjugations and -amalgamations of families would lead directly to tribal communities, at -first in absolute subjection to one tribe, which would grow into some -power, distributed among the several tribes. So also would the joining -together of several weak families to resist a more powerful neighbor -lead directly to confederation. - -The subjugation and reduction of families to bondage and slavery was the -beginning of that system of interdependence now so broadly extended into -commerce, exchange and mutual dependence for almost the necessities of -life. In the times referred to every man was his own farmer, tailor, -carpenter and cook, and this condition was only modified when the -individuals of conquering families began to rely upon the conquered for -certain services they otherwise would have been obliged to render -themselves. All of these facts exemplify another philosophic -proposition—that for anything in the universe to remain in its -homogeneous condition is impossible, which impossibility is the result -of the fact that motion must produce change, while constant motion is -inevitable so long as force persists and matter resists. - -That eminent historian of the third decade of the eighteenth century, -Rollin, thus remarks of the earliest monuments which are preserved, -treating of the progress from simple to complex forms of government:—“To -know in what manner the states and kingdoms were founded that have -divided the universe, the steps whereby they rose to that pitch of -grandeur related in history, by what ties families and cities united in -order to constitute one body of society, and to live together under the -same laws and common authority, it will be necessary to trace things -back in a manner to the infancy of the world and to those ages in which -mankind, being dispersed into different regions, began to people the -earth.” In these early ages every father was the supreme head of his -family; the arbiter and judge of whatever contests and divisions might -arise within it; the natural legislator over his little society, the -defender and protector of those who, by their birth, education and -weakness, were under his protection and safeguard. The laws which the -paternal vigilance established in this domestic senate being dictated -with no other view than to promote the general welfare, were concerted -with such children as were come to years of maturity and accepted by the -inferiors with a full and free consent, were religiously kept and -preserved in families as an hereditary polity, to which they owed their -peace and security. - -But different motives gave rise to different laws. One man, overjoyed at -the birth of a first born son, resolved to distinguish him from future -children by bestowing on him a more considerable share of his -possessions, and giving him greater authority in his family. Another, -more attentive to the interests of a beloved wife or darling daughter, -whom he wanted to settle in the world, thought it incumbent on him to -secure her rights and increase her advantages. The solitary and -cheerless state a wife might be reduced to in case she should become a -widow affected more intimately another man, and made him provide -beforehand for the subsistence and comfort of a woman who formed his -felicity. In proportion as every family increased by the birth of -children and their marrying into other families, they extended their -domain, and by insensible degrees formed towns and cities. From these -different views and others of a like nature arose the different customs -and rights of nations. - -These societies growing in time very numerous, and the families, -dividing into different branches, each having its head, it was necessary -to intrust one person with the whole in order to unite all these heads -under one authority and to maintain the public good by a uniform -administration. To heighten the lustre of this newly acquired dignity -and to cause them to devote themselves entirely to the public good, the -title of king was bestowed upon them and they were invested with full -power to administer justice and to punish crime. - -At first every city had its particular king, who, being more solicitous -of preserving his dominion than of enlarging it, confined his ambition -within its limits But the unavoidable feuds that break out between -neighbors, the jealousy against a more powerful rival, the turbulent -spirit of a prince, his martial disposition or thirst for aggrandizing -himself and displaying his ability, gave rise to wars which frequently -ended in the entire subjugation of the vanquished and the addition of -their cities to the victors. Thus a first victory led the way to a -second, which, making a prince more powerful and enterprising, several -cities and provinces became united under one monarch, forming kingdoms -of greater or less extent, according to the degree the victor pushed his -conquests. Such was the origin of the famous empires that at times -included the greater part of the known world. - -From various historical authorities the following summaries of history -are obtained, and are presented as containing some of the principal -points by which the general progress of the world should be judged. The -principal empires of ancient time will be observed separately; those of -modern time under one head, because of the more connected character of -their histories, and because of the more general knowledge that is -possessed of them. Then the general course events took will be noticed, -the deductions that legitimately flow from them introduced, and the -bearing they have upon present affairs of the world in reference to its -future condition of government considered. - -There are several nations that have, at various times, and that still do -claim, the greatest antiquity. The Chinese, the Indians, the Syrians and -Egyptians appear to have the most evidence to support their claim. The -Egyptians once accorded it to the Phrygians, through the result of the -somewhat singular experiment of confining two children away from all -intercourse with the world until they began to cry, “_Beecos_,” which -was found to be the Phrygian word for bread. This word, Psammetichus, -the King decided must be of the original language, and consequently that -the Phrygians were the original people. - -Manetho, a high priest in Egypt, who had charge of the sacred archives, -pretends to have extracted from the writings of Mercurius and to have -proved thereby that up to the time of Alexander the Great, whose reign -began 356 years B. C., there had been thirty dynasties in Egypt, which -together covered a space of more than 5,300 years. If this claim be -allowed, Egypt has existed 7,500 years. Herodotus says “that the -Egyptian priests computed 341 generations until the reign of Sethon,” -which began 719 years B. C. “These generations,” he adds, “make 11,341 -years.” They also counted a like number of priests and kings, who had -succeeded one another without interruption, under the name of “Pyromas,” -signifying good and virtuous. These priests hewed 341 colossal statues -in wood of these Pyromas, all arranged in a large hall in the order of -their succession. - -Let these claims be false or true, historians unanimously agree that -Menes was the first King of Egypt, and that his reign began 2,188 years -B. C., which would make its historic age about 5,000 years; undoubtedly -its fabulous age would cover a sufficient period to make what is -claimed, at least by Menetho, if not by the priests Herodotus mentions. -These claims will seem the more probable when we are informed that a few -ages only after Menes, the first King, one Busiris, built the famous -city of Thebes, and made it the seat of his empire, which would seem to -indicate that the arts and sciences had at that time been carried to a -considerable degree of perfection, not only in the building of cities, -but also in their adornment; for we are told that the public buildings -were decorated with sculptures and paintings of the most exquisite -beauty. - -Additional force is also given these claims by the fact that Osymandyas, -the successor of this Busiris, collected a magnificent library at -Thebes, called “The Treasury of Remedies for Diseases of the Soul,” -which would indicate that polite learning had made considerable -advancement as well in philosophy as in religion. Historians also inform -us that Cham, the father of Misriam—the same with Menes—was the second -son of Noah, and it is supposed that he retired into Africa after the -“confusion of tongues.” He was doubtless the Jupiter Ammont so long -worshiped as a god by the Egyptians. We are also informed that this -Cham, or Ham, had three other sons—Chus, who settled Ethiopia; Phut, who -settled Africa westward from Egypt, and Canaan in the country that -afterward was called after him, and whose descendants were called -Phœnicians. - -When we remember the so-called flood; that Cham was the second son of -Noah and the father of Menes, the first king, 2,189 years B. C., and -that 200 years later Osymandyas, one of his successors, was able to fit -out an expedition against the Bactrians of Asia, consisting of 400,000 -foot and 20,000 horse, it must be conceded that if the “flood” destroyed -all the people existing on the face of the earth, except those saved in -the ark, the descendants of Cham must have multiplied with inconceivable -rapidity to have made the collecting of such an army possible. But this -is not more astonishing than the supposition would be that there could -be contained in the atmosphere surrounding the earth sufficient moisture -to form the amount of water, which, falling through a space of forty -days and nights, should cover the whole earth to the depth narrated of -Noah’s flood; nor more so than that the temperature of the whole earth -at that time should have been so uniform as to have permitted rain -throughout, instead of hail or snow, in frigid portions thereof. And if -we were to inquire where such a quantity of water was borrowed from and -returned, a consistent reply would be equally surprising; for it is now -known that there is just as large a quantity of the elements that -compose water at present as there was then. - -Considerable latitude can be allowed the statements regarding the flood, -when it is remembered that the knowledge of geography, astronomy and -meteorology must have been exceedingly limited at that time. But if -credence is given to it as having occurred—and it is conceded that all -the people Noah knew were destroyed by it—and a solution is sought, it -can be imagined that a tremendous upheaval of mountains in Northern Asia -might have thrown the waters of the Arctic Ocean southward over the -country Noah dwelt in; but this could not have been the result of forty -days and forty nights rain, though it may have rained continuously -during that period, and may have been considered such by Noah. - -This digression was not made so much to consider the probabilities of a -flood having occurred as to give additional force to the historic fact -that but a few generations after it is said to have occurred, immense -tribes of people did exist in that portion of the world bordering on the -eastern Mediterranean Sea, who were possessed of considerable general -knowledge, immense wealth, and, for that age, good ideas of governmental -justice; besides these people, it must also be remembered vast hosts of -barbarians existed in the more remote parts of Europe, Asia and Africa, -of whose origin and condition nothing can be positively known, either of -which bodies of people could not have descended from Noah’s family -through the common course of reproduction. - -What concerns this inquiry most, is not whether all or any of the -narratives of ancient writers are entitled to credence, but how and in -what directions the ancient tribal nations extended themselves and -became merged one with another. Following the history of Egypt from the -time of Menes through the reigns of his successors—Busiris, Osymandyas -(whose mausoleum displayed such extravagant magnificence), and -Euchoreus, who built the famous Memphis and made it the key to the -Nile—on through the space of two hundred and sixty years of the Shepherd -Kings, from Phœnicia to Amosis, who expelled them, and reunited the -country, and to Sesostris, the most powerful king and the greatest -conqueror the world had then known, but little evidence of increasing -proficiency in science and art is found, but much that the acquired -standard was continually being extended among the people and among -surrounding nations. - -With the reign of Sesostris a new era was inaugurated, and a mighty -impetus to general civilization, as well as to special advancement, was -given by his wisdom and foresight. Amenophis, the father of Sesostris, -no doubt feeling the weight of impending events, foresaw the necessity -of preparing him to meet them. He not only took great care that his -education in the arts and sciences, the principles of government, -philosophy and the art of war, should be complete, but also caused all -male children of Egypt born the same day he was, to be educated with -him, with the distinct understanding that they were to be his future -comrades, his officers, ministers and friends in the aggressive wars he -intended he should engage in when he should ascend the throne. It is -said that the celebrated Mercurius had charge over them all, especially -in politics, war and government. - -The first war Sesostris engaged in was against the Arabs, which his -father sent him upon while yet quite young, that he might acquire -practical knowledge in conducting military campaigns. This people, who -had never before been subdued, he conquered, and added their country to -Egypt The next year he invaded Lybia, a country to the southwest of -Egypt. During this expedition his father died, leaving the throne to -him. He immediately formed a no less design than of conquering the whole -world. This was in 1491 B. C., and he was probably the first of the -great conquerors of ancient times who conceived the idea of reducing the -world to a single form of government, and most assuredly the first -possessed of sufficient wisdom to carry out so gigantic an undertaking. -The manner he set about to do this, and the capacity he evinced in all -the preparations, we shall have occasion to compare hereafter with that -pursued and shown by others in after time, simply remarking here that it -is safe to conclude that Sesostris was great among the greatest; for, to -boundless ambition—possessed by many—he united the capacity to sustain -it, which few can boast. While making the most extensive preparations -for raising and disciplining armies for foreign operations, he was not -less active in providing for sustaining the dignity and power of his -Government during his absence, which he foresaw would give opportunity -for rivals to attempt to overthrow for their own benefit. His first army -consisted of 600,000 foot, 24,000 horse, and 27,000 armed chariots, and -its principal officers were the 1,700 youths who had been educated with -him, and who now made it possible for him to secure perfect discipline -and the greatest efficiency. - -With this army he first invaded and conquered Ethiopia, and made it -tributary to Egypt. He next fitted out an expedition of 400 sail, and -made himself master of all the islands and coasts of the Red Sea, as a -preparatory step to the conquest of Asia, then advanced into Asia, -subduing all the countries, even “beyond the Ganges.” Returning -westward, he conquered Scythia, Armenia, Cappadocia, Colchis, and all -Asia Minor: then crossed into Europe, and would probably have subdued -all its nations had he not encountered a great scarcity of provisions in -Thrace, which caused him to return. Herodotus says that the Egyptian -Empire extended from the Danube even beyond the Ganges, and included all -of Africa, and that all over this vast territory there were erected -pillars, on which was inscribed “Sesostris, king of kings and lord of -lords, subdued this country by the power of his arms;” which, while it -displayed a commendable spirit in marking the limits of his conquest, it -at the same time evinces a growing personal vanity that afterward -seriously tarnished his early fame. - -After having thus conquered the then entire known world, Sesostris -returned to Egypt with innumerable captives and laden with spoils, and, -by devoting himself to enriching and benefiting Egypt, rather than to -extending his dominions, fame and grandeur, showed that his ambition had -expended itself in his first great campaign. From all that can be -gathered of his reign over Egypt, it must be inferred that no country -before, if since, was ever more happily disposed toward its sovereign. -The many monuments of his greatness, throughout his dominions, were -covered with inscriptions, asserting that all Sesostris’ mighty deeds -were accomplished without burdening his subjects; but, on the contrary, -they all had become able, through them, to pass the remainder of their -days in “calm and repose.” - -Having subdued so much of the world, had he been equally ambitious to -extend over it the same beneficent Government that he held over -Egypt—which he could easily have done through the numerous competent -persons the foresight of Amenophis had provided him with, who were well -versed in his policy and administration of affairs—Sesostris would -undoubtedly have earned and been entitled to the appellation of the -world’s benefactor. It appears, however, that he did not exert himself -at all in this direction, but was content to receive the annual tributes -he levied to enrich Egypt proper. His reasons for pursuing this course, -rather than of endeavoring to reward his most worthy adherents by making -them rulers of the countries they had assisted him to conquer, are -incomprehensible, and that they should not have urged him to it equally -so. When it is considered how wisely and happily he governed Egypt, it -can be imagined how vastly he might have benefited the conquered people -by diffusing correct knowledge of the art of government among them -through extending his rule over them. - -As it was, it came about, that various Egyptian colonies scattered here -and there over the conquered country, and in this way were instrumental -in spreading the wisdom of their nation. It was one of these colonies -that afterward became the famous Athens—the seat of learning, literature -and philosophy. It was about this time also that the use of letters was -introduced by one Cadmus, whom the Egyptians claimed to be of their -country; but the majority of writers agree that they originated in -Syria, and that they were identical with the Hebraic. Of these, however, -there were but sixteen, four others being added some two hundred and -fifty years later, and the remaining four a long time afterward. - -The reign of Sesostris may justly be considered as having produced more -general and extended influence upon the world than that of any of his -ancestors of any country, and that nothing occurred that can hold any -degree of comparison to it until the time of Alexander, more than a -thousand years afterward. Sesostris was succeeded by Pheron, and he by -Proteus, who dedicated the beautiful temple to “Venus the Stranger,” -supposed to be “Helen of Troy,” famous for her beauty, and who was -stolen by Paris, from whom she was taken by Proteus and returned to the -Greeks. - -Under succeeding reigns, the glory of Egypt began to decline, violence -and cruelty to usurp the places where justice and moderation had so long -prevailed, and jealousies, petty malice and personal aggrandizement to -take the place of that love of country which is superior to self; nor -could aught else have been expected from the ill-advised luxury and ease -the country obtained under Sesostris, which should have been converted -into action and expended upon tributary nations. The downward tendency, -or the disintegrating process, having begun, demonstrated that the -principle upon which Egypt rose and flourished had culminated, and was -now to be disseminated among other nations and tribes. Nor could any -effort of succeeding rulers, who saw the process at work and understood -the causes thereof, stop the downward tendency, which continued with but -temporary interruptions until the death of Tharaca, 687 years B. C., -when the kingdom remained in a state of anarchy, until twelve noblemen -conspired to divide it among themselves. For some superstitious reasons -Psammetichus, one of the twelve, was banished; but he, entering into a -league with some Greeks, made war upon the eleven, defeated them, and -again united the kingdom under one rule, and remained sole possessor of -it until his death. - -Six hundred and sixteen years B. C. one Nechos arose, who attempted the -cutting of a canal from the Nile to the Red Sea, but was unsuccessful. -This, however, was partly atoned for by the accomplishment of a voyage -entirely around the coast of Africa by some skilful Phœnician sailors he -employed, they leaving Egypt by the Red Sea and returning by the way of -the Mediterranean after an absence of three years. This passage was made -some 2,000 years before the Portuguese discovered this way to the -Indies, by which these Phœnicians were able to enter the Mediterranean -through the Straits of Gibraltar. - -Trouble after trouble now distracted the kingdom, and its power and -influence declined with every reign, until the Persians, under Cambyses, -525 years B. C., subdued it. Since the downfall of the Persian Empire, -Egypt has successively been subject to the Macedonians, Romans, -Saracens, Mamelukes, and lastly the Turks, by whom it is now nominally -possessed. The late accomplishment of the project Nechos failed in may -be prophetic of radical changes in the condition Egypt has so long been -submerged in—the indications being favorable for a return to -considerable importance among the nations of the earth. - - - - - THE TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of May 2d, 1870.] - - - MRS. WOODHULL’S THIRD LETTER. - -Nearly all historians who have written since Josephus have endeavored to -reconcile sacred and profane history. This task Rollin attempts -regarding the origin of the Assyrian empire. Diodorus says that “Ninus, -the most ancient Assyrian king, performed great actions. Being naturally -of a warlike disposition, and ambitious of glory which results from -valor, he armed a considerable number of young men that were brave and -vigorous, like himself, and trained them to all manner of hardships.” -This Ninus, Rollin endeavors to make it appear, was the Nimrod of the -Scriptures, and the Belus who was afterward worshiped as a god. -Calisthenes, a philosopher, who was one of the retinue of Alexander the -Great, says the Babylonians reckoned their origin back some 115 years -after the Deluge, which would be about 2,250 years B. C. The conflict of -authority upon the origin of this empire, renders it competent for our -purpose to assume this date, and that Nimrod was the first historic king -of Assyria. - - * * * * * - -Assyria is supposed to have derived its name from Asshur, the son of -Shem, who, the Scripture says, settled this country. Nimrod possessed -himself of the province, introduced his own subjects into it, built -cities and made himself generally beloved. It is said he built Nineveh, -more grand and magnificent than all the rest, and named it after his son -Ninus, who, on his accession to the throne, conceived the design of -extending his conquests, and began to prepare troops and officers -capable of carrying it out. In seventeen years he conquered all the -country between Egypt, India and Bactriana, which last country he did -not think himself strong enough to attack with success. - -While preparing for further and greater conquests he also determined to -immortalize his name by making of Nineveh a city at once commensurate -with his power and wealth. His design, says Diodorus, was “to make it -the largest and noblest city in the world, and to put it beyond the -power of others who might come after him to ever build another such. -Nor,” as Rollin adds, “was he deceived in this; for never did any city -come up to the greatness and magnificence of this.” It was eighteen -miles and three-quarters long and eleven miles and one-quarter broad, -and was surrounded by a wall one hundred feet high. - -Having completed Nineveh he pursued his intended campaign against the -Bactrians, into whose country he marched an army of 1,700,000 foot, -200,000 horse and 20,000 chariots, armed with scythes. With this vast -array he quickly overran the whole country and finally laid siege to its -capital. This city was strongly fortified and stoutly defended, so much -so that Ninus began to despair of reducing it, when the wife of one of -his officers advised him how to attack its citadels so as to capture -them, and by them the city. This woman was the afterward celebrated -Semiramis. Ninus made use of her advice, and the city fell into his -hands with but little loss to him. - -Ninus, finding a woman possessed of such remarkable capacity to aid him -in his ambitious designs, at once conceived for Semiramis the most -violent passion. Her husband, upon hearing this, killed himself to -escape the fury of Ninus. Having married her, he not long after -died—some assert by her connivance—and left the kingdom to her. - -It was Semiramis who undertook the building of the mighty Babylon, in -which work she employed two million men. Dr. Prideaux tells us the walls -around Babylon were three hundred and fifty feet high and eighty feet -thick, and that it contained six hundred and seventy-six squares two -miles and a quarter in circumference. His description of the walls, the -quays and bridges, lakes, ditches, canals, palaces, hanging-gardens and -temple of Belus presents a picture of grandeur and magnificence unknown -in this age. Diodorus also says even in his time there were many -monuments of grandeur still standing bearing the name of Semiramis. - -This beautiful and extraordinary woman possessed the most marvelous -control over all she came in contact with. Her simple presence was -sufficient to quell any tumult or mutinous proceeding. Not satisfied -with the immense possessions left her by Ninus, she conquered Ethiopia -and the larger part of Africa. Not yet content, she determined upon the -subjugation of India, against which she set out with 3,000,000 foot, -500,000 horse and a multitude of camels, with which she thought to make -head against the Indian elephants. After she had successfully crossed -the river Indus the Indian King fell upon her army, with his elephants, -with such fury that it was utterly routed. Semiramis was by this defeat -compelled to give over the conquest of India. Having reigned forty-two -years she resigned the throne to Ninyas, her son, whom she discovered -was plotting against her life, as the Jupiter Ammon of Egypt had told -her years before he would. She retired from the sight of men, hoping -speedily to have divine honors granted her name, which was also -prophesied for her by the Egyptian god. - -Of these vast armies, which predicate still more vast population, Rollin -remarks: “I must own I am somewhat puzzled with a difficulty which may -be raised against the extraordinary things related of Ninus and -Semiramis, as they do not seem to agree with the times so near the -deluge; I mean such vast armies; such a numerous cavalry; so many -chariots armed with scythes; such immense treasures of silver and gold, -and the magnificence of the buildings. The temple of Belus alone -contained more than twenty millions pounds sterling hoarded treasure.” -Rollin argues that the Greek historians, from whom he compiled, must -have fallen into some grave errors, since, that such things should have -occurred so soon after the deluge, presupposes what must have been -beyond the range of possibility. - -The Assyrian empire, having attained the zenith of power and -magnificence under Semiramis, began to sink into a gradual decay, the -kings themselves setting the example of indolence and dissipation. This -process of decay continued until the time of Sardanapalus, about 700 -years B. C. He surpassed all his predecessors in effeminacy, cowardice -and licentious luxury, and abandoned himself completely to pleasure, -wine and women; even dressing and painting his cheeks as the women did. -It seems strange that a people so used to glory and conquest should not -have sooner revolted against such debauchery and dissoluteness. This was -left for one Arbaces to do; he obtained entrance to the King’s palace, -and with his own eyes witnessed the truth of the reports about the King. -Arbaces at once began to incite rebellion; by his reports he gained over -the governors of several provinces, who raised an army and marched -against the King, whom they succeeded in shutting up in the city of -Nineveh. The King considered Nineveh impregnable, but the river Tigris -suddenly rose to a great height and broke down some portions of the -walls of the city, which admitted the troops of the rebellious -governors. Sardanapalus then proceeded to burn himself, his women and -treasure, which latter, according to Atheneus, amounted to “a thousand -myriads of talents of gold and ten times as much silver, each myriad of -which was of the value of $7,000,000.” Such treasure we in this age know -nothing of. After the death of Sardanapalus the empire was dismembered, -and the kingdoms of Babylon, Nineveh and Medea formed from its ruins. -Between these there was constant warfare waged. During the time of -Cyazares a horde of Scythian barbarians devastated the three kingdoms, -remaining their masters until the people disposed of them by a general -stratagem—slaughtering them while drunk with wine, at feasts to which, -by concert, each family of Assyrians had invited them upon an agreed -day. Such as escaped this, fled the country. Cyazares, after repeated -efforts, succeeded in utterly destroying Nineveh, the last city that -held out against him, and with the aid of his nephew, Cyrus, united the -three kingdoms again under one government, which was the beginning of -the famous empire of the Medes and Persians. - -Crœsus, King of Lydia, is here entitled to a slight digressive reference -on account of the influence he at this time exercised. Vast riches in -most kingdoms had led to indolence, effeminacy and licentiousness; but -Crœsus thought it unworthy for any person, much less a king, to -surrender himself to these. Not only was he vastly rich, and an -extraordinary conqueror, but his chief delight consisted in literature -and science; he patronized the learned and wise of all nations; so much -so that they all made particular effort to visit his dominions to -receive his assistance. His court was the ordinary residence of the -seven wise men of Greece. It was with him that Æsop, the author of the -Fables, flourished. The possession of these characteristics entitle -Crœsus to most honorable mention and memory, and he should be regarded -as a representative king. - -It will be remembered that Cyrus was the first king of Persia, which by -conquest he enlarged until it comprised all the territory between the -Tigris and Indus, the Caspian Sea and Indian Ocean. His uncle, Cyazares, -retained Medea. He, finding himself involved in a terrible war with the -kings of several provinces—among whom was Crœsus of Lidya—sent to Cyrus -for aid, who set out at once with an army. The vast preparations made on -both sides culminated in the battle of Thimbra—one of the most -remarkable events of ancient times—which decided the empire of Asia -against the Assyrians and in favor of the Persians. This battle has -always been the study of great commanders, because the military genius -there displayed by Cyrus makes him rank as one of the greatest of -generals. After reducing all the smaller nations of Asia Minor, Cyrus -turned his whole power against Babylon, which he determined upon -destroying. He accomplished its capture by emptying the river Euphrates -into the vast ditches prepared by Semiramis, and marching his army over -its dry bed into the city at night, while its inhabitants were engaged -in some general entertainment. Thus the mighty city built by Semiramis -fell, and the destruction ceased not, until not even its walls remained -to tell the story of its grandeur. - -With the reunion of what constituted the first Assyrian empire, the -conquests of Cyrus seem to have ceased. He turned his whole attention to -perfecting a system of government for the vast country he had acquired. -This he accomplished most wisely. All historians agree that in this task -he was greatly aided by the wisdom and counsel of Daniel the Prophet, -who obtained a position of great power and influence. It was no doubt he -who obtained from Cyrus the famous decree regarding the Babylonish -captivity of the Jews. So prosperous and happy did the empire become -under the reign of Cyrus, that historians affirm “that after his death -he was universally regarded as the common father of the people.” Having -reigned seventy years he died 529 years B. C., leaving the empire to -Cambyses, his son, who was as great in crime as his father had been in -virtue. He caused the death of his only brother, Smerdis, married his -youngest sister (who was very beautiful), and afterward killed her -because she lamented the death of Smerdis. Happily his reign was cut -short by death, having lasted less than eight years. - -It was not generally known that Cambyses had caused the death of his -brother Smerdis, which made it possible for Smerdis the magician to -usurp the throne, giving out that he was the true Smerdis. He was -exposed by one of his wives, at the instance of a nobleman named Darius, -who managed to slay him, and was then unanimously named king, by his -brother noblemen, for having done so. Soon after becoming king, Darius, -with an army of 1,000,000 men, marched into Europe to chastise the -Scythians for having overrun Assyria in the time of Cyazares. The -expedition resulted disastrously to Darius, who could not even bring the -Scythians to battle. They continually retired before him, and left him -to be defeated by the scarcity of provisions, from which cause Darius -came near losing his whole army, and was obliged to beat a hasty retreat -to his own country. Darius then determined upon the conquest of India, -which he accomplished. Of the particulars of this campaign no records -are left, though it is known that India remained a Persian province many -years, and paid annual tributes of £50,0000 sterling. Darius was the -only conqueror who ever subjugated India sufficiently to reduce it to a -tributary province; it made the twentieth that had been added to Persia. - -During the reign of Darius, the Ionians revolted against Persian -control, and succeeded in involving the Athenians with them; they -furnished the Ionians twenty ships, by the aid of which Sardis was -captured and burned. This so enraged Darius that he formed a solemn -resolve to destroy Greece. Thus began that implacable strife of the -Persians against the Grecians, by which Persian power was almost -destroyed, and in which the Greeks performed the most remarkable -exploits known in military history. These, coming more properly under -Grecian summary, it will only be remarked here that Miltiades on the -plains of Marathon, Leonidas at Thermopylæ, Themistocles at Salamis, -Aristides at Plateæ, Leotychides at Mycale, and Simon at Eurymedon, -taught the Persian monarchs that they were not to be subdued by them, -though they should expend their mightiest power in their attempts. - -So exhausted was the empire from the Grecian wars, that when the -Egyptians revolted during the reign of Darius II. he found himself -unable to subdue them. The superb empire made and left by Cyrus the -Great under such admirable government was now becoming thoroughly -corrupted and debauched, and was given to all species of licentiousness. -Its former glory rapidly departed, and the elements of destruction were -actively at work preparing it for the blow Alexander of Macedon was soon -to deal it, from which it was destined never to recover. - -After the dismemberment of the Macedonian Empire, Persia in part -recovered, but became the field for constant barbarian inroads, which -kept the kingdom in poverty and misery. Under Chosron, about the year -600, the empire again extended from the Indus to the Mediterranean. -Justinian I. waged a successful war against Chosron, and compelled a -disadvantageous peace. This was annulled by Chosron II., who again -raised Persia to her former greatness by conquering Egypt, Ethiopia, -Lydia and Yemen. These sudden conquests were soon lost, and the -partially resuscitated empire passed into a rapid decline. At no time -since has Persia exerted any considerable influence upon surrounding -nations. Under Timour, in the fourteenth century, and the Turks in the -fifteenth, it decayed rapidly; in the sixteenth century it became nearly -extinct, and, as a nation, it remains virtually so to this day. - - - - - THE TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of May 9, 1870.] - - -VICTORIA C. WOODHULL’S FOURTH PAPER—A RETROSPECT OF ANCIENT GRECIAN AND - ROMAN HISTORY. - - [Below we present the fourth subdivision of Mrs. Woodhull’s treatise - on “The Tendencies of Government,” from which it will be perceived - that the lady has delved deep into the mines of governmental lore, and - is vigorously training for the Presidential sweepstakes of 1872:] - -Regarding the earliest traditions of Greece, it can be said they are -less indefinite than those of Egypt or Assyria. No country of antiquity -can be reverted to with more admiration and respect than this. In -whatever light her history is considered, illustrious examples of true -greatness abound. If her military career be reviewed, where can more -glory be found to have been achieved? If her government be examined, -where has greater wisdom and moderation ever been exercised? If the -comparative advancement of science, literature, art and philosophy made -within her domain be appealed to, where has greater proficiency ever -been attained? If the personal characteristics of her great men be -analyzed, where has patriotism ever risen to so sublime a degree? In -many respects Greece may be considered the school-house of the world, -wherein it has been taught the rudimentary principles of knowledge, -especially that species of knowledge that conduces to the development of -wisdom. - -The territory of ancient Greece was by no means the Greece of to-day, -but embraced all that country lying southward from Illyria and Thrace, -now forming a part of Turkey in Europe. It then consisted of the -provinces of Epirus, Peloponnesus, Greece proper, Thessaly and -Macedonia, besides many islands in the Ægean Sea. The earliest -inhabitants of Greece of whom anything is known were the Pelasgi, who -“knew no other law than force, were ignorant even of agriculture, and -fed on roots and herbs.” A people called the Hellenes, from Asia, -mingled with them, and their common name became Greeks, from Græcus, the -son of Pelasgus. Although Greece was afterward the seat of so much -knowledge and wisdom, it does not appear that these originated among the -descendants of its original inhabitants, but that they sprung from the -Phœnecian and Egyptian colonies that from various causes found their way -into Greece. - -Of the constant internal strife carried on between the several Grecian -provinces no mention will be made. The first of these to arise was -Sicyon, followed by Argos, Mycenæ, Athens, Sparta, Corinth and Macedon. -When the population of any of these became large, it was the custom to -send out colonies, thus distributing Grecian influence, instead of by -war. The powerful cities of Rhegium, Syracuse, Sybaris, Crotona, -Tarentum, Gela, Locris, Messina, Marseilles and Agrigentum, were formed -from such colonies. For the space of a thousand years, or until 520 -years B. C., the Grecians appear to have confined their operations -within their own dominions. Being continually engaged in war with each -other, they had no opportunity of carrying on aggressive warfare—this -was never a Grecian characteristic, though so forcibly illustrated by -Alexander of Macedon, and by Cimon and Agesilaus, for retaliation rather -than aggression. - -It is to be specially observed as illustrating the part Greece performed -in the general advancement and diffusion of civilization that while all -other great nations were made so by aggressive conquests, Greece rarely -ever made war except in self-defence. The influence other nations had -upon the world was gained by conquering contiguous countries. The -influence Greece exercised was by diffusing among other nations the -principles of science, philosophy and government and by commercial -intercourse. Thus it is found that up to the time of the first Persian -invasion there had been no concentration of the military forces of the -several provinces, except as they had taken sides against each other in -their feudal wars. - -The Persian attempt to subjugate Greece was most unpropitious from the -very onset. Mardonius marched a large army into the very heart of -Greece, with scarcely any opposition; but his fleet, in approaching the -coast of Macedon, encountered a storm, and was destroyed. Meanwhile, -Mardonius took no pains to encamp his vast army in a place or form of -security. A mere band of Thracians, taking advantage of this, fell upon -the Persians in the night, and completely routed the whole army. This -double defeat, by such unexpected means, caused Mardonius to return -quickly into Asia. - -Nothing daunted by this defeat, which he attributed to the inexperience -of Mardonius, Darius dispatched another army, consisting of 500,000 men -and 600 ships. The fleet first captured Eretrea, while the army caused -such consternation in Greece that only Sparta, of all the provinces, -responded to the Athenian call for succor. The Spartan troops, even, did -not arrive in time to participate in the battle of Marathon, where -Miltiades, with 10,000 Athenians, completely routed the whole Persian -army. This victory gained by the Greeks over an army outnumbering theirs -nearly twenty times, was, no doubt, the inspiring cause by which all -succeeding victories over the Persians were gained. It taught the Greeks -that a few determined men, fighting in defence of their country, were -mightier than a multitude with no such incentive. Through the course of -succeeding ages the Grecians exhibited a noble emulation of, and desire -to imitate, if not excel, their ancestors, who fought and conquered at -Marathon. - -Xerxes, the successor of Darius, persisting in his determination to -destroy Greece, crossed the Hellespont on a “bridge of boats,” with an -army of 1,700,000 and 80,000 horse, to which submitting countries added -300,000, so that he appeared before the pass of Thermopylæ with -2,000,000 men. Against this force Leonidas opposed 12,000 Spartans and -allies. The whole power of the Athenians had been turned into -preparations for naval warfare, which, as the sequel showed, was the -salvation of Greece. The manner in which Leonidas and his 300 Spartans -defended Thermopylæ, still further raised the determination of the -Greeks to resist after the same fashion all movements of the invaders. -On the same day as the battle of Thermopylæ a great, though indecisive, -naval battle was fought at Artemesium. Xerxes advanced upon, captured -and burned Athens. The fate of Greece seemed decided; but the great -naval battle of Salamis entirely changed the face of affairs. Xerxes -being secretly informed that it was the intention of Themistocles to -proceed with the Athenian fleet and destroy his “bridge” across the -Hellespont, precipitately abandoned Greece, leaving Mardonius with -300,000 men and instructions to subdue Greece “if he was able.” At the -battle of Platæa, which soon followed, Mardonius was completely -defeated, and the same day the remainder of the Persian fleet was -destroyed at Mycale. - -Having thus rid themselves of the Persians the Athenians set about to -rebuild their city. The Spartans, fearing Athens would gain great naval -superiority over them, opposed it; thus the Grecians were no sooner rid -of a common foe than strife broke out among themselves. This tendency -arose from the process of individualization and is specially -illustrative of the progress of evolution. Athens was rebuilt, and, as -the Spartans feared, soon exceeded all other States in power and -splendor. Athens also became the centre of the arts and sciences, -knowledge of which was at this time rapidly developed. Sparta, no longer -able to endure the overbearing pride of Athens, brought on the -Peloponnesian war. This war devastated Greece and enslaved Athens. -Sparta in turn was compelled to yield to Epaminondas, the Theban. In -spite of this terrible war, poets, philosophers, artists and statesmen -continued to arise, commerce flourished and the customs of the people -were raised to the highest degree of perfection. - -But a time of unhappiness soon came upon this too prosperous condition. -Philip of Macedon, bold and cunning, took advantage of the dissensions -that at all times prevailed, and by a sudden _coup de main_ thought to -make himself master of all Greece. It can be asserted that not Greece, -but one man, for forty-eight years continually frustrated the designs of -Philip, who himself said, “The eloquence of Demosthenes did me more harm -than all the armies and fleets of the Athenians. His harangues are like -machines of war and batteries raised at a distance, by which all my -projects and enterprises are ruined. Had I been present and heard that -vehement orator declaim I should have been the first to conclude that it -was necessary to declare war against me. Nor can I reach him with gold, -for in this respect, by which I have gained so many cities, I find him -invincible.” Antipater also says of him, “I value not the galleys nor -armies of the Athenians. Demosthenes alone I fear. Without him the -Athenians are no better than the meanest Greeks. It is he that arouses -them from their lethargy and puts arms into their hands almost against -their will. Incessantly representing the battle of Marathon and Salamis, -he transforms them into new men. Nothing escapes his penetrating eye, -nor his consummate prudence. He foresees all our designs; he -countermines all our projects and disconcerts us in everything. Did the -Athenians confide in him and follow his advice we should be irremediably -undone.” - -From all that can be gathered about this remarkable man it may seriously -be considered whether, had he had the power of a Sesostris, a Cyrus or -an Alexander, he would not have conquered and ruled the world. But the -Athenians failed to follow his advice, and were reduced to submission to -Macedon by the youthful Alexander, who said of him, when he passed -Thermopylæ, “Demosthenes called me a child when I was in Illyria; he -called me a young man when I was in Thessaly: I must now show him before -Athens that I am a man grown.” - -After the conquest was complete Alexander summoned at Corinth -representatives from the several Grecian States, and requested from them -the supreme command of all their armies against the Persians. No -assembly ever held was embryotic of more momentous events. It was the -Western World taking counsel and resolving upon the destruction of the -Eastern, and was the initiatory step to almost incredible events, and to -the revolutions that were to change the condition of the whole world, -through the unexampled career of him who caused its assembling. - -After the death of Alexander, the several Grecian States renewed the -struggle for freedom. The Romans, who had risen in the West, becoming -involved in the strife, proved fatal to Greece; for in the year 146 B. -C. the capture of Corinth reduced Greece to a Roman province. - -During the whole period of strife from the battle of Platæa, the arts -and sciences flourished in a most extraordinary manner. Indeed, it was -the golden age of art. The Grecian colonies were still more prosperous -than their mother country. Alexandria, in Egypt, especially, became -famous as the seat of learning. In the time of Augustus, the Greeks lost -even the shadow of their former freedom and ceased to be an independent -people; but they became the instructors of their conquerors; for their -language, manners, customs, learning, arts and tastes spread over the -whole Roman empire. After a time the Romans came to esteem the Greeks as -the most worthless of creatures. - -Asiatic luxury, acquired from the Persians, had wholly corrupted the -Greek’s ancient love of freedom, and a mean servility became substituted -therefor. At the beginning of the fourth century the people scarcely -showed a single trace of their former noble characteristics of -simplicity and grandeur; and thus Greece passed into her condition of -unimportance. - - - ROME. - -Rome originally was but an insignificant city, founded on the banks of -the Tiber by some herdsmen, whose small numbers were swelled somewhat -“by strangers and outcasts from all the country about.” The herdsmen -were without doubt Pelesgians, who had previously occupied the more -easterly portions of Europe. The language they introduced bears -unmistakable evidence of similarity to the Greek. That a people so -humble as the original Romans were, who labored principally upon an -unproductive soil for sustenance, should have increased in numbers, -power and influence, so as to rule the world, seems almost incredible; -but so it was. - -A three-fold division of the people was early spoken of, probably -representing as many different tribes. Each of these tribes was divided -into ten smaller bodies called “Curial;” in war these divisions were -represented by thirty centuries that made up the “legion.” - -There were very few women among the early Romans. They seized on some -Sabine women who came among them to witness their games, which seizure -caused a war with the Sabines; the result of the war was the union of -the Sabines with the Romans, and the extension among them of the same -rules and divisions that existed among the Romans. This first conquest -was prophetic of all future conquests, terminating as it did by the -conquered country being added to Rome to increase its territory and -power. The system of conquest thus begun continued with more or less -activity during four centuries, when Rome had acquired nearly all the -country as far east as the Euphrates. 500 years B. C. Tarquin, the last -king, was expelled by the Senate, and the Roman republic began. During -its first century, contentions among themselves prevented the Romans -from materially extending their conquests. About the eightieth year of -the republic the Gauls first attacked, captured and plundered Rome; nor -could the Romans expel them until the banished Consul Camillus was -recalled to command the armies. Soon after this, rapid strides to -greatness were made, and Rome became the centre of attraction for the -world. All countries, not already Roman, sought alliance, thereby hoping -to escape conquest. - -It was during this time of glory that luxury was first admitted and -practised by Romans; and, as in all other countries, it laid the -foundation for future ruin, by introducing into use licentious, vicious, -and effeminate practices, where simplicity, purity and honor had -previously held full sway. - -Two hundred and eighty years B. C. the Carthagenians forming an alliance -with the King of Syracuse brought on the first Punic war. The Syracusans -soon deserted to the Romans and ever remained constant to them. The -Romans had now acquired such love of, and thirst for, glory that they -were considered unconquerable. In Sicily they gained great naval -victories, and Africa trembled when her fleets neared its shores. The -Carthagenians, through the advice of the Lacedemonian, Xantippus, -defeated the army commanded by Regulus and captured him; he subsequently -lost his life at the hands of the Carthagenians for opposing at Rome the -conclusion of peace. The war continued by the advice of Regulus, turned -in favor of the Romans, and the Carthagenians were compelled to accept -the terms of peace offered by the Romans, thus ending the first Punic -war. - -The conquest of Seguntum by the Carthagenians, contrary to the terms of -peace, led to the second Punic war, in which the celebrated Hannibal -figured so conspicuously, and for a time made Rome tremble. From this -temporary fear the Romans emerged more terrible than ever. They not only -put a stop to the victorious career of Hannibal, but conquered Spain, -and, crossing into Africa, compelled the recalling of Hannibal to defend -Carthage. The famous battle of Zama ensued, in which both Hannibal and -Scipio displayed the greatest military talent. The study of this battle -has since been the admiration of all great military captains. The -victorious Romans dictated again the terms of peace, which Carthage was -obliged to accept. Thus ended the second Punic war. - -The ambition of Rome now increased to such an immoderate extent as to -threaten the reduction of the whole world to submission. Macedon and -Syria endeavored to make head against them, but nothing could withstand -the irresistible power of the perfectly disciplined Roman legions. -Macedon was glad to end the war by becoming a Roman province, and Syria, -to escape total destruction, by ceding to Rome the larger portion of her -territory. - -Carthage, the former powerful rival of Rome, still existed, which so -annoyed the Romans that its destruction was determined upon and -accomplished by the third Punic war, which ended 145 years B. C. The -complete subjugation of all the Greek and Spanish provinces immediately -followed, and Roman power was unparalleled. This begat a spirit of -intolerance which goaded many of her conquered provinces into revolt. -Combining their armies, they for a time successfully resisted the -Romans. Pompey, coming into command, rapidly crushed out all resistance. -Internal contentions between the several factions at Rome quickly -followed the reduction of the formidable revolt. Cæsar, Pompey and -Crassus, more active than the rest, divided the government between -themselves. This was the first triumvirate. Cæsar would have no equal, -and Pompey could endure no superior. The rivalry between these two -powerful men was the initiatory step to the conditions that ruined the -republic. Cæsar obtained the consulate and government of Gaul, and began -to lay the foundation for his future greatness by extending his military -enterprises in all directions. He defeated the Swiss, conquered the -Germans, subdued the Belgians, reduced the whole of Gaul, invaded -Britain, imposed tributes upon the people everywhere, and became the -master spirit of the time. - -When Cæsar returned to Rome Pompey fled. Cæsar then became perpetual -dictator. This was about 50 years B. C. Pursuing Pompey into Greece, -Cæsar defeated him at the great battle of Pharsalia, and thus overcame -all opposition to unlimited power. In this possession Cæsar became so -intolerably overbearing that a conspiracy was formed against him, which -resulted in his death at the hands of Brutus. The love of the people, -especially the women, remained Cæsar’s, so the new ruler found no peace. -The strife between Brutus, Antony, and Octavius waxed warm, and Rome, as -in the days of Marius and Scylla, became the scene of infamy and horror. -Octavius and Antony, overcoming all opposition, divided the empire -between them. Octavius remained in the west, Antony went to the east, -and there became enamored of Cleopatra, the Egyptian Queen, for whom he -abandoned Octavio, the sister of Octavius. This brought about a -conflict, and Octavius proceeded to the east with a great army to -chastise Antony. By the treachery of Cleopatra, whose army and navy -deserted to Octavius, Antony was totally defeated. The treachery of -Cleopatra determined him to take his life, which in turn caused her such -grief that she sought and found relief through the aspen’s bite. - -Octavius thus became sole master of the mightiest empire the world had -ever beheld. It comprised nearly every country then known under a -universal monarchy. Octavius assumed the title of Augustus Cæsar, and -reigned over this mighty empire forty-five years with the most -consummate skill and prudence, and with a profound appreciation of the -position he occupied. It was during his reign that literature flourished -so extensively. The best literary age of all countries has since been -called its Augustan age, as likened to that of Rome under him. In the -thirtieth year of his reign Jesus Christ was born. The Roman Empire at -this time assumed its proudest and grandest pitch of power and glory, -which will ever be the wonder and admiration of coming ages, until -another nation shall arise to a greater and still more glorious -condition, of which Rome will forever remain prophetic until fulfilled. - -From the reign of Augustus to Constantine the Great, who transferred the -capital to Byzantium, the empire sustained a series of good and bad -rule, and declined somewhat from its previous proud position. On the -death of Constantine the Great, Constantine II., Constantius and -Constance divided the empire. Constantine II. had all Europe west of the -Alps; Constantius Italy, Sicily and Africa; and Constance Asia, Egypt -and the whole East. This division was the beginning of the great -disasters that came fast upon Rome. Constantine and Constantius being -disposed of by treason, Constance usurped the whole power; being -destitute not only of all capacity for so extended rule, but also of all -honor, the empire began to disorganize. During his reign and that of his -successor, until Theodosius, about the year 400, country after country -successfully revolted against the power of Rome. Everything in which her -former renown and glory consisted degenerated, until Rome was -precipitated into that condition which ultimated in her entire -destruction, so that she who so lately was the proud mistress of the -world, was unable to resist the barbarians of Northern Europe, who -extinguished her light, thereby leaving the world in the midnight and -anarchy of the “Dark Ages.” - - - MODERN EUROPE. - -With the downfall of Rome that portion of history called ancient ceases. -The numerous provinces of Europe that had been under the Roman power -were completely under the control of the various barbarians who had -destroyed that power. Out of this condition of anarchy modern Europe -rose. As it consists of a number of countries their separate histories -will not be considered; only such prominent facts regarding the whole -will be observed as seem to indicate and mark its general progressive -steps. - -From the fall of Rome in 476 to the time of Charlemagne in 800, Western -Europe was the scene of those operations that determined its present -divisions. The barbaric tribes that occupied it were the Vandals, Suevi, -Alans, Visigoths, Burgundians, Germans, Franks, Lombards, Angles, Saxons -and Huns. The Visigoths founded Spain; the Angles and Saxons formed the -seven kingdoms of Britain; the Germans fixed themselves on the Danube, -and from these grew all the German States; the Lombards had Italy, and -the Franks France. During this period Mohammed founded an empire in -Asia, out of the ruins of which most of the monarchies of Western Asia -arose. - -Charlemagne was the ruling spirit of what may be termed the second -period of modern European history, from 800 to 1074. Under him France -took form and rank as one of the first powers of the world, and has -never since been entirely divested of it. He temporarily re-established -the Western Empire, but with his death it went to pieces. Spain was the -theatre of the terrible wars between the Moors and Christians. The seven -Saxon kingdoms were united by Egbert, who became the first King of -England. The whole north of Europe was still barbarous, and frequently -poured its hordes over the civilization in the south that was struggling -for existence. The Danes ravaged England, and became masters of it; -while Germany, under Otho the Great, rose to great power. The other -present European States were still in obscurity. - -The third period of modern European history extended from 1074 to 1453. -During this period the German Empire was the scene of constant quarrels -between the Emperors and the Popes, under the factions called Guelphs -and Ghibelines, which dimmed the lustre Otho had conferred on it; Naples -and Sicily were erected into kingdoms by the Normans; Denmark arose to -some importance under Wildemar II.; in France, legislation and police -restraints were introduced, but her power was nearly crushed by Edward -III. of England, which country was in turn deluged in blood by the “Wars -of the Roses;” Genoa and Venice increased in rank and importance; Spain -still suffered from the Moors; Portugal became a distinct kingdom; -Sweden and Norway came into existence; Russia emerged from the barbaric -rule of the Tartars; Poland put on the royal dignity; Hungary and -Bohemia were added to Austria, and the Turkish Empire rose to great -power, putting an end to the Eastern Empire. The arts and sciences began -to be cultivated again in the West, and literature and learning to -flourish. Many inventions were produced, such as paper making, printing, -engraving, painting in oil, gunpowder, and the mariner’s compass, and -this brings us to the fourth period of history, which was pregnant with -events that were to modify and change the general conditions of the -world. - -The fourth period extended two hundred years to 1650. In it America and -the West Indies were discovered. The Reformation brought about great -changes in very many respects in nearly every European country, many of -which underwent important revolutions. Germany made important -legislative improvements; feudal government was destroyed in France; -Spain became a Christian kingdom; England rose to great power, -especially under Elizabeth; Italy divided herself into numerous small -States; Switzerland became a republic; the provinces of Holland declared -their independence of Spain; Poland flourished; Denmark became of -importance; affairs in Russia assumed a new appearance, the power of the -Tartars being destroyed, and the Ottoman Empire became grand under -Solyman II. - -About 1650, the beginning of the fifth historic period, the political -systems of Europe began to undergo considerable change, which, from -various causes, continued until the time of Bonaparte. Revolutions in -England, France, Germany and Russia caused various modifications, not -only in the limits of the various countries, but also in their -governments. England and France seemed to divide the other Powers about -equally in the support and continuance of their wars; the general -configuration of Europe, however, did not sustain any radical changes. -This period is important in another and new aspect. Colonies from all -the western kingdoms were continually going to the new America—that -country which should in future exercise such control over the destinies -of the world. - -From time to time in the history of the world there have arisen single -great men who by the grandeur of their enterprises and the power of -their intellect and ambition, have left indelible impressions of -themselves upon its history and condition. Such were Sesostris, Cyrus, -Alexander, Cæsar and Charlemagne. Though they all possessed many traits -of character which the present age cannot admire, they must ever be -regarded as having given general civilization those great impulses that -have so rapidly evolved the world from barbarism. - -At the beginning of the next period another great man appeared, the -waves of whose power were felt over the whole world, and who, by the -grandeur of his conceptions, power and executive will, rose from -obscurity to dictate to Europe, which was at that time the world. From -1789 to 1815 may justly be styled the Bonapartean period. It would be -superfluous to recapitulate his career; nor would it be less so to trace -the rescuing of America from the savages by the resistless advance of -civilization, which, since the settlement of Jamestown, in 1607, has -made such unexampled progress in all things that pertain to greatness, -grandeur and glory—in literature, science, art and government. - -Before closing the _resume_ of general history it should be observed -that many great events have been passed unnoticed, the principal aim -having been to follow the western tendency of empire, and to present -only such facts as were prominent in forming standards of progress, -perpetual landmarks and historic eras. In Asia particularly, great -events occurred, such as the career of Ghengis Khan and Tamerlane. The -former, it is computed, slaughtered fifteen millions of human beings -during his reign. The efforts of such as he were the last struggles of -barbarians to arrest the onward course of general progress. Though for a -time triumphant in their course the genius of progress could never be -entirely eradicated where once it had found root and growth. China and -India have been passed because, for the most part, they have been -confined within themselves; the reason whereof will be discussed -hereafter. - - - - - THE TENDENCIES OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of May 16, 1870.] - - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL’S LAST LESSON IN POLITICAL HISTORY. - - [The following communication from Mrs. Woodhull, who, as the public is - already informed, has devoted herself to enlightenment on the question - of government, will be found as interesting as any of her previous - letters on the same subject This is Mrs. Woodhull’s concluding letter - on the Tendencies of Government:] - -In entering upon the next and third part of the subject, we are -conscious of the imperfect construction of the second. It must be -remembered that the purpose of the _resume_ was not to give consecutive -historic detail, but to mark such special facts as evidently show there -was a progressive and consecutive rise and fall of nations. Without -apology for omissions and minor errors, we proceed to the consideration -whether the facts elicited from history form a consecutive chain of -progress, by which the world has been evolved from barbarism, and -whether this evolution has been according to present philosophic -formulas. The first and most prominent fact that becomes obvious to the -observer of general history is that the progress of empire has always -been from the east, westward. The progress of the earth in its daily -rotation upon its own axis and also in its orbital movement around the -sun is toward the east. This is believed to explain the order maintained -by the course of empire. Motion being in the direction of the least -resistance, the general tendency of the surface influence of the earth -must be west. Counter side influences have at times caused deviations -from straight lines, but this only makes the general proposition still -more forcible. Therefore, as a general proposition, the course of empire -and of civilization and population has always been westward. - -If this proposition is applied to pre-historic times, to govern -deductions regarding it, neither Assyria nor Egypt can be considered as -having been the first powerful empire of the world. It is known that in -them there existed a numerous and powerful people of whom history fails -to give the exact or even supposed origin; the same is true of all the -surrounding countries, in Europe, Asia and Africa. If it is allowed that -population has resulted from the same general law that civilization has, -it must be admitted that China and India were the predecessors of -Assyria and Egypt. - -Allowing that China and India existed as vast tribal communities -previous to the historic age of Assyria and Egypt, it will be seen that -population, general civilization and improving government crossed Asia -westward and developed the Assyrian Empire, which, for the same general -reasons must be held the predecessor of Egypt. - -The Assyrian Empire attained its greatest power under Semiramis, 2,150 -years B. C., which was about the beginning of the historic age of Egypt, -and 700 years before Sesostris conquered the greater part of the known -world. In whatever comparative light the histories of these two -countries are viewed, Assyria must be deemed the more ancient empire. It -may be further observed, if Nimrod was the first King of Assyria, and -the father of Ninus, who was the husband of Semiramis, the empire came -to its greatest glory in an exceedingly short time. Very many reasons -can be assigned why Assyria must have been an empire of centuries when -Semiramis reigned. - -The Assyrian Empire, in the year 2,150 B. C., was the great power of the -world, having sway over the greater part of Asia and Africa. Seven -hundred years afterward, or 1,499 years B. C., Egypt had risen to its -greatest glory, and under Sesostris acquired the Assyrian Empire, -besides a vast country in Europe and Africa which Semiramis had never -subdued. - -Out of the ruins of Assyria, Babylon, Nineveh and Medea were formed, -and, after being consolidated, were merged into the famous Persian -Empire by Cyrus, 536 years B. C., or 950 years after the proudest -Egyptian period. The Persian Empire absorbed the Indian and Egyptian, -and became the most splendid power that had existed, and with rising -Greece divided the world. - -Grecian power being concentrated by Alexander of Macedon, he acquired -the ascendancy over the Persians, and became the world’s conqueror. -Numerous Grecian colonies, following the general tide of influence -westward, formed powerful kingdoms in various parts of the Mediterranean -coasts and islands. - -Rome, rising to power, contended with Carthage for supremacy in the -west. Carthage being destroyed by the three Punic wars, the attention of -Roman armies was turned eastward, to gather in the elder empires that -were verging on decay. Greece, 146 years B. C., became the Roman -province of Achaia. Continuing its conquests further, fifty years B. C., -Rome became ruler of a greater part of the inhabited world than any of -the previous empires, and existed in the utmost pomp and glory several -centuries, until the northern barbarians swept over and extinguished it. - -No considerable Power existed after 476, until Charlemagne’s, though -some influence attached to several Asiatic countries. Civilized nations -were extinct in Europe. From Charlemagne, in 800, to 1500, civilization -continued to rear its blighted head in various parts of Europe, and to -mark the countries that should play the next last act in the drama of -unceasing general progress. - -The historic age of the world, then, has been occupied thus: The -Assyrian Empire existed and was subdued by the Egyptian, which was -conquered by the Persian, which was destroyed by the Grecian, which was -compelled to yield to the Roman, which was destroyed by the barbarians, -that from its ashes numerous kingdoms and empires should arise, to exist -together, and to spread over and occupy the outside world Rome had never -known. - -From this succession of empire many deductions might be drawn which -would assist in forming a well-defined line of progress. Many are so -obvious that it would be superfluous to name them; therefore we leave -them, with the general observation, that in each succeeding empire the -condition of the people was more directly and distinctly recognized, -while each, in grasping for universal sway, and not possessing the -principles upon which universal government was possible, exceeded the -limits of its central strength, and thereby fell. India and China alone, -of all ancient nations, survive, because they have never sought to -extend their limits, but have expended their strength within their own, -though it often was in war. - -The commercial greatness of England, more than any other present -externally apparent power, is promoting the general assimilation of the -world. This influence is producing very great and diffusive results in -Asia, Africa and South America, and the way is being opened and cleared -for more radical and general control. It is impossible that the -increasing power of civilized and enlightened ideas and customs in -India, China and Asia generally, should not revolutionize those -countries. Many Chinese will return from this country, carrying with -them the solvent power of the genius of our institutions, which, -combining with all similar powers, will ere long kindle the flame of -popular individual freedom. This flame will cause republics to spring -into existence where one form of government has existed through historic -time over the same defined limits of kingdom. Another great and powerful -influence is being evolved that cannot fail to exercise a tremendous -modifying power over Asia. Russia, the European giant, is slowly but -surely pushing into Asia from the west. If it continue its present -well-consolidated home strength, it will absorb Asia until it meet the -same absorbing process proceeding westward, when Asia will be prepared -for a still grander consummation. - -In Europe, Russian influence is also gaining the ascendancy. Though one -of the youngest of European kingdoms, it seems possessed of an inherent -strength superior to them all, which Bonaparte, with all his terrible -power and ambition, could not scatter nor weaken, and which stands ever -ready to gather under its protecting wings the sickening adjacent -kingdoms. At present Russia is biding her time and strengthening her -arms, which she is conscious shall soon reach out and grasp all they can -compass. - -Prussia, meantime, is spending its strength in the vain, though -apparently successful, endeavor to consolidate a country under absolute -control, that is impossible of a people so numerously and diffusively -represented, in a country where freedom is the rule. Throughout -Southern, Central and Southwestern Europe, republicanism impatiently -awaits the time to burst forth, and sweep among the debris of the past -all traces of monarchy. The country over which the Roman eagles -triumphed will again be under a republican form of government, improved -upon that of Rome by 2,000 years of successful experiment. Russia will -then occupy a central position between the republics of Europe and Asia, -and its emperors be the last to yield their crowns. Like no other -country, Russia has vast possessions in the unyielding frigid zone, -which gives way but slowly before the gradually equalizing temperature -of the globe, and of the character of which Russian Government naturally -partakes. - -Though revolutionized, Southeastern Asia will remain China and India, -the ancient Assyrian, Persian and Grecian Empires will be resurrected -under the consolidated Russian, while Africa will be left for Egyptian -control, the promise of which begins to be visible in the direction -given to civilization and commerce by the successful accomplishment of -Nechos’ defeated project, and, Egypt returned to be a nation of -importance. Africa will naturally gravitate to Egypt, as it is possessed -of no other salient point from which dominion and power can spring. In -this regard Africa differs from all the other grand divisions of the -globe. The character of its inherent wealth is also different. Other -countries have their frozen regions, inland seas and marshes, stupendous -mountains and deep jungles, but Africa alone has its Sahara. Commerce -has scattered the germs of civilization here and there upon the coasts -of Africa, but its central portions are to all intents as undeveloped as -when Semiramis went into Ethiopia, and Sesostris levied his tributes of -gold, silver, precious stones and woods. What Africa is held in reserve -for by the general economy of the universe it is impossible to -determine; but that a time will come when her resources will be required -and obtained, is philosophically certain. - -In Europe, where the more prominent scenes of modern history have been -enacted, a modified method of conquest was begun by its countries, -resembling that which was pursued by ancient Greece. This was not so -much a subdual of foreign countries to actual control as it was the -general diffusion among them of civilization upon a more extended scale, -made possible by improvements in the art of navigation. The assimilation -of the world was thus begun upon a more perfect basis than by force of -arms, and which differed widely from it in this fact: that while -arbitrary control was at all times open to overthrow, the process of -becoming alike, could never be interrupted except by the suspension of -intercourse. Under the former, no two empires could exist side by side -for any length of time without one being subjugated by the other; under -the latter a number of kingdoms have existed for centuries, and though -frequently engaged in conflict to settle some dispute of boundary or -policy, it has seldom been pursued to utter destruction. The same end -grasped for by Semiramis first and by Bonaparte last is being reached by -the much more certain though gradual process of assimilation. - -Thus far America has been untouched, but its consideration now becomes -necessary. The Old World, as has been found, must continue its -evolution, until like conditions shall exist everywhere. Similar -interests beget union. When the general people shall begin to realize -that their common interests depend upon the interests of each -individual, one system of government must follow, whether it proceed -from one common centre or from several centres. - -What is America? Americus Vespucius and Christopher Columbus, acting -upon sound scientific principles, discovered to the inhabitants of the -Old World a new country, that was to be a haven of retreat for such of -them as sought greater freedom and better equality, in which -individuality could expand without coming in contact and being dwarfed -by personal government. In continuing to be this haven of retreat it has -become the representative country of the world. To its hospitable and -ever-inviting shores people of all nations and climes have come, so that -in two centuries the principal country of it has grown to be a Nation of -more inherent strength than any country of the Old World, and to rank -among its nations as a first class Power, both feared and respected. - -The United States of America, all genuine Americans believe, will become -the United American States. The very name is prophetic of what shall be, -while the progress made in that direction begins to give well-defined -outlines of it. Beginning on the Atlantic coast an infant republic, the -United States has stretched its arms westward across the Continent. The -same oceans that bound the east and west of the Old World wash its -eastern and western shores. Having gained ocean-bound limits -latitudinally, which form a central basis of strength, it will expand -longitudinally until it shall become an ocean-bound republic—a grand -confederation of States and interests, which, while being peculiarly -American, will be so far cosmopolitan as to represent the descendants of -every nation of the world—we no longer say of the known world. Europe -has its well-defined limits of kingdoms and states, the people of which -seldom pass from one to the other to become citizens; so also has Asia, -while Africa is more nearly homogeneous; but they all give up their -people to America. America, besides being American, is European, Asiatic -and African, while each of these is becoming American. No well-informed -person doubts that the progressive greatness, of republican forms of -government, is rapidly dissolving the strength and solidity of all the -monarchies of the Old World; though they may affect to despise -republics, and to call ours a failure, their subjects are anxiously -asking, When can we successfully revolutionize? Though such a step may -not be openly advocated by any, it is, nevertheless, secretly discussed, -and preparatory means are being devised, in every country. - -And for these reasons the United American States will be the -representative country of the world. Some may argue, because the -commercial power of England is so superior; because she has such -numerous general possessions, the English language being the one that -must become universally used, that, by virtue of these, that dignity -belongs to England. The fact cited above, showing that the general -disintegrating influence of the world centres and is integrated in the -United States, is a sufficient answer to such an illegitimate -argument—illegitimate, because it is evident to all, that the process of -the diffusion of English influence throughout the world is, so far as -England is concerned, one of disintegration; while that going on upon -American soil is diametrically opposite, being most decidedly one of -integration. If the process of integration is pursued until it -culminates, and the argument is educed that disintegration must follow -in America as it has in England, it may be answered that the English -influence that is being diffused world-wide is peculiarly English; -while, when that process shall have commenced in America, it will -proceed from a centre formed by previous influx from all countries in -the world, and in this sense is not a process of disintegration, but -simply of reaction. - -The general law of direction for population and civilization was -westward until it had encircled the globe, and in their last conquest -found a country of sufficient inherent vitality to attract all other -countries toward it. Not only does the tide of influence continue to -flow to America from the east, but since her power has made itself felt -upon the Pacific coast, the same tide has set in from the west, and Asia -pours her surplus population upon our western coast, which exemplifies -one of the modifying portions of the rule of motion. For the time, -therefore, though preponderant commercial importance must be accorded -England, the United States thereby loses none of its general prestige as -the representative country of the world. - -From whatever point consideration begins, the conclusion that is -inevitably reached is, that the world must, in due time, become subject -to one system of government. Whether that system shall at first proceed -from one common centre or from several centres, is not so presently -apparent, though that such a consolidation will be ultimately reached no -one can doubt, who gives proper weight to the established fact that all -perfect things become universal. So it is with everything of vital -interest to the general people; rapid and sufficient communication is -the only limiting power that controls their diffusion. In proportion as -the diffusive means increase, in number and extent, so do the interests -of the people become proportionately assimilated and best systems -prevail. - -A striking exemplification of the benefit that would flow from the -adoption of general systems in all things may be drawn from the system -of international telegraphing. A universal language in this becomes of -the first importance. How much more important when the general uses and -benefits are considered. The adoption of a universal language would -remove the greatest obstacle from the path of the general diffusion of -knowledge and innumerable difficulties from methods of communication. - -It should be further observed, that the same law governs in all -communications between the different countries. This is a necessity, in -order that the intercourse may be preserved and be at all times safe. -Should it be inquired, how much of the common law of the world is -similar, the answer returned would astonish all who had not given it -consideration, by being so considerable a portion of the whole. Were the -inquiry pressed further, to find how great modifications of common law -would be required in the various nations to make a common administration -possible to all, a still greater astonishment would be developed by the -slight disparities that would be shown to exist. - -It has been remarked that England has possessions in very many latitudes -and longitudes of the world. Over these possessions a governing control -is exercised, which control foreshadows the possibility of a government -that shall control every country in all latitudes and longitudes. When -it is remembered that the countries of Asia are practically as near -Washington as California, there can be no argument deduced from distance -against a common and world-wide administration of government. The broad -assertion is made, that there is no argument against universal -governmental administration, but that every possible argument urges all -people to prepare for it as the thing of all things to be desired by -them. - -It only remains for some one of the great countries of the world to -arrive at, or to approximate to, a perfect system of government that -shall contain the elements and principles of sufficient inherent -strength, to insure to that country the power which shall control the -destinies of the world. From what has been said regarding the position -of the United States, it must be admitted, that nearly all the natural -advantages, as well as the general order of things, are on this side of -the globe. If any conclusions naturally flow from the observation of the -past tendencies in the order of nature, they are that the United States -is destined to be the centre of a universal government. - -The tendencies of government from earliest historic time have -persistently been to universal sway. The systems and forms through which -this tendency has been manifested have changed from time to time, as the -circumstances that created them—the environment—the sum total of the -governed—have changed. These systems will continue to be modified, until -this tendency shall have opened such channels for itself, as will permit -free and untrammeled action; until these channels shall have encircled -the world, and its utmost limits shall have been attracted within the -realm of its positive flow and negative reaction, and until the -commanding magnetic influence that shall proceed from its central seat -of power shall reach all subjects and find in their general heart an -answering response of fidelity and confidence. - -In such fidelity and confidence each and all can safely and earnestly -devote themselves to the best aims and wisest purposes of life—to -intellectual, moral and spiritual growth. In this general and universal -pursuit the millennium, so long prophesied and prayed for, can alone be -gained, through which reaching, the government of heaven can alone be -administered on earth. - -Government, then, will be no longer one of physical force, but of the -more powerful control of wisdom, including, perhaps, modified forms of -force. Caste will no longer be distinction regarding material position -or possession, but in moral and spiritual position and intellectual -possession. In such government and caste a true aristocracy can exist in -the midst of a true democracy. All will be born free and entitled to the -inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness in -self-chosen paths, which alone is perfect equality. Perfect equality in -the order of nature does not presuppose that all shall be alike, but it -does presuppose that all shall be equal in the right to apply their -natural or acquired talent according to the dictates of the power that -governs them—the same as the flower and the tree follow their natural -courses, and are equal, but not alike. As the lightning and the -sunshine, the mountain and the river, the bird and the bee, the -earthquake and the storm, follow their natural courses and tendencies -under the government of the universal God, so shall the people follow -theirs under a universal social government, when fashioned after the -same general principles that obtain in the domain of nature. For - - Honest nature’s voice shall give - The laws to man by which he’ll live. - -It will be seen, then, that the philosophic formulæ that it has been -demonstrated the evolution of matter conforms to, apply with equal -force, effect and directness to the evolution of society, which is the -fruit, so to speak, of the evolution of matter. The evolution of -society, then, is “a continuous establishment of psychical relations -within the community, in conformity to physical and psychical relations -arising within the environment, during which both the community and the -environment pass from a state of incoherent homogeneity to a state of -coherent heterogeneity, and during which the constitutional units of the -community become ever more distinctly individualized.” Thus it has been -from the earliest existence of communities, and this formulæ applies to -all communities, whether Assyrian or American. - -The process of revolution in its ultimate effects brings about a perfect -state of action and reaction in all the various productions of nature, -by which they are first perfected and then destroyed. The process in -society must also continue until an equilibrium shall have been attained -between the governing power and the power governed. When this is reached -its perpetual continuance will depend solely upon the perpetuity of that -over which it acts, or upon continuous individual existence. Continuous -existence does not belong to the kingdoms below man, but does to man, -from the fact that inherent within his consciousness there is a -persistent though utterly unexplainable and undefinable knowledge of -continuous existence, which is forever independent of all the changeable -circumstances of the purely material, and which represents in him that -characteristic of Divine power exhibited everywhere in the universe -which is forever beyond scrutiny and limitation. - -This evidence of Divine power within the individual, then, is the -distinction between man as the product of nature and all other products -of nature; while the consciousness of its existence is the direct -evidence to the understanding that as the Divine power is eternal, so -must that within be, which partakes of it, or is made up of its -essential attributes. - -It becomes the duty, then, of each individual who can catch but faint -glimpses of such a consummation as universal government, to point it out -and to assist by all legitimate means in the dissemination of light upon -it and all relevant subjects. It becomes the duty of each nation to see -that its people are educated to the same ultimate perception; and -specially does it become the duty of that nation which seems appointed -by the Divine order of things to become the central power of all the -rest to push its influence and the genius of its institutions abroad and -into every nation. A mere passive acquiescence in this Divine -appointment will not suffice; an active and positive acceptance of the -mission, and the faithful and persistent performance of the great trust, -is required. - -When the people of this country shall rise to a true and competent -conception of the responsibilities of the position assigned it in the -order of the universe, the present system of things will undergo such -rapid transformations as no revolution ever yet accomplished, and to -which the destruction of the Roman empire by the barbarians can alone -compare in magnitude. By that the dominion of the world was wrested from -Rome; by this that shall come, it shall be restored to that country of -which Rome was the Divine prophecy. Personal, sectional and national -motives will be sunk in oblivion, and such governing rules of action -will obtain as shall bring the world into intimate, harmonious and -Divine relations, such as will know no Jew nor Christian, Mohammedan nor -Pagan, but one general and acknowledged brotherhood of man, flowing from -the common fatherhood of God. - - - - - [Editorial from the New York Herald of May 27, 1870.] - - WOMAN’S IDEA OF GOVERNMENT. - - -The public have, during the past few months, been interested and perhaps -edified by the ideas and impressions put forth by Mrs. Victoria C. -Woodhull upon the broad, general subject of human government, as well as -by her subsequent nomination of herself as a candidate for the -Presidency in the election of 1872. The articles in which she has -announced these views and purposes have from time to time appeared in -the _Herald_, and to-day we present a further communication on the -question of the “Limits and Sphere of Government.” It is evident Mrs. -Woodhull is imbued with at least one very sensible idea, and that idea -is one which it would be well for large numbers of aspirants for public -positions to emulate—viz., that fitness is the first prerequisite of -qualifications entitling the seeker to enjoy the position sought for. -This it is, doubtless, which has led her not only to study and perfect -herself in the nature of the functions she seeks to exercise, and their -effect, but, in the honest belief that she does understand the question, -to give her opinions to the people, that they may judge of her ability -and the correctness of her views. - -At the same time it is somewhat difficult to see what good will come out -of this particular Nazareth. Mrs. Woodhull offers herself in apparent -good faith as a candidate, and perhaps has a remote impression, or -rather hope, that she may be elected, but it seems that she is rather in -advance of her time. The public mind is not yet educated to the pitch of -universal woman’s rights. At present man, in his affection for and -kindness toward the weaker sex, is disposed to accord her any reasonable -number of privileges. Beyond that stage he pauses, because there seems -to him to be a something which is unnatural in permitting her to share -the turmoil, the excitement, the risks of competition for the glory of -governing. There is therefore but one position that may be taken in -considering the aim of this ambitious lady, and that is that, perceiving -and fully appreciating the natural obtuseness of man, she has boldly put -herself forward with a view to wearing down these scrupulous angles in -his sympathetic character and nature, and that she will, after all, be -content with the knowledge that she has done her full share in educating -him for the new order of things which shall supervene when woman, in all -matters, has equal rights and duties with him. - - - - - LIMITS AND SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of May 27, 1870.] - - - MRS. WOODHULL’S LATEST EPISTLE TO THE AMERICANS—“THE LIMITS AND SPHERE - OF GOVERNMENT” CONSIDERED FROM A FEMALE POINT OF VIEW. - - [In the following communication Mrs. Woodhull, whose former essays on - political matters have been published in the HERALD, considers the - question of government with special reference to the system under - which we live in the United States:] - - -Having in “The Tendencies of Government” traced the rise and fall of -nations, and found that from earliest historic time to the present, -there has been a continual grasping for universal power, and a constant -failure to maintain the extent of control actually reached; that the -systems through which universal control was sought were too imperfect to -admit of support for any great length of time over an extended area of -country; that the general order of the world seems to indicate that -universal government will become a fact, and that the United States -shall be the seat of such governmental power, we may now come to -consider what control a government must be invested with in order that -it shall at all times meet the demands of the people and the times, and -therefore be continuous while becoming universal. - -It is predicated that government exists by the consent of the governed. -While this is nominally true, it virtually contains but an undeveloped -germ of truth. In no country as yet does the government exist by the -consent of the governed. In this country least of all does it apply, -though superficially it may not so appear. - -Government is universal. All things in all the various kingdoms of -nature are the objects of governing laws which form the subjective order -of the universe. In all natural government the relations between the -governing power and the powers governed are always well defined, while -the requirements of the governed are always met by requisite modes of -administration. Each coming demand falls into some common method of -being answered. Thus, in the greatest conceivable diversity of -conditions, are found the fewest and simplest laws of control. Rising -from purely material to the more refined powers of mind, represented -only in the human, a new phase of development springs up. Being an -individualized power within itself, the human family represents the -divine power that controls the whole, and in this relation fashions its -governments according to the limitations of its acquired standard of -wisdom, which must always necessarily be imperfect in comparison with -the common laws of the universe, in the same proportion as human wisdom -is imperfect when compared with divine wisdom. - -The world of mind has now arrived at an age and corresponding -development, which begins to comprehend the general laws of the -universe, and to understand their great simplicity and perfect -adaptation to all things under them. Seeing that such a perfect system -of government exists throughout the universe of matter, the inquiry is -beginning to be earnestly made, why the universe of mind cannot be -controlled by equally simple and general laws and systems of -administration. Seeing that changes are never necessary in the common -universal laws, the inquiry is also beginning to be made, why the laws -that govern society cannot be so fashioned after the laws of nature as -not to require the constant remodelling now necessary when changes come, -in the circumstances required to be met. - -The solution of the difficulty in which the mind becomes involved when -considering these most serious questions, seems reduced to a single -proposition—that all strifes, difficulties and controversies regarding -government and its administration, arise from the fact, that the -governing power is not general but specific in its operations, or that -the powers governed are not subservient to a common law of control. This -is still more clearly perceptible if the question of “reserved rights” -on the part of any of the governed is considered. No individual can have -a reservation that militates against the general welfare of others, or -the whole, without specific laws to sustain him in it. If no individual -can have such special reservation, no number of individuals less than -than the whole, can have reservations without specific protection. -Therefore no city, county, State, or number of them, less than all -cities, counties and States forming a consolidated union, can hold in -reserve any rights or privileges that do not contribute to the general -welfare of the whole, without sooner or later coming into conflict -regarding them. This theory of reserved rights was pretty forcibly, -logically and effectually refuted by the late war; so must all such -reservations be equally well refuted before permanent peace, harmony and -prosperity can be expected to flow from government and it remain -permanent. - -Analytically and philosophically considered, government exists for the -general good of all the governed, in which individual rights and -privileges can find freedom and justice without conflict. All systems -that exist upon a less comprehensive basis than this must eventually be -swept away. All parts of systems that conflict with the general -fundamental propositions in which they were based and reared must be -expunged, so that administration can be in perfect harmony with -profession, before it will be possible for general good to flow from -administration. The fundamental propositions upon which this government -professes to rest—that all men and women are born free and equal and -entitled to the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of -happiness—are in accordance with the general order of the universe below -man, and are therefore of the highest possible authority. - -That all are born free is a proposition that no one can question; but -this freedom is general to all, and does not refer to the individual, -nor entitle him or her to push his freedom so as to encroach upon the -same freedom guaranteed to every other individual. Therefore, individual -freedom is merged in, and is a part of, general freedom. - -That all men and women are born equal is another strictly philosophic -proposition that can never be refuted by the concurrent scientific truth -that no two of the whole are born alike in every particular. Equality, -in a philosophic sense, does not imply similarity or even likeness; one -thing may be equal to another, or a number of others, and still be -unlike them all. A pound of feathers is equal to a pound of lead in -gravitating power, but the lead does not resemble the feathers in any -respect; hence, equality does not presuppose likeness. - -The pursuit of happiness is an additional common right, naturally -resulting from freedom and equality, and which can be prosecuted in any -direction that does not interfere with the general pursuit of it on the -part of the whole. From this analysis of inherent rights it would seem -that it should be the sphere of government to maintain such freedom and -equality, and thus guarantee to all and every the pursuit of happiness, -and to protect them therein; and, co-relatively, that the limits of -government should be nothing less than the circle that will permit such -fatherly—such motherly—control. - -It will scarcely be questioned by those who accept the evolution of -government as a common law, that the government of this country, as a -system, comes nearer being an exponent of the philosophic limit and -sphere than that of any other country, though it must be confessed that -the practices under it belie its fundamental principles. So much is this -true, that, while it is safe to assert of the system that it is the best -of all, scarcely one can be named wherein so great distinctions obtain -between the intentions of the system and the effects obtained by its -administration. This follows because, having asserted fundamental -principles of freedom and justice, the lines of policy pursued have not -been shaped by them. The principles have been lost sight of in the -pursuit of party and personal or sectional policies, so that the -government is no longer an exponent of principles, but rather of the -persons, parties or sections which have raised themselves above -principles as authorities: hence the government has limitations put upon -the operations of its principles, and becomes thereby inconsistent -within itself. - -All the corrupt practices that are prevalent in the various parts of the -governing process are possible only because the professions and -practices of government are not in harmony. The professions of -government relate to principles; the practices to its limits and sphere. -Therefore, in the present article, the practices will be dealt with. In -dealing with them it will come within the intended limits to examine the -machinery by which government is administered, and to determine what -movements within the body of society should be under its general -control, so that all its movements may be made in harmony. Were any -other branch of government than that relating to society being examined, -its limits and sphere would be found so plainly determined there would -be no possibility of even apparent departure by the governing control -from them; for in all these the divine power is that control, and -consequently is perfect. In society, the divine power, though the -controlling element, is maintained over human minds, which are finite -and imperfect representatives of the divine power, and are thereby -incompetent to so arrange and order subservient circumstances, that -harmony shall be the only result of the combinations formed to secure -consecutive order. - -The government of this country is selected for analysis because, as a -system, it is the latest production of the social order of things, and, -consequently, the highest in the scale of evolution. It represents a -greater “coherent heterogeneity” in its construction than any other, and -its “constituent units” are more “distinctly individuated,” which -demonstrates that it is the highest order of government yet attained on -the globe. The fault in its construction is, that the powers of the -constituent units are not harmoniously related to the central power, nor -to each other, discord being the natural consequence of such inequality. -Though the constituent parts of society are in themselves imperfect, -their relations to each other and to the governing power may be so well -defined and regulated that their imperfections shall not have power to -mar the harmony of action proceeding from the central power. And this is -the point which is sought. - - - - - LIMITS AND SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of June 4, 1870.] - - -GRAVELY IMPORTANT QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION AND - ITS ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENT, AS VIEWED AND REVIEWED BY ONE OF THE - FIRM OF FEMALE BROKERS OF WALL STREET. - -There are a variety of operations, natural and artificial, by which the -proper limits and sphere of government may be illustrated. It is -desirable that some of them be presented, so as to convey a correct idea -of a perfect controlling power, which bears the same relations to the -parts controlled as government should to the people under it. - -The cotton mills of New England are good artificial representatives of -government. In them all the various parts are compelled into unity of -action by the controlling power evolved from coal or transformed from -water. The crude cotton is first taken and freed from all foreign -substances by “the picker;” the pure remainder is then formed into a -homogeneous mass by “the cards;” this mass is then divided and -subdivided into the different degrees of heterogeneity required, and -these are more distinctly individuated into “the webbing and filling” by -“the jacks and mules,” and are then reunited by “the webber and loom” -into cotton cloth, the ultimate result. Every part of this process forms -points of resistance more or less easily compelled into unity of -purpose. Every bobbin, spindle, shuttle and card are so many different -experiences which are required to be gone through with before the result -can be reached, while all parts of the process are going on at the same -time. The power is the government; the operatives its administrators; -the various pieces and parts of the machinery are the people working in -the several parts of the process; the cloth is the attained -civilization, while the different degrees of fineness are its -progressive steps. - -Thus it should be with human government. It is the power resident in the -central part which should control all the processes by which the people -are guided to produce the ultimate result. It should be of such -character as to take the people in the homogeneous mass, and, by -picking, carding, spinning and weaving, compel them into a unit of -action for divine use. Every operation in nature, if analyzed, presents -the same process and similar results. A central power competent for its -purposes, through various means and avenues, controls the materials into -perfected productions, each one of which is perfect of its kind. The -sphere of this government is to produce the legitimate result; and its -limits are only bounded by the necessities of the power that the result -shall flow; but flow it must and does always. - -It is then predicated, that a power, competent to produce harmony in -that over which it reigns, must be sufficient to control all the -different parts to one end; whatever individual or combined points of -resistance may be raised to its edicts must yield to the general -purpose, even to the extinction of their resistance. It is necessary, -therefore, that the governing power must be invested by the governed -with the necessary control, to compel them into harmonious action, so -that no antagonism may arise, to divert the tendency to unity of -purpose. It must not be supposed that a self-constituted, absolute power -is argued for; but this power should be one fashioned and organized by -and with the consent of the people, who, knowing their weakness and -acknowledging it in their sober and wiser moments, shall recognize the -necessity of it, to compel them, if need be, to act with the general -whole for the general good, even if it seemingly militate against their -individual good, and which shall be of sufficient strength and -diffusiveness to regulate all the movements within the body of society. - -We will now proceed to the analysis of the various operations of -government, to find to what the inharmonious relations between the -governing power and the resistance are attributable, and thereby be able -to determine the required remedy. Wherever this may lead, whatever -“infallible” political dogmas it may destroy, or cherished forms and -privileges disprove, it will be pursued as relentlessly—unmercifully if -you will—as the crucible and the flame proceed to disorganize material -compounds and separate their constituent elements into the poisonous, -the nutritious and the useful, that the former may be put away and the -remainder appropriated to promote the general good. - -Government has its centre and its circumference. From its centre its -power is distributed to its entire circumference, measuring and shaping -the various channels through which it flows, into such form as permits -harmony in all its parts, and, having spent its positive force, is then -returned to its centre. This centre and circumference must be the -perfect body, every member of which must not only bear its proper -relations to all the other members, but must be in such accord with -them, as to permit the uninterrupted flow and action of the power by -which the whole is bound together. No individual member of it can say to -the body itself, “I have functions and rights peculiarly my own, which, -if they are not such as your general power can recognize as contributing -to the general good, you cannot interfere with.” The member, in becoming -such, merges its function and power with the general functions and -powers of the body. By consenting to become a part of the body it gives -up special sovereignty over itself and becomes a part of the general -sovereignty. By adding its life and power to the body, it increases the -sum total of its life and power and receives its portion of the -aggregated and assimilated mass. Its parts and functions must change—if -change is required—so that the power distributed to it by the general -power can perform its mission in harmony with all its other parts. Like -the body human, the body corporate must be under one governing power, -while each part is different in form from all other parts, and performs -separate—perhaps distinct—functions. The eye may not say to the ear, nor -the hand to the foot, “I have no need of you,” for each and all, are -alike dependent upon a central part for existence, while the central -part could not itself exist without the surrounding and distant parts. -The very nature of the compact is, that each and every part is joined in -a system of mutual and reciprocal interdependence, to which general -system no member can set up for itself any system peculiarly its own, in -contradistinction or opposition to, or to interfere with, the general -system. - -The government of any country, originally, is a compact among a certain -number of previously separate or unorganized powers, by which they merge -and consolidate into one power, or are compelled so to do. This power, -so formed, is the governing power, which, while all parts have -contributed to its formation, is in itself superior to any power that -can be organized within its limits by any part of the originally -consolidating powers. If at any time an opposition is organized to it, -the result must either be, the reduction of the opposition or the -destruction of the confederation. For a natural illustration the human -body is again referred to. - -If from any cause an opposition to the harmonious action of the general -powers of the body be raised, a contest for supremacy is inevitable. If -the bowels refuse to perform their allotted part in the general economy -of the whole, a conflict ensues, and never ends until they are returned -to duty or until they demonstrate that their opposition to the general -administration is more powerful than its general power, and that the -organization must be dissolved in conformity to this power. On the other -hand, the general power cannot compel any of the constituent parts to -conform to rules and forms not operative in the whole, nor to bear any -inequality of any kind, nor to perform duty outside its special sphere. -The governing power, though superior to all, must itself be subject to -the common law of justice. Specialties of conferment or requirement are -utterly inconsistent with a perfect form of government. The same rule of -contributing to the general support, and in turn receiving appropriate -sustaining power, must be uniform throughout the whole. Such a body, -thus acting, be it human or corporate, is alone a healthy and -harmoniously constituted power. All governments, to be able to -contribute to the public welfare, must exist upon general similar -principles and act by similar means. - -It must again be observed that when several parts or powers are -organized into one, no power less than the whole has authority therein; -for, in consenting to the union at first, all absolute individuality is -forever waived; the individual is no longer simply an individual power, -but forms a part of the common power. Nor can absolute individuality -ever again be maintained, except a superior antagonistic strength is -developed, which demonstrates that the powers originally attempted to be -consolidated were impossible of harmonious action—a natural and -sufficient reason for dissolution. Tested by these propositions, what -conditions and relations does the government of the United States, as a -whole composed of parts, present? Does it form one homogeneous whole, -the paramount interests of the parts of which is the best welfare of the -whole? Does each and every part act in unity and harmony with every -other part, and in turn yield to the preponderant authority of the -whole, with that grace and dignity which bespeak unison of purpose and -interest? If not, where does the difficulty find its starting point? Is -it in the system by which the power was organized—in the interpretation -of it, or in its administration? For this the Constitution must be -referred to to find wherein, if at all, its organization is defective. -If the conferment of power by the organization is complete, then it must -be concluded that those who administer its organic force either fail to -comprehend the extent of its application or to perform their duty in -applying it. - - - - - LIMITS AND SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of June 19, 1870.] - - - ANOTHER LETTER FROM VICTORIA C. WOODHULL ON POLITICAL HISTORY. - -ARTICLE IX. of Amendments to the Constitution declares that “The -enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed -to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” - -ART. X.—“The powers not delegated to the United States by the -Constitution, nor prohibited by it, to the States, are reserved to the -States respectively, or to the people.” - -SECTION 1 of Article IV. of the Constitution says, “Full faith and -credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and -judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by -general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, &c., shall be -proved, and the effect thereof.” - -SEC. 2.—“The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges -and immunities of citizens of the several States.” - -SEC. 8.—“That Congress shall have power to provide for the general -welfare of the United States,” which last is tantamount to saying, the -general welfare of the people as a whole. - -It seems from these quotations, made in inverse order, that it was the -intention of the framers of the Constitution, to make such provisions as -would permit and compel harmonious action throughout the States, but -that subsequently it became a part of party policy to maintain that the -States had rights reserved, and while not defining what these rights -were, to declare that such as were not distinctly and positively -delegated constituted this reservation. - -Under this interpretation it is possible for serious difficulties to -arise between the general government and the States, as they have. It -seems from the general tenor of the original Constitution that these -amendments are nugatory, because the inference to be drawn from them is -inconsistent therewith. One of the most prominent, as well as the first -declaration, is to the effect that nothing shall exist in any State -injurious to the general welfare of the whole. While it is within the -scope of Congress to determine what is for or against the general -welfare of the whole, no State can set up its rights against such -judgment. When it is further made the duty of the United States to -guarantee a republican form of government to every State, and to protect -each State in such against all others, there can be no limit set upon -the general powers of Congress. - -The only fault, if fault it may be called, in the original Constitution, -lies in this—that while the power to do is vested in the United States, -it is not made an imperative duty to perform, though the duty is to be -inferred by the vesture of the power. In failing to exercise this power -in its fullest sense and to perform this inferred duty, lies the cause -of all the disturbances within the limits of the country. - -We can now proceed to the consideration of what duties Congress is -invested with the power to perform, which have not been exercised, and -which, being exercised, would contribute to the general welfare of the -people, and thereby promote the public good. It will also be considered -whether there are any additional powers Congress should possess which -can be conferred, and which the Constitution neither directly nor -inferentially vests. This consideration will proceed without regard -being given to separating what comes within the limits already possessed -from that which should be conferred. - -First in importance, because of general application, stand the common -laws of the country. Of these it is asserted, with the utmost directness -and force, that when a general condition is to be provided for in the -country, it should be the sphere of the government to make the same law -applicable everywhere, so that the citizens of the United States shall, -at all times and places within its limits, be subject to the same -controlling and guiding rule. There should be no such possibility as an -Indiana divorce under Indiana law, differing so much from those of other -States as not to be recognizable by them. There should be only United -States divorces, under a general law that could not be questioned -anywhere, and by which the parties to it, should stand in the same -relations to each other, in whatever part of it they might chance to be, -also in such relations to every one, that they may remarry without -becoming liable to the charge of bigamy. - -Within the last few years, many States have found it necessary to so -reconstruct their general systems of law as to cut off all special -legislation. This course is eminently judicious in every respect it can -be viewed, and has proved excellent in practice, by relieving -legislation and procuring uniformity. If this is a desirable result, so -far as a State is concerned, why should not the application be made -general for the United States, with prospect of proportional benefit? -All people would then be subject to the same rule of action and -responsibility. To illustrate: A State has a general law under which -joint stock and other companies can become incorporate. Before this, -each proposed company was obliged to make direct application to the -State government for an act of incorporation. After it, any proposed -organization could become incorporated by conforming to the regulations -prescribed, and thereby obtain all the power that could be conferred by -the Legislature direct. - -No one having knowledge of the tedious processes of legislation will -question the advantage of this general law, both as regards legislation -and the people. This admitted, it must be further admitted, that the -advantage would be still greater, were this a general law of the United -States, applying in every State, instead of a mere State law, with the -probabilities that each State having it would provide different steps -and regulations, so that a person familiar with that of one State, finds -he knows nothing of it in the State he removes to. - -The same line of reasoning applies with more or less force to every -branch of legislation. Especially is it pointed regarding the Criminal -Code, for here very great distinction exists in the several States. The -penalty for a specified crime is scarcely the same in any two States; -while some have abolished the taking of life for life, others still -imprison for debt, which shows a degree of divergence entirely -incompatible in a country that professes unity of purpose and practice. -In civil practice it is utterly impossible for the most studious and -profound jurist to acquire and retain accurate knowledge of it, in even -a small proportion of the States. Every lawyer can testify to the -difficulties he encounters at every turn when the laws of another State -have any bearing in the case he is engaged upon. - -Some States require that deeds executed in another State for property -within itself, shall be acknowledged before a notary, while another -requires a commissioner of deeds; and still another the certificate of -some Court of Record that the notary is duly appointed, &c. The -difficulties that arise from this condition of things are of such -magnitude as scarcely to be conceived of by those who have never -experienced them; nor can they be adequately presented in the limited -space of this article. It is, however, held to be apparent, that if a -general bankrupt and election law is to be preferred to thirty-seven -different ones, general laws upon all other subjects are also -preferable. It is a logical conclusion that the “public welfare” would -be promoted if Congress should pass general laws for the whole country, -to cover all cases and causes that are general to the whole country, -leaving for the States such legislation only as can have no application -outside of their individual limits. - -It is not surprising that well instructed jurists of foreign countries -have no faith in our existence as a consolidated nation. They argue, -that it is impossible of a country containing so many internal sources -of discord and differences. “A house divided against itself cannot -stand” they hold to equally apply to nations. If this has stood thus -long and prospered, it by no means follows that it will always stand and -prosper; but the inference is, that sectional interests will be the -source of continual disturbances and revolutions, until some great -sectional interest shall become powerful enough to separate itself from -the rest of the country and to defy its power successfully. In view of -that consideration, should not the attention of Congress be called to -the fact that it is its inferred duty, at least, to enact all laws that -will promote the public welfare? And to this end it should inquire how -the public welfare is suffering from the neglect thus far practised, -that the remedy may be applied. - -If it is found that its power under the Constitution to remedy such -evils is doubtful, amendments granting it should be at once proposed and -submitted. Whatever opposition there might be on the part of present -State Legislatures and officials the people will welcome any measure -looking to the eradication of the cause of internal agitation. It cannot -be that patriotism is to pass away entirely, though it appears to be -nearly submerged by the rising tide of individual selfishness. Let it -arouse itself and consider whether there be not room for exercise in the -direction indicated, and whether it is not better to prevent disaster -than to repair damages. The example of Louis Napoleon is an excellent -one to follow. Nor should patriotism be blinded by the mere name of -freedom and justice, sounded so loudly to cover the deformities -practised under their shelter. - -In many directions, this is eminently an analytic age. Let the fruits of -government be submitted to the crucible. Many of them would be found not -only hollow, but basely deceptive. It is well enough to cry peace when -war rages, but the crying will not bring it. It is well enough to laud -the freedom of the land, but why not make the direct inquiry to find how -much of it is real, and how much is fancied freedom, not to say genuine -slavery? It is well to assert that justice holds sway everywhere, but -those who have had most occasion to find it, must hold their peace lest -the fair delusion be dispelled. Let the peace that is cried, the freedom -that is lauded and the justice that is asserted, be subjected to the -test of analysis, that it may be really known what principles enter into -their composition. It is much to be feared that when all the dross and -foreign substances are separated, and the pure residuum only left, its -proportion to the mass submitted would be lamentably small. Still let us -have the analysis. - - - - - LIMITS AND SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of July 4, 1870.] - - -THE FIFTH PART OF MRS. WOODHULL’S DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT—INDIVIDUAL - ENTERPRISE AND ITS DEVELOPMENT AS AFFECTED BY GOVERNMENT. - -Individual enterprise, especially among Americans, has produced the most -wonderful results. Very much of the advancement of the country is -directly attributable to it. Great minds have been obliged to operate -singly and alone to develop their inspirations, ideas and conclusions. -Thousands possessed of comprehensive principles in a semi state of -application have sunk with them into obscurity for lack of appreciation -and support. In the infancy of the republic, before it was possible for -any to catch the idea of its grand destiny, it was not to be expected -that any great or general system of interdependence between the -government and the people should be adopted. There was a general fear of -everything that did not seem to promote that individual freedom which -seeks no harmony with the greatest freedom of the whole, while no regard -was paid to any philosophic relations of the individual to the whole -number of individuals represented by the government. This was -intellectual individuality, lacking the harmony of wisdom. - -It came after a while that the great enterprises demanded by the rapidly -increasing growth of the country could not be conducted by single -individuals, and numbers of them combined to carry them out. Rapid means -of transit began to be developed, which in many instances redounded to -the pecuniary benefit of the company prosecuting them, but always to the -general interest of the whole, both as a people and as a government. On -the contrary, many enterprises which have proved equally beneficial to -the country have ruined those who projected them. Thus the general -welfare has been promoted by the sacrifice of individual interests. -Especially has this been true of the great system of railroads that -binds the nation together with bonds of iron, too powerful, it seems, -for any sectional interest ever to sever. - -Internal improvements are eminently a legitimate branch of the general -government. They are not for the benefit of individuals or sections, but -for the benefit of the whole. So true is this that a seemingly purely -local government cannot confine its benefits and uses to the section it -is located in. Its influence permeates the very extremes of the country. -A railroad connecting two cities in the same State may be built. At -first glance this would be declared simply and only of benefit to the -localities it passes through. But upon close scrutiny a variety of ways -develop themselves that must be advantageous to thousands, residing in -all parts of the country, and to the government itself. It therefore -conduces to the public welfare and convenience in a much more general -sense than to sectional or local good. It is therefore entitled to the -protection of the government, whose duty it is to look after and promote -the interests of the public. Is it entitled to anything more, or does -the full duty of the government begin and cease with simple protection? - -Continuous railroad connections exist between Maine and California, -between Minnesota and Louisiana, which have been built by private -enterprise, and are still maintained and conducted by combinations of -private enterprise. These, with their connections, form a net work that -penetrates every section of the whole country, all parts of which system -are conducted as nearly as possible, considering the variety of -management, with regard to the harmonious working of the whole as a -general railroad system of the country. The representatives of the -several roads meet and arrange terms of transfer and connection, first, -to accommodate themselves; second, the public which patronizes them (be -it especially remembered that the public welfare is always secondary); -and thus it comes that that which is made the duty of the government to -guard with jealous care is subserved to the interests of a company of -incorporated individuals, whose profits, drained from the productive -interests of the country, amount in many instances to an enormous per -cent per annum upon the original costs of the enterprises This is not -the greatest good to the greatest number. It is the greatest good to the -smallest number at the expense of the greater number. The public is -hoodwinked into the toleration of their extortions by fictitious arrays -of figures, and by the increase of the “watering” of their capital stock -whenever an eight per cent. dividend will not consume their unexpended -balances. - -Again, there are railroads of great importance to the general public -whose earnings are not sufficient to make any returns to stockholders, -scarcely sufficient to meet current expenses, and yet the public welfare -would not permit of their discontinuance. - -The same line of policy that controls the postal service should be -pursued by government in regard to railroads. None now think of -intrusting that very important department of the government to private -enterprise. Is the transportation of the public itself of less vital and -general importance than its thoughts and wishes are, that it should be -obliged to rely upon private enterprise to accomplish its welfare, and -to obtain it be subject to its extortions? The custody of transportation -of all kinds by government would insure regularity, harmonious -operation, safety and dispatch, at minimum cost, to all whose pursuits, -interests or comfort, incline or compel them to its use. If the sphere -of government is to be determined upon principle, and it is the true -principle for the government to conduct the postal service, to the end -that the public welfare be subserved, then the same principle determines -that railroads and telegraphs should also be conducted by government to -the same end. - -The time was, when it was necessary to the general good for the -government to guarantee protection and even assistance to enterprises -that should introduce these improvements into the country. The country -needed them. Government, not understanding its true relations to the -people, failed to provide them. Private enterprise, more sagacious and -more perceptive of the actual demands of the age, stepped forward, and, -taking advantage of governmental supineness, developed the true -greatness of the country. The time has now come, and the government is -in position and understanding, to not only guarantee all needed internal -improvements to the public, but also to take charge of those already -existing, and to conduct them in the interests of the people. - -These improvements are not patents that should forever remain hereditary -charges upon the industry of the country. They are granted privileges, -made by the government to promote the public welfare, and not for the -continuous private gain of wealth and power. Let a limitation be put -upon these patented privileges, so that the public good may be still -further promoted. Let government purchase what are already in operation -and construct others, as demanded, and conduct them all under one grand -system, to subserve the interests, necessities and comforts of the -people, which it is its duty to provide for, even if in exceptional -instances it be at the expense of the public, as in some instances it is -in sparsely populated districts regarding the postal service. Let the -same rule of action that governs this service be applied to telegraphs, -railroads and all improvements that are public in their character. Let -the present owners and conductors of them become the servants of the -government and the people, instead of remaining, as now, their masters, -thus forcing them, by the only possible way, to comply with the -interests and demands of the general welfare. - -Besides, these gradually consolidating interests are becoming too -powerful and selfish to longer allow of the government or the people -regarding them with indifference. Even now they control a deal of -legislation by the power they possess. Unless soon dispossessed of the -means of increasing their power and influence, they will become greater -than the government, and even dangerous to liberty. The national banks -are powerful enough to feel they can dictate to Congress. What might not -a grand consolidation of railroads, representing thousands of millions -of dollars, be able to do, if left to present tendencies? This is a -matter of most serious import, which is tending to a despotism more -intolerable than that exercised by any of the monarchies of the Old -World—the despotism of capital over labor. - -This despotism is making the productive interests of the country utterly -subservient to the power they have created, fostered and protected, -which should forever remain their servant instead. These improvements -are demanded by all the growing interests of the country that express -themselves through commerce between the several States, and it is the -duty of Congress to “regulate” them. It has the power. The remedy is -required. Let it be applied, and at once, so that the greatest and most -beneficial of all the many systems of internal improvements any country -possesses, both for the country as a whole, and to the comforts of the -people as individuals, may be conducted and extended in accordance with -the interests and demands of the public welfare. Nor should there be any -outcry raised against the purchase and control of railroads by -government, as an unwarrantable interference with private rights. There -are no such things as private rights when the public good stands in -question. If the public good demands a new street through the most -densely populated part of the city, the property of private citizens is -condemned to its use, and damages assessed, from which the individual -has no appeal. The same rule must apply to all property that the public -demands for the promotion of its interests, telegraphs and railroads not -excepted. - - - - - LIMITS AND SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT. - - [Revised from the New York Herald of July 11, 1870.] - - - MRS. VICTORIA C. WOODHULL’S CONCLUDING CHAPTER ON THE SCIENCE OF - GOVERNMENT - - [The following is the concluding chapter of the essay on government, - its aims, sphere and tendencies, by Mrs. Woodhull, the female - candidate for the Presidency:] - -There are no circumstances existing within the range of government which -are deleterious to the conditions among which they are found that do not -come within the sphere of its control. If it were attempted to enumerate -all such conditions, a very large proportion existing would come in for -mention. Special reference will be made to such only as are represented -by crime, indigence, helplessness and perverseness. While government has -its duty to perform regarding all these, in their relations to society -in general and the public welfare, it must not be lost sight of that -they form a part of the general public, and, as such part, it has a duty -to render even to them and to the relations they sustain as individuals -to other individuals. - -The criminal is not only the son and brother, but often the husband and -father. Though he may have, by some act, forfeited the guarantee of -liberty government extends to the people, he has not thereby sundered -family relations, responsibilities and duties. It is the duty of -government to foster these, while protecting public welfare by -preventing the criminal from pursuing his course of individual freedom -at the expense of the freedom or happiness of other individuals or the -public. In this view penitentiaries should not be what they are, but -should be changed into vast workshops, where the convicted may labor at -some not altogether distasteful employment, to the same end that he -should labor when free. The theory of punishing crime is not all that -should be taken into consideration regarding the criminal. As now -practiced it is exceedingly doubtful whether the State does not do the -individual greater injustice than he has done the public. The State -should pursue such a course as is perfectly clear from injustice, such -as can conscientiously be held as committing no crime against the -criminal. To render to him what and only what he has rendered another is -maintaining the old Mosaic rule of “an eye for an eye,” which in these -latter times should be obsolete. The world has risen from the condition -of Mosaic times by the experience of thousands of years. Fear was the -only controlling power then. Should it be so now? Prevention is better -than remedy; besides, there is no such thing as remedy for crime already -committed. The criminal can by no possible means—nor can the State—undo -the wrong. Reparation in most cases is impossible, but should be -rendered, wherever possible. It becomes, then, the chief duty of the -State to prevent the recurrence of wrong by putting such restraint upon -those who are inclined to it as will effectually prevent their -inclinations finding expression. - -Supposing that all living persons who have ever committed any -infringement upon the rights, liberties or privileges of others of -sufficient moment to warrant preventative means being applied were -restrained from mingling with the public, what would be the ratio of -decrease in crime? These persons have trespassed upon the public welfare -and it must be protected from further trespass. It is the duty of the -State to see this done. At the same time the means of prevention must be -such as shall not encroach upon the culpable one’s rights further than -such prevention actually requires. As a member of society he has -forfeited to society, to a certain extent, the freedom of expressing his -privileges and rights as an individual, by the infringement upon the -privileges and rights of another individual, also a member of the same -society; and for this, society is in duty bound to restrain him. It only -requires that the present universally adopted theory, that crime is -against the people and not the individual suffering, be carried to its -legitimate sequences to teach the proper limitation to this restraint. -Having arrived at that, it remains for the State to concede every other -individual privilege to him. - -It should be his right and privilege to labor and receive its full -recompense, to which the State should have no right, further than the -cost of his maintenance. The profits should be given those dependent -upon him, or should go toward reparation for the damages done by him. He -should have the privilege of amusement, should have access to a public -library and the daily news. His whole restraint should be made as nearly -as possible analagous to the every-day life of a useful citizen. He -should no longer be the condemned criminal, but the member of society -whom the public welfare requires shall be restrained from following the -freedom his proclivities indicate. - -There is another class of individuals who, either from circumstances -beyond their control, from indolence, from incapacity, from settled -habits or from perverseness, do not perform sufficient labor to maintain -themselves and families in a condition that renders them useful members -of society. Society suffers more or less from all the different -representatives of this class. They must live, and society must, in some -manner, furnish the means to them of living. If it is not earned, it is -begged or stolen. There are those also who, being too honest to steal -and too proud to beg, suffer untold privations. All who would cannot -obtain remunerative occupation, or that which they are suited to -perform. To all of these as members of society, as a part of the people, -government owes a duty. Society, of which they are a part, owes them the -necessities of life, even if it be compelled to force them to earn them. -It cannot be made the duty of individual members of society to look -after the amelioration of these conditions. It is a general condition -growing out of the relations of all its members, and hence becomes a -governmental function, not only so far as they, as a class, are -concerned, but also to protect individuals of other classes from being -made to bear the burdens of them, either by voluntary contributions or -from the impositions of beggary and theft. Every one who has attained -proper age, and is possessed of moderate health, is capable of -performing sufficient service to support him or herself, and by so doing -is a useful member of society, because contributing to the sum total of -its productions. If he cannot obtain employment, society should supply -it to him. If he will not labor, society should compel him. If he cannot -labor, society should maintain him. Were this practice once instituted, -the dens of infamy and vice, the sink-holes of crime and disgrace, the -pest-houses of disease, and the crammed-to-suffocation attics and -cellars of our large cities, would be emptied of their occupants, and -they be made useful, instead of, as now, iniquitous members of society. -They are a dead weight society has to carry. It is a duty society owes -them and itself to compel them to assist in maintaining its general -progress. The same principle that applies to the criminal should also -include them. The general influence they exert upon society is even -worse than that of the downright criminal—for where the criminal is one -they number thousands. If it is necessary for the interests of the -people that he who steals a hundred dollars should be restrained of his -liberty—and it is the sphere of government to do it—how much more would -it be for its interests to transpose these leeches upon the vitality of -society into producing members of it? As a subject wherein the public -welfare suffers, it is strictly within the sphere of government. Other -citations of unprofitable members of society could be made, but -sufficient has been alluded to to indicate the general limits and sphere -of government when considered philosophically. The evidences of a -perfect government must not be sought among the most powerful and useful -members of society, but among the very lowest classes. A good government -can have no classes so low in the scale of development or use as to be -detrimental to its interests. And here is the test of governmental -perfectability. If the United States, as a nation, occupies any superior -or conspicuous position in prophecy which is to make it -representative—if it is the point around which consolidation into -universal government is to begin, and from which control shall revolve -until the world is its object—it becomes the imperative duty of our -statesmen and legislators to extend the sphere of government until its -limits are bounded by nothing that is detrimental to the general welfare -of the people. Such government, and such only, can be enduring while -becoming universal. - - VICTORIA C. WOODHULL, 44 Broad Street. - - - - - THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. - - - NO. I. - -Government being an organization of power, and power always presupposing -action, motion, it becomes a matter of the gravest importance to a -people who are formulating a government that they should lay hold of the -highest sources from which action can spring—that is to say, as all -action is the result of some prime motor power, to have action which -will proceed in perfect channels, producing harmonious motion, it is -primarily essential that the motor, or moving or controlling force, -shall be of that character which in expression will move majestically -yet sympathetically against all opposition, always having in view the -fact that the presence of low forms of any development is detrimental to -all higher forms with which they come in contact, either directly or -through exerted influence. - -It has previously been found that the deductions which are to be drawn -from a complete analysis of all the tendencies which governments have -exhibited during the historic age of the world, conform to the -propositions of the highest form of religious conviction, which is, that -God being the common Father of humanity, that humanity must be a common -brotherhood. Consistent with this the tendencies of government are found -to have ever been to one common form. If these propositions grow out of -the fact that the principle of unity is at all times operating to bring -about a perfect expression of itself, through humanity, the legitimate -deduction is, that the time will come when its ends will be -accomplished, and that that time will be when humanity has risen into a -complete recognition and acceptance of the fact that they are all -children of one common parent. - -Principles never change. They constitute the basis of creation, the -forms of which are constantly changing under the influence of the -application of the same power. The same force which caused the matter of -which this planet is composed to first assume its orbital position and -motion, now causes the various parts of it to exhibit the almost -infinite variety of manifestation which is now presented. The same power -that was exhibited in the construction of the original rocks, is also -exhibited in the construction of the sweetest, most fragile flower. The -evidence of evolution—progress—being, that from the rocks the flower has -been produced. Ascending to the animal kingdom, motion, the result of -power applied to matter, was found manifesting itself in the simplest of -organic forms. There, as in the previous periods, it continued its -constructive workings, until the perfect animal form, man, was evolved. - -In the strictest examination which can be made into the power which -controls, there can be nothing detected which would seem to, even -indicate that there is anything outside of, and superior to the -contained life, to which to attribute the direction the form takes -through which life is manifested. If this be so, the principles which -underlie the physical universe are but names for this inherent power, -which cannot be attributed to any power less than the Source of all -power. Manifested principles of action, then, which relate to matter, -may justly be considered as the perfect operation of divine law through -the physical universe. - -It becomes resolved to this: that the power which is the compelling -principle of all action is at all times the same, but that it manifests -different results, as the channels through which it operates are -different Thus, the motion of the atmosphere over the surface of the -ocean exhibits power by the waves it produces; while the same power -proceeding to land bends the forests and the fields, verdure before it. -The tiller of the soil involuntarily recognizes this fact, when he -destroys all growths which exhaust the constructive power of the air and -soil except the particular one he desires to further or perfect. He -knows that to concentrate all the power upon this one, he must -concentrate its expression in the form he wishes developed. If this -process could be understood, it should be the ordinary rule in every -department of the universe. All the power there is, should be -concentrated into action through the most advanced, and consequently the -most perfect forms—perfect forms always being those which are adapted to -the highest uses. - -Wherever this rule is generally applied by nature or man, the lower -existing forms disappear, and in due time the higher fill the places -they occupied. Thus, species of plants and animals are constantly -disappearing from the economy of the universe, while new and higher are -as constantly appearing. And it is to be specially observed, that where -the new exists the old dies out. This law is also distinctly visible in -the development of the different races and types of the human, all of -which a universal tendency prophesies will ultimately be merged into one -grand, all-comprehending race. The tendency to this condition was -distinctly traced in the Tendencies of Government, and was held to be -the basis for the conclusion, that, in its continuance, the condition -named would be naturally and inevitably reached. It may be stated then, -as a general rule, that the most certain method there can be to destroy -the bad—the old—and to inaugurate the reign of the good—the new—is to -attend to introducing the good in the most rapid and best manner, which -will naturally live upon and sap the life from the old, which must -necessarily pass away. - -If a new race of humans is introduced among a race which is not -possessed of that capacity which makes it possible for it to develop or -assimilate to the new, it will most certainly die out. Such races are -fixed types of the human, and their characteristics can never be merged -among the general characteristics of the future common race of humanity. -The North American Indians are good examples of this fixedness, and they -will soon cease to exist upon the face of the earth; while the Negro is -an excellent representative of the capacity of evolution and also of -amalgamation. It is not to be lost sight of, that when the Anglo-Saxon -and the Negro amalgamate, the direction the amalgamation takes is always -from the black to the white, and never from the white to the black, -which is positive evidence that the Negro will ultimately be entirely -lost in the white races. - -A mighty lesson is also to be gathered from observing the constructive -process of the several kingdoms of the earth, each one of which is built -upon the preceding and leads to the succeeding. The vegetable kingdom -could not exist until the elements comprising the mineral had gone -through their various processes of integration and destruction, by which -vegetable life was made possible. The vegetable, taking up the process -inherited from the mineral, began moving through the same cycle of -advancement by which the mineral had made it possible, and it gradually -merged into the animal; and so gradually that it can scarcely be decided -whether some forms of life belong to the latter or to the former. The -evolution of the animal, having ultimated in the production of the -human, it is not to be inferred that there is nothing beyond the animal -kingdom which is the fruit thereof, as the vegetable was of the mineral -and the animal was of the vegetable. - -Again, the vegetable world feeds from the animal—the animal feeds from -the vegetable, which is the only source which furnishes living -protoplasmic food, upon which the animal can alone exist. Humanity takes -this protoplasmic dish either fresh from the vegetable or second-hand -from the animal. It will thus be seen that everything which nature -accomplishes serves specific purposes, and that when the supply is -exhausted the demand ceases. If this principle is followed to its -legitimate end, it will close in the life of the whole animal kingdom -being merged into humanity, which will then feed entirely from the fresh -protoplasmic dishes of the highly developed fruit of the vegetable -kingdom. - -These arguments are not pursued as a necessary part of the Principles of -Government, but that the working of universal principles may be caught -sight of and made use of in the endeavor which will be made to decide -how humanity can best assist the operations of these principles as -applied in its own government. Nature being ever consistent in all her -movements in the several kingdoms, how shall “Mind” assist her in -accordance with her own principles of operation, in establishing perfect -channels for her powers to produce the perfect fruit of the animal -kingdom? - -In the Tendencies of Government it was found that all movements in -government which have been made during the historic age of the world -have been in the direction of universal control, the persistence of -which course leads to the conclusion that it will be attained when -government shall be based in those principles which, proceeding from a -common centre, shall be sufficiently potent to control the entire -circumference of humanity. The limits and sphere for such a government -to exercise its power in, was found to properly extend to all matters in -which the common interests of the public are concerned as against -assumed individual interests, which would in reality be to the “greatest -good of the greatest number.” - -An exemplification of the natural working of a government founded and -administered according to strictest governmental justice may be seen in -the growth and in the maintenance of the life of the tree, which may be -made to represent the tree of humanity. The tree is a complete community -within itself; all its branches and twigs, even to the extremest -distance, are dependent upon the same fountain for its controlling life -currents that the parts nearer the base are. No single branch can -maintain its life independent of the rest. Each separate one must draw -its proportion of supplies from the same source and return the stream to -its fountain when its demands upon it are completed. This power, -starting from a common fountain, is delegated to the various branches -for still further and more general distribution; but no branch can set -up a distributing process for itself in opposition to the general -process. If the branches had the power to set up processes of their own, -the inevitable result would be inharmonies in the common order, which -would work ultimate injury to all parts connected with the main body. -Thus it is with a country. It must possess a common governmental -fountain, and all divisions of it must be directly dependent upon the -common fountain. No division can be permitted to set up special channels -of administration for itself. Each must work in harmony with all others, -and all be equally dependent and dutiful to the common head. In such and -in only such can harmony prevail and life be continuous. - -Having found, then, what the destiny of government must be, and having -determined its proper limits and sphere for operation, it becomes still -more essential and necessary that the true mainsprings of governmental -power shall be recognized, for without this, government would still -linger in its age of temporary resorts to get over the constantly -arising contingencies of the times. When this recognition takes place, -legislation will have accomplished its work, and the vast talent therein -expended can be turned into the channels of governmental art. It is to -attract the mind to the operation of general principles in nature that -we have thus far dealt with the material universe. In advancing into the -subtler department of mind, it cannot be for a moment supposed that an -entirely new arrangement of principles lies at its base, any more so -than that there should have been new rules of nature to introduce the -animal or the vegetable. Instead of this having been, it is perfectly -demonstrated that the same laws govern in each and all; that is to say, -that the same principles of government control them all. Bearing this in -mind, we now proceed to the consideration of the operation of principles -wherein the human mind comes to assist nature in its strife for -perfection, itself joining in the race. - - - - - THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. - - - NO. II. - -It was remarked previously that Nature is consistent in all her -operations throughout her entire domain; to which may now be added that -the nearer the human approximates his rules and methods to those -exhibited in the departments of Nature below him, the nearer will he -approach to true rules and methods. Arbitrary and dogmatic formulas do -not belong to Nature in her free manifestations, nor can they be -administered in any of her combinations. In all the uses men may make of -the elements of matter, he must comply with the laws of their existence: -he cannot frame a law, and then command that Nature shall obey it. - -Certain quantities of certain elements will combine and form a compound; -but no other proportions of the same elements will combine to form the -same compound, and in many cases they will not combine at all, unless -certain fixed quantities are adhered to. Again, an effort may be made to -unite two or more bodies, and they will be found to be incompatibles; -that is, incapable of being united, because each has a stronger -self-affinity than for any property existing in either of the other -bodies with which they are brought in contact; but to these two or more -bodies another principle may be added, which will produce the effect of -uniting the whole. It is this principle in nature by which its elements -combine and form all the various and diversified manifestations that are -visible everywhere. These forms are none of them absolutely independent: -they may, by their inherent power, attract other forms to themselves, or -be by others attracted; the more complex and distinctly individuated -ones being dependent upon those from which they spring for their -existence; thus, as was before stated, the animal world is absolutely -dependent upon the vegetable world for the protoplasm it must make use -of to replace that expended by the animal economy. No animal can take -the elements protoplasm is composed of and manufacture it; that process -is alone the office of the vegetable world. And thus it is that a -complete and infinite system of dependence exists from the lowest form -of organic life to the highest; each is necessary to every other, while -every one fills a special individual position of its own, and this is -because they are all bound together by the same controlling powers or -principles of action. - -It is readily seen that the principles referred to are the same that are -expressed by a common humanity, a universal brotherhood: one is a -brotherhood of the elements; the other is a brotherhood of the ultimates -of elements, of which mind is a product. Each kingdom has its beginning -and culmination, and by the observation of their evolution we must draw -the deductions as to what really governs that age of the world, and the -special kingdom we find ourselves living in. The beginning of the -mineral kingdom was when simple elements began to unite to form -compounds; which was when the cooling process had so far progressed as -to allow of combination; this process of the uniting and dispersing of -elements culminated in the production of the simplest vegetable life, -and thus ushered in the vegetable kingdom. In this, again the same -process of uniting and dispersing was gone through with that had -characterized the mineral. It began as it did, and culminated as it did -by producing the next higher, or the animal kingdom, the simplest form -of which is a single unit of nucleated protoplasm. Upon this single unit -the animal kingdom began to be built. The same process of integration -and disintegration continued through countless ages and until a form was -produced, which is the ultimate of form in the animal kingdom. This -ultimate, man, is the perfection of form that protoplasm can produce, -and hence is the grand ultimate of the process of elemental combination -first referred to. No other or higher form is possible to be arranged -from the elements that the earth is composed of. Therefore, all future -advancement to perfection must be in the perfecting process in man, and -therefore it is logical to conclude that the same law that governed the -beginning, the evolution and the ultimation of each of the kingdoms that -produced man, will also govern the beginning, the evolution and the -ultimation of the different stages in the perfecting process in him; and -not only in the perfecting process as a whole, but in each division of -the perfecting process; and this brings us to that part of the process -illustrated by government, and to the principles of government which are -under consideration. - -It will be observed that there is a perfect analogy in the process of -evolution that is observed below man, and in that which comes of man. -First, there was the elementary unit, which corresponds to what was the -governmental unit—the family government. Next, and second, there was the -vegetable division, which corresponds to the second order of -government—the consolidation of families into tribes. Third, there was -the animal division of the process, which corresponds to the -amalgamation of tribes into nations. Fourth, there was man, the ultimate -of the whole process, containing in him the elementary principles -represented by all the preceding forms—in none of which were they all -represented as they are represented in him—and he corresponds to the -ultimate of the process of governmental evolution, the complete -consolidation of nations into one grand nation, as man is the complete -consolidation of all animal forms in one grand animal form. His form is -the animal form, containing all animal forms. A universal government -would be a national form, containing the form of all nations gathered -into one grand form. Here it is that the analogy is complete, and Nature -is consistent in all her parts and processes, at all times and in all -forms observing the simple general principles which so unerringly lead -her. - -There is, however, one important addition to the processes in which man -takes part, over those where principles apply only in the so-called -material control. Below man there is nature only. After man there is art -added to nature; and it is this power to administer to Nature’s -processes, to assist in them, and to remove and replace obstacles to -activity in higher channels, that distinguishes man from all previous -formations, and which virtually makes him an assistant in the after and -higher evolutions of mind, which have, until very recently, been -generally considered not of material origin, but which science now -demonstrates are purely physical results—are combinations in -consciousness of consecutive manifestations of matter. Here we have the -ultimate production of the ultimate of the animal kingdom, the mental -kingdom, or the kingdom of ideas. - -Science also demonstrates that ideas evolve after the same formula which -all preceding processes observed, and that all new discoveries of ideas -are not discoveries of existing facts, but that they are new truths -evolved from preceding forms of truth; or, in other words, that they are -higher forms of truth. - -These relations are thus specifically stated, because in them is found -the authority for man to make use of all things which exist, that by -such use, higher purposes may be subserved and better general conditions -obtained. As the gardener destroys all weeds and foreign growths about -the vegetables he would produce, so must the gardener in ideas pull up, -eradicate or destroy, all false or decaying ideas which sap the vitality -from those he would have flourish; and this authority is the same—the -authority of the higher over the lower, to the extent of individual -freedom and within the limits of the general good. - -Such is the province of art, and man, in whatever department of nature -he operates, is the artist, adding to her beauties, which she can -produce by her laws, those which the evolution of higher ideas proposes. -Thus art utilizes and beautifies all that nature produces. Nature alone -could never produce a Central Park, nor the perfection in fruits and -flowers that is now presented to please the taste and gladden the eye. -No one will question the right of man to make from nature the most of -beauty it is capable of, nor to make it most conducive to all his -natural desires. And here is found the basis for the authority from -which it is analogically argued, that man has the right to practice as -an artist in ideas. The position this artist in ideas should be assigned -should be as much higher in the scale of importance as ideas are higher -than crude matter. - -Government being the most formidable director of ideas and the most -powerful opponent of their diffusion, if they are not in channels it can -operate through, its perfectability according to the highest existing -ideas is a matter of the most fearful importance. It is for this reason -that so great importance attaches to the diffusion among the people of -knowledge of the principles government should be constructed upon that -its administration may be productive of the greatest individual, and the -greatest public good, which it is possible to obtain from the -application of the highest evolved ideas. - - - - - THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. - - - NO. III - -It has been the intention to show the importance of unity of purpose in -government, and that such unity of purpose can only be obtained by the -application to administration of those principles which in operation -produce unity in the kingdoms below the kingdom of ideas. Human -government differs from all other kinds of government in this, that it -is for the control of Mind instead of Matter. The natural direction the -individual would pursue results not only from causes which arise in his -material nature, but to these are superadded those which pertain to the -Mental in contradistinction to Matter. Each individual is not only an -epitome of all previous material forms which have been evolved, but he -is also the finite representative of the Infinite Power which caused all -those evolutions, and therefore has an individualized, determining power -of his own to the extent that he represents the Infinite; and as this -extent differs in degree so extensively among the total of individuals -over whom government presides, it is the most difficult of all tasks to -prescribe forms for it to operate through, by which it can reach and -control this diversity. - -This most serious difficulty which arises at every step in the search -for the true source of government, comes from the innate sentiment of -freedom in man, which is the truthful expression of the characteristics -of the Infinite, which are indigenous, so to speak, to his nature. He -involuntarily resists all attempts to exercise authority over him -because of these sentiments. He feels, he realizes, that no individual, -nor any number of individuals, has any authority from any competent -authority to exercise supreme control over him; and thus it is that all -individuals resist control. - -Just at the point arrived at comes in the other part of the fact, which -being considered, modifies the absoluteness of individuality. Every -individual must either ever remember, or be compelled to remember, that -he is but one of millions of individuals who live upon the face of the -earth, each one of whom feels the same innate sentiment of self-right; -and thus it comes that there should be no restraint at all over each -individual exercising all his selfish ideas of rights strictly within -his individual sphere; and that all these should be compelled to -harmonize so that none may interfere with others. Even to this last -proposition there are natural modifications to be inferred from -everything below man. The higher order has the authority of its position -in the natural scale of evolution, over all that precedes it; and this -authority is of that absolute character which receives the sanction of -nature in all the kingdoms which man can view. - -The higher orders of ideas and thoughts should thus be the controlling -power among men. They should assume the business of the artist in ideas, -and prune, dig and destroy, if possible, all lower ideas which, live but -to sap the vitality from the more advanced. The best expression, then, -which it is possible for principles to find in the individualized -productions of the highest animal form, must be sought in the most -highly developed mentality; or in that mentality which expresses the -most of the Infinite, and which is consequently the highest authority -represented through humanity. - -Mentality represents the most important department of the duality which -constitutes the source of governmental power; but this, acting alone, -would not prove the perfect principle. It would pursue its aims with no -regard to sentiment or feeling. It would ruthlessly destroy all -imperfections which debarred it from having absolute control, instead of -endeavoring to consolidate their life with the higher and the better -because it is the higher. To this active, sternly analytic principle, -must be added the principle of unity or the affectional, which seeks to -combine all mentality in one harmony. The head and the heart should act -in concert; the head perceiving that the same general principles should -be used to direct the forms of every department of life, and endeavoring -to apply them to control humanity, should head the appeals of the heart, -which, from its mainsprings of love and tenderness, feels, that the -whole universe is bound together by the indissoluble ties of fraternity, -and, therefore, should realize that as a father and mother, they should -govern their children. Of these principles, government should be the -true exponent, representative and administrator. - -But here the question arises: How shall such government be inaugurated? -How shall those who are the best representatives of advanced ideas and -the broadest fraternal feeling become installed as the administrators of -government? Every thinking person knows that no such persons or -principles are in authority now, and that they have not been these many -years. In the early days of the republic, which was constructed by men -whose souls were imbued with these principles—or at least the fraternal -principle—it may be fair to admit that something nearly assimilating to -the true kind of government did exist. A government founded in the -principles ours was could not have been organized except by men of the -very highest order of development in the true principles of government. -They were hundreds of years in advance of the general people, for whom -they wrought, and it may be seriously questioned whether they have had -any representatives since, and whether they have any at present, who are -actuated by any such lofty patriotism as they were. So long as they -lived it was but natural that the people should have continued them at -the head of what they had constructed, by the means they prepared for -the expression of their right of self-government. It is well -demonstrated that these men fully realized the principles of freedom, -equality and justice, which realization comes from the conspicuous -development of the paternal and affectional elements. Mentality, it is -plain, was not so conspicuously developed, for they did not comprehend -that the time would come in which those who should fill their places -should be almost infinitely lower in the scale of true governmental -principles than they were, or that the controlling motives of such could -ever descend from their lofty stand to grovel in the purely selfish. But -the time has come and now is, in the which the present places the -fathers of the republic occupied are filled by those who are not in any -sense the representatives of the true principles of government. It is -quite true that the people are responsible for the men they select to -represent them, but that does not better the very bad fact that the -people are not represented, any more than that the true principles of -government are. When this fact is seriously considered, it becomes -apparent that there is a difficulty somewhere in the processes of -government which has such imperfections that the ends of government as -understood by its founders are utterly defeated. The result of this -imperfection is, that instead of the true and best representative men of -the country—those whom the previous analysis points out as possessed of -the qualities demanded in government—being chosen to perform the -function for which they are adapted, they are left one side, while -others without ideas are sent where they should go. In short, the whole -governmental operations have been and are being prostituted to the -selfish ambitions of party leaders, who do not care a whit what means -are used so that they win thereby. This shows not only that there are -imperfections in the organization, but that there is much which is -radically wrong. It is even now being more than whispered around that -there is a plot being matured by which some of those who are now in -power intend to continue themselves in power, even if they are obliged -to seize upon the government in spite of the people. Such a plot could -only bring destruction upon the actors; but that such a disgraceful -thing could occur, or even be conceived, proves that a remedy is needed -somewhere, which shall prevent such persons acquiring the power they -would thus prostitute to their own purposes, at the expense of the -sacrifice of the rights of the people. - -This government is either a government for the people or for the office -holders; latter practices incline outside observers to the opinion that -it is the people’s only in theory. If we examine the theory, it looks -finely enough; but when the manner it is outwrought comes under -observance, nothing can be found which entitles it to the name of the -people’s government. It is not the people’s government by a very great -deal; nor is it a government for one-half the people even; neither is it -a government which guarantees equality to its citizens; every count -which can be made is against it, as the exponent of principles upon -which it professes to stand. - -In the first instance, one-half of the people are debarred from all -political rights whatever, and they are those who form the producing -part of humanity, and whose interests in government are in every way -equal to that of those who exercise all the political power. Thus at the -very outset we find a professed equal government proscribing one-half -the people over whom its authority is exercised; and, be it ever -remembered, is fully maintained. While they are made responsible for all -infringement of law, they have no voice in determining what that law -shall be. While they are compelled to assist equally with the preferred -class to maintain and support government by the payment of taxes, -revenues, &c., they have no power to control the use that shall be made -of them. This proscribed class, though living in the United States of -America, a so-called Republic, are in no better condition and stand in -no superior relation to the government they are compelled to give -adhesion, respect and support to, than are those of the most absolute -monarchy upon the face of the earth. What think you, enslaved people, of -the great, the free, the exalted government of a country which professes -so much and grants you nothing? - -In the next instance, it is not the government of the one-half of the -people it has really the semblance of being, and which many think it is. -To completely establish this significant fact, the attention of the -people is called to the immense minorities in the several States, and -the relations which they sustain to a Presidential election, wherein the -sum total of all the citizens of all the States who are permitted to -cast their ballots, and who do so cast their ballots, for the electors -who vote for the defeated candidate, exceed the sum total of all the -citizens of all the States who are permitted to cast their ballots and -who do so cast their ballots for the electors who vote for and elect -their candidate. Such results have obtained; but a President thus -elected is elected by the votes of the minority of the citizens of the -United States who are permitted to vote, and consequently, within the -Union as a whole, a person may occupy the Presidential chair against the -will of the majority of the voting citizens of all the States. Such is -the perfection of the forms which have been framed and used through -which to obtain popular self-government; and such the results obtained. - -The same line of argument applies with equal directness and force to the -citizens of each State in relation to their entire State government, -with the exception of such officers as are elected upon the ticket with -the Governor; their representation in the lower House of Congress, and -in their Legislatures and through their Legislators and their -representation in the Senate of the United States may be, and often is, -that of the minority of the voting citizens of the State. The same is -also true of all incorporated cities outside of their general officers. - -This condition of affairs shows that there are two conflicting -principles ever operating against each other, and that their very worst -features appear when their object is the “first office in the gift of -the people,” which, above all others, should be filled by the choice of -the majority of all the citizens of all the States. - -Scarcely less in importance, as compared with the Chief Magistracy of -the Union, is the importance of Congressional legislation, which should -be determined by Representatives and Senators who should represent the -majority of all the voting citizens of all the States. This government -will always stand in danger of being overthrown by the unrepresented -majority, so long as such forms of arriving at representation are -allowed to determine these questions, which lie at the very basis of a -republican form of government. - -The whole difficulty which this question presents arises from the -seeming stubbornness with which the people refuse to understand that the -interests of the people as a whole can only be promoted by promoting the -interests of each individual composing the whole. In this consideration -the Democratic doctrine of States rights, to which the Democrats adhere -even yet with so much apparent stubbornness, is utterly subversive of -the first principles of unity and it may be emphatically stated that -until enlightenment is obtained upon this point by the common ignorance -of the country, there is no security from wars such as that from the -effects of which we have not yet fully recovered. The same principle of -States rights, as compared with those of all the States, if a correct -principle of self-government, should also be recognized as the proper -one to be acted upon in counties as against the State, and in cities as -against counties and States, and in wards as against cities, and by -citizens as against the wards in which they reside, and by the several -partners of firms as against the authority of the firm as a whole. It is -the only mischievous principle which is operating to destroy the -Republic which is prophetic of so much civilization and advancement to -the whole world. - -Under the application of such principle a single government for all the -“nations, kindred and tongues” of the earth would be utterly impossible -and impracticable. Nothing but strife, contention and wars would follow -a government founded on such principles of individuality as do not and -will not recognize the superiority of the community as compared to the -individual members of it. Upon this principle brought down to -individuals, every individual would have the absolute right to act upon -his own self-interests, no matter how seriously such action might -interfere with others possessing the same right. The community would -have no right to compel any restraints upon the individual under this -principle of rule. This principle applied everywhere would carry us back -to pre-historic times, when every individual was his own supreme -authority, and maintained it at the risk of his life. This is the purest -form of anarchy, and as such is laid down by all writers upon -pre-historic times. - -Why do not the advocates of States rights contend for the application of -the same principle to its fullest extent, and thereby become consistent? -Why do they advocate any general government at all? The truth and the -facts of the case are, that such doctrines as recognize the rights of -the individual as superior to the rights of the community in which he -resides, are subversive of the first principles of order. Suppose such -principles governed the entire sidereal and solar systems, what chance -among so many vast planets would our little earth have? _It is saved -from destruction because there is a Prime Power which compels them all -into harmony of action and movement, whatever courses their individual -proclivities would lead them to._ The application of this general -superior controlling power in governmental affairs is the only method -which can secure—because it will compel—harmony. - - - - - THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. - - - NO. IV. - -Notwithstanding all this, which has been said in opposition to the -doctrine of individual sovereignty as the true principle of government, -it contains the germ of an ultimate truth, which will be realized when -the total of individuals forming the world’s community shall have become -so advanced from the present low conditions to those of wisdom and love, -as to make every individual involuntarily recognize the rights of every -other individual. In other words, individual sovereignty will be the -principle of government when that time shall come wherein there will be -no necessity for government, because the people shall have grown into -the condition of a universal brotherhood. It is this innate sense of -individual right which is present in the consciousness of every -individual who has grown to know he is an individual, which makes this -constant conflict between ultimation and approximation. It is the -expression, politically, of the same principle which, religiously -expressed, makes it possible for the consciousness of the individual to -contain an undefinable knowledge of a Great First Cause, and at the same -time to feel that he is an individual agent. In other words, it is the -old doctrine of free agency reproduced in the political world, which, if -it is but considered a single moment with an unprejudiced mind, it must -be seen that there is no such thing as free agency; for every individual -is dependent upon something, over which he has no control, every instant -of his whole life, which something even produces the capacity which -gives him the power to think he is free. - -It will be seen, then, that the great general principles which govern -the entire universe, are recognized in the proposition that all people -are born free and equal, and entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit -of happiness, which are inalienable rights; but it fails to be -comprehended that the inalienable rights of freedom are limited by the -other condition of equality, which makes every individual free within -the distinct sphere of his individuality, but not free within the sphere -of other individuals. He has the inalienable right to life, liberty and -the pursuit of happiness, when it is not exercised at the expense of the -inalienable rights of others in the same direction. These are the -governing laws which the worlds obey, and which control the minutest -particles of matter. And these are the true “Principles of Government.” - -It will be also seen that the forms by which the principles of our -government are administered are imperfect, and consequently that, -however much we may reverence the Constitution of the United States, it -requires remodeling to enable the true principles of government to find -expression through it. The inconsistencies, also, of the rights of -States, as represented by the common government, must also be removed. -The State is either the source of governmental power or it must proceed -from all the States, as combined in government. If the former, we are no -more to be respected as a Union than the numerous Italian and German -States were before the consolidation. The republic, under such -construction, amounts to nothing more or less than a union for offensive -and defensive purposes, _at the option_ of the several States, which is -as purely a governmental force as could well be imagined. The -inconsistency of this construction of the Constitution was fully shown -in No. III. of the “Limits and Sphere of Government,” and need not be -repeated here; the subject has been pursued here, that the utter folly, -inconsistency and impossibility of the recognition of individual rights, -where such rights conflict with the community as a whole, might be the -more palpably apparent. Having considered the source of the -imperfections which exist in the form of our government, what should -legitimately follow for consideration is, the remedy. In the first -place, the theory of States rights must be abandoned, and each State -must become a member of the Union by organizing under a common form, to -be prescribed by them all, or by the present required constitutional -majority of them all, to make an amendment to the Constitution valid. -The same rule should be applied as that which has come to be a -recognized necessity in States regarding incorporating companies. All -the States should be required to organize under a general State law, -which should be clearly and concisely set forth in the Constitution, -which should recognize the general government as the determining power, -and not that it exists by the sufferance of the States, but that the -States exist as organic bodies, because they have complied with the -requirements of the Constitution, which was necessary to constitute them -States. In conformity with such acquired power, States should prescribe -the means by which cities can become incorporated. In this way, unity of -purpose and harmony of interest can be secured from the individual up to -the total of individuals forming the nation. - -Such a government would be a strong government indeed, but one in which -its composing members of States and the composing members of individuals -would have the utmost extent of freedom that the interests of the whole -would admit. If this is not the end to be gained by government, then -government is a simple farce, and unworthy of being allowed to exist -anywhere. From the earliest historic ages the world has constantly been -extending to individuals through its forms of government, more and wider -freedom and greater privileges and immunities. This process will -continue to spread, as the general people become more and better fitted -to be the recipients and the appreciators of such extensions to them. - -The individual has more rights and privileges to-day in the world than -at any other previous time, but all individuals have not yet become such -perfect laws to themselves that no formulated law is required to -restrain them from the infraction of others’ present rights, privileges -and immunities. Until such time come, a strong central government is -required. - -A strong central government does not necessarily mean anything -approaching a monarchy. But it does mean a republic which will have the -support of all its citizens as a central support, instead of each State -comprising the Union reserving to itself the right to differ from the -central power. In such a government, the majority of the people would, -at any time, have the right to elect new officers, as provided for, so -that the strong central power would not be in the individuals -administering the government, but in the organic law which constitutes -the several parts of the country a common government, which, while being -the strongest possible governmental form, it would, at the same time -guarantee the greatest possible freedom, equality and justice to its -people which would be compatible with the common interests and the -common good. - -Lastly, such a central power of government is the only one to which -peoples not already within the government could be admitted without -endangering its existence. A new State desires to become associated with -the several States forming the present Union. Immediately she is -admitted, she has, under the present doctrine and practice, the right to -withdraw. She has been admitted by and with the consent of the required -majority of the States previously constituting the Union; therefore, -logically, she has not the right to withdraw without the same consent It -required this consent added to her free and self-expressed desire to -become a State; it should also require the same consent before she -should be allowed to withdraw from the Union. - -Under a general rule for the admission of new States, and of allowing -addition to the present limits of the Union, all that would be required -would be for the people of a certain limit to adopt the requirements of -the Constitution, and present themselves to Congress for admission. -Aggregation, according to this rule, could always proceed without ever -endangering the safety of the general government, because a country once -having become a part of the Union would be under the mighty constraint -of the whole Union to properly and peacefully perform the functions of a -State in the Union. This condition can be well illustrated, by supposing -that there was a confederation of all the European powers to preserve -peace among themselves under certain defined agreements. If a single -power violated any of those agreements, or attempted to make war upon -its own account against another nation, a party to the agreement, all -the other contracting powers would be in honor bound to make the -interest of the nation against which proceedings were being had contrary -to the common agreement their own. War, under such conditions, would be -practically impossible. So would disunion, under the proposed system of -confederation. - -The country which shall first adopt such a system will be the centre of -the future Universal Government of the world; and it is with this view -in mind that these suggestions are offered to the people of the United -States of America, which country is, by the common order of the -universe, appointed to be that centre, to the end that they shall see -the necessity of immediate action to perfect the organic laws of the -country. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL - - - NO. I. - -It is a mistaken notion that the interests of labor and capital are in -any way antagonistic to each other. This fallacy has, however, taken -such hold of the minds of the representatives of both these interests, -that it is engendering a spirit of bitterness which, it is to be feared, -will grow into as fierce a character as that against slavery did. It is -always hard to produce any argument that will convince this spirit If -convinced, the spirit of opposition will not be calmed, and obstinacy, -assuming the place of all sentiment, compels the individual to remain -rebellious. - -It is most true that there could be no capital unless labor first -existed. This stamps labor as of the greater importance. Let a person be -cast upon a fertile island, without pecuniary means, and he will live by -labor from its fertility; but let him fall upon an utterly barren and -sterile land, and all the millions of a Rothschild would not insure his -existence. So it is everywhere, and under all circumstances, to a -greater or less extent. Labor can exist—though not flourish—without -capital; but capital cannot exist entirely divorced from labor. Being -dependent upon it for primary existence, it must ever remain under a -direct analysis in the state of semi-importance. - -The capitalist is the more unreasonable of the two in the position he -assumes. He continues to apply all his energies to the acquisition of -wealth, utterly regardless, in most cases, of any idea of justice to -what has given it to him. The general practice is—and this is the true -test, for whatever is of general application must be governed by some -underlying principle of right—when capital requires any given thing done -which it is obliged to apply to labor to accomplish, it must give -one-half interest in the venture to enlist its co-operation. This is -true regarding nearly all speculative pursuits, and when there is an -actual necessity for either to apply to the other for aid to carry out -its desires, this rule of agreement always obtains. This forms one of -the most conclusive arguments by which to demonstrate the true relations -of labor and capital, and should be made the basis of all co-operation. - -It is not for the best interests of the wealthy to become still more so -at the expense of poverty to those under them. On the contrary, it is -their true interest to render fullest justice and strictest equality to -the demands of labor, to be determined by the principles that shall -promote the most general good. It is the greatest mistake of the age—it -has been the greatest mistake of all ages—to suppose that individual -benefit must accrue from the acquisition of wealth at the expense or -sacrifice of any general principle of justice. It is also a great -mistake for labor to array itself in opposition to wealth, and to form -combinations to control it. It is too late in the ages for these kinds -of arguments to convince. They can only end in producing still more -injustice and distance between the two interests, which distance will be -filled by rankling bitterness and contemptuous insinuation. An approach -of the two interests is what is desired—an assimilation of them, so that -the same end shall be best for each. - -It may be laid down as an unanswerable proposition that there can be no -general happiness, peace or comfort among a people so long as the -principles society is built upon tend to promote unequal distributions -of the products of labor; and this brings us to the consideration of the -remedy. It is to reconstruct society upon such principles as shall tend -to promote complete unity, harmony and equality among its various -classes. To accomplish this it should be the special aim of every one -possessed of wisdom enough to comprehend a common logical proposition to -endeavor to bring about this equality by diffusing the deductions of it, -in all possible ways, among both classes. Let the various producing and -exchanging classes exist as they do, but let their relations be governed -by such rule of law as shall render them equal, both as to caste and to -the benefits to be derived from an equal interest in the common cause of -the brotherhood of mankind. - - NEW YORK. July 10, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. II. - -The strife that is being urged to create divergence between the -interests of these bases of society is purely the result of ignorance of -the first principles of constructive use on the part of their -representatives. Instead of an endeavor to demonstrate to the -understanding of all, the true principles which underlie these -interests, which would effectually unite them, those who have selfish -personal ends in view seek to further them, by engendering a spirit of -bitterness and a desire for strife. There are those who cherish the -ideas of aristocracy who have no wealth, on the one hand, and are too -indolent to endeavor to attain their desires by active labor, on the -other, who think to create some serious diversion, and upon it to ride -into place and power. This class of individuals are ever busy stirring -the coals of dissatisfaction into flames of rebellion, thinking thereby -to become the acknowledged representatives of the labor interest. It is -generally true that a cause supported by such means has no principles -upon which to base its claims; but in this instance the most absolute -and just principles are ignored, while cant and bombast usurp their -proper sphere. - -It is quite true that there is a growing tendency to centralize capital, -and that consolidation of monetary interests is the rule; but the fault -of this does not lie in capital or capitalists—it is farther back than -it or they. It is in the people themselves, and in the fundamental -principles upon which society is built, and those which the people allow -government to be administered upon. If the laws of a country permit the -doing of a certain thing, which it is for the interests of a certain few -to do, and they chose to avail themselves of it, there are many to be -found in these times so much governed by the desire for the public -welfare as to take the advantage offered them by the people, for it -comes down to that at last. The labor class have it in their power to -send to Congress just those who shall fully represent their interests; -but they do not do this; most of them are found actively supporting -those whom Capital selects and holds up for their suffrages. The remedy -lies with the people, and they must make use of it before they can ever -expect to see their rights adjusted. - -There is, as was said above, no conflict between Capital and Labor. The -conflict is among their representatives. On the contrary, there is an -entire harmony of interests between them. The true interests of each are -best promoted by rendering justice, full and complete, to the other, and -in the understanding of this lies the _only_ solution of the Labor -Question. Strife may continue, war, even, may come of the strife, but -finally the settlement must be made upon the principles of justice, -which underlie their relations. One comes from the existence of the -other; this, when created, should ever acknowledge its paternity, and -never assert supremacy, nor be allowed to do so; to be so allowed shows -that defects exist in the fundamental principles of government, or in -its application to existing things. These defects it should be the duty -of those who prate with so much volubility to discover and proclaim, to -the end that they may be understood by the people. The people in turn -should send as their representatives to frame laws, such persons as -shall make it their business to attend to their duties rather than those -who allow themselves to become immersed in the schemes of plotting -politicians who seek eternally to continue themselves in place and -power, and who lose all sight of, or care for, their constituency, in -their necessarily continuous efforts to secure that end. Such -representatives should be religiously ostracized by the common people, -and none tolerated but such as understand the relations which the -interests they wish fostered bear to those they feel they are becoming -subjected to, and who will unflinchingly advocate them at all proper -times and in all proper places. The durability of government rests upon -the entire harmony of all the interests it is framed to protect, and no -country can ever become continuously prosperous that has within it the -elements of discord; no country can endure for any length of time that -does not seek to eradicate all causes of dissatisfaction, and to so -adjust its interdependencies that they shall be mutual and just to each -as individuals, and to all as the public. - - NEW YORK, July 20, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. III. - -The duty of the philanthropist is to point out the harmony of interests -that exists between the extremes of the different grades that society -consists of. There are a certain class of would-be reformers, who make -it their business to stir up strife and contention between these grades, -and thus to separate their interests, and to make it appear that they -are antagonistic. The number of the latter class as compared with the -former, gives them a preponderant influence, which, added to the real -grievances existing, enables them to create considerable excitement and -much imagined wrong, which has no foundation in fact. - -The laboring classes, being occupied by their labor, do not devote much -time to the study of the circumstances that control their condition. -They see that other classes fatten from their productions, and without -stopping to inquire why it is so, straightway conclude that they are the -subjects of an oppressive power which desires to completely wrest the -results of their labor from them, and to always keep them in the -condition of virtual vassalage. This conclusion rouses the spirit of -independence in the laborer, and he determines to redress his wrongs. He -sets about forming combinations, having in view the control of wages and -hours, not comprehending that the remedy lies deeper than these, or that -these would regulate themselves, could the true cause of the condition -they rebel against be reached and generally understood. While it is true -that capital can never enslave labor to a degree that can be considered -compulsory on the part of capital, and unnecessary on the part of labor, -it is equally true that labor cannot compel capital to its commands. -Therefore both these methods of cure should be abandoned, and preventive -means be resorted to instead. And these it is our duty to point out. - -The judicious architect, before pulling down the old structure, provides -the material to replace it; in other words, he substitutes the new for -the old, and in the process leaves no unnecessary interval in which the -fostered interests shall be left to the vicissitudes of anarchy. It is -evident from the rapidly spreading knowledge among the laboring classes, -that they will soon demand some modifications in the forms, and in the -relations they sustain through them to society. Before breaking down the -present organizations society exists in, by revolution, which would end -in a period of anarchy, out of which better conditions _might_ grow, the -better conditions should be first considered, prepared and determined -upon, and, by being thoroughly understood, should be substituted for the -present by general consent, without society being compelled to pass -through the anarchical period that succeeds all violent disruptions of -present forms, whether in government, religion or society. - -As society is constructed at present, it must look to legislation to -produce forms and to enforce order through them, that society may -observe in their operations the better results to them. Society -expresses itself most powerfully through legislation. Public opinion is -a force capable of many things, but is powerless to redress grievances -or to institute the new and better for the old and decayed, unless it is -directed by the formula of law. All the energies of labor reform, then, -should be directed to the main point, from which benefit to itself must -spring. It should waste no time nor strength upon the minor issues, but -concentrate all upon the one strategic point. And when this -concentration is effected, it should not fritter away its strength by -dealing with the contingencies of the present, or in small expedients, -to enable us to dodge along, simply escaping shipwreck, to be again -forced the next day, week or year, to the same expedients to escape -similar shoals. Instead, it should direct all its capacities to -substitute a new and better foundation, upon which a new and better -superstructure of society can be reared. How shall such a work be begun? - -Legislation is the primary constructive point from which better -conditions must emanate. The laboring classes, then, must see to it that -they are properly represented in legislation. Nor should they be -deceived into the support of any who, by bluster and tongue, loudly -proclaim themselves the champions of labor, without the understanding of -the first principles that control the relations of labor to capital. Let -it be set down, once for all time, that he who denounces capital as the -oppressor is not the representative labor should choose to right its -wrongs. In every community there are some who think a great deal and say -little; these, as a general thing, are the antipodes of those who say a -great deal and think little. Though the last are usually found floating -about the surface of society, it is to the first, society must look for -that wisdom, judgment and executive ability that shall guide it to the -desired harbor. - -It should be the first duty of the labor interest, in each State or -national district, to select and elect one from that class that has -calmly observed the workings of present systems, and who can show where -the cause of existing ills lies. It is to the philosopher, and not to -the politician, that the labor interest must turn its eyes, and though -he be not smooth of tongue and glib of speech, he will lay such a -foundation in law as will produce the conditions desired. Your present -representatives, State and national, have shown themselves incompetent -to the task you demand of them. Leave them to seek their level, and turn -you to others, who will not lose sight of your interests in the -allurements which place and power present. You cannot expect that those -who are not of you can appreciate your wants or understand your -conditions. Choose from among yourselves and you will not go far astray. -There are, however, noble exceptions to this rule of decision. There are -those who were reared in wealth whose hearts sympathize with you, and -who feel quite as keenly as you do the injustice you suffer. In these -you will find your best advocates, but see to it that your suffrages are -never, once again, worse than withheld. - -You are in the majority, and the fault is your own if you do not make -use of the power you possess. Nominate and elect your own men; if your -first choice fails you, try again, and continue trying, until the right -man for the position is found; and when found, while holding him -strictly accountable, give him your cordial support while he is true to -your interests. Most persons who occupy position now, feel compelled to -yield principle to the demands of policy, in order to retain it. This -must be remedied. None are fit to hold position who will sacrifice one -iota of their conviction in order to retain it. Self-interest must be -surrendered to those whose power fills the place, and for the time being -it must act as the representative of them and not as its own. It cannot -be too strongly insisted upon, nor too often repeated, that it is the -first duty of the labor interest to look to it that our halls of -legislation are filled by those who understand the true and the -harmonious relations of labor and capital. - - NEW YORK, July 27, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. IV. - -In our last the attempt was made to show how important the laborer -should consider the choice of representatives to be, and also what class -of persons should be chosen. The task of making these selections cannot -be begun too soon. In every district in the Union the laborers should be -made alive to this question. Some who fully appreciate its importance -should take it upon themselves to begin the work; they should converse -with the few they come in contact with, and these, becoming interested, -should be induced to extend the agitation; and finally, all over the -country, primary labor meetings would come to be held for the full and -complete discussion of the whole subject. - -It is the most complete evidence of supineness on the part of the -laboring classes that they are not now represented as they should be. -Being so vastly in the majority, every office should be filled by them. -The difficulty has been—and we fear will be—that while the laborer has -been busy at his regular task, others have managed the incipient stages -that produce the candidates, in such a manner that the interests of the -majority have been entirely ignored. Finally, when the regular party -ticket is presented, the least objectionable one receives the support; -and thus it comes that the real interests and wishes of the people are -seldom represented, and as seldom is the elected candidate the real -choice of the people. - -Unless our laboring classes arouse themselves to the real importance of -this matter, and become willing to devote sufficient time to preparing -their candidates, they should cease blaming others for results; for they -now complain of things they have it in their power to remedy, but which -they cannot expect others, whose interests seem to be at variance with -theirs, to correct for them. Those who declaim so loudly and profusely -about the wrongs labor suffers at the instance of capital, should be -strictly guarded against, lest they, unwittingly, become your leaders -and advisers. - -There are at all times numbers of persons standing waiting and ready to -step forward to take advantage of any favorable movement among the -people which seems to offer inducements. It matters not to them in what, -or where the movement may originate; they have no principles to crush -out or control in order that they may fall into the current. It is -almost impossible to escape the curse of these ever-ready tools. The -safest and surest remedy against them is to select those who have never -mingled in politics, and who will come direct from the shop or the -field. It does not matter so much if they are not able advocates, if -they only understand the work to be done and are devoted and true. Let -this course be pursued a few years, and the enormous proportion of -lawyer-legislators would be diminished by one-half. Many of these have -no sympathies in common with you, most of them are, by all their -controlling influences, drawn from the consideration even of your -condition. What does it matter to them if the few articles you must -purchase to render yourselves and families comfortable, cost you ten, -twenty or fifty per cent. more than the actual cost of their production, -if corporations for which they are attorneys become still more corpulent -upon this that is indirectly filched from you! For, do you not know that -capital under such rule does not pay the taxes of the country, but that -your labor does? In this way, the common laborer, who should not be -compelled to pay any levy at all, is taxed on almost everything he eats, -drinks and wears, and thus labor is compelled not only to produce what -makes wealth possible, but also to sustain it after having produced it. -This is a vast inequality in favor of capital and against labor, and -still it is the laborer’s fault; and it lies just where we pointed, in -the selection of proper candidates as representatives, State and -national. - -There are but a very few newspapers that do not _profess_ to be the -advocates of the rights of labor. Let them be called upon to take hold -of this matter, and take hold of it at just that point where the remedy -must be applied. Let them lay before the people a plain exposition of -the matter, and certainly aim to make the people understand it. Let them -urge the people to assemble and concert plans and devise means to carry -them out, and to warn them to no longer intrust the most vital parts of -the “necessary course” to the care of hereditary members of the caucus, -whom money buys or whisky controls. It has become proverbial that he who -would be elected to any important position must dispense both these -“powers” with a lavish hand; and he who can do this the most profusely -is pretty sure to “be elected.” You may rest perfectly assured that if -he spend ten thousand dollars to secure his election by your votes, he -intends at least to double his venture during his official term. You -should know by this time that “the purity of the ballot box” is simply a -“play upon words,” and that elections are but farces to approve what is -previously determined. - -The people, then, must look on every side for treachery to their -interests and dishonesty of purpose, not forgetting that a large portion -of the press that profess your interests so warmly, that you almost know -their truth, are open to the influence of at least one of the -abovementioned powers, and that to go counter to the _commands_ of those -who “back them” is to go to certain destruction. Nevertheless, demand of -the press a course that cannot be denominated hypocritical, and if it -does not respond, withdraw your patronage, and give it where it will -contribute to your interests. - -These introductory details cannot be dwelt upon too long nor insisted -upon too earnestly. To begin a work right, is to have it half -accomplished; and most powerfully does this apply in the matter of -determining who shall be your representatives. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. V. - -One of the great questions of the day, if not the greatest, is the true -relations that should exist between labor and capital. It is one fraught -with more direct benefit to a greater number of people than any other -question has even the external appearance of being. The real merits of -the question are of much greater significance than is generally -supposed, even by those who raise it. The welfare and the individual -rights of three-fourths of the people are at stake. The question assumes -this shape: Labor has, by its continuous efforts, produced a certain -amount of wealth, from the use of the materials nature presents, that -has not been required to support and sustain the general life of man. By -certain advantages, either of general policy or of individual acuteness, -certain individuals have accumulated more than their necessities -demanded they should expend, and this accumulation has become an added -power to that possessed by the individual previously, which power -endeavors to maintain itself partly at the expense of that which first -produced it, and to transfer just so much of the cost of its production -from itself. - -That such conditions can exist and really increase in power and -importance, so that they can virtually control legislation, gives -evidence that principles are operative that do not promote the interests -of the entire people. There must be a fault somewhere, which fault it is -necessary to discover and expose, and then remedy. Now, where does this -fault really have beginning? It is in certain protections and guarantees -that law extends to individuals, which permit them to have an advantage -over those with whom they sustain the relations of society. These laws -arise out of false conceptions of the principles of common equality and -economy, which pertain to man as a common fraternity. In legislation, -which first allows and then fosters such departures, then, must the -point at which reform should begin be sought. Any attempt to teach the -general mind can have no practical effect, unless, finally, the result -of the teachings express themselves through legislation. Legislation -presupposes legislators, and to have the right kind of legislators -involves the necessity of the laboring classes giving sufficient time -and attention to the matter of nominations and elections to insure that -those who will represent their true interests shall be returned. - -Although the remedy for all the laborer’s ills must be sought through -legislation, there are, nevertheless, many fallacies still received, -even by the laborer, that have the direct tendency to degrade labor and -to elevate the position of capital. One of the principal of these is a -false monetary basis, a false representative standard of values, which -is arbitrarily imposed upon the people, with no positive and absolute -value within itself, except that which such arbitrary law gives it. -Gold, as a standard of values, has been set up and worshiped so long, -that people submit to its decrees with about the same appreciation of -its real merits that they have of the mysteries of religion, as -expounded by their paid oracles, who have constituted themselves into -authorities to declare, “Thus saith the Lord.” The people have -surrendered their reason in these matters to these self-constituted -authorities, and so have they surrendered common sense to the god of -value. - -Another, and almost as important fallacy, is that of interfering with -the natural ebb and flow of the products of the world by imposing upon -certain of them such tribute as makes it pretty nearly impracticable for -them to find their way to the locality of natural demand, in order that -a special few who inhabit that locality may produce the same at a -greatly increased cost, which the consumer must pay in order to obtain. -It does not matter how this plain statement may be twisted and bent by -the alluring sophistries and glittering generalities of the -protectionist; a plain statement, viewed with clear light, needs no -authoritative sanction to determine its truth. If it be any benefit for -a thousand men to pay one man ten per cent more for a desired article, -because it is of home production, than it could be purchased for from a -foreign producer, we should be most happy to have it demonstrated. The -argument used is, that by that one man being protected in its production -he is thereby enabled to give employment to a certain number of -laborers. But to make even this tenable upon their own statement, they -must at the same time prove that those laborers would not have been able -to apply themselves to any other labor during the time required to -produce the article in question. This at once leads to such an intricacy -of cause and effect that those who attempt to solve the mysticism prefer -to accept the declaration that protection is a good thing rather than -acknowledge that they are lost in the fog and obscurity they have been -sent to explore to find the required evidence. - -Another extensive popular fallacy is that of the continuation of special -protection to monopolies after their existence as monopolies is assured, -which renders them perpetual taxes upon the labor that must make use of -them, and perpetual patents upon the industry of the country, by which a -few already plethoric capitalists become still more obese. The great -systems of internal improvements of the country belong to the country, -and the country should so arrange their conduct that the people could -make use of them at the least possible expense of support. - -It is these and sundry like matters that the laborers of the country -should require their representatives to understand and act upon, and -they should cast their vote for no one that will not, at all times and -under all circumstances, advocate and vote for the greatest good of the -greatest number. In this way, labor may hope to arise from its present -position of degradation to sit side by side with capital in all public -and profitable positions and those of honor and trust. - - NEW YORK, August 10, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. VI. - -From various sources we learn that there is beginning to be a manifest -interest in all the different States and Congressional districts -regarding the next elections. The representatives of labor seem to begin -to realize the great importance of special attention to all that belongs -to primary organization, and to perceive that heretofore they have been -obliged to throw their strength away or waste it in unprofitable -directions, from the very fact that they did not give the necessary -attention to the first steps in the process of determining who should be -set up for them to choose between. It does not seem possible that any -should be returned to office who entertain opinions antagonistic to the -general interests of labor. Three-fourths of the entire population of -the country are in this interest, and whether they be artisans in -mechanics or nature—whether they be by the anvil or the plow—whether -they be printers or writers—their interests are all the same; it only -requires that they should all understand this to consolidate them into a -power that would control every movement of government. Should this unity -once be found practical, and should it be recognized by capital as -consummated, its representatives would be compelled to come to those, -who now look to them, for the granting of ameliorating conditions. It is -most probable that when such a unity shall be attained both the -capitalist and the laborer will, for the first time, discover that -whatever really militates against the true interests of one, is equally -antagonistic to the best interests of the other. - -Some who have thought this might be so, have endeavored to devise -methods by which harmonious action could be secured. Various schemes of -co-operation have been suggested, many of them tried and found faulty -and then discarded, until it has come to be pretty thoroughly understood -that there is no level upon which they can meet and part in mutuality of -interest. It is true that no perfect method can be suggested or -instituted that will from the first give complete results; but the -principle must be sought that governs the relations between the separate -interests and applied, at first, with imperfect results, which must -afterward be improved as the interests grow into a true comprehension of -each other’s character. - -The principle is this, that labor and capital are equally interested in -the productions that flow from their joint operations; that is, the -capital that gives employment to one hundred laborers is entitled to an -equal interest with the laborers in what is produced. But here is an -inequality to begin with. The capital may only represent one individual, -while the laborers are one hundred; still, this is the relation, and the -final result of its operation will be a complete equality in this wise: -The one hundred laborers perform their regular duties, receiving -therefor such regular wages as are proper; and also their respective -proportions of the profits of their productions. In, say, five years, -these one hundred laborers will have accumulated a sufficient capital -with which to transact the business on their own account; and here is -where a system of equality is reached, which again would be followed by -another degree of progress for the laborer. The capitalist, finding -himself left out of the count by the operation of this method, would -come forward and offer his capital to labor organizations at a -reasonable rate of interest, and in this way a common interest would be -the only possible result. The entire profits of the labor would then be -divided among the producers, while the capitalist would have to be -satisfied with the moderate interest he would realize, in place of the -extraordinary sums now sometimes acquired from the sweat and muscle of -the laborer. There is one point, however, in the first instance, that -modifies the inequality mentioned in a very material degree. The -capitalist, while enjoying as much profit as all the laborers, is also -liable for all losses, in which the laborer has no interest. - -Following the results of the co-operation above mentioned would be -various modifications in society and in the locality of populations. -People engaged in the same pursuits would naturally gravitate to each -other and into distinct localities, while the various interests they -represented would gravitate to those localities that should offer the -most inducement to their respective trades. One of the results of this -would be that all raw material would, in all cases—where all the -requirements were present—be manufactured in the locality of its -production, thereby saving vast amounts of transportation; and this -again would be illustrative of another department of general economy, in -the light of which protection to special manufacturing interests would -be seen in its true colors. - -We have thus briefly endeavored to point out the practical results that -would flow from the adoption, generally, of the true principle of -co-operation for the specific purpose of assisting the labor interest in -selecting candidates for their representatives, both State and national. -They should be those who understand these relations, and what would -naturally follow them, and who would at all times, and under all -circumstances, advocate their adoption, and, in the first instance, such -policies as would most materially assist in their development, and lead -to their introduction and practice on the part of all who compose both -interests. Labor is the basis upon which all society rests, and nothing -is entitled to so much consideration at the hands of legislation. -Nothing heretofore has been so grossly neglected, insulted and imposed -upon. - - NEW YORK, August 20, 1870 - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. VII. - PRIORITY OF RIGHT—THEIR POSITION IN THE PROCESSES OF SOCIETY—THE EARTH - BELONGS TO MAN AT LARGE—INDIVIDUAL CLAIMS, PURE ASSUMPTION—PRINCIPLES, - PRACTICE, REMEDIES AND CURE. - -Capital, primarily, is the product of labor, but labor, in the abstract, -could produce nothing of itself. It must have something upon which to -apply itself. It cannot create anything; it can only alter, readjust or -rearrange the materials which nature offers, and by bringing them into -new relations with each other make it possible for them to subserve -other and better purposes than when, in the constitution assigned them -by the operation of natural laws, they are unmodified by the touch of -mind. Therefore, while capital is the direct result of labor, labor -would not be possible without the free gifts of nature. Absolute -originality, then, or absolute priority of right, as between labor and -capital, cannot be claimed by or for either. - -The formula of the operation, beginning with nature and ending in the -ultimate use of its productions, in contributing to the happiness of the -race, is this: Nature is made up of the elements of the universe, which, -compounded into forms, are offered to man to be modified into other -forms and to combine in new relations which may best contribute to the -needs of the human family. In this view, and in view of the inharmonious -relations that exist between capital and its co-equal labor, it becomes -necessary to give the whole matter a complete analysis, in order to -discover, if possible, where the primary fault lies, and to find the -proper solution of all differences. - -The human race exists upon the earth. At a past period no human being -existed upon it. At a later day the human race arose. Before man, -nothing claimed the ownership of any part of the earth’s surface. When -man presented himself he began to make use of various parts of it for -his own ends, but to the land thus appropriated he acquired no permanent -title or right of ownership. It was his to obtain from it all that his -genius and strength made possible. So much as he could thus extract he -could possess, but further than this his title was valueless. - -The races of men that now inhabit the earth are scattered over the -greater part of its surface, drawing what it spontaneously yields and -what they can force it to yield. From these premises it would seem -unquestionable that each individual of the human family had an equal -right to its benefits. The only difference that ought to exist should be -that limited and bounded by the capacity of each to produce. No person -could therefore ever acquire, under the rule of universal justice, an -absolute ownership to any part or portion of the earth’s surface. If the -chain of title to any claimed ownership is followed backward -sufficiently, it will be found to have originated in an assumption in -the first instance of ownership to something that belonged to men in -common. - -We can now acquire landed property from the government, and this creates -the most absolute ownership that can exist; but here again comes the -question whether governments can do what is impossible to individuals? -Can a system organized by a people perform acts not in the power of the -people themselves to perform? Can a government by the mere fact of -having been organized to preserve harmony among a people acquire an -absolute title to the earth that is contained within its jurisdiction? -If an individual cannot go into an unclaimed territory and take absolute -possession of a certain portion of it, then no number of persons, nor -can any government they may establish, do so. And here exists one cause -of discord between labor which produces and capital which monopolizes. - -All monopolies arise from landed monopolies. Were there no inequalities -between men in claims to certain areas of the earth’s surface, no other -monopolies would find a basis for existence. Every individual should -have a right to the use of a certain quantity of the real estate of the -country, and the right to all improvements he might make upon it. Here -would be a basis of equity which would forever prevent the accumulation -in the hands of any few persons, of vast quantities of real estate, -which is the real basis of all securities. It is such a basis because -everything is produced from it. All manufacturers must rely upon it for -their raw material, and, therefore, a practical equality in the -occupation and use of the public domain would insure a certain degree of -equality in all things that might spring from it. It was the perception -of this principle that caused Lycurgus to divide the lands of Lacedemon -equally among all the people; and a general recognition of it should now -take place. - -While these are the principles that underlie the workings of society, -and which must be practiced before a general equality can exist, it is -not to be expected that they can be immediately introduced. There are -too few who understand the real rights of man, and too many who do not -wish to understand them. While this condition of ignorance and -perverseness keeps the world inharmonious and subjected to suffering, we -should avail ourselves of all the alleviatory methods that can be -suggested in our present system. Between two evils choose the least; but -in the pursuit of remedies, the root of the disease should never be lost -sight of. Nor should the spirit that is exhibited in many so-called -Labor and Workingmen’s Journals be encouraged. Strife and animosity will -never accomplish half so much as calmness, reason and persuasion. “Come, -let us reason together,” was never more judiciously proposed than it -could now be by capitalists and workingmen. The latter must remember -that they cannot compel capitalists to their terms, and capitalists must -not forget that if there are real causes of dissatisfaction growing out -of injustice, the sooner justice is done the less serious will be the -reckoning with the laborer. Instead of strife let us have co-operation; -instead of war let us have peace; instead of the process of fermentation -let us have that of mutual understanding. - - NEW YORK, August 27, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. VIII. - THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION—NEW PARTIES AND NEW ISSUES—PEOPLE’S EYES - OPEN—DETERMINATION TO TAKE MATTERS INTO THEIR OWN HANDS—WILL THEY MAKE - JUDICIOUS MOVEMENTS?—THE RIGHTS OF LABOR—SHALL THEY BE IGNORED?—OUR - POSITION REGARDING THE LABOR MOVEMENT. - -The National Labor Convention lately held in Cincinnati was called for -the special purpose of beginning an organization having in view the next -Presidential canvass. It had taken the means of obtaining the views of a -number of the most prominent public men, letters enunciating which views -were duly presented before the convention. That of Governor Geary, of -Pennsylvania, appears to have occupied the position of most prominency, -and to have been regarded with peculiar and unanimous favor. The views -presented by him are such as were sure to find favor with the -representatives of labor, and so far he stands A No. 1 as the -prospective candidate for the Presidency of the National Labor party. - -It has been very evident for the last year that the old parties had lost -their power of inspiration over the people. The Democratic party sold -itself out to slavery and virtually died when slavery died. A party may -exist called Democratic, but it will be upon new issues and must take -new departures. The hard conservatism that attaches to it from its -former practices does not suit the spirit of the eighth decade of the -nineteenth century. The rank and file that have so long blindly followed -wherever their leaders commanded are becoming imbued with this spirit, -and they begin to realize that they have been mere automatons that have -been moved with no acquiescent will of their own. Newspapers have become -too commonly read. That the blind should be led necessitates the -continuous condition of blindness. So, too, with, the understanding. -What have the masses known of the essence of the issues that have formed -the platform of the political parties for the last fifty years? When war -came, as the result of a blind course on the part of politicians, the -masses began to open their eyes to the fact that they had been -unwittingly betrayed into a most dangerous and fearful condition, -wherein it became necessary to cut each other’s throats. Since the close -of the war they have not only kept their eyes open to the full extent -the war opened them, but they have also opened their understanding and -for the first time fully realize that they are indeed freemen; and to -become conscious that heretofore they have been so only in name. Awaking -as they have from the delusion so long hugged to their hearts, it will -not be strange if they do some inconsiderate and short-sighted things. - -It is the duty of all who have the true interest of the whole people at -heart to warn them of all the extremes they are likely to contend for, -and to suggest permanent practical methods, which shall spring from -principles that will apply at all times to all men—and women. The -Republican party being composed of somewhat different elements is -disintegrated from different action of the same causes; with the -destruction of slavery and the reconstruction of the country its -strength was expended. All people who were opposed to slavery had -concentrated in the Republican party, because of the similarity of -sentiment upon this single question; this settled, they find themselves -without a common rallying idea; they differ as widely upon the old and -common topics among themselves as they differ from those who do not -belong to the party and never did. Place and power are the sole things -that hold the Republican party together at all; these gone it will be -gone. - -It is just at this time that new parties are demanded, and they are sure -to arise. The conditions are all favorable. It remains for wise counsels -to prevail in the formation and departure of these, to insure them -something more than death with the accomplishment of one of their -central ideas, which destiny fell to the lot of the Republican party. -Unquestionably there will be a Labor party in the next canvass. We are -sorry it is denominated the Labor party, because it should be something -more than a Labor party, and because this is a direct challenge to -capital, and it will very probably result in arraying these two -interests in an antagonism which will be but a repetition of the slavery -antagonism. No party built upon a specific idea, looking in a single -direction, can ever attain to even the promise of permanency; and it is -for this reason we say we are sorry to see a party sectionalizing itself -at the very outset of its attempting a general movement toward -organization. - -It seems, also, a little premature that an organization calling itself a -Labor organization, should at the outset put itself upon the record -against the freedom of labor, let it come from whence it may, and be of -whatever nature it may. This policy is short-sighted, and will prove a -stumbling-block to the party, though for the time Chinese emigration may -serve for a rallying-cry. All assertions that the Chinese emigrants can -be reduced to a system of slavery among us are humbuggery of the first -water. There is no law to prevent a person contracting with a hundred -American workmen at the best terms he can. It is quite certain there is -no law to prevent him from employing Irishmen, Germans or even Chinese -upon the same terms. And if it is done, and labor is thereby obtained -cheaper than the citizens of this country desire to furnish it, the -laboring class must not lay the charge to the capitalist who -accomplishes it, but to the imperfections of our social and financial -systems which make such resorts possible. Then, instead of committing -this new national organization against any form of legal labor, its -managers should have proposed remedies for the existing imperfections in -our systems. - -We are no special advocate of the introduction of Chinese or any other -labor into this country; neither are we desirous of advocating any -policy that will conflict with the interests of any laborer, but we are -advocates, and always expect to be, of justice and equity to all people -everywhere, because the time has come in the ages when we must begin to -remember that we are all brothers under the sun, and that he or she who -does not recognize and act upon this universal truth will, sooner or -later, be obliged to learn it at the cost of dear experience. We expect -to be found advocating very many of the principles laid down in the -platform of the Labor party, and could wish that we may find nothing -there adverse to the principles which are of general application. We -desire to see the Labor interest advanced to the right and position of -equality with capital, and we shall put forth our best endeavors to -assist in this most just movement. At the same time we shall not commit -ourselves to sustain or advocate anything that we conceive will be -ultimately injurious to the true interests of humanity, or any part of -it, therefore we shall at all times point out what we regard as errors -in whatsoever this new party may endeavor to carry out. At the same time -we shall, perhaps, be among its firmest and truest advocates. The best -friends are those who show us our faults and sustain us in the right. - - NEW YORK, September 3, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. IX. - -This question forms one of the corner-stones of future society, but of -all the questions in which society seems interested it is the worst -understood. Four-fifths of the people of the world toil on, year after -year, and all the time see the other fifth revelling in the luxuries the -sweat of their brows has produced. While the one-fifth enjoy the -luxuries thus produced, as though they had acquired them by divine -right, which none may call in question nor dispute, the great power of -the laboring many has never been felt. It has never been concentrated or -organized into concert of action. Even now this immense force is still -dispersed. It seems to have no centre around which it can gather. It has -no organization, and herein lies its weakness. - -Organization should be effected for two principal ends: First, for -construction; second, for destruction. The old systems cumber the ground -whereon the new must be reared, and they must be pulled down to give it -room; nevertheless, the constructive part of the operation must first -begin; before the old will yield, the new must at least be formulated. -This is not impossible in the department of principles. This new rests -upon foundations deeper down than existing things, and these can, -therefore, be used previously to the destruction of the foundations of -the old. The new also reaches higher than the old; hence its frame-work -may be reared, while yet the old stand comparatively intact. The work of -construction once begun, that of destruction must necessarily -immediately follow, and when the former shall have been completed the -latter will have been but finished. This is the philosophy of -Integration and of Disintegration in all departments of the universe. - -Labor and Capital is a question relating in the first instance to the -material prosperity of a people; but secondarily it reacts upon all -other interests—intellectual, moral, physical and religious. None of -these interests can flourish among a people who are burdened by material -wants; neither are they usually unitedly prosperous among that part of a -people who are greatly advanced in material possessions. Either extreme -in material interests appears to be deleterious to the best and most -harmonious general advancement of all the other interests. It is the -mean between the extremes—the calling up from those below, and the -leveling down of those above the mean—in which the harmony of all is -found. - -Harmony of all the interests of humanity can alone be attained through -organization. A permanent basis of organization can only be discovered -by scientific investigation. The organization of society must be -realized through the science of sociology, which, of all sciences is the -least understood by the general mind. Yet there are among the great -minds of the planet a large number of those who thoroughly comprehend -this science, and it is to these that the world must look for a -reconstruction of its society upon such principles as shall render it -permanent; upon such, as it can constantly be improved upon, without -changing its methods of operation. - -Into such a reconstruction the branch of sociology that relates to -production and use, or labor and capital, will enter largely, and must -be the portion of it to be first entered upon, because all things which -are built upon earth must have a material foundation until there shall -be such a harmony and unity of interests, and such co-operation among -mankind as would proceed from a universal brotherhood, in which each -would have his special part to perform to contribute to the common -result. - -The agitation that is beginning to be felt all over the world where -intelligent labor exists, indicates that the time is at hand wherein the -first steps toward a constructive organization of society, upon -scientific principles, is to be begun. Not only is this agitation shown -to exist in this country, but it has lately been developed that labor -societies exist throughout Europe, having a common head and centre, and -that they deem themselves strong enough to express wishes entirely -antagonistic to the ruling powers. - -Now what these organizations require to become—something more than mere -instruments for agitation, mere means by which the injustice between -labor and capital is exposed—is to become constructive in their action; -instead of expending all their means and strength in the work of pulling -down the old systems of things, they should begin the actual -construction of a new system. For this end they must bring science—the -science of sociology—to their aid, and make its professors active -leaders and trusted assistants in the grand work. Capital is putting -forth some strong efforts to confine science in its interests, but the -teachings of science are of too general and cosmopolitan a character to -permit its professors to ally themselves with a pseudo aristocracy—the -aristocracy of wealth. - -Well may the political parties view with alarm the beginning of -organization among the classes they have until now relied upon to carry -themselves into power. If bereft of the capacity to influence the masses -who heretofore have not thought for themselves, they know their power -will depart. How has it been possible thus long for leaders to control -the masses, except that the masses have permitted others to act for -them, and that without rendering any account for such action? The time -for such representation has passed. The people have arrived at that -degree of understanding of their actual interests, that will not admit -of a blind acquiescence in all that even a “People’s Congress” may do. -They will begin to instruct their representatives instead of being led -by them. - -’Tis true that by capital coming to the rescue of the country it is -intact to-day; but it asked its price and has been paid. So far the -obligation is removed, and justice to all is demanded. Legislation -entirely in the interests of capital will not be any longer tacitly -acknowledged as binding those whose interests are sacrificed. Whatever -obligations the country may be under to those who hold its securities, -it is under still greater to the producing interest, to which it must -look for the ability to retire them when called upon so to do by the -tenor of the contract they contain. It thus appears that all the -interests and all the prosperity of the country are dependent upon the -producing classes, and therefore to them government must listen, for -they will not be ignored much longer. - - NEW YORK, Oct. 10, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. X. - -Production lies at the basis of all progress. Material production -precedes all other kinds of acquirement. In the first degrees of social -evolution, labor was merely to obtain the means of bodily sustenance and -comfort; from this the present has widely departed; while the future -must still further widen the distance between production as an end and -production as the means to some end beyond. Production in early times -meant simple muscular toil; it still means this, but also a great deal -more; the proper direction of power makes it possible for a given amount -of force to accomplish a greatly increased result. In the next century -make proportionate rapid advancement in the better adaptation of means -to ends than last made over the preceding, the direct application of -muscular exertion to accomplish a material purpose will be almost -unknown. Steam and water have relieved muscle of nearly all its most -laborious occupations and increased the capacity of production a -thousand fold. - -The reduction of these powers to the uses of man will be supplemented by -that of still more subtle and powerful agents to the same end, and this -reduction will be followed by a proportionate relief to manual labor. -The results of this advancement in the discovery of the means of -reducing the elements of nature to the service of man, is to be -revolutionary to the present grades and distinctions between the laborer -and the capitalist—unless a proper understanding and application of the -science of society first perform that inevitable result—which will -guarantee to all individuals the possibility of like attainment in all -things. - -Science equalizes everything that comes within its sphere. Let the great -scientist be never so destitute of material wealth, he is still the -great man sought for and honored by those who have nothing but material -wealth to recommend them. Any person may incidentally become wealthy in -material possessions, but none but the devoted student of nature can -become rich in mind; and, none but the devoted philanthropist can become -rich in heart and soul. Even those who have immense earthly possessions, -show their consciousness of inferiority by courting the great in other -fields of acquirement. This alone should teach all people that true -greatness is not to be gained through riches, and that these should only -be considered advantageous as the means by which to acquire other -greater riches and blessings. - -The true uses of wealth are to advance the peoples of earth from the -conditions in which they are to higher and better conditions, to those -where caste and distinctions shall not be measured by it, but by the -good that is accomplished by its use, in which he will be considered the -greatest man and the most honored, who shall make the best uses of -material wealth in benefiting humanity as a common brotherhood. - -It has become too late in the ages for individuals to think of living -for themselves, or even for those immediately connected with them. -Mutuality of interest is spreading from family interests to world-wide -interests, and the greatest minds of the present are those which -perceive and act upon this fact. The leavening power of assimilation is -rapidly at work among the nations, races and peoples of the earth. The -electric telegraph makes it possible for all the different nations of -the earth to be possessed of the same thought at the same time. For the -last two months the minds of the whole world have been turned toward -France, where the real contest of the future has but just begun. It is -impossible for this concentration of mind upon one centre to be -productive of anything but a growing likeness among those who are the -subjects of it. All the discoveries in all departments of life tend to -the same unification of thought and interest. In this unification is -contained the prophecy of what the future shall be when no individual, -family, nation or race, shall feel that they can live entirely for -themselves. - -The lesson the present movers in labor reforms have to learn is that of -harmonizing the interests of labor and capital by the demonstrations of -science. Springing from a common source and tending toward a common end, -humanity must learn to progress on its course according to rule, to law -and the requirements of order. These sustain the harmonies of the -universe, and should be never-failing authorities for humanity to -pattern after. Those who achieve the greatest conquests are they who can -bring themselves into harmony with the principles that govern the -movements of the innumerable worlds, no two of which are ever known to -disastrously cross each other’s path. - -The world is capable of producing luxuriousness for all its children. It -is their fault that all do not have it. A very large proportion of the -capacity of humanity for production is diverted from natural occupations -by the illegitimate relations existing in society. A part live off of -the vitality of the rest; the principal object of the part being to see -how much of the fruits of the rest they can aggregate, either by -personal capacity, trickery or cunning, or by ingenious devices of law -formed and administered in their interests. A perfect equality and an -equal justice condemns all such distributions of the fruits of the -earth. If capacity for acquisition exist among a part of the people, -government should interfere to stop its being practiced at the expense -of others. - -We are aware that this kind of social rule will be repudiated as an -infringement upon individual freedom of action. In this connection, -however, it must ever be remembered that the individual can never be -greater than the community of which he forms a part; in other words, the -interests of the community must always be superior to those of the -individual, and when individual interests conflict with the interest of -the community they must yield to the community. This principle is -recognized in very many things in government; for instance, the public -demands a common highway which must interfere with the rights and -interests of individuals; the individuals are compelled to give way for -the public, from whose adjudgment there is no appeal. To this rule of -action all the relations of society must sooner or later become subject, -and the sooner it is reduced to this scientific determining power, the -quicker society will have begun a progress whose course need never be -deviated from. - - NEW YORK, October 17, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XI. - -One of “our Fundamental Propositions” is the ultimate analysis of the -perfected results of harmonious relations between labor and its reward. -It is not laid down in any spirit of mere speculation, but as a mark -which the human family is capable of attaining, and one to which it -should aspire. Neither is it at all impossible with some of the present -representatives of the race; but it is a natural and legitimate -condition for society when it shall have become sufficiently “grown” to -be possible of organization. - -Organization is the first step to be made toward reaching such -conditions as the proposition indicate. Simple individual exertion can -never be constructive of society. Neither can the exertions of a great -number of individuals become constructive unless their action is -combined or organized in one direction and for the same purpose. -Agitation must always precede organization, and hence it is that nearly -all primary movements are simply destructive or disintegrating to -existing conditions. A perfect system of society cannot be organized to -conta in those who are under any condition of servitude other than is -rendered by the collective number to the law or rule they shall -formulate, to control these relations. A perfect system of freedom is -one of the first essentials, and this must be regulated by an exact -justice, as between a community of brothers and sisters. No ignoring of -any part of the community, whether male or female, can exist The -organization must recognize each and every member of the community, and -they in turn must also recognize the organization which becomes the rule -of government. - -No one will attempt to deny but that there is sufficient capital or -wealth in the world to enable every one to live in a palace; neither -would any deny that the conditions of humanity would be very much -improved could such a leveling down and such a leveling up, as this -equalization would require, be attained. This cannot result from any -arbitrary rule of force, but must be the result of the operation of the -proper principles of law in the relations of society. It must emanate -from a consciousness within society itself of the justice of such -principles therefore the mind of society must be imbued with these -principles; and to do this is the business of those who understand the -science of society. It has been denied that there is a science of -society. The recognition now that there is such a science, and the fact -that the evolution of society thus far has been formulated under it, is -a vast step toward a general recognition of it. When once it is -generally received as one of the demonstrated sciences, there will be -various attempts in all directions to organize upon its not yet -demonstrated principles. - -Those who have followed these articles will begin to see that the -attainment of great wealth will not constitute one of the principal aims -of the society of the future. It will only be considered as a means to -other and higher ends. It has not been until quite recently that the -fact of continuous life has been any more than _theoretically_ received. -The practices of mankind have been just such, and only such, as would -obtain, were there no life after physical death, and they have lived as -though the whole of this life should be devoted to purely material ends, -to the gratification of physical desires, and to comforts and pleasures -arising from material possessions. Since the conviction has been -stealing into the minds of humanity that life is continuous, that death -is simply a change of the conditions of life, and that the best wealth -that can be accumulated in the material life is that kind that will make -the best capital to begin the next with, there is a marked change in the -community at large. - -It is beginning to be realized that there is a great deal more to live -for in this life than mere bodily satisfaction and accumulation of -wealth—of money. Nor is complete luxury one of the most preferable of -circumstances. It is not conducive, under present conditions, to the -best and most rapid development of the true wealth of the soul, nor can -it ever be until correct views of the uses of wealth more generally -obtain than they do at present. - -In a true condition of society there would be no such thing as wealth, -in its present signification. It would be reduced to the requirements of -men in obtaining better wealth for themselves, and for the diffusion of -it among their kind. In this consideration of the uses of life, there is -no more important feature of it than that of organization in all -departments. Such organization as will dispose of misery, poverty, -ignorance and crime. All these can be cast out of society; and it is to -be sincerely hoped for, that there will be formed a political party -having its basis in the necessity and the possibility of such a -disposal. Such conditions cannot exist in the midst of a community -without exerting their deleterious influences over the higher and better -conditions. People lose sight of this fact, and in all legislation it is -ignored. Government now has the power to take these conditions in hand, -and none are more interested in having it do so than the so-called labor -party. Why should not this party organize upon some such radical -principles of reform that will reach the roots of the ills they feel -society labors under? - -The policy of a party that would be permanently successful must be one -that will include all of the great principles of reform. If such a party -is not shortly organized, there will be conditions developed which will -make such a party a necessity, even without organization. It would arise -as if by magic out of the conditions of the times, and leaders will rise -and come to the front as though Heaven-directed, and they will be -received by the people by acclamation. The force of elections will be -dispensed with, and party trickery forever killed. - -The whole substrata of society is in foment. The terrific strifes that -have been waged, and are being waged, lift the weight from the strata, -and it begins to rise into demanding such recognition as has not been -accorded it. The “Moses” who shall divide the “waters of the Red Sea,” -that separates them from their “Canaan,” will be their God-appointed -leader, whom to oppose would be futile. Political parties have been in -the hands of such leaders, and have been used for such corrupt purposes, -that the people have lost all confidence in them, and they demand A NEW -ORDER OF THINGS, in which common honesty may properly find a place. - -Labor and capital, lying, as they do, at the foundation of present -society, and as they will enter largely into all societies of the -future, so long as material wants are conducive to the true interests of -humanity, should receive such consideration at the hands of the present -as will so arrange their interests that there may be no violent -disruption between them, when present governmental forms shall change. -The sphere of government must be enlarged and made to include very many -questions which are now utterly ignored, before society can ever be -considered as resting upon a surely permanent foundation. To arrive at -this foundation is the first and most important step for humanity to -take. All minor ones are insignificant beside it, because the corner -stones of this foundation must consist of a perfect individual justice, -which will not be inconsistent nor at war with perfect collective -justice. This condition the present inequalities between labor and -capital forbid, and hence the importance of their harmonization. - - NEW YORK, October 25, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XII. - -Perhaps there is a no more suggestive or instructive fact in all the -realm of society than that the laboring classes are the liberal classes. -It is among them that nearly all social reforms begin, and among them -that all governmental reforms first find moving power. The wealthy -classes are systematically conservative; and by instinct they are -opposed to all movements which tend to equalization. They are to social -reform just what bigots are to religious liberalization. They adopt a -creed which their practice is never to depart from, and it is only by -the force of the large majority of the people combined against them that -they ever do depart from them. The time was when it was the grossest -infidelity to question any of the extravagant assertions contained in -the Bible; but nearly all Christian sects now assume the right to place -their own construction upon what is found therein. This construction is -found to grow more human and liberal every year. Twenty years ago, the -more “hell-fire and brimstone” a minister gave forth, the more Gospel it -was considered that he taught. The same rule obtains in regard to all -social questions, and the same rule of extending liberalization will -continue, until the balancing point of equalization is reached, in which -there shall be no power to determine for the individual, except himself -or herself, what is for his or her individual good, or what to him or -her is right. - -Wealth, in its present position, is aristocratic; and Labor, in its -present position, is democratic. Aristocracy always assumes to control -that which is under it, in a material sense. It has always assumed this -control, and whenever possible has exercised it. This assumption has -been exercised so long that those over whom it has been swayed have come -to regard it as something approaching a “divine right.” This condition -of servitude was possible so long as ignorance possessed the masses over -whom it sought control. When education began its silent yet potent work, -the power of assumed “divine right” began to weaken. General education -is all that the world requires to emancipate it from the rule of all -kinds of aristocracy. Common schools for children, and the public press -for adults, have done and are doing the work of emancipation. - -It was not until quite recently that the representatives of labor began -to know the benefits to be derived from organization. They do not yet -know the full benefits which it is possible for them to obtain from it; -much that they do obtain from it is, on the whole, deleterious rather -than beneficial. They require more general knowledge. They need the aid -of science to point out the paths in which they should seek to walk. -Science, to the organizations of labor, is what discipline is to the -army. Without it, the first is powerless, and the last dangerous to -those who command and support it. - -It is very much to be regretted that so much of bitter denunciation of -the wealthy is heard among laborers. It shows that they, if possessed of -the power, would wield it more despotically than it is now wielded by -those possessing it. Force, as a regulator, can at best be but a mere -temporary makeshift, which, unless quickly followed by justice in -organization, degenerates into absolutism. This is the danger which it -is to be feared would follow the elevation of labor into the position -now occupied by wealth. Hence it is that it takes long years of -disappointment to chasten the hearts of those who seek change, before -the order of civilization will allow it to come in its fullest extent. - -Could changes in society be arranged and managed as changes in other -departments are, no danger would ever supervene. New railroad bridges -are constructed before the old ones are removed, and throughout the -process of change the trains continue their regular movements. So it -will be with society, when science shall have so enlightened the people -that they shall know just what they are preparing to pass to. - -The Labor Party now desires to be elevated into political place and -power; but have its advocates any well-defined ideas regarding the -results which are to follow such a change in the administration of -government? It is much to be feared that the same old story of “Make hay -while the sun shines,” would be the ruling element. We would not have it -understood from these suggestions that we are opposed to such a change -as the success of the Labor Party would imply. Any change cannot be for -the worse. Principle could not, in any event, be less the ruling power -than now; nor could money buy more politicians than it does now. One has -to spend but a “season” in Washington to convince himself that there is -a deal more truth than there is vulgarity in the saying, that “money -makes the mare go.” Representatives and Senators who prate with loudest -mouths of patriotism and devotion, spend all their own money and all -they can borrow to get to Congress, and retire to private life, having -made a fortune upon “five thousand a year.” The inference is too -palpably plain. It is not necessary for us to say that all such fortunes -are the results of bribery and corruption, and their possessors public -thieves, and utterly unworthy of the confidence of honest devotees to a -popular form of government. - -It is this species of corruption that is becoming a stench in the -nostrils of all those whose patriotism is more than pocket deep. In its -growth they see the process of national disintegration begun, which they -well know cannot continue indefinitely without bringing destruction to -our country. The almost criminal indifference with which the masses of -the people regard these examples of the power of money over the -consciences of those to whom they have intrusted their most sacred -political rights, speaks badly for the safety of republican -institutions, as now operated. A saving power is needed. Where shall it -be sought? All true reformers are looking to the Labor party for it. Let -it unite to itself the principle of equal rights, regardless of sex, and -it will succeed. Then, if it fill its mission well, it will prove itself -to be what the present demands, to crush corruption which is so rapidly -permeating our whole body politic. - - NEW YORK, November 1, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XIII. - -The principles which should regulate these two great interests are, even -in this age of scientific attainment and philosophic speculation, very -imperfectly considered and still more imperfectly understood. There can -be no perfect practice of the true principles which should govern their -relations until the practices of the peoples are based on the -recognition of the fact of the common brotherhood of humanity. There are -a few people now living who fully appreciate the relationship which -exists between the peoples of the world, and who would regulate their -conduct toward their brothers by the “Golden Rule.” All the governments -of the world are in direct opposition to this rule; hence it becomes an -utter impossibility for isolated individuals to practice upon it to any -great extent. - -It is an acknowledged fact that the world is gradually being evolved by -the means of government; and that government was at first organized to -control individuals who would otherwise have operated from their own -standpoint for selfish purposes. This kind of control will continue to -be exercised until government will be able to control all individuals to -act for the general public good, and this again will eventuate in all -people acting for the public good of their own accord, when government -in its present sense and for its present purposes will be done away -with. - -The relations of labor and capital are most intimately connected with -the frame-work of all governments, because they could not exist without -their active support. The difficulty with all present systems of -government is that they are built upon the supposition that capital is -the primarily controlling power; while the fact is that behind capital -labor stands first and strongest. As intelligence becomes more and more -generally diffused the domination of capital over labor becomes weaker -and weaker, and the dignity of labor more and more apparent, and, as a -necessary result of the growth of this sentiment, labor is accorded more -and wider privileges. - -It is a singular fact, and one to be regarded with a feeling bordering -on astonishment, that it is possible for all legislation to be either -conducted in the interests of capital or controlled by it, when the -capitalists of the country are to the laborers as one is to ten. The -same principle makes it possible for one man to control a dozen horses -possessed of a hundred times his own strength. It is the power of -knowledge over ignorance. The horses on the one hand are ignorant of -their real power and yield it obediently to the command of assumed -authority. So, too, is it with the mass of laborers; they do not know -their real power and they yield obedience to the power of assumption -aided by a superior intellect. - -It is for this reason that the general diffusion of knowledge among the -common people should receive so much more attention than it has or does. -Every child, whether born of wealth or poverty, should inherit the right -from government of a complete education in all the important branches of -education. Not only should they inherit this right but the government -should see to it that the right is obtained, compulsorily if need be. -The acquisition of knowledge has ever tended to the liberalization of -existing orders of things, and it was not until something akin to its -general diffusion was obtained that any adequate ideas of the advantages -of freedom became fixed in the minds of the people. It was a -grand—almost a fatally grand—mistake which the people made when they -considered that they had obtained complete freedom when they emancipated -themselves from the so-called “tyranny” of England. - -First, then, and that which is the basis of all other tyranny, is the -fact that man, individually considered, is, in the strictest sense of -the term, a slave to the conditions of his existence. Whatever else he -may be free to perform he can never be emancipated from the necessity of -yielding obedience to the demands of this existence. In his ignorant, -undeveloped condition, intellectually, he has been led to yield himself -in obedience to others whom it seemed to him were able by their -superiority, mentally, to better administer to these prime necessities -than he could do it for himself. This was the argument for the -continuation of slavery in the South. They said the negroes were better -off than they would be if cast upon their own resources for the supply -of the necessities of life. Many persons felt the strength of this -argument and yielded to its pleading. It is the same principle—that of -inferior intelligence yielding to superior intelligence—which makes the -possibility of all forms of slavery. It is this principle which has made -it thus long possible for government to be conducted entirely in the -interests of capital. - -But it is just at this point, where the beginning of comprehension on -the part of the representatives of labor is, that the fallaciousness of -this arbitrary form of control begins to be felt by the masses who have -hitherto yielded to it. They begin to see that they obtained freedom -from one “tyranny” only to yield themselves to another, less odious than -it was from the fact that one was represented by one person, while the -other is represented by numerous persons. In some regards the last -condition is worse than the first; for in it there is nothing to guard -the constant encroachments of the tyrant upon their “reserved” rights. -They are constantly subjected to legislation which filches from them the -last possible farthing, that it may go to swell the coffers of some -wealthy individual or some obese corporation. - -At present the indications are anything but favorable for the interests -of the producing classes. It seems as though the representatives of -corporate interests, in which large amounts of money are invested, are -organizing to make a crusade against the present possessed rights of the -producing classes, to the end that, by all corporate organizations -combining and making their interests mutual, they may come into the -position that shall give them supreme and lasting control over the -destinies of the country. They behold with jealousy the attempts at -organization among laborers, knowing that, if it is carried to its full -results, it will compel equality of interest and obtain the means -necessary to enforce it. - -It is the age of rapid change. What it would once have required an age -to accomplish, is now performed in a single night. It would not _be very -strange_ should the interests of labor control the next Presidential -election. One thing is patent to all, some great issue must come up -which will be of sufficient magnitude and general importance to arouse -the people from the slough of indifference into which they have fallen -since the settlement of the slavery issue. It is also equally patent -that this issue must be some new combat between some form of slavery and -a growing freedom; perhaps a consolidation of the several questions of -progress into one interest to crush out, at once and forever, the reign -of conservatism of all kinds, and the substitution therefor of an -enlightened freedom, to be governed, guided and supported by the lights -of science which shall point the way to all things which ought to be -obtained. - -What the world needs to-day is, that science, supported by wealth, shall -come into power. Could this be arrived at, the dangers and difficulties -now hovering around the issues between the still captive and the -interests of enslaved labor, would be dispelled, and society, without -further convulsive efforts, could assume its uninterrupted march toward -perfect conditions of existence. It is to be feared that wealth will not -yield to science, and that it will endeavor to bring it under its sway -to further enslave the “toiling millions” and make them minister longer -to its despotism. Let this be as it may, the existence of government -upon its present basis of liberty and equality depends upon its checking -a power that is being organized to control it. The New York _Herald_, -not many days ago, pointed out this danger, but did not warn the people -that it was a danger, leaving each to gather his or her own deduction -from the mere presentation of the facts. Subsequently, however, it said, -editorially, as follows: - - “Now it is possible the American people may not be alarmed at the - probable effects a combination of the capital and influence of these - vast railroad corporations may have upon the future of the - country—upon the permanency of its institutions and the perpetuity of - its political liberties; but, in view of possible contingencies, we - think we are justified in cautioning the people against the possible - creation of a railroad oligarchy here that may prove as dangerous to - the nation in times to come as was the Southern cotton oligarchy in - times past. - - “This subject is one of considerable interest to the American people, - and the elections of members to the next Congress should be graduated - accordingly.” - -It is the duty, then, of the New Labor Party to become the best -representative of general reform and a wider freedom for all -individuals, male and female, which freedom should have no limit except -that which borders upon interference with the freedom and rights of -others, or that would be detrimental to the common interests of the -public if practiced. In the widest freedom there is the most virtue, -because, under restraint, compulsion often passes for virtue, while its -semblance only is there. Freedom stamps all that is genuine, and exposes -and denounces all that is counterfeit and affected. Enforced virtue in -any direction, except for the protection of the community, is not one of -the principles of a free government; but everything that the government -can do that will further the interests of the community, come -legitimately within its sphere. And it is to this end and purpose that -the Labor party should press its claims to recognition upon the -representatives of labor. - -The workingman makes the government, and therefore has it in his hands -to unmake it. If the government is not what it should be, it is because -the workingmen have permitted it to exist and not perform its duty. It -seems, then, that the _main point at issue_ is, to acquaint the -representatives of labor everywhere with their power; to make them -recognize the fact that they, being the majority, have it in their power -to elect the men who will legislate in their interests, and, by so -doing, do away with this insane denunciation of wealth by the mouths of -those would-be leaders, who, to become leaders, would stir up any kind -of strife, required to gain their wishes. Of all such, the Labor Party -should beware. - - NEW YORK, Nov. 10, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XIV - -We have repeatedly appealed to the productive classes to arouse from the -slough of trustfulness and indifference in which they have remained so -long, and to bestir themselves about their business of governing -themselves. Thus far they have utterly failed in all duties of -self-government. They have nominally lived in a country which proffers -equality to all, but under which proffering they have virtually -surrendered themselves to be governed by the considered mighty few, who, -for their own purposes, exalt themselves into the position of The -People’s candidates until office is obtained, when they begin at once to -invent schemes for continuing themselves in power; or, if they know it -is impossible to be again returned, they devote themselves to making the -most of what time they have. - -The present doings of the people’s representatives, both State and -national, are practically limited to getting the most they can for -themselves and their friends, while the study of the interests of their -constituents and the country is either entirely ignored or shirked to -the greatest possible extent. Each year this condition becomes more and -more the controlling element of Congress and Legislature, and unless -soon remedied, it will lead the country on blindly to its destruction. -This course being directly in the interest of special and favored -interests, has the favor and support of capital, while labor looks on -with the utmost indifference, and sees its productions filched year -after year. - -Capital, of the two, is the more foolishly blind to its future; for it -does not seem to comprehend that with the continuation of this course -must come the day of reckoning, in which the debit side of all accounts -will be heavily against it—so heavily that it will never be able to -satisfy the demand which humanity will have for it to settle. - -This consummation may be averted, but only in one way. The laboring -classes must exercise their right of self-government themselves, after -the dictates of reason and common sense, and no longer blindly intrust -their interests and the common interests of the country to the -self-selected few who prate with so much volubility, and who mouth the -“King’s English” so furiously about their undying patriotism and -self-denying devotion. It may be set down at once and for all time that -the patriotism and devotion professed by this class of orators and -statesmen will be certain to continue until after their election is -sure, after which it will do to watch them carefully lest they may have -entirely expended it in their efforts for election. - -While we have urged the laboring classes to arouse, we have at the same -time shown the necessity of complete and thorough organization, and we -now further urge the absolute withdrawal of affiliation with any party, -and the devotion of their entire strength to the construction of their -own party, upon the principles of freedom, equality and justice for all, -let them lead where they may. All that is required by them is granted in -the present Constitution, though, perhaps, in some points, were so, -blindly, for the time, but which are now made plain and clear by late -events in some of our States. - -It is time that active movements should begin to be made toward -organization for the next Presidential election. Both political parties -are manœuvring in every possible direction to gain advantages. If the -Labor Party will act wisely it can take up one of these parties and -incorporate its remnants before the election comes off. But if the class -who should form this party will remain stupidly blind, and continue to -maintain these virtually defunct parties by their strength, instead of -constructing a new party of their own, nothing which will positively -shape the future course of events can be accomplished. The old will -simply be bolstered up for another term, and four years more of -submission to the behests and dictates of capital must be endured. - -There will be a desperate attempt made during the coming session of -Congress by capital to obtain further, and greater and stronger hold -upon the vitals of the country. Efforts to effect the perpetuation of -the franchises it already has, it counts upon making, with certainty of -success; but the very extent of its efforts which it will make under the -knowledge that what is to be obtained must be so at once, will press it -to such extremes that it will most probably defeat its own purpose. This -event will be rendered certain if the Labor Party will take a positive -stand upon its own ground, which will make effective the springing of -some “mines” that are prepared, which will put their representatives in -such a light before the country as will most effectually dispose of all -selfish schemes which are now afloat. Let it be seen that no shirking of -duty is permitted on the part of pretended labor representatives, and -also let it be seen that all who lend themselves to the schemes of -capital are properly shown up to the country. - -Our interests are great and our country is dear to us, for it has cost -us immense treasure and blood. Is it not worthy of being defended from -all schemes, when so much has been required to construct and preserve -it? To the care of laboring classes its preservation is now committed. -Will they prove themselves worthy of the high trust? Or will they sell -their birthright for less than a “mess of pottage?” Is it necessary that -some great calamity come before an awakening to the reality of the -condition will occur? Let it rather be, that wisdom be gleaned from the -sore trials and the desperate situation of our brethren in France, which -shall teach the use to be made of possessed rights and privileges. - - NEW YORK, November 18, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XV. - -The New York _Sunday Despatch_, of the 20th inst., contains a lengthy, -interesting and highly instructive article, based upon recent interviews -with Thomas Hughes and J. P. Mundella, members of the British House of -Commons, who are also workingmen and employers. They are strongly of the -opinion that “strikes” were never productive of anything but damage to -both parties, and that arbitration is the only reasonable resort for the -settlement of all mooted questions between laborers and their employers. - -As examples of the misery engendered by “strikes,” several instances are -quoted, among which is found that of the potters and moulders in the -vicinity of London, which proceeded to the very last extremity on the -part of the strikers. Arbitration at last was resorted to, and resulted -in no gain of conditions to the strikers. - -These facts go to show that the immediate purposes of labor -organizations are detrimental to their true interests. They must -acknowledge that they cannot compel capital to their terms, and that in -moderate counsels and wise action they will be much more likely to find -their interests advancing. - -The ultimate purposes of the Labor party which are to obtain control of -legislation, may be productive of much good, or may be made the most -fruitful cause of national disaster. We have all the time endeavored to -show that the real interests of both capital and labor lie in the -direction of complete unity; and that although labor is now suffering at -the instance of capital, that it should not be laid to the charge of -capital that it is in position to thus infringe upon the rights of -labor, but to the charge, secondarily, of legislation, which is -performed by the very men whom the laboring classes do their utmost to -elect to office: and, primarily, to the imperfections in our present -financial and social systems, which must be remedied before any very -great benefit can accrue to the oppressed conditions of society. - -To accomplish what is required in order that labor may rise to an -equality with capital, the laboring classes must become enlightened upon -the principles of political and social economy. Revolution, which is -threatened from some quarters, would only lead away from justice and in -the direction of anarchy. We are sorry to be obliged to say that we can -find but little in the present propositions of the Labor Party which -promises very much of good. For the most part, its leaders are bigoted -and cliquish to the extreme, possessing but little of the philosophic -comprehension of the conditions through which labor must be elevated. -Declaration of principles in series of resolutions which form a -necessary part of all political gatherings amounts to nothing unless the -party presenting them “squares” itself by them. This is the fatal error -of all parties and all governments. They set out by making certain -fundamental declarations, which they afterward endeavor to compel into -meeting the exigencies of the times. - -There is a great work the Labor Party can do. There are imperfections in -our government, and these it should take up and remedy. It is a -well-established fact, as every one knows, that a government that is not -a representative of the minorities as well as of the majorities is not a -government of freedom, equality and justice. If imperfections exist even -in the much revered Constitution, it should not be held so sacred that -none of its faults can be remedied. If there are inconsistencies in it, -or if it contain provisions which the present has outgrown, let it be -thoroughly amended, and as often as it can be, and made better. We do -not believe in anything being held so sacred as not to be submitted to a -complete analysis, so that it may be determined just what there is good, -and what there is which can be bettered. We are inclined to the opinion -that the whole Constitution should be revised, clarified and simplified, -and made so plain that there would be no possibility of different -constructions being put upon any part of it. - -Our government should soon be so formulated, and the people so well -informed upon the true principles of government, that all existing -administrations should exist by the unanimous consent of all the people. -The strife should not be for party, representing different principles, -but for the best representative men to administer the Constitutional -principles which all would be agreed upon. - -There will a party arise having these objects in view, and it need not -be predicted that such a party, once organized, will begin a new era in -the history of governments, for sufficient comprehension of what the -future will be exists to make this a foregone conclusion. The Labor -Party should make itself that party. Has it the requisites? - - NEW YORK, November 25, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XVI. - -In the full and legitimate consideration of this subject the range -should extend beyond the things immediately attaching to the capitalist -and the laborer as persons, and merge into the question of Philosophic -Equality, out of which consideration arises the true relations of the -extremes of it represented by these two classes. Under a true republican -form of government the inherent right to equality on the part of all its -citizens should not only be recognized but guaranteed. Equality, except -as a mythical name, does not exist in practice in this country; nor for -that matter in any country, except where each individual is his own -governor, to the extent of his power to maintain such authority; and -each individual being possessed of this right to maintain it, comprises -that equality. Philosophic Equality presupposes the right of each -individual to exercise all the powers possessed by him, in which -exercise the rights of no other individual would be interfered with, but -which exercise should not be aided or protected by any device of law. -The moment a law is made to assist an individual, or any number of -individuals, in the performance of his or their undertaking, that moment -equality on the part of all other citizens ceases. Not only is this true -specifically, but it is a great deal more; it is true generally that if -an individual or a class of individuals receive aid, comfort and -protection from the law, in their pursuits, all other individuals of all -pursuits are rendered unequal in their competition with them in all of -their respective pursuits. - -That is to say, if a person is protected in the manufacture of salt by -the law, which imposes a heavy tax on all foreign salt imported into the -country, the manufacturer or producer of grain is at once placed by the -law in a condition of inequality with him, and in a double sense if he -be a consumer of salt; for not only is the price of the home -manufactured salt increased by the imposition of the tax, while the -price of the home grown grain is not proportionately increased, but the -producer of the grain is obliged to pay the increased price for the salt -which he consumes. The same rule is applicable to all things wherein -individuals are obliged to seek protection from foreign importations, to -be able to produce the same at home. - -The argument in favor of this course is, that while protection, extended -to certain interests, increases the prices of their productions to the -consumers of them, the consumers by it are also enabled to obtain higher -prices for what they have to place upon the market. This is all very -well so far as it has any application, but what is the effect upon the -very large proportion of the working people of the country who are not -producers of anything in their own right, but are simply laborers for -such producers? If there is only an equality maintained to the employers -of such labor, how can the benefit extend to the employed? - -In making this complex argument, it is forgotten that real wealth and -real prosperity do not consist in high prices for everything, but in the -quantity which is actually possessed. Prices under protection must ever -fluctuate, and a person rich this year may be rendered poor next year, -by the depreciation of his property. Witness the fall of real estate in -this city for an exemplification of what we mean. High prices are not -the ultimatum to be gained by any people of any country; but, on the -contrary, the true point to attain is the employment of the industry of -a country in those directions, wherein _the most can be produced at the -least cost_, in the accumulation of the proceeds of which the country, -as a whole, must become wealthy more rapidly than in the pursuit of the -other extreme, which is the production of the least at the greatest -cost; or in any modification of this proposition. - -The result of continuous protection to any interest of the country may -be exemplified by the application of it to something which comes -directly home to us. Suppose that there are some gardeners on the upper -part of Manhattan Island who appeal to the city authorities for -protection against the gardeners of Long Island, New Jersey, &c., -because their soil being not so fruitful as that of Long Island and New -Jersey, they cannot afford to sell their vegetables as low as those can -be sold which are produced outside. Thereupon a tax of twenty-five per -cent. is levied by the city upon all foreign vegetables sold in the -market. The result is, that all purchasers of vegetables in the city are -forced to pay the additional cost merely to enable a few insignificant -persons to pursue a calling which they would otherwise abandon for some -other which they could pursue without protection. This, though a common -illustration, exemplifies the operation of special protection in all its -phases. It enables the few to pursue callings at the expense of the many -without returning to that many any adequate benefit. - -The trouble with our manufacturers is, that they want to get rich too -fast. They are not willing to begin a new business in a way -proportionate to their small means, and from this grow gradually into -large producers as the manufacturers of other countries have done. They -want to be able to employ labor and pay much larger prices than are paid -to those laborers who toil in unprotected industries. Nor is the laborer -any better off in the general result. The laboring classes of the -country are not so well off under the present system of high prices as -they were before the war, which indicates that the advance in wages has -been more than counterbalanced by the increase in the prices of the -laborers’ necessities. As a general proposition, it is true that low -prices are more favorable to the laborer than high prices; and that, -under a system of protection to special favored interests, those -interests become rich at the expense of the laborer; or, in more general -terms, the rich become richer and the poor poorer with each succeeding -year. - -Such is the general argument against protective duties; but it does not -by any means follow that all protection should be immediately abandoned -and Free Trade become at once and fully inaugurated. This would be as -grossly unjust to all these interests which have been encouraged into -existence by the present system, as that of protection was to the common -industries. What should be done is this: Unrestricted commerce, which -would allow of the natural demands of a country being supplied, without -restrictions of any kind, should be laid down as the true principle, and -a gradual approach from present protective measures to freedom be -inaugurated. No immediate jump—nor even rapid advance that would produce -misfortune to any branch of industry, should it be attempted—but an -approach, running through a sufficient number of years to allow of the -adjustment of industries, should be the course. Under such a system all -the various industries of the country would gradually equalize, and the -laborers and employers in each would approach an equal footing. The -farmers of the rich Western prairies would no longer be able to complain -of the discrimination of government in favor of the cotton, woolen and -iron manufacturers of the sterile East. Whether this policy is -immediately adopted by government or not, it certainly will be, when the -rapidly increasing West shall become the dominant power in it. Better -that steps looking to it should be at once adopted than that it come -after awhile upon an unprepared country, which course has been so often -erroneously pursued to the destruction, demoralization and -discouragement of those classes of industries which require -consideration in their youth from the strong arm of the government; to -accord which is not only for the interests of the country, but which is -also its duty to its acknowledged citizens; the error heretofore having -been that the consideration thus extended has been at the expense of a -_part of the citizens_ of the country and not at the expense of the -country as a whole. - -Equality to all the citizens of the country can only be possible where -there is no special discrimination on the part of government toward any, -whether that discrimination is in the form of specific protective -duties, unequal levies of taxes, or through devices of law; or, in other -words, equality is an impossibility so long as special legislation is -allowed either in our State or National councils. - - - - - PAPERS ON LABOR AND CAPITAL. - - - NO. XVII. - -The great object of a republican form of government is to arrive at that -condition wherein all the people constituting its citizens will stand -upon a perfect equality in all things, which can be effected by -government. A government cannot determine that each citizen shall have -equal capacity to apply and make use of the rights, privileges and -immunities which it guarantees to its people, but it can determine that -each citizen shall have an equality of right to these benefits, the -perfect attainment of which must rest with the citizen. - -The question of Labor and Capital, as was said before, is included in -the greater and more important question of a Common Equality, or an -equality which is predicated upon the fact that all mankind are -brethren. A republican form of government should find its fountain in -this fact, and all its causes should be governed by its deductions. All -the means of providing for the administration of the government, for its -maintenance and for the correction of any existing abuses, should be -formulated with this one greatest of all human possibilities ever in -view. Thus formulated, its practices would ever tend to bring all the -people into a comprehension of it, which comprehension is now scarcely -existent except in meaningless words, which are dealt from pharisaical -pulpits. In our last number the practice of protection to favored -interests was considered, with reference to its general effect upon -other unfavored industries; the unequal working of the system of levying -duties does not stop with generalities; it extends and touches a still -more vital point, and one which the people are more sensitive upon than -almost any other. The laying of specific duties upon imported goods and -wares is an indirect way of _taxing_ that portion of the people who -consume such imported goods and wares. It not only makes it possible for -the protected interest to exist at the expense of other interests which -consume, but by this operation the government obtains revenue which is -an indirect tax gathered from those who are compelled to pay the -advanced prices which the levying of duties implies. The amount obtained -by such unequal and indirect methods of revenue for the last fiscal year -was the enormous sum of $194,448,427, every dollar of which was in -reality but an additional tax drawn from the individuals who purchased -such imported merchandise. This manner of levying taxes would not matter -so much as a system of taxation did it fall equally upon the taxable -property of the country, upon which general taxes are levied, but nearly -$100,000,000 of the above sum was collected upon woolens, cottons, -sugar, molasses, coffee and tea, of all of which the poorest in common -with the richest are almost equal consumers. - -Laborers of the United States! How like you this manner of filching your -hard-earned dollars, under the specious, fraudulent name of “protection -to home industries.” It is no wonder that your hard-earned wages will -scarcely supply your families’ necessities, when you are compelled to -pay such a sum upon the most common staple articles of general -consumption. It is no wonder you are continuously laborers, never being -able to become producers upon your own account, when you, who should -not, and, under general principles of taxation would not be called upon -to pay a single dollar as a direct tax, are thus burdened. - -Thus it will be seen that the levying of specific duties on imported -goods is a most unequal and iniquitous manner of taxing the poor -laboring classes of the country to support the government, which is -administered to all intents and purposes in the interests of the rich, -and under which the really poor become poorer every year. - -Nor are the other means to which the government resorts to support -itself entitled to very much more consideration than that of the -indirect one just mentioned. There is no equality to the general people -in any of them; and it is quite evident that the whole system of revenue -for the support of the government should be remodeled, so as to fall -where it should, in justice, upon the taxable property of the whole -Union. This done, and a sound financial system also inaugurated, the -lower classes of society would begin to be leveled up to the medium, and -the upper classes to be leveled down to the same basis of material -prosperity. - -A system of taxation for the support of all government—town, city, -county, state and national—should be formulated and inaugurated, based -upon the proposition that all taxes should be general and none special. -All of these taxes, for the several purposes, should be assessed, levied -and collected by one set of revenue officers, and thereby an immense -system of economy introduced, whereby the collection of the revenues of -the country should not consume, by one-twentieth part, what is now -consumed in the almost innumerable methods which are adopted to obtain -the people’s money by indirect means. All of these subjects are for the -laboring classes to take up, examine, decide upon and rectify, and never -will they obtain the possibility of an equality until this is done. -Never can equality be possible under the forms through which government -is now administered and supported, and never will the laboring classes -become independent of the wealthy classes until the freedom, equality -and justice, which are the birthright of every citizen of the United -States, become possible of attainment under its government. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. I. - -In the following papers it will be our design to treat the questions of -Finance and Commerce in a somewhat different manner from the ordinary -and current way. The mere records of the transactions had in the world -of money and of merchandise belong to the ordinary method of dealing -with all matters that interest the people. The facts—the results—only -enter into the consideration, and if serious conflict or serious faults -are recorded, no attention is paid to the sources from which they -spring, and from which they will continue to spring so long as the -sources furnish the causes. All subjects, and all parts of the common -interests of humanity, will receive from us not only the attention which -the present demands, but if the present brings unhappiness to humanity, -or does not bring happiness, the fountains will be examined to discover -where the stream takes on its bitterness and its sediment—and, for -instance, produces financial disease—with the view of exposing to the -people what causes their unhappiness or lack of happiness. - -As society is constituted at present, nothing within its interests has -so much power for good or ill as money. He that has it is independent—is -a free man; while he that has it not is dependent—a slave in some one or -other of the forms of slavery. Men recognize that this is an imperfect -condition of society, made up, as it is of people born free and equal in -the eyes of the law, and by it entitled to their chosen path of -happiness. These being the birthright of every one, the construction of -society should be such as to guarantee it to every one. As society -improves its condition, the advance made will be ever toward practical -equality in all temporal things. It is the duty of those who labor in -the interests of society to lay hold of the future, and bring its -conditions into the broadest present application. - -Money being the corner-stone upon which society is now built, is thereby -that stone of all others which should be perfect, not only in form, but -perfect in duration: that is, it should be of such composite elements -that time nor change should be able to produce any effect, either upon -its external appearance or upon the arrangement of its parts. It becomes -apparent, then, at first observation from this standpoint, that our -present corner-stone is not one that can endure; it becomes plain that -it not only will change, but that it should change, because of its -capability to meet the requirement of a perfect corner-stone, upon which -society can rest with perfect and continuous security. - -Gold has long been the accepted money standard of value. Intrinsically, -it has no value other than for the other uses to which it is adapted, -but custom and long usage have raised it into the position of a god, -before whom the world falls down and worships with as much devotion as -Pagans do before their various gods. And, considered as a god, none -other has in this day and age one-half the power, nor is any other -worshiped with one-half the devotion it is. This may be considered an -unjust reflection upon the so-called Christians; but let them, as a -class, examine themselves individually, and if the analysis does not -sustain the proposition, we shall be very willing to confess our error, -and appeal for forgiveness. Gold _has_ been the accepted money standard, -but the practice, since the depreciation of our country’s credit, has, -to all intents and purposes, reduced it to a mere commodity. Our money -is not measured by Gold—Gold is measured by it. It may be said that this -is merely for temporary convenience, but nevertheless it is so measured, -and the practice has demonstrated that so far as facilitating exchange -of products in our own country is concerned, its use might be dispensed -with. If it can be dispensed with and trade continue, its importance as -money entirely disappears. Would dispensing with its use offer any -impediments to commerce with other countries? But this article is simply -introductory, intended rather to indicate what our treatment of finance -will be, than for the discussion of any of the questions that arise -under it. These will remain for future consideration; here we will -simply state that we do not believe gold to be a true standard of value; -that we do not believe its use as money is at all necessary; that we do -not believe that its use as money contributes to general prosperity; and -that we do believe that its use will be supplanted by a new medium—the -true representative of that portion of the real wealth of the country -which is at the given time in the process of exchange. - - NEW YORK, August 25, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. II. - -Finance and commerce are so intimately connected that one cannot be -treated without the other being, at least, indirectly alluded to. If -these terms are analyzed, their relations will be perfectly understood. -Commerce is the simple exchange of something one individual possesses -for something another individual is possessed of. This exchange may be -between neighbors, or between nations; it is all commerce. In ancient -times, articles of merchandise were exchanged for articles of -merchandise, but as commerce increased in amount, and its limits became -extended, it became necessary to make use of something that should -represent value, so that there need not, in all cases, be an actual -transfer of property for property. The medium used to facilitate these -exchanges was money in its first phases, and out of this necessity have -grown all the different monetary devices made use of, at various times, -in the history of civilization. - -To demonstrate that money is only a convenience and not an absolute -necessity, any one has only to observe that frequent purchases, sales -and payments are made without the use of money or any other -representative of value, but by the direct transfer of value for value. -It is plain, then, that money, be it gold, silver or what else it may, -if not intrinsically of the value set upon it, but that it represents -something that has intrinsic value. If this is questioned, let any one -who doubts it procure some gold in its original state and endeavor to -make exchanges with it. He will find that no one will receive it, even -at its value by weight. Were he to apply to a dozen places where gold, -in mass, is dealt in, he would be offered a dozen different prices for -his article. It is only after gold has passed through the hands of the -government, and has received its impress as an indorsement, that it -becomes current as money. - -It is further to be observed that the time came when even coin became -too burdensome to be directly transferred in making exchanges, and -something representing it was brought into use. This consisted of bits -of paper, containing upon them promises to pay so much in coin, &c., -&c.; and under this practice banks of issue sprung into existence, their -issues being supposed to represent a gold or coin basis of value. But a -full representation alone of coin deposited was found not to supply a -sufficient circulating medium to accommodate the movement of produce, -and for other uses, and it became customary for the banks to expand -their issues beyond the amount of coin on hand, upon the supposition -that these promises to pay would never be presented in sufficient -quantities to consume their actual specie. But suppositions are only -true _generally_, and hence it came that promises to pay often exhausted -the ability to pay, and here began the ills that must necessarily attend -a false standard of values. - -In all seasons of financial distress, gold, as a standard, has failed. -The necessities of our late war demonstrated and represented the fallacy -of an absolute standard in gold, and happily suggested a better -standard. No sooner did the supply of gold at the command of the -government fail, than the latter was compelled to resort to its credit, -or to a direct representation of the true value and wealth of the -country. The credit of the government was the ability and intention of -the country to meet the promises of its government, and this ability -determined its currency. It was not the amount of gold, absolutely, that -the country was supposed capable of acquiring that thus entered into -consideration, but the ability of the country to produce certain -quantities of merchandise, which should, in time, be sufficient, above -consumption, to balance these promises to pay. It was the productive -capacity of this country that gave value to its currency and bonds -irrespective of gold. The productive capacity of a country is then the -virtual standard of the value of its currency, and as gold can only be -obtained by the products of the country, its necessity as a medium may -be dispensed with. It is now predicted that the sooner gold, as the -money god, is dethroned in the hearts and customs of the people, the -sooner a sound and perfect system of finance will be inaugurated. - -That there is a true standard of value, and one that can never fail in -time of need, nor be made use of for speculative purposes as gold is, -must be apparent to every thinking mind. How many of the people of this -country, during the last eight years, have received gold or silver for -what they have disposed of, or have used it to purchase their -necessities? And yet the talk of a return to specie payment is -everywhere heard. When will the idol worship of the god of gold be -completely abolished? - - NEW YORK, August 31, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. III. - -We have said that there is a true standard of value, and that this is -based in the capacity of a country to pay without infringing upon the -country itself; that is, without resorting to an actual transfer of -supposed title to any part of its domain for something the domain itself -produced. Actual ownership in the soil of a country is an assumption, as -has been stated in the “Papers on Labor and Capital.” If the title to -any real estate is traced back far enough, it would be found to have -originated in the practice of “Squatter Sovereignty.” The inhabitants of -a country having the right to make use of the land they occupy, render -it more or less valuable, according to the amount they can make it -produce, whether it be in the shape of its natural products or those of -artificial assistance, or whether it is simply occupied for purposes -other than production. - -The basis, however, of the value is in the productions of the soil of a -country; it matters not how much value may be added by the art of man to -what nature furnishes. This would find no scope for action did the earth -not first yield the fruits of her bosom to the hand of the artist. The -finest cloth, the most delicate silks and laces, the most costly jewels, -even the light that robs night of its darkness, are all primarily the -products of the earth. Without this yielding of the earth there would be -nothing. This giving up of the earth to the demands, efforts and desires -of man, is the process by which he acquires all his wealth. Even the -gold that has so long been called money the earth has yielded, and still -yields. When this is considered in its true light, we come to a -realization that gold is no more money, absolutely, than any other of -the different products of the earth, but with them all it forms the real -value standard. Gold is relatively valuable for the general uses it can -be made to subserve; so, too, and only so, are all other products. Any -other metal might just as well have been selected out of which to coin -money as gold. It no longer answers the purpose it has been used for so -long. It is not “radical” enough to suit “the times.” It is one of the -landmarks of conservatism, reminding us that once it required at least -six months to communicate with, and receive an answer from, London, -whereas we now know the 5 o’clock P. M. closing prices of stocks in -London at 1 o’clock of the same day. - -Such annihilation of time and space is entirely ahead of, and above, the -era of gold, which must yield its sway to something more elastic, and -consequently possible of better adaptation to the constantly varying -requirements of the peoples. The world having been so long held in -financial bondage to gold, is now approaching a period wherein it will -rid itself of the yoke. A very few people in the world rule it. What of -the thrones of Europe without the Rothschilds? and what of them if not -for gold? The vast debts of those countries alone render crowns longer -endurable. Just a little more intelligence among the common people—just -a few more newspapers and readers, and the work is done; those who play -king, and they who are the real kings, will fall together. Kings rule -the people, but money rules kings. This is beginning to be realized, and -the realization is not satisfactory to those who produce wealth; they do -not care to live under the tyranny of a god they themselves have -fashioned. But after gold, what? - - NEW YORK, Sept 7, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. IV. - -If gold, as a medium of exchange, is behind the requirements of the -times—and that it is has been pretty fully demonstrated—some reform -should be instituted to supply the failure; some reform—not merely to -meet the exigencies of present time and circumstances—which should be -inaugurated as a permanent change. - -Our government, during the last war, was obliged to resort to what was -considered then by nearly all people, and is still considered by many -people, as very extreme measures, in order to furnish the material by -which the war might be carried on. Without the greenbacks we never could -have succeeded as we did. To the person who conceived this project we -are as greatly indebted as to our generals, who successfully prosecuted -the war upon the means furnished through his financial foresight. This -was one means of resorting to the credit of the country. If the credit -of the country was sufficiently good to furnish it with the means to -carry on such an exhaustive war as ours was, it surely should be good -for any peaceful time. - -For our part, we cannot see the propriety of returning to specie -payment; and there is one insuperable objection to it. Gold cannot -furnish the circulating medium for the world, and credit must be -resorted to; and the necessity of having two kinds of circulation -involves difficulties which the mercantile world would be glad to have -forever done with. - -Why should people be obliged to use one kind of circulating medium to -purchase another kind with, and then use this second kind to pay his -debts to another party, who will sell it again to obtain what the first -person used to purchase it? This is the logic of specie payments. If it -is argued that the actual transfer of the gold is not necessary, we -would then ask why is specie payment desirable at all? The facts -regarding this question are that people have become wedded to the idea -that gold is the only possible thing that can be made money, while all -their practice has been that it is the least entitled to the name of -money of anything they have ever used as such. - -As has been said, the real standard value of a country is its capacity -to produce, and it is this production that requires to be moved, -exchanged, bartered or sold. The use of something to represent this, for -which it can stand responsible in general terms, is what is required of -money. That kind of money which will best meet all these requirements is -the best money. That kind of money which has elasticity, that will be -plenty when business is active, and that can be readily put to other use -for profit when business is less demanding, is the kind the prosperity -of a country demands. With a money of this kind, all financial crises -would be impossible. It is the possibility of making a stringent market -that unsettles financial matters and causes financial destruction. And -it is because we have not a financial system of our own that it is -possible for exigencies in other countries to unsettle values here. -To-day, the price of our securities in London determines the price of -gold here. In view of the possible complications in which Europe is -liable to be involved any time, and which she must within a very few -years be involved in, it becomes a matter of considerable moment, -whether our finances are to be governed and guided by the condition of -things there, when these things shall come. - -As a nation we are or can be, were it necessary, independent of the -world, and are the first and best representative of a republican form of -government. Why should we not be the nation to give to the world a -reformed currency? The world—or that part of it which has grown to -appreciate our kind of freedom—involuntarily turns its eyes to us for -patterns of all things that a people during a change of government -require. One of the first things a government requires is money. Why -shall we not show the nations how to make the best use of their means, -and give them a system that will do more for them than any system that -has yet been tried, and by so doing also meet our own needs? - -The capability to do this would instantly place us at the head of -nations, and financially to stand thus, is to complete the measure of -our greatness. Politically, we can never be subdued. During our late war -there were two millions of men under arms. Just in this proportion, -also, should we be powerful financially, and to become so would be to be -allotted by the world the lead of it and all its nations. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. V. - -The gravest of all questions of political economy is that of a country’s -money. A very great deal more of the people’s common happiness depends -upon money than even political economists generally suppose. Happiness -is very closely allied to prosperity, and general prosperity in a -country can never obtain unless it is under a sound financial system. -Very few people understand what general prosperity means. It does not -mean vast sums of gold in the hands of a few of the inhabitants of the -country, while the great majority struggle month after month for the -absolute necessities of life. There may be a great deal of money in a -country and still be very little general prosperity with the common -people. The question of money has never been considered philosophically, -nor with due regard to the common interests of humanity. It is always -viewed from the standpoint of the wealthy, and usually by the wealthy or -by those in their direct interests. - -The producing classes, however, are beginning to awake to the fact that -they have never been represented in any of the legislation that has been -had regarding finance and the currency they have been forced to use. On -the contrary, they perceive that all legislation has been in the -interests of capital, and this perception is what is arraying these -supposed two interests against each other. The facts existing have only -to be considered to prove that our financial system is unsound, and this -should be sufficient to force our legislation to take up the question, -and to handle it in the light of the demands of the present, utterly -regardless of the superstition that has so long existed about the gold -idol. - -The objectors to any thing as money but gold, make much of the need of -it to make good the balances of trade between different countries. But -these forget that gold is nothing but merchandise until the country has -placed its indorsement upon it, and that it is this which gives it the -character of money, and that it does not derive this character from the -fact that it is gold. The indorsement of a country upon gold coin is a -simple guarantee that it is of a specific purity, after this, its value -is determined by its weight. Thus gold sent to other countries to pay -balances against us, is sent and received, as so much by weight of a -specific quality of gold, and not as so much of our national money. The -force of this objection, then, is utterly destroyed by these -considerations; and especially so, when this same gold, coined by our -government, is recoined by the country we send it to. Here it is -distinctly proved that gold is not money, and that it is only a -commodity which we produce and part with in exchange for other -commodities, and that it is just as valuable for this purpose if it goes -direct from the mines where we produce it, to other countries, as it is -if it goes by the way of a United States Mint, where it receives the -indorsement of the government. - -To go still deeper, there is a no more mischievous idea than that all -paper money should be redeemable in gold which should alone be -legal-tender, because everybody knows that the amount of currency this -country demands cannot by any possibility ever be redeemed by gold. It -may be redeemed by using the same gold coin over and over again, as it -is again and again received and paid; but just here is the difficulty; -for ten dollars of currency in reality have to be redeemed by the one -gold dollar. This is the _practice_ of specie payments, and a most -mischievous one it is, too; it is the sole idea that leads to great -inflations, and consequently to great collapses in finances and values. -Under this system there never was nor never can be a reliable mercantile -value to anything. Fluctuation is its direct result, while speculation, -without this, would cease, and the vast horde of mere speculators who -spend their whole time in it, would of necessity be compelled to become -producers of some kind. It will thus be seen that the first principles -of economy are in direct opposition to the results coming from the use -of gold as money; and that these declare that something should supersede -its use as such that it would be impossible to speculate upon; something -that would have such absolute and never varying value as could be -positively counted upon to endure a month, a year, a century or a -thousand years, as the cases in question should respectively involve. -Such a substantial thing might with propriety be called money, and in -comparison to it gold would sink into utter insignificance and be -forgotten. - - NEW YORK, September 14, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. VI. - -A very fallacious argument has been the rule, because gold has been -considered “money,” that all currency is “credit;” this at first blush -would seem to be still further strengthened by the proposition that gold -is only merchandise. By no means, however, is all currency credit. All -bank currency is credit. All currency that is not legal-tender for -contracts and debts is credit; but a currency which is of itself -legal-tender is money, because it is itself intrinsically valuable. All -the uses one has for money it fills; it not only meets all demands that -“credit currency” can meet, but it fills other and specific demands that -bank currency cannot. It is receivable for nearly all governmental -demands upon the people; it pays taxes, and cannot be refused by any one -in payment of contracts and obligations. Such a currency has all the -features and characteristics of money, except that in our practice it -has not been receivable for duties upon imports. Had greenbacks been -made legal-tender for all governmental purposes, they would have been -“real money,” having intrinsic value, of which nothing short of the -absolute destruction of the country and death of its inhabitants could -have robbed them. The gold fallacy, however, prevented Congress from -seeing the real drift of what they did, and the country, therefore, must -yet a little longer be blinded by the thought that gold is the only -money. - -The only argument which is at all tenable, that converts anything that -has all the qualities of merchandise into a measure of value is, that -the article thus rendered costs at all times, and in all countries, the -same labor to produce it. This test, every one knows, is not applicable -to any single thing the earth yields; and as little as to any other does -it attach to gold, and, therefore, gold in itself is subject to -fluctuation, and can in no sense be considered an absolute measure of -anything. This country, since California began to yield her gold, has -been a great producer of the precious metal; that is, a certain amount -of labor has produced a larger proportionate quantity of it than has -generally been produced in this or in other countries; consequently we -have been large exporters, not of money, but of gold, in its character -as merchandise: very much of this has been exported in mass, uncoined, -in which condition not even the most rigid gold stickler will pretend it -is money. - -Hence it follows that we do not need “money” to balance our accounts -with other countries; we need particular kinds of merchandise which we -have in larger quantities than we have use for, or which other countries -need more than they do some merchandise they have which we require more -than they do; which system brings about exchange, the sum total of which -is commerce. If commerce were left to regulate itself without any -interference to prevent the natural flow and reflux of the products of -the earth, as stated above, there would soon become established -permanent courses for certain products, to take which would still -further localize all kinds of labor, and render each of nearly unvarying -profit. It is this interference with the natural demand and supply of -the various parts and peoples of the earth that breaks down the -equilibrium of labor, and makes possible the extreme unequal -distribution of wealth. - -It will be seen that all questions of finance and commerce are -intimately connected, while those of labor and capital grow out of the -conditions they make possible and inevitable. To properly understand the -relations of capital and labor, and to harmonize them, demands a correct -comprehension of the basic principles of economy which relate to finance -and commerce. If these were based in correct universal principles, there -could be no questions to settle between labor and capital. Hence it is -that it becomes specially requisite at this time, when labor is rising -to a sense of the unjust position it is confined to, that these -questions of finance should be agitated as the most important ones for -adjustment. To begin at the root of the evil is the philosophic way to -deal with all the ills of society as it is with all ills which result in -the gradual evolution of all departments of the universe. - -For a measure of value and to aid exchanges, then, there is required a -currency, or medium, that does not possess any of the characteristics of -merchandise, that is not a commodity nor a product in any sense of those -terms, but something that has intrinsic value of itself, being a true -representative of value, and of equal and absolute value at all times -and under all circumstances and changes. Such a thing would be money, -and anything not possessing these requirements is not worthy the name of -money. - -The question arises, then, Can there be anything formulated or brought -into use that would possess all these requirements under all -circumstances? It is quite certain that there never has been, as yet, -anything used as money that was as absolute as a dollar, as a pound is -as a pound, or as a foot is as a foot. A pound is just a pound under any -and all circumstances; so, too, is a foot under the same; and so is a -gallon, and so is a cord of wood; whether a greater or less number of -any of them are required at one time or another for use, they are always -a pound, a foot, a gallon, or a cord, and no more nor no less. Now, what -we require is a measure of values of just as fixed and absolute a -character as any of these. When this is acquired, then just as unvarying -value will attach to the measure of values as there does to those -measures. Money is but another name for values, and the dollar is one of -the divisions of its measures. There is no more reason why money should -fluctuate in its capacity of measuring or of being measured than there -is that the foot should grow longer or shorter, or the pound greater or -less, and there is just the same reason why it should not. - -Then, the products of the earth once placed upon this unvarying -standard, the cost of producing each different product would determine -its exact value, and in time the producers of each kind would be upon an -exact equality in regard to the value of their products. It is the -attaching, in practice, of absolute value to something that can have no -absolute value which makes possible all the various degrees of poverty -that belong to the laboring or producing classes. If these inequalities -are to be remedied, there is but one method by which it can be done—that -is, to reduce our money systems to the same fixedness that we have -reduced all our other systems to. This once done, all labor will -gravitate to an equality, and capital will become its best ally instead -of, as now, its apparent enemy, while each of these interests, and all -divisions of each of them, everywhere in the world, would become mutual, -and by so being would prepare the way and lay the foundation for that -grand harmonization of society which must precede the practical -co-operation of mankind, as brethren, under a universal unitary -government of the United States of the World. - - NEW YORK, Sept. 20, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. VII. - -The point has now been arrived at where it is to be considered as -decided that gold is not, cannot, be money; that it is a valuable -article of merchandise. Its utility beyond this character has not only -departed as a principle, but in practice a very considerable portion of -the most enlightened people in the world consider it the source of great -mischief, and the more the causes of the financial ills we are subjected -to are analyzed, the more they will be found to be dependent upon the -attaching of a specific value to something that is as changeable in cost -of production as it is possible for anything to be. - -The philosopher and the best reformer would here step in and say that it -is their province not so much to tear down the old as it is to prepare -the new that shall take the place of the old. This is the science of all -reform. However, before there can be a field prepared in which the new -can be used, the defunct condition of the old must be pointed out, and -its _debris_ cleared away, so that the new may find space for operation. - -This preparation has in reality been already made. The necessities of -the Government in the late war broke the first ground for the -consideration of this very important question, and prepared the minds of -the mass of the people, though, perhaps, unconsciously, for the -reception of the idea that it is possible to do without gold; that -specie payment is by no means a necessary accompaniment of a sound -financial condition, and that a money system which is made dependent -upon a redemption by something else, is not only not to be desired, but -that it is the real foundation for all financial disasters, because it -makes an undue expansion possible. The people who would once have -considered a proposition for an irredeemable currency with the utmost -alarm now discuss it as one of the things that is sure to be. It is -believed by those who have studied this subject deepest that the time -has arrived when this government must enter upon the consideration of a -permanent change in our financial system, and that a return to the gold -standard would be a disaster. - -But, says the objector, how can an irredeemable currency ever be made to -adapt itself to the varied demands of the country? How can anything so -unsubstantial as a paper currency, without gold support, be made as -absolute a measure of values as the yard-stick is of distance? and, if -this can be accomplished, where will the elasticity of the currency be -found? In general terms it is assumed that, unless the proposed -financial system will answer all these conditions—that unless it will be -elastic, adapting itself to all the demands that can be made, be they -great or small, and at the same time remain absolute in its value, it is -not even fit to be thought of, much less to be seriously considered as a -substitute for what has been. - -And this brings us back to the beginning of the argument—to the point -from which the first departure was made. The course that will be -pursued, however, after leaving this point this time will not be that of -reconnoitring—looking over—the ground to be covered, but a steady, firm -and final advance directly toward the objective result desired, which, -if a failure is made in reaching, the campaign against gold may be -considered a failure. Under the system of currency being good only when -it can be redeemed by gold, there is required, to make the currency -actually in circulation good, just as many gold dollars as there are -currency dollars—that is, if there is at any time in circulation any -more currency than there is gold to redeem it, then there is an -expansion, which any sudden change in any of the circumstances by which -nations are surrounded is liable to convert into a collapse. So long as -everything is prosperous, so long as nothing arises to shake the -confidence of the people, or to call the attention of any considerable -number to the possibility that there is not gold enough to redeem all -the currency that is in circulation, so long everything goes well; but -so soon as any one of said conditions occur or change, then there is a -rush to see who shall get what gold there is; the supply exhausted, the -unredeemed currency is valueless. This is the practice and the result of -a redeemable currency; the same results will also follow so long as such -a system is tolerated. - -Everybody knows that there never has been a currency in circulation -sufficient in quantity to meet all the requirements of commerce that had -a complete basis in gold, and everybody also knows that there is not -gold enough in the world to meet this specific requirement. Hence it is -that institutions possessing, say $100,000 in gold, put forth and obtain -interest upon $500,000 in currency—that is to say, with a real capital -of $100,000, which is worth six per cent. interest, they really obtain -thirty per cent. interest, thus making it possible for them to double -their original capital every three or four years. Did those who now so -loudly complain of the National Banks receiving interest from the -government upon their bonds deposited, and from the people upon their -circulation, ever object to the greater enormities of the specie-paying -banks? - -The only use of money is to facilitate exchanges of what the earth -produces, voluntarily or under compulsion. Money, then, has its direct -relation to these products as a whole, and can have no special relation -to any part of them; if made to enter upon and sustain any such special -relation, it is a purely arbitrary law, without foundation in principle, -that compels it, and all arbitrary laws belong to the ages past, when -brute force was required to guide ignorance; they cannot be long in this -age without generating irritation, and such irritation is now being -rapidly developed all over the world, wherever the laboring classes have -become at all advanced in knowledge. The few can no longer control the -many; the many are to control the few. Capital, through false systems of -values, has been able to control labor; but the time has nearly come -when the producing many will control the accumulated wealth of the world -for the benefit of the whole world—not simply and only because they are -the many, but because they are to be reinforced by the invincible powers -of demonstrated science, which are always to be found operating for the -“greatest good for the greatest number.” - - NEW YORK, Sept. 27, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. VIII. - -Money was invented as a method to facilitate the exchanges of the -products of the industry of the world. If this is a true definition of -money, the only legitimate money it is possible to have is something -that naturally grows out of the uses it is required for. A national -currency, then, should be a representative of that which it is its -sphere to exchange; that is to say: a currency dollar should stand for a -certain amount of the different products, which have been produced at -the expense of a certain amount of labor. It will be perceived that this -representation is upon an entirely different hypothesis from that of a -currency which is supposed to represent gold. - -To begin with something which everybody can understand: It may be -supposed that a farmer, occupying a given quantity of land, can, in a -series of ten years, produce an average amount of ten thousand dollars -per year to dispose of commercially. During the process of production he -is obliged to have, say, eight thousand dollars’ worth of means to -enable him to continue the process. Now, instead of his being obliged to -obtain credit based upon his prospective crop, he is supplied with a -representative currency based upon it; this enables him to purchase from -time to time that which he requires. When his crop is harvested, it is -disposed of, and his currency is _redeemed_ by it. - -Now, make this application general to all kinds of production in the -country—which is the only basis of value a country can have—and make the -government the appraiser of the value thereof, and the maker and utterer -of its representative, and a currency will be obtained that will possess -all the requirements and characteristics of money; because it will be -used to exchange that upon which it is based and of which it is -representative, and which is substantially redeemed every time it -exchanges any products of the country. - -Now, how shall this system be instituted? In the census now being taken, -the value of the total products of the country can be arrived at, which -sum total should be used as the basis of issue, and continue as such -during the next _ten years_, at the end of which time the increased -products would require another valuation to amend the bases for an -increased issue for the next ten years. - -A currency thus obtained would possess all the substantial value that -could be required of money. It is really the basis of value when gold is -used; for how are a people to obtain gold unless they have produce to -exchange for it?—which operation is, in reality, nothing more than the -exchange of one commodity for another, of which it is not and cannot be -representative, while in the case of the proposed currency an exchange -is effected for that of which it is representative. - -In this view of currency for a country, our system of greenbacks come -nearer being money than anything that has ever been in use in this or in -any other country. They were based upon the capacity of the country to -produce, and had the government confined itself to their use, and had -not been obliged to invent some further means to predicate securities, -we should now have had a real money currency. Who is there to find fault -with “greenbacks” as a national currency, provided there are enough of -them to transact the business of the country with, _and no more than -just enough_? But they lack one essential quality of real money—they are -not receivable for all things that people need money for, and which the -government demands of the people. They should have been made receivable -for all government demands, _even for duties on imports_. But the -necessities of the government, which was then struggling with all its -might for existence, made it a “military necessity” to exact gold for -duties on imports, as an indirect way of taxing the people who could -afford to indulge in the luxuries of foreign products. - -Though not available for duties there never has been in the history of -the world so stable and invariable a measure of value as the greenbacks, -since government ceased issuing any more than the amount already out. -There has been no great financial panic and no considerable unsettling -of commercial values. They require that one thing more should be -done—they should be given a _fixed measure of value_. Then nothing more -could be required of a currency than would be found in the greenbacks. - -The reason, and the only reason, why the people can feel that such a -currency may be unstable is the fear that the government may be induced -to issue it in greater amount than primarily authorized, and -consequently that it would depreciate; but this could not be until the -nation should issue more than the value of its property. But for this -deficiency there is a good and sufficient remedy, which can be provided -and used in connection with the proposed new currency, which is to be -based upon the capacity of the country for production, and which will -also provide for different seasons or parts of seasons when more or less -circulating medium is demanded to fulfill the business indications of -the country; and with this it is believed all the objections are covered -that can possibly be raised by the most strenuous stickler for a -currency with a gold basis, though the government may issue never so -great a volume of the currency proposed. - - NEW YORK, Oct. 3, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. IX. - -There are several propositions which should always remain in all -considerations about money, so that the mind may not be led from its -true sphere, and so that it may not be invested with peculiarities and -characteristics that never did nor never can belong to money: - -_First_ and most important—most important because it is the determining -point which gives all that follows tangibility—is, that _money, in its -primary uses, is a means and not an end_. It is a means, because it was -invented to assist the people in performing something that could be -performed without, but not so well without it. And this is the _sole -use_ of money. Because this has been lost sight of and it has been -invested with other functions, it has been possible for it to be -converted to uses which at times, in culminating, have almost turned the -world topsy-turvy. - -_Second._ Money is the medium of exchanging commodities, and when -diverted from its legitimate use and is made an end, results will ever -follow which _must_ be detrimental to the general interests involved. - -_Third._ All the material value money possesses is so possessed because -of the relation it bears to commodities, that relation being -representative of or standing for. - -_Fourth._ While money is the medium of exchanges, and while it is in use -representative of valuable materials, it is in its _last_ analysis the -_objective_ of that department of life of which labor is the -_subjective_, and, therefore, when scientifically viewed, it resolves -itself into a principal which is one of those upon which society must be -built when a perfect foundation is formulated. - -In providing a currency, therefore, to meet the uses which are demanded -of it, its _scientific_ feature, as a principle, should be the point of -departure, and should be the only guide until it is attained. Labor -being the basis of production, is the positive power which reaches forth -and expends itself, where money, the other pole of the social battery, -is reached; this reaction upon labor completes the circuit, and here is -the process which is continually going on: A certain amount of labor—a -positive power—produces a certain amount of money or negative result The -interference with this natural process by extraneous means, through -which undue quantities of negative forces are accumulated, is that -process which robs labor of its natural and, therefore, just results. - -The labor which the people of this country are capable of performing, -then, is the real basis upon which money should be formulated, and, as -in practice, the results generally are annual in their return, this -basis should be measured by all they can produce annually. It follows -that the basis upon which money should be uttered is this annual -capacity of labor, and there should be sufficient uttered to completely -measure this capacity, between which two, when once established, there -would be an equilibrium produced, which would only require to be -permanently regulated and maintained to insure a perfect harmony in the -material interests of society. - -For example, let it be supposed that the extremest legitimate amount of -currency that would be warranted under the previous rule is one billion -of dollars; and that this amount is all that the uses of money require -when there is the largest amount of business being transacted. It must -be remembered that this is not a redeemable currency, but that it is -money; that it is the representative of the wealth of the nation, and -that the government, as the head of the nation, has uttered it, upon the -soundest and best basis of value any money could possibly have—the -productive capacity of the country. In this money system there could be -no such thing as the failure of banks to redeem their issues; nor of any -loss to be sustained by the individual because of the mismanagement of -any board of directors; and what is more than all the rest, in the -present systems of society, its value would be sustained by the -collective accumulated wealth of the whole country, and it could by no -possibility depreciate in value so long as the value of the country was -not exceeded by the amount of the issue. - -To guard the people against all apprehension of such a result ever being -possible, there should be a measure placed upon this currency that will -at all times make it just as absolute in its measure of value as the -pound is in its measure of weight, or as inches are in their measure of -distances. Though this is comparatively a new proposition, and one that -but very few minds think a possibility, it nevertheless is just as -possible and just as essential—and more so—as all other absolute and -arbitrary standards are, that have been invented to give regularity and -stability in their respective spheres of use. - -This currency—this money—should be made convertible into a United States -Bond, which should bear such a rate of interest—say four per cent.—as -experience has or should demonstrate to be the true point of balance; -and the bond should also be convertible into the currency at the option -of the holder. The rate of interest should be open to readjustment every -ten years, when the estimates for the currency are made. Thus it would -come that whenever there should be so much currency in circulation that -it would be worth less than four per cent. for business uses, the -surplus would immediately be converted into four per cent. bonds; and -whenever money for business should be worth more than four per cent., -the bonds would be converted into the currency in just sufficient -quantities to meet the demand and to restore the equilibrium. - -It will be readily seen how perfectly this meets all the requirements of -money, and how perfectly all the irregularities of demand and supply are -met by it. Thus, when business is dull, and but little money is -required, it (the surplus) will be in bonds drawing four per cent. -interest; the moment business revives, the bonds will be at once -converted, and the currency will meet the demand, and thus the constant -conversion of the one into the other will regulate and maintain the -equilibrium that all previous systems of money have so signally failed -to do. - -In our next the advantages of such a system will be still further -considered and expounded, so that every one may be able to comprehend -that a money system is possible of invention, upon which foreign bankers -can not play their long-practiced games to any further one-sided -advantage. - - NEW YORK, Oct. 11, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. X. - -The advantages of a currency which, instead of possessing the capacity -of redeemability, is at all times convertible into something that is -itself productive, cannot fail to be appreciated by all who have given -any attention to the science of money. Theories regarding this branch of -social science have been about as destructive to the proper development -and understanding of the science as religious theories have been to that -of a proper appreciation of the functions and the benefits of religion. -The last have at all times stood in the path of progress. So, too, have -the first. And for this reason are we to-day almost at the mercy of -those who are possessed of the accumulated wealth of the world, which in -combination would be a power sufficient to control all government in its -interests, and thus it would be enabled to bring the world again under a -despotism to which that of past despotism would hold no comparison. - -In such a money system too much circulating medium could never be -uttered, for the moment a surplus quantity over the demands of -legitimate business was in circulation, that moment it would begin to be -converted into the four per cent. bonds; so that if there were two -thousand millions uttered, it would always be worth just four per cent.; -and if there were but five hundred millions uttered, it would never be -worth any more than four per cent. Thus it is plainly to be seen that -the government would always be necessitated to provide just as near the -amount of circulating medium demanded as it would be possible to arrive -at, _and no more_; for on any such surplus it would, as a matter of -course, be obliged to pay the interest provided, which thus becomes the -absolute measure of value that money requires to make it substantial, -and which is required to deprive it of that capacity for producing great -commercial inflations, which, in the financial history of this country, -develop and burst about every second decade, and which produce not only -the complete destruction of all purely speculative enterprises, but also -the most wide-spread and fearful demoralization in all legitimate -business. - -Under such a money system, speculation, with all its accompanying -demoralization, would rapidly depart from all classes of society. It is -a notorious, yet unappreciated fact, that speculative enterprises lie at -the foundation of all financial disorder, for which, if a remedy can be -provided, the very considerable talent and time which is now devoted to -it would be turned into channels of general usefulness and -productiveness. Production is the foundation of all wealth, and, -consequently, to increase wealth, production must be increased. -Speculation is that spirit which constantly saps the vitality of wealth, -and, therefore, society has no greater nor more debasing enemy than -speculation. - -It may be objected to by some that speculation leads to national -development; that in many of the wild railroad, emigration, city and -other schemes, that have been projected and carried through under its -stimulus, the welfare of the country has been subserved. To this -ingenious objection it may be answered that, under a sound financial -system, these enterprises would have been undertaken everywhere when the -demands of the country warranted them, and because there was a demand -for them, instead of for the pure purposes of individual or corporate -speculation. One of the best results that would flow from this change of -incentive would be, that no “Bubbles” could be palmed off on the unwary -by “flash” advertising, which would burst at some future time, to the -destruction of some deluded victims of unscrupulous financiers. - -It is one of the most fatal of commercial errors to suppose that large -general prices are an evidence of prosperity. On the contrary, it is -true that when the prices affixed to any kind of property are larger -than its real capacity for production, it is an expansion which must at -some time collapse, to the detriment of the holder. Thus, whenever -property is valued at such a price that it cannot be used to pay a -certain per cent. income, its value is expanded, and though this -expansion may continue under the pressure of a so-called prosperity, and -become general, even country-wide, if the general productive capacity of -the country cannot sustain this increased value, collapse must as surely -come as results follow causes. Even in this demonstration it is -conclusively shown that the productive capacity of the country is the -_real_ measure of value, and that, _finally_, no matter how irrelevant -the process of wealth and prices may have been to it, _it is the power -which ultimately measures all values_. - -This appears to us such a plain proposition that it seems almost -superfluous to present further arguments to prove the desirability of at -once proceeding to make the productive capacity of the country the basis -of value upon which to issue a currency to meet the legitimate demands -of the people for the purposes of exchange. The attention of all who -realize the unstableness of our present system, and the desirableness of -providing against the tremendous fluctuations it is capable of, is -called to the necessity of uniting to bring this matter prominently -before the NEXT CONGRESS, with the view of having it thus brought -prominently before the _country_, and of having it thoroughly analyzed -and understood. When analyzed and comprehended, the idea of a _gold -basis_ will forever depart from all progressive minds, and the impetus -the new money system will thereby receive will never be checked until -its science is developed into general national practice. - - NEW YORK, Oct. 27, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. XI. - -In our last, the necessity of urging the consideration of the finance -question upon Congress, with the view of having the whole range of the -matter brought prominently before the country, was proposed. Of all -practical questions that require immediate solution, none is of so much -importance to man as this; and none more so to woman unless that of -equality for herself is. No country can enjoy a series of years of -uninterrupted commercial prosperity when that country has a circulating -medium which can be affected by the manipulations of shrewd financiers -for their own ends. And no financial policy is more ruinous to the true -interests of a whole country than that of a constantly changing -commercial valuation upon either personal or real estate, excepting -alone in the latter, when it becomes the location of more capacity for -actual production. - -Real estate, abstractly considered, has no appreciable value. It only -becomes relatively valuable when labor can make use of it to produce -something valuable from it or by it. Absolutely there can be no -individual title to any part of the soil of any country. Taken as a -whole, the land comprised within the limits of the authority of any -government can be made such use of as such government may determine, but -as to actual conveyance of absolute individual ownership, that is -impossible, because none of the powers involved in the attempt at -conveyance could have had any part in the production of said land, and, -therefore, could have no right or authority to transfer it, from the -fact of an entire lack of title to transfer. - -It may be objected that these are merely technical assumptions which the -customs of society have never admitted. So, too, may it be objected to -all encroachments of scientific principles upon old forms and customs. -Nevertheless, science continues to analyze and demonstrate, and the -world continues to come more and more under its guidance every year. In -the principles of government science has not, until very recently, found -grounds of attack. Since it has come to be recognized that there really -is a science of society, and consequently that all its structure can be -analyzed, understood and guided by its deductions many of the customs -and practices that have so long controlled the people are found to be -entirely without the support of principles fundamentally necessary to -assure a permanently constructive form of society. - -Wherever maxims of temporary policy are the guiding rules, there will -ever be alternate construction and destruction; but wherever scientific, -demonstrable principles are the governing power, there will be found -permanency. That “money” is susceptible of analysis, and of being -predicated upon a scientific basis is no longer to be questioned. It is -a branch of the science of society, and as such must receive -consideration as the science itself becomes disseminated among the -peoples. It was not many years ago that “the sciences” were unknown in -our common schools. It will not be many years hence until the science of -society will be a recognized branch of every child’s education in the -most enlightened portions of the world. Political economy, which is a -branch of social science, is regarded with favor by many now, and, -comprehensively speaking, all these questions which have been looked -upon as “too abstract” for common comprehension, are found to be the -real principles which underlie all social strictures. - -First in importance, because it leads to the recognition of the -“ultimate condition,” is the question of intercourse between the peoples -of the earth. Money, as the means of bringing about this intercourse, -should receive primary consideration. Let the fact once be generally -recognized that the world is at last tending to “a unity of the -peoples,” and financial and commercial unity are the introductory -unities upon which to hasten governmental unity. Were these fully -established upon a basis of mutual interest instead of upon the policy -of each obtaining all the personal and selfish advantages possible, -there could no such strifes as the one convulsing Europe to-day ever -occur. Thus it appears that the assimilation of the world under one -common interest is in the first instance a question of a unity of -material interests which must serve as the foundation for all others to -build upon. - -Finance and commerce, then, lie at the very threshold of all the -progress that is to be made in the direction of governmental -consolidation, and when so recognized they will be rescued from the -position that they now occupy as the means only of pursuing selfish -interests, and be raised into that of principles and rules of action by -which all intercourse must be regulated. Commerce, in its most -comprehensive sense, does not apply merely to the exchange of the -material products of the world, but to the exchange of intellectual, -moral, social and religious products also, and its application thereby -becomes common to all the interests of humanity. And as finance grows -out of the necessities of commerce, it also becomes equally with -commerce a humanitarian question. It is in this broad and general sense -that all questions regarding it should hereafter be considered and not -upon the basis of how much advantage such a measure will give an -individual or a nation over another individual or nation. - -Like all other questions that are now coming prominently before the -world for solution, this one of finance and commerce rises to the -dignity of a question of humanity. They are all to be considered in -regard to their application, not merely to nations, but to all -nations—all peoples—as forming the basis of the future confederation of -the world under one government to be known as the United States of the -World, when all the people will be inspired with a common Religious -sentiment in regard to their primary origin and their ultimate destiny; -when all the peoples will be governed in their relation to each other by -the common social sentiment arising from the recognition of the fact -that they are necessarily a community of brothers from having a common -origin and destiny; when all the peoples will give a common adhesion to -and support the deductions of a Universal Science, let those deductions -militate as they will and must against whatever of speculation and -theory there may still hang like a pall of night over the intellect of -man. To all of these ultimate conditions of mankind, finance and -commerce must furnish the means of attainment; and being thus the first -essentials to the beginning of the actual constructive process which, -when completed, will be this grand consummation, they should be treated -with that gravity and consideration which is due to so grand a position -as they are assigned in the third order of general civilization. Policy -should be entirely discarded from all place in the argument, and -principles should alone be discussed. When the consideration is fairly -begun upon this basis, scientific ideas regarding money will be rapidly -diffused among the people, who now do not even dream that money can be -reduced to the rules of scientific demonstration. - -We urge again that this question should receive its proper share of -attention at the hands of our next Congress as being the questions upon -which the future good of mankind depends more immediately than any other -that will be likely to command the undivided attention of it. This once -settled upon the true principles, all other questions which all future -Congresses will have to consider will be virtually determined by it. - - NEW YORK, Nov. 4, 1870. - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. XII. - -In the treatment of these subjects in the general sense in which they -become important to all the people the range is very much extended -beyond that commonly compassed by those whose interest compels them to -temporary considerations for the promoting of immediate interests under -the systems in vogue. All such kind of treatment deals with effects, and -would never remedy an existing want, nor correct illegitimate practices. -If there are wants in existing systems, and if there are illegitimate -practices which are possible under them, there is but one way to supply -the one or to correct the other, and that is to go to the root of the -matter where the causes exist which make these possible. - -In this series of articles it has been the endeavor to point out some of -the most prominent evidences that our financial system was unsound, and -also to show, by as strict an analysis as was possible in the space -allotted, what the true basis for a sound financial system was, and -where it was to be found, and, having done this, such methods of -administration were hinted at as would reduce the system, when put into -operation, to a permanent and fixed measure of all values, which it was -argued was equally as necessary when value is to be measured as the same -fixedness is when any other quantity is to be measured. - -It has been suggested by some that, in presenting our statements in the -terse, undiluted manner we have, that those who have not been habitual -thinkers upon this subject might fail to catch the full application of -the propositions, and by so failing consider the system impracticable. -To obviate such objections we shall, by further treatment of obscure -points, attempt to make them plain to all who can understand the English -language. - -First, a brief re-statement and condensation of the entire outline: -Money, being an invention to facilitate the exchanges of the products of -labor, it should be formulated with direct reference to the conditions -which made the invention necessary, out of which it should naturally -grow; and also with direct regard as to how the invention should best -meet the required case—that is, the invention should be adapted to the -conditions, instead of making an invention without regard to the -conditions, and then attempting to force the conditions to comply with -the capacity of the invention. - -This is a point which should be thoroughly comprehended, for in it lies -the whole fault of making gold a measure of value, and we therefore -shall attempt to offer a common illustration directly in point. - -Let it be supposed that there is a stream which, to accommodate travel, -requires to be bridged, and that the bridge has to be constructed and -moved to the stream. The first procedure would be to determine just how -long the bridge must be to span the stream. It would then be constructed -and moved to the stream, which it of course would span. But suppose -persons knowing there was a stream to be crossed, but not knowing its -breadth, had gone to work and constructed the bridge and then had -attempted to compel it, when too short, to extend across the stream. -This would have been a case of attempting to compel the conditions for -which the invention was made to accommodate themselves to the invention. -And this has been just what the world has been all this time doing in -attempting to compel the conditions for which money was invented to -accommodate themselves to the possibilities of gold, which was invented -as money without any reference being had to the functions it was to -perform, or to the conditions it was required to meet. - -It would be just as reasonable and just as sensible to attempt to compel -a house to perform the functions of a bridge as it is to attempt to -compel gold to perform the functions of money, for gold is not nor -cannot ever be made to meet the requirements for which money is -demanded; whereas, money should be of such character as to fully meet -the requirements for which it is used, but should not be possessed of -_any qualities that would render it useful for any other purpose -whatever_, so that there could be no possibility of its ever being used -for any other purposes, which impossibility would forever make -speculation impossible. - -It is believed that we have made clear the purposes for which money is -required and also clear that it is utterly futile to attempt to compel -any invention to meet those requirements where it is not formulated for -the express purpose. We have heretofore shown that gold is a purely -arbitrary standard which has no scientific relations whatever to the -product of labor which it is required to measure, but that it is itself -a product, and as such requires to be measured. A gallon of molasses -would never be thought of as a measure of distance, but it would be just -as reasonable to expect it to measure it as it is to expect a certain -quantity of gold to measure the value of a horse. A horse may be -exchanged for a certain amount of gold. So, too, may a horse be -exchanged for a certain amount of wheat, but that process does not make -either the horse or the wheat money. Money is that which can equally -represent the wheat, the horse and the gold; and anything that cannot do -this is not money. - -Hence it is seen that every step we take in examining the true bearings -of the money question brings us nearer and clearer to the proposition -already made—that the capacity for production is the true basis of -value. - - NEW YORK, Nov. 11, 1870 - - - - - PAPERS ON FINANCE AND COMMERCE. - - - NO. XIII. - -We are perfectly aware of the very many objections which arise in the -minds of the people to such a currency as has been proposed, but the -thoughtless one of “What! an irredeemable paper money! Oh, no! that will -never do; that means utter repudiation,” which is the most commonly -made, scarcely merits attention. Will those, who so earnestly place -themselves in opposition to a convertible currency, stop and consider -for just one moment. What is the ten-dollar gold piece you have just -received for a ten-dollar note good for? Will it feed or clothe you? or -will it _directly_ minister to any of your needs or to those of any of -your family? Directly, it will do none of these things for you; _but you -can have it really redeemed by something that will_ feed, clothe and -minister to all your requirements. You will thus perceive that you have -been and still are laboring under a foolish delusion regarding this -precious metal, for you have all the time been getting your paper money -redeemed by your gold money, which you finally are obliged to redeem by -that which is really valuable—that which it takes to maintain life and -make it desirable. - -Now, you know very well that the gold there is in the world cannot -redeem or represent the values of the world. Were it a thousand times as -valuable as it really is—that is to say, could the consent of the world -be obtained to making the amount of gold which now represents one dollar -to represent a thousand dollars—there would be a possibility of the gold -in existence representing the value of the world; but as no such result -as this is anticipated, it is in vain for you to cling to any such -mythological and speculative theory. - -Again: What terrible outrage would your conscience sustain if you would -give a little calmer consideration to a proposition which you have -always heretofore rejected without thought. With your gold you have been -able to obtain that which you required to sustain and make life -agreeable. These necessities, then, are the really valuable things of -the world. What objection, then, can you make that can have the -sanction, even of your own reason, to at once admitting that these are -the only real values the world contains, and consequently—because -legitimately—that whatever is money must be a representative of these -valuables: and also and further, that anything bearing the name of -money, which does not justly and fully represent the sum total of these, -is not money in the true sense of that term. - -Again: Money may be considered the negative pole of the battery of -value. To all things there are two extremes and a mean, the evidence of -perfection being that there is always an equilibrium sustained between -the extremes through the medium of the mean. Products are positive -existences which go forth to administer to the demands of human nature, -and expend themselves in the negative returning force, money; which, in -being brought back to the point which it represents, becomes a positive -power itself, having the capacity to obtain labor which restores what -has been expended, and thus the circuit is complete and nothing is lost; -the same products exist and the same representation of them also exists. -If, perchance the return of the products is not always immediately made, -the power to return them is never lost, though that may be in a thousand -years. - -Thus it will be seen by all, if they will but give the necessary -attention, that the proposed currency which shall be representative of -the products of labor is not only the only natural money there can be, -but that it can never appreciate nor depreciate, because every twelve -months it is worth just one twenty-fifth part of itself—for it is -believed that this per cent. of increase is the true balance between -accumulation and production; if, on trial, this balance should be found -too small, or too much in favor of production, it would be increased; -and if found too large, or too much in favor of accumulation it could be -reduced. This must be a subject of test, and when tested, legislation -can increase or decrease the standard of value by making the “measure” -larger or smaller, just the same as it does other “measures.” - -We believe that the inauguration of such a money system would be the -beginning of the “leveling down and the leveling up” of the capitalist -and the laborer, and that such a thing as practical equality will be -impossible under any less radical and comprehensive change from present -systems. It is to be hoped that that large proportion of the whole -people which is represented by the classes that desire to be “levelled -up,” will give this most serious matter their most serious attention. We -are aware that it is a subject but little understood, and that the -prejudice of the people is in favor of the money god, gold. But, as in -religion, so will it be in money; when reason and common sense are -admitted to the debate, mythologic spectres and theoretic fancies will -begin to assume their true shapes, and the realities to arise from the -depths in which they have been confined. - - NEW YORK, Nov. 25, 1870. - - - - - BASIS OF PHYSICAL LIFE. - - - THE UNITY OF LIFE, POWER AND MOTION. - -I beg to present the following as the foundation for a series of -articles which it is proposed to present in due time. At first glance it -may be deemed too abstract for the purpose in view, but it must be -remembered that all action is primarily derived from a common basis of -life, and that it is from this basis all action _must_ spring, because -general principles only are deducible from it: - -“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word -was God.” Although human conception cannot trace existence back to the -time when “the Word was God,” the proposition is one which consciousness -can accept without analysis, and define and understand as the Absolute -in its broadest sense; but, when invested with the infinitude of -phenomena and facts, the mind loses itself and gives way beneath the -universal evidence that life, power and motion form a unit. Accepting, -then, this proposition, without attempting to solve it, a basis is found -from which to reason, and which we could not have discovered by -reasoning backward from effects. God was in the beginning: the beginning -was God. Acknowledging this, the mind cannot conceive of aught else -existing in the beginning. He was the Supreme Whole, the great Central -Heart, from and by which all things were to come. This truth should be -fully accepted, for from it can be shown that the facts of the present -are the legitimate outgrowth of this complete Oneness. - -All nations have had a god or gods, though no two of them have been -identical. Nor has the conception of a god remained unchanged with any -people for any great length of time. Were each person to define his idea -of a god, there would be nearly as many different ideals as there are -individuals in the nation, thus showing that all knowledge is relative -or symbolic. As there can be but one god conceived of under our -proposition, the question arises how so many can be held up before the -Christian world, and each claimed to be “the only true god.” In the -solution of this will be found the chief burden which ignorance and -superstition use to load the mind with their absurdities. Freed from -this burden, the mind would form a true conception of the unity in -diversity of nature, and recognize God as infinite and eternal. It will -be readily admitted that God is indestructible. So, too, is matter. Then -we have from the beginning two indestructibles—or, at least, for the -present, it must be assumed they are two—God and Nature, Spirit and -Matter, or Power and Resistance. These embrace “the Whole,” from which -nothing could have been taken away or added thereto. As God, therefore, -was All in All at the beginning, so he must ever remain the same; and -this is true also of Nature. - -Reasoning thus from this basis it must be found that every power has its -origin in the first power—God, the mainspring of all action. Life, then, -may be said to be motion making itself manifest under the influence of -power—to what? It may be difficult for the mind to accept so broad an -application of this all-pervading power, but it confesses it without -comprehending it whenever it declares that God is omnipotent and -omnipresent. The world little thinks of the extent of such an assertion, -for it breaks down all the Christian ideas of that antagonism known as -the Powers of the Devil; it banishes the possibility of creation proving -a partial failure and enables the soul to recognize an ever-present, -all-pervading, though inscrutable God. - -It may then be asked, Is God omnipotent? If believers in an incarnation -of Evil answer yes, what becomes of the foundation for such a belief? If -no, what becomes of their God? If He be omnipotent, He must be not only -the source of all power, but All Power. To assert otherwise is to -declare that there are two infinites—an assertion which contains its own -refutation. While the mind can conceive that God is All in All, it -cannot at the same time conceive that He is not All in All, or that the -Devil is a part of the All in All, in opposition and contradistinction -to God. Those, therefore, who believe that God is All in All, and also -believe in a Devil, believe an impossibility, for two persons or things -cannot be the same, or occupy the same place at the same time. The -absurdity, then, of the divisibility of the Supreme Power becomes at -once apparent. The argument is of importance as it furnishes a -well-defined basis, which meets every difficulty and arrays it in -support of the unity of all things and the supremacy of God. - -The question, what and where is God? has been often asked; but the -various attempts to answer the unanswerable, have only given the -unreflecting mind another’s idea instead of a just and comprehensive -conception of God’s complete existence. In reasoning on so important an -inquiry, the mind should soar above principles and ideas, and in one -vast grasp say that God is the whole. Where is God? He is everywhere. In -this answer we have no clearer solution of the query than we have when -we say God is incomprehensible to the human mind; still the form is such -as the mind can use in measuring its relative parts. - -From the Great First Cause, and from it alone, has come the present in -all its beauty and variety, material and spiritual. Though the effects -may continue to increase in number throughout an infinite future, the -sum of them can never amount to the First Cause. God must and will -forever remain superior to all the effects of the workings of this -power. - -The material universe, science tells us, is composed of some sixty-four -or more elementary parts. An element cannot be resolved into two or more -different substances. These elements combine under certain conditions -and in certain proportions with each other to form compounds differing -materially from their component parts. Everything we see in nature is -formed of these elementary materials; yet, extensive as these compounds -are, they are fashioned according to universal and unchangeable laws. -While the existence of any of the elements uncombined is rare, their -combinations fill all space, and are co-extensive with the Divine -Spirit. Spirit and Matter—God and Nature, seem, therefore, to be forever -united. - -But how have all these things come? What is this inexhaustible power -everywhere manifested, and what the laws governing its application? Go -back to the time when no compound bodies existed on this planet, and -what was there? God was there in all his absoluteness, all his infinity. -All the elements of matter were there in the same proportions and -quantities as now exist, but uncombined. In an abstract sense, an -element is a unit mass, without life, power or motion. What constitutes -it an existence, gives it life, power and motion, and the capacity of -combining with other diverse existences? We cannot conceive of matter, -even in its simplest form, as devoid of all active life principles, for -that would be to conceive a place, occupied by matter, where God is not. -Each element, therefore, contains its portion of the Eternal Spirit, -without which it would not even be a substance, but with which it can -unite with other similarly endowed simples. It seems impossible not to -conclude, then, that the life, power and motion found in all material -substances, is that life and power we call Infinite. - -To further illustrate this indwelling life principle, we quote from a -celebrated author, who, speaking of the “winds and currents of the sea,” -says: “Men try to explain everything by the wind and the current. Now -there is in the air a force which is not wind, and in the water a force -that is not current. This force, the same in the air as in the water, is -effluvium. The air and the water are two masses of liquid nearly -identical and changing mutually into each other. * * * The effluvium is -alone fluid; the wind and the current are only impulses. The effluvium -is a steady stream * * * and is invisible. Yet from time to time it -says, ‘There I am;’ and its way of saying so is a thunder clap. The sea -is as much magnetic as watery. An ocean of forces floats unknown in the -ocean of currents. To see in the ocean only a mass of water is not to -see it at all.” To which we would add, that to see in the manifestations -of nature, nature only, is not to see it at all, for the power producing -it is not recognized. What is seen is not the reality, but that through -which the reality makes itself known. - -What has thus far been considered may be consolidated into this -comprehensive proposition: That there is a power existing everywhere, of -which we can know nothing absolutely except that consciousness tells us -it is. At the same time we are conscious of our incapability to define -or comprehend it, and that all we can ever know of this power is its -physical manifestations. Hence the knowledge of what we see, hear, feel, -taste and smell is abstractly symbolic and relative, the only absolute -knowledge we can possibly have—if knowledge it be—is a consciousness of -our infinite existence. In this view of the existence of God, which is -the basis of all religious ideas, religion may be said to be superior to -science, because it remains immovable in consciousness. Religion belongs -to the unknowable; science deals with the knowable, which is the -manifestation of the unknowable. Therefore, viewed philosophically, -religion and science stand for the subjective and objective whose -relations comprise the whole. The presence, then, in consciousness, of -what we can by no means account for, must be the actual presence of that -of which consciousness is made up—the elementary spiritual principles -representative in us as individual existences of the great Infinite -existence. - -Ambiguity in the use of terms leads to confusion of ideas and thought, -and is one great general cause of the ignorance and superstition still -existing among apparently enlightened nations. Many terms, supposed to -convey certain well-defined ideas, are found to be deficient when -analyzed, and others stand for nothing in substance. Many are in common -use whose meaning the man of religion, science or philosophy would be -embarrassed to explain. Chief among these are: The Infinite, The -Absolute, Causation and Effect, Power, Motion, Matter, Space, Time, -Resistance, Eternity, Immortality, Good, Evil, Heat, Light, Rewards, -Punishment, Justice, Law, Order. As the argument proceeds it will be -seen how nearly the whole of these and many similar terms are resolvable -into the few which convey realities. - -All things that can be resolved into parts cannot be said to be -existences. Existence carries with it the idea of permanent continuity, -something self-dependent, superior to everything else as an entity. What -one term will express absolute superiority? The universe of space is -occupied by matter which, acted upon by an incomprehensible Power, -produces manifestations or motions. These being successive, time becomes -a necessary constituent. Do we need any other term to cover all the -manifestations? Is there any part of the universe left untouched by the -few terms? But allowing that they include the Whole, some one must be of -primary consequence, while the others are auxiliary thereto. - -The term Motion will be found, on analysis, to be the result of Power -acting upon Matter, and the proposition is comprehensive enough to -include every known movement. Hence every manifestation in the material -world can readily be accounted for by the combination of these two -terms. Though not so immediately apparent, it will be shown that mental -manifestations are also included in this. If all manifestations are then -explainable by these two terms, all minor terms must be but names for -the different forms under which these two manifest themselves, and into -which they must ultimately be resolved. Motion, it was found, was -resolvable into Power and Matter. Can these be resolved into anything -more general than themselves? - -The universe is composed objectively of matter. Is it made up of -anything else? An absolute vacuum is an impossibility in thought. Then -what we term space is filled with something, and only matter is -comprehensive enough to include all. But matter alone would convey the -idea of space filled with something at perfect rest. The term motion -then becomes necessary. This involves a subject, the cause of the -motion; and an object, the thing moved—power the cause, motion the -object. Can these be resolved into anything more general? As stated, the -universe is composed of matter, manifesting itself by and through -motion; and motion, as was seen, can be caused only by the application -of power to matter, and no other term is sufficiently general to -comprehend the causes of motion. By the union or duality of power and -matter everything is brought within the sphere of consciousness, if not -of comprehension. But which of all the manifestations of power acting -upon matter is of primary importance? Of which does consciousness -earliest take cognizance? - -The universe of matter is boundless. Space conveys the idea of something -beyond which there is nothing. Else it would be limited by that which is -beyond, and we can conceive of nothing as existing without extension, -and extension implies the occupancy of a certain defined limit, which -limit must be within space. Space being undefinable, that which occupies -it must partake of the same characteristic when considered as a whole. -The same line of reasoning applies to power and time. Succession of -events compels an occupation of a part of infinite duration as matter, -relatively considered, occupies space; that is, between two or more -separate facts there must be a lapse of time before consciousness can -arrange them so as as to take cognizance thereof. Whether this is of -itself an actual existence, or some method of an actual existence, it is -a necessity to consciousness. Hence, time is related to power as space -is to matter. Power and matter being the subjective realities, while -space and time are their objective results, or the necessary effects of -the experience in consciousness of their united result, which is motion. -Our ideas of space and time are derived from experiences of power acting -upon matter, while motion, the effect thereof, unites the two in -consciousness as relative realities which must be a part of absolute -realities. - -It is clear, then, that all we can know of the unknowable arises from -our experience of power and matter, and that within the sphere of their -manifestations all effects are included. But while each is necessary to -produce effect, we must not forget that we would have no consciousness -of the existence of matter were it not the object of the application of -power; hence we must conclude that power is of primordial importance, -and, as such, the most general and comprehensive of scientific terms. -All knowledge and consciousness grow out of experiences of power, which -must be considered the general ultimate. All theories regarding it are -but theories. Power is untouched by them, while matter, space, time and -motion may be considered either as its constituents or as modes of its -manifestations. - -To make the argument more complete to those unaccustomed to resolve -phenomenon into its ultimate cause, some illustrations of such -resolutions will prepare the mind to accept the conclusions arrived at: -Let it be supposed that some circumstance calls for the manufacture of -cotton cloth unlike, in some respect, any ever manufactured—say in -width—how must it be produced? Reasoning inductively and given the raw -material, the last necessity apparently is a loom that will admit of the -width required and the prepared webbing and filling. Still, the cloth -cannot be produced without the further aid of motion in the loom, which -motion must be generated by power through certain machinery, obtained -from setting free such portion of power as had been concentrated in -coal. This expands water into steam; steam in escaping compels the -piston of the engine to move, and this motion is communicated to the -loom, the required cloth being the effect. It will be seen that whatever -intermediate processes were necessary they were all resolvable into the -power concentrated in the coal. What was then of first importance in the -production of cloth? It was neither the loom nor the cotton nor the -machinery, but the power giving motion to all. This illustration may be -used symbolically to explain everything incomprehensible in the -universe, that is, all manifestations of power working in and through -matter, producing motion and its effects. - -All material effects being explained by power acting on matter, may not -this simple formula equally symbolize all mental operations the product -of which is thought? The question primarily arising would be, what is -thought and how is it produced? Let us analyze it. Something cannot be -produced from nothing. Thought is something. Thought is then the product -of something previously existing. Immateriality cannot be conceived of. -Therefore thought is not only material in itself, but the product of -matter in motion; and as motion is only possible through power applied -to matter, thought must be a result of such an operation. Can it be -explained and comprehended upon this theory? Let it be supposed that -some great noise should suddenly occur just outside a house in which -were 5,000 people. Each one would ask the mental question, or “think,” -What was that caused by? Now, that thought would be the product of the -sound heard. But how heard? Simply thus: Rapid vibrations of the air, -caused by some unknown matter in motion, came in contact with the organs -of hearing, were transmitted to the nerves, and finally taken up into -consciousness. The whole operation is a purely physical one, and there -is a perfect equivalent between the amount of vibration and the -resulting sensation; in other words, the effect corresponds to the -cause. It may also be remarked that a hundred physical bodies of -different weights produce as many different sensations; the difference -being always in exact proportion to the difference in their respective -weights. Similar differences follow when matter at various degrees of -temperature comes in contact with the body. The same is true regarding -light upon the optic nerve. - -Let us next see if that variety of thought or sensation which arises -spontaneously within the individual is due to any different agency. -Perhaps the most comprehensive and conclusive evidence of the material -origin of thought is, that a child born under even favorable -circumstances, but kept from all external, material and mental -manifestations, grows up a simple idiot. Without, then, the -manifestation of power acting upon matter, no original individual -thought or conception is possible with the supposed exception of -spontaneous thought hereafter to be treated. Further evidence of this is -seen when an adult is kept in solitary confinement, or cast away upon an -uninhabited island; memory fails, language is lost, and the person -becomes a semi-idiot. The following extract, from an address by Dr. J. -W. Draper, is made to show that scientific men are admitting the fact -that the mind is the result of the processes here indicated—a collection -of facts gained by impressions constantly repeated. He says: “There are -successive phases * * * in the early action of the mind. As soon as the -senses are in working order * * * a process of collecting facts is -commenced. These are at first of the most homely kind, but the sphere -from which they are gathered is extended by degrees. We may, therefore, -consider that this collecting of facts is the earliest indication of the -action of the brain, and it is an operation which, with more or less -activity, continues through life. * * * Soon a second characteristic -appears. The learning of the relationship of the facts thus acquired to -one another. * * * This stage has been sometimes spoken of as the dawn -of the reasoning faculty. A third characteristic of almost -contemporaneous appearance may be remarked—it is the putting to use -facts that have been acquired and the relationships that have been -determined. * * * Now this triple natural process * * * must be the -basis of any right system of instruction. It appears, then, that contact -and constant intercourse with external manifestations is not only -necessary for the production of thought and its collaterals, but that to -retain the consciousness which makes thought possible such -manifestations must be continuously impressed upon the individual. This -seems to be conclusive that mind is the result of the experiences of the -manifestations of power.” - -There is still more subtle evidence that thought, which is only the -memory of past manifestations of power, or deduction of reason upon -them, is the product of material action. All mental action depends upon -the nervous apparatus, and is limited by its capacity. The activity and -power of this apparatus is in a great measure dependent upon the -quantity of phosphorus supplied to it, and this varies at different -periods of life. - -The point in question is further sustained by the fact that the rapidity -of thought varies with the supply of blood to the brain. Reduce the -action of the heart to forty beats per minute, and a feeling of languor -permeates the whole system. On the other hand, excess of cerebral -circulation results in excitement amounting sometimes to actual -delirium. We must, then, either admit that mental action is a product of -material power, and consequently itself material, or else conclude that, -while it is the result of the expenditure of power, it is in its -character immaterial, which would be absurd, because it is impossible to -represent immateriality in thought, as consciousness requires a -subjective action and objective reception of it to complete a thought, -while immateriality is neither. - -Not only is mental action affected by the quantity of blood supplied to -the brain, but also by its quality. This is fully shown in the progress -of certain diseases that prevent its being properly oxygenized, and even -more conspicuously in the administration of anæsthetics. A similar -effect can be produced upon the brain by deep, full and continuously -rapid breathing, by which an undue amount of oxygen is introduced into -the circulation. - -It appears, then, that having a perfect nervous apparatus, certain -special materials must be supplied to it from or by which to manufacture -mental and nervous action. Excessive mental action and powerful and -continuous emotions produce, as everybody knows, physical prostration. -From whatever position, then, we may view any action the physical, -mental or nervous system is capable of producing, we come finally to the -conclusion that they are possible only as the result of the expenditure -of some physical power, and every mind that will justly consider the -evidence must give its adhesion to what science is rapidly making plain. - -Before closing the consideration of thought another phase of its -manifestations demands attention. Who has not observed the effect of one -or two minds concentrated upon another person unconscious of the -intention? The object of such concentration becomes conscious of the -fact, and invariably, though involuntarily, looks in the direction -whence the influence proceeds. Before following this to its legitimate -deductions it must be taken for granted that there is an individual -existence after the dissolution of the physical body. Nearly all people -accept this as a part of consciousness. From two propositions already -received and well understood, a third may be deduced, and along with it -will follow such legitimate additional thoughts, ideas, impressions, and -modifications of former ones, as such deductions necessarily imply. But -how shall those thoughts not derived from anything already in -consciousness, be accounted for? And are not all conscious of receiving -many such thoughts in passive conditions and during sleep? Following up -the truth that something cannot be produced from nothing, the source of -these must be found, else our premises are false or incomplete. - -Every variety of mental action can be communicated. Given a mind -possessed of a new truth and one that has not yet perceived it, the -former can communicate it to the latter. This communication and -reception have been effected through the medium of speech. Another -method is through written or printed language. All this is simply -symbolic. Sounds and written or printed forms are in themselves nothing -but motion in the atmosphere and material formations by common consent -accepted to represent other and previous material formations. The one -thing of primary importance is, that the symbols used must be previously -understood by both parties to represent identical things at all times. -Thought, expressed in an unknown language, is not comprehended; this -indicates that thought abstracted from form is never communicated. It -cannot rise into consciousness even, except through an established form. -Capability of thought is only possible as the result of constant contact -with external manifestations, systematized under certain regular and -received forms which always remain purely symbolic. - -It remains to be considered how mind affects mind, through the -concentration of the will, without the apparent use of the above methods -of communication. We have seen that sounds produce an effect upon the -object through the sense of hearing. But can you analyze hearing, and -show how the sounds rise into consciousness? When forms are used an -effect is produced through vision. But how does vision rise into -consciousness? We have seen that an effect is produced by a -concentration of the mind upon an object, but how this effect rises into -consciousness is beyond our comprehension. - -We can now proceed to the application of what has been offered, to the -communication between minds by other methods than sound and form. Whence -all these thoughts and impressions that steal into consciousness through -no apparent form? The conclusion seems inevitable that mind can -influence mind, whether it be within a physical organization or out of -it. We predicate, therefore, that all thoughts, ideas, impressions, and -sensations not coming from present external manifestations nor from -previously acquired facts, nor yet from direct communications through -recognized symbols, are emanations received from some unknown mind -either in or out of the physical form. Nor can we escape from this -conclusion, unless we concede that this case forms an exception to the -general law. All forms, then, of thought, emotion and sensation are the -legitimate result of the expenditure of power, and may be arrayed in -support of the premises that Life, Power, and Motion, wherever found, -are Unitary. - -Let us consider in continuation, what application this unity has as the -basis of physical life. What constitutes this basis? Is physical life -the direct effect of the edict of a God reigning over the whole universe -from some unknown point within it? No, the theory of a special -Providence is fast giving place to new and better things—to law and -order. It is beginning to dawn upon mankind that “the only true God” -must be beyond our comprehension as the universe is, and that it is -folly or presumptive egotism to assert that God is this or that. A God -possessing such inconsistent infinite powers as are usually ascribed to -him, is fast being discarded by all thinkers. Therefore the basis must -be sought elsewhere. - -The universe is ruled in uniform ways. Special enactments for special -contingencies are inconsistent with our conception of the nature of that -general law by which all is governed. This alone is inferable, when -viewed with the conclusions previously arrived at, that things of which -we can be conscious are unitary in origin and in ultimate effect. -Supreme rule is removed beyond the pale of vicissitudes of time and -circumstance. The deduction, then, is that the cause of physical life is -universally the same, the manifestations being varied according to the -properties involved in them. Does life then consist of anything more -than this uniform Basis Power? - -The world of mind demands facts, not theories. Truth is no longer -feared, no matter how terribly it may shock the sensibilities of the -religiously-educated and philosophically-dwarfed intellect. Let us have -truth, then, even if it strips away the last of our preconceived -opinions. The cry for more light continues to extend. You who cannot yet -endure its brightness hide yourselves behind clouded dogmas, creeds and -theories. We know no creed but that which declares that an infinite, -inscrutable Power is the life of all things, material and spiritual; we -know no dogma save that life is the operation of this Power; we know no -theory but that which makes clear the laws and modes by which these -operations are governed. - -Discarding, then, all dogmas, the growing minds strikes boldly out for -truth, and he who catches but faint glimpses of it badly performs his -duty if he attempts to hide it from his brothers. If in its attainment -the Church crumbles, why falter? If governments totter, why falter? -Whatever will be crushed out by new discoveries and publication of truth -has already performed its mission. Suppose, for example, that the -grossest materialism ever conceived of was absolutely true, would it not -be best that the world should be convinced of its truth? It speaks -little for any system of religion or philosophy that it cannot bear the -light of facts, but evades, shuts out, or hurls anathemas at that which -it cannot refute. Such a course stands condemned before the tribunal of -a progressive philosophy. The very effort of a late institution in -opposition to physical freedom precipitated upon it its own destruction; -such will doubtless be the result of an attempt now being made by a -powerful institution to rivet religious bondage upon its subjects. - -In continuing this subject, extracts will be made from Prof. Huxley’s -lecture, “The New Theory of Life, or Matter the Basis of Vitality,” to -show that science has demonstrated that “life” is the same everywhere; -and though he disclaims materialistic philosophy, the tendency of these -extracts is in that direction. While matter must be looked to for all -expression of facts, it must not be overlooked that the realm of power -or spirituality is the producing cause; consequently, while allowing -science full scope in analyzing, demonstrating and systematizing facts, -religion must not be despoiled of its basis idea which remains immovably -fixed in consciousness. The Professor says: “I have translated the term -_Protoplasm_, which is the scientific name of the substance I am about -to speak of by the words ‘The Physical Basis of Life.’ * * * * To many, -the idea that there is such a thing as a physical basis or matter of -life may be novel. * * * Even those who are aware that matter and life -are inseparably connected may not be prepared for the conclusion plainly -suggested by the phrase ‘The Physical Basis of Life.’” After giving -various illustrations, drawn from nearly every department of nature, -grasping contrasts and dissimilarities, he adds: “I propose to -demonstrate that, notwithstanding these apparent difficulties, a -three-fold unity—a unity of power or faculty, a unity of form and a -unity of substantial composition, does pervade the whole living -world; * * that the complicated and multifarious activities of man are -comprehensible under three categories—either they are immediately -directed toward the maintenance and development of the body, or they are -to effect transitory changes in the relative positions of parts of the -body; or they tend toward the continuance of the species. Even the -manifestation of intellect, of feeling and of will, are not excluded -from the classification.” - -Prof. Huxley then illustrates the action of the _protoplasm_ in the -common nettle and in the drop of blood, showing that both plants and -animals have their origin in a particle of nucleated _protoplasm_, and -that this _protoplasm_ “not only dies and is resolved into its mineral -and lifeless constituents, but is always dying, and strange as the -paradox may seem, could not live unless it died.” Thus we are led to the -conclusion that all matter has a common basic principle by which we -obtain our evidences of it. It is equally clear that analysis fails to -grapple this principle, for the process dissipates the power that -compelled the combination. Dead _protoplasm_ differs from living in that -something has departed from it, and though we cannot catch this to -decide upon its nature, can we with consistency say it is a property of -matter? If it is, what has become of it that it does not manifest itself -again upon the recombination of the matter it once made use of? One fact -is evident, and seems to be conclusive. This life principle never -manifests itself through artificial combinations of matter. Again, is -there no difference between ordinary matter and “matter of life?” What -changes the former into the latter, and _vice versa_? If chemical -analysis can tell us nothing about the composition of living matter, -what can it tell us of life itself? If nucleated _protoplasm_ is the -basis of all life, and yet nothing but matter, why does one “structural -unit” of it produce a plant, another an animal? While it is evident that -the material composition of these units is uniform, it seems to be quite -absurd to say that chemical analysis teaches everything that they -comprehend. - -If the manifestations of matter are the result of its properties, the -law must be of general application. Water always seeks its level: is -that a property of water or the result of gravitation? Water can be -expanded into vapor: is this a property of water or the result of the -introduction of heat? Is it a property of matter that transfers the -digestible and animal food we eat into man? Does man exhibit nothing but -the properties of matter? It is evident that after the strictest -chemical analysis the vital life principle common to all matter remains -unreached—thus indicating its great ultimate character, which is beyond -the reach of both chemical and mental analysis. - -What is this power by which the nucleated _protoplasm_ of the various -species always produces representatives of the one which furnished the -germ? If it were simply a property of nucleated _protoplasm_, considered -as matter, why should not a germ from the lion just as readily produce a -lamb? In the various crosses between animals, the aggregated masses of -_protoplasm_ partaking of both, the inference plainly is that in each of -the particles of _protoplasm_ was contained a power which controlled -their successive aggregations and modifications. Other evidence that the -determining power is something more than a mere property of matter is -found in the fact that if the young of several different species of -animals be reared in company and fed with the same material, they will -each retain the peculiarities of the species they represent, modified -somewhat by the community of influence exerted on them. The same is true -of the offspring of different races and nations. - -The law indicated is still more generally applicable, descending as it -does from the wide range of species and nations to each individual -member thereof. Upon different individuals the same cause, acting under -like circumstances, produces different effects, and this difference is -dependent upon something more persistent than matter which is constantly -changing. Is this persistent individuality a property of the matter we -possess now, or of that which we shall be made up of some years hence? -The consciousness of each one answers that this individuality is -superior to the vicissitudes of matter—this consciousness having this -peculiarity over its consciousness of the manifestations of matter, that -while it constantly acquires new experiences it loses none of those -previously acquired. - -We know nothing of this power, except that it is a name for an unknown -cause: and so far as practical utility is concerned, the distinction -between power and matter might be discarded, the danger of falling -thereby into the slough of materialistic philosophy being avoided, if we -remember that all the knowledge we can acquire is simply relative and -symbolic. - -Returning for a moment to the fact of reproduction, to ascertain if -possible the determining power by which one “structural unit” of -nucleated protoplasm develops into a beast, and another chemically -identical into a man, and realizing fully that this power is beyond -common modes of proof we infer that a reasonable conclusion can only be -deduced from observing the general unchanging law of the constant -recurrence of similar results under similar circumstances. The first -step in the inquiry is to ask what “protoplasm” is, and how and where it -is obtained. - -Prof. Huxley informs us that its chemical constituents are carbon, -hydrogen, nitrogen and oxygen, which form carbonic acid, water and -ammonia; and that these are compounded by plants into the “matter of -life” or protoplasm, which is the first compound of elements possessing -inherent organic motion. This being the only way protoplasm can be -produced, we must always look to the vegetable world for continuous -supplies of it; and though we obtain it in large quantities from the -animal world, it is only at second-hand. In the vegetable world, then, -must we find the first traces of organic life. But though plants thus -manufacture protoplasm, they are not wholly protoplasm, but consist of -various other elements necessary in an organized form. The manufacture -of protoplasm may be considered the end of the vegetable world. This -substance builds up the animal world, and forms a connecting link -between the kingdoms. - -How long it took protoplasm to produce its ultimate animal man we cannot -ascertain, but the numerous species and varieties thereof between the -simplest and most complete compounds signify a labor of which we can -scarcely conceive, and yet science has traced and classified it all, -each succeeding link in the chain being a little more complex, until man -appears. As no higher types have been produced it is fair to presume -that none can be. The formula, then, that will present man will include -everything below him in the order of creation, not only in the animal -and vegetable kingdoms, but in the inorganic world upon which the -vegetable is founded. - -It remains to be observed that in the order of nature each of the -various species of animals reproduces its kind, and gradually merges -into the next higher, but never recedes. Each species represents in -different proportions and numbers the “structural units,” from which, -reproduction follows, each unit containing the life principle -representative of the general life principle of the animal from which it -comes. Now, it is predicated as a result of the study of nature that -this life principle is the determining power that controls the process -whereby protoplasm builds up such various and dissimilar material -reforms. Dead protoplasm consists of carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and -nitrogen; living protoplasm, of these permeated and held together by -this life principle, and this differs in its controlling power according -to the formations it has gone through. Thus the “structural unit” of the -lion or of the horse, containing the life principle peculiar to each, -develops into a lion or a horse, as the case may be, unless in this -process it is furnished with living protoplasm containing a life -principle of different determining powers, when the aggregate result is -a modification of the two powers. - -Again, if the phenomena presented by matter are its absolute properties, -the same elements and combinations should always produce identical -results when taken into the human system. Do facts coincide with this? -This “matter of life” should, if it is simply matter, always produce -similar effects from whatever source it is derived. It is a -physiological fact, however, that habitual living upon certain kinds of -food—all containing this identical “matter of life”—does produce -heterogeneous effects, mental and physical, upon the system. Thus, if a -person who has constantly lived upon animal food changes his diet -entirely to fruit and vegetables, a corresponding change will take place -in his individual capacities. - -The same point is well illustrated by a case which occurred in England, -where saltpetre, obtained direct from the soil, was quite inert compared -with that obtained from animal substances, the cause of the difference -being due to the tact that the latter, in passing through the animal -kingdom, had acquired a power which it did not previously possess. This -illustration is of general application. It is evident that matter, in -passing through each successive and higher organic form, becomes -impregnated with the life principle which determines such form, and -which manifests itself in all future combinations into which such matter -enters. - -The question now naturally arises, Is there a life principle common to -all matter, which has become variously modified as the elements of -matter have become modified by having given rise to or passed through -the different changes and steps between its original homogeneous state -and its present heterogeneous condition? Or are we to conclude that all -matter is dead, except that termed “matter of life?” That there is, -consequently, no life except organic life, and that this organic life is -a special creation entering into a single compound, which thereby raised -to the dignity of “matter of life,” makes use of other elements as -auxiliaries to its supreme rule? With all proper deference to “matter of -life,” we would ask, what do we know of life except as a result of -motion? and where can matter be found that does not manifest motion? and -how could the compound in which the “matter of life” is first found, -have been compounded without motion? If the life principle, manifested -by protoplasm, is simply a property of matter, I see no logical reason -why the motion existing in matter should not with equal propriety be -called its property. This brings us to first principles, to the -threshold of elemental combination, for if this power determines the -forms compounds shall assume, why should it not determine simple -elemental form also? - -Protoplasm is the foundation of all organic life; and if we add to this -that this substance is itself the ultimate of a previous system of -formation, the formula will express the whole. Yet it must not be -forgotten that the building up of organic life is the result of a -constructive power common to the universe, and not indigenous to -protoplasm alone. It must then be apparent that there is a power common -to all matter, of which the motion or life inherent in living protoplasm -is but a modification; also, that the capacity of this common power for -modification is only limited by the necessary forms to represent it, and -the time required to develop them. - -If this view of the power that pervades the universe is correct, the -real basis of life lies retrospectively far behind the motion contained -in or manifested by the matter of life, and this motion, instead of -being life of matter in its absolute sense, is but one of its modes of -expression. This homogeneous power common to matter still exists, -undisturbed in extent, though most heterogeneously distributed in the -formations which make up the present external universe. - -The basis of physical life, then, is this power, and this power is the -same that was found to be unitary, though incomprehensible in its -extent, while its manifestations are simply symbolic of that unlimited -power which is alone attributable to the Unknowable, commonly designated -God. If this conclusion is not in accordance with the modes of -manifestation, there is no halting-place between it and the opposite -extreme of the materialist that “there is no God”—that matter is all -there is in the universe. If materialistic philosophy involve “grave -error,” it becomes the duty of all who detect this tendency to preserve -and point out the distinctions between the “matter of life” and the life -of matter. - -If the true province of philosophy is to discern the “soul of truth,” -said to exist “in all erroneous things,” it ill becomes the ultra -Spiritualist with a “soul of truth,” contained within his vast body of -errors, to denounce the ultra Materialist, who, if he has not the “soul -of truth,” has a vast body of it. To the superficial thinker, the -Materialist may seem to be the more consistent of the two, as he can in -part comprehend his truth, while the Spiritualist cannot. Whether one is -more or less consistent than the other matters not, so far as their -predications are concerned. - -But the ultra Spiritualist would show his consistency by descending to -the plane of the Materialist to find in his “body of truths” evidences -of the handiwork of his God, which his ultra religious ideas fail to -furnish; and the ultra Materialist would show his by ascending to the -plane of the Spiritualist to find in his “soul of truth” the key that -shall transform his “body of truth” into living evidence of an unlimited -Power entirely beyond the pale of matter or the keenest scientific -analysis. - - - - - TENDENCIES AND PROPHECIES OF THE PRESENT AGE. - - [Revised from the American Workman of October 9, 1869.] - - - NO. I. - -It is eminently proper, before approaching the future of any subject, to -make strictest inquiry and most diligent search in and around its -present—to look with retrospective glance upon the convergent paths of -the past that have led to its present, and to catch the indices pointing -onward; and, having found them, to judge whether such as Time’s -unfolding calendar has left here and there along the pathway of passing -events were reliable prophecies of what was to come—were truthful -indications of what was to follow. In the judgment determined and -warranted by the evidences obtained, a certain basis may be found upon -which to predicate the prophecies of the living present. - -The existing present is the absolute result of the eternal past; the sum -total of all that has gone before; the product of God’s everlasting -workings, by and through unchangeable law upon the elemental material -universe; nor can there be extracted from this result, this sum total, -this product, one simple separate effect which is not the legitimate -offspring of the operation of immutable law, co-extensive with the -universe, and co-existent with God. - -A proposition that there are powers within God’s realm which did not -spring from Him, or that the Original Cause has, in the economy of -Nature, found it necessary to amend and change the original law, in -order to accomplish His original purpose, or that contingencies have -arisen which have demanded special enactments on the part of the Divine -Ruler, presupposes that God did not know the end from the beginning, or, -knowing it, was incompetent to provide therefor. Such a proposition, -entertained by the human mind, destroys within it the God of the -universe, and leaves the world, to it, a mere toy in the hands of its -master, subject, at all times, to the caprices of his infinite rule, to -be led here and there by circumstances he knew not of previous to their -external development. - -It may be said, that reasoning upon the character of God’s government, -or the mode through which he manifests himself to the world, is not -pertinent to the subject in view; to those who think thus the query -should be propounded—What of the _future_ without a reliable present? -and what of the effects that must follow, if the operating, existing -general laws of the universe be not the same in a thousand years as now? -It becomes, then, extremely important that some permanent, unchangeable -basis be found before proceeding to predicate the future; and unless God -is the same yesterday, to-day and forever, we can find no certain basis -upon which to stand and from which we can start. - -We have but to question the earth whether or not, from its incipiency -onward through countless ages, it has obeyed the one great command, -Progress? and in answer received, determine if, in the past, God has -found it necessary to change the great fundamental laws of the universe. -Geology tells in unmistakable writings what the earth was; we have but -to look about us to see what it is. At no time since _it was_ can we -learn that the law of progressive unfoldment has been inverted, and the -world turned backward toward its commencing point. Since this has not -occurred in the past, we may safely assume that it will not occur in the -future; the law of progress may be accepted as one of God’s immutable -decrees. The universe to-day, in all its variety and beauty, is no more -in essence than it was millions of years ago, when it first assumed its -orbital movements; the same elements exist in the exact quantity—nothing -added—nothing taken away. Progress is simply a new arrangement of -elementary principles. - -Simple elements are indestructible; when two or more are combined, and -produce an effect, the combination may be destroyed, and the elements -separated and returned to their natural condition. This process is not -one of destruction, but simply of change of the relations of the -elements that formed the combination. An acorn deposited in the earth -attracts to itself such elements as produce growth; after years of -labor, the mighty oak is the result. Although in its formation it has -taken from the earth and air certain properties, the same quantity of -such proportions still exists—nothing new has been created, a new form -only has been produced by Nature, testifying that she never rests. Now, -suppose a power were applied to the oak to dissolve it, the oak only -would be destroyed, not the properties that entered into its -composition. - -It is supposed there are a certain number of elementary principles -contained in and that make up the material universe; were these -principles simple units, incapable of divisibility, we could, by -applying the rule of geometrical progression, soon arrive at the exact -number of different combinations, and consequently the exact number of -different forms they are capable of producing; but, being infinite in -quantity and divisibility, infinitude of form and effect is possible. -The power of arrangement being infinite, infinitude of association and -combination is the legitimate result. - -Combination and association began in the simplest forms! When God, by -his omnipotent voice, spoke the earth into existence, as an individual -planet, it contained exactly the same elements of which it is now -composed; but they were simply in elemental form, without organization, -and, consequently, without variety of manifestation in form; motion -being an inherent quality, constant agitation brought the elements into -relations and combinations, simple at first; but by constant change they -arose from the simple to the complex, and from the complex toward the -infinite, and in the sum total of them we have the living present. - -The argument does not require that minute examination of geological -science be made, following, one by one, the rise and fall, the -organization and destruction of each of its classified periods, nor of -the specific results by and through each; but only to recognize _the -law_ by which these results are arrived at. It is possible to so trace -and classify these results as to show a continuous chain of progression, -link by link, from the simplest form of combination, to the most complex -and perfect, wherein all the original elements were first -represented—man! Having arrived at perfection of form, wherein all the -properties of the material world find themselves forming a part, it -might reasonably be accepted that progression in formation would cease; -while it has ceased so far as producing higher types is concerned, it -has not in the quality of the types already produced; and in this -proposition lies the greatest problem of life; the one most difficult -for the human mind to grasp. Man, representing in form all that has gone -before, is the result of the grand chain of progressive material -formations; and, having combined within his physical form a portion of -every element contained in the world, he may be likened in his infancy -to the infancy of the earth. God, in spirit, pervades all material -nature, and the union—if union it may be called—forms a perfect whole, -and man being an epitome of all things contained in the material world, -receives into his organization the spirit of each of its representative -constituent parts, and consequently is endowed with all the spiritual -attributes of the universe, the attributes of God! and, as God is -eternal, man, created in His image, must likewise be eternal. - -As the earth, in its first efforts at organization, combined but few of -its principles, and presented the crudest form, and as time rolled on -and its combinations continued to include more and more of the several -principles, so with man; in his infancy his spiritual manifestations -were crude in the extreme, but there has constantly been brought into -co-operative combination, more and more of the spiritual principles, and -higher and higher types of spiritual manifestations have been the -result. - -If man, as a unit, were analyzed to-day, he would be found to be made up -spiritually of the elements corresponding to that age of the development -of the physical world of which he is now the representative; that is to -say, in his manifestations spiritually, he exhibits the same ratio of -spiritual elements that the earth did in her manifestations in material -elements at the time in her growth corresponding with the present -condition and growth of man. - -If cool and deliberate reason, unbiased by mythological and theoretical -dogmas, be applied to the correspondence between the material and -spiritual elements, the conclusion can scarcely fail to be arrived at, -that each primary element of the material universe is the external -expression and representative of a spiritual attribute of God; and as -there are a definite number of elements in nature, forming the perfect -_material whole_, so there are an equal number of analagous spiritual -elements that constitute the _spiritual whole_. - -As the elements and their corresponding interior principles are -susceptible of infinite combinations and associations, the varied -manifestations of nature and man are readily accounted for. Nor should -it be forgotten that each of the manifestations is the legitimate and -inevitable result of the combination out of which it springs; and, as -the combination is not self-creative, but the result of the action of -progressive law, so the effect of the combination is but the outward -expression of the purposes contained within the law, behind the -formation of the combination, and is thus the result of God’s operative -law of progress. - -Having argued thus far to show that the _present age_, material, mental -and spiritual, is the legitimate result of the law of progressive -development, the following propositions are deduced therefrom, forming a -basis or platform from which to ask of the present—What of the future? -Whither doth it lead? - -First—All power, wherever manifested, is a unit. - -Second—God is the source of all power, and the elements the subject of -its application. - -Third—Each attribute of God has its corresponding material element. - -Fourth—All the material elements constitute the material world; all the -spiritual elements, God. - -Fifth—There is nothing contained in creation outside of the power of -God, on the one hand, and the elementary principles on the other—the -first positive, the last negative. - -Sixth—Nothing can be added to what was; nothing taken away from what is. - -Seventh—All the diversities in nature are the legitimate effect of the -power of God, operating through and upon different elements, and -different proportions of different elements, contained in nature, the -diversity being infinite, because the material and producing power are -infinite. - -Eighth—Man, collectively, being the representative of all the material -and spiritual elements, the individual diversities observed in him are -the legitimate result of the different relative proportions of these -elements contained in his organization. - -Ninth—The present is the result of spiritual principles acting upon and -through the material elements during the eternal past. - -Giving a comprehensive glance at the world it will be seen that -_government_ of some kind is everywhere established, which purports to -rule the people embraced within certain geographical boundaries. An -analysis of each form, from the crudest and most barbarous up through -all the modifications of civilized government, will discover that each -government was a true exponent of the character of the people by or over -whom it was established. Every country, as it advances in intellectual -and moral development, demands modifications in its government adapted -to the improved capacity of the people. Hence, as the character of the -governed progresses, so must that of the government keep pace with that -of the governed, else the power behind it will rise to its _might_, and -_sweep it away_. - -There is but little doubt that the government of this country is the -highest form now in existence on the earth; but to show how crude and -even barbarous it is, reference only has to be made to the terrible -conflict it has just survived, which became inevitable and necessary as -the only practical demonstration of the power of the principles upon -which it purports to have been founded—that all men are born free and -equal, and entitled to certain inalienable rights, among which are life, -liberty and the pursuit of happiness. This proposition was made -fundamental by great and good men, the representative lights of the -country at that time, standing far in advance of the general mind. -Liberty and equity had burst upon their souls under the sway of tyranny -and oppression, which became so odious that anything was preferable to -them, to longer enduring its injustice. In this land, far removed from -that where freedom could not lift its head—with a mighty ocean rolling -between, they felt they had found a secure asylum from further -oppression, and a land where their new-born hopes could be realized. -But, unfortunately, all who came to the _New World_ had not these hopes -and anticipations; some there were who still desired the strong hand of -the tyrant to sway; and, thus invoked, it reached even across the mighty -deep, and sought anew to enslave these new-born sons of freedom. -Submission they never thought of—resistance was their only theme; and -most thoroughly did they resist; through the long conflict that ensued, -carried on by them under every conceivable disadvantage, their hopes -never completely died out; and at last—triumphant over the crown—freedom -reigned! - -It cannot be wondered at that souls rising from such a conflict as the -Revolution, triumphant, should assert so broad a proposition in behalf -of equality as they did at the commencement of the struggle; nor is it -wonderful that the great majority of the people did not understand, or -did not have a full perception of the principle for which their -representatives periled their lives and fortunes and pledged their -sacred honor; but principles which were but partially discerned by the -Fathers of the Republic have now grown into rules of action enforced by -the sanctions of fundamental law; slavery of the body is no longer -possible; the verdict of the majority of the people proclaimed it -“behind the age.” - -The South, recognizing this fact, knew that separation from the -progressive mind of the North was the only chance for the continuance of -a system which furnished so many excuses for physical, mental and moral -lethargy; and in their attempt to separate, they precipitated a conflict -in which history repeated itself, and freedom came out triumphant; thus -what sprung from the seeds of tyranny and oppression, left scattered -here and there by those who made that broad declaration, have been -finally uprooted, and never more can take root and flourish under the -scorching blaze of freedom’s noontide sun. - -That physical, mental and spiritual lethargy was the condition of the -South under the system of slavery all statistics touching this point -indisputably attest; and the verdict of fifty years will pronounce the -abolition of their system the greatest blessing God has yet vouchsafed -them; it has opened the door of progress for all things, material and -spiritual, and has rescued from the barbaric chains of the past a -country more favored by God, in the bestowal of natural advantages, than -any other on the face of the globe. - -The general love of freedom, because it is an inherent right, is one of -the first evidences the soul presents that it is growing from the -boundaries and control of the material, from which it sprang, into those -of the spiritual toward which it tends. When this love first takes root -the soul has attained that degree of development wherein the spiritual -has the superior control of the individual, resulting from the -predominance of the spiritual over the material. - -The fact that the general sentiment of the country demanded that slavery -should no longer exist within its boundaries, is a very significant one, -when considered in connection with the tendencies and prophecies of the -present; it shows that the capacity and desire for freedom is being -rapidly developed in the human soul; it indicates that the mind begins -to appreciate what freedom really guarantees to its votaries in its -broadest signification; it begins to recognize the glorious truth that -every soul will, sooner or later, demand and receive all its rights. - -The demands of public sentiment, which have already resulted in -modifications of the constitution of the country, will not stop at the -door of African slavery, which it has thrown wide open; there are many -other systems of slavery still left to be abolished; while they do not -all enslave the body, they so fetter the soul and the mind, that their -influence is even more pernicious and galling than the enslavement of -the body. - -The African slave, toiling under the burning sun in the cotton, rice and -sugar plantations of the South, was virtually in possession of more -freedom of soul than are many of the white race, even in our own midst. -Look into these things, and see if, while you have “cast the mote out of -your brother’s eye,” you have not a “_beam_” in your own; these, however -numerous, will in turn and time demand of the people and of the -government, when in its province, such attention as may be required to -extend freedom in all directions where “life, liberty and the pursuit of -happiness” legitimately lead. - -The history of the past as well as the tendencies of the present -prophecy with distinctness and positiveness that the demand will soon go -out, not only for a government founded on equal rights to all, but whose -laws shall be administered with justice and equity, guaranteeing freedom -of body, mind and soul to every living intelligence. - -From evidences rapidly accumulating, it is believed that this country is -ripening for such a form and administration of government; but in the -present condition of society and of servitude to its customs, the -imperfect and partial manner of arriving at representation, and of -making and administering law, such a reform cannot be inaugurated; that -is to say, although such a reform would be acceptable to and welcomed by -the country, and will soon be demanded by it, as yet it is impossible to -organize an effort, strictly within itself, that could effect it, -because there is not a sufficient concentration of understanding upon -the requirements to be met, nor of wisdom enough to draft for these -requirements adequate laws and forms of administration. Were such a code -prepared and submitted to the people, do you think it would be rejected? - -In the earlier days of the republic legislation seems to have been -conducted upon constitutional principles; but in these latter days it -has so far departed from its seeming mainsprings of action that it is -safe to assert that legislation, founded strictly upon considerations of -principles of justice and right, is unknown in the land. If sometimes a -great principle is demonstrated through legislation, it will invariably -be found upon strict investigation, that the legislation was not -predicated upon the principle, but upon some personal or party benefit -expected to flow therefrom; the _principle_, therefore, stands under -obligation to the expected benefit, and to the party _needing_ it, and -will doubtless, in its impartial operations, _remember_ them. While this -condition is a perfectly legitimate one, flowing from adequate producing -causes, there are individual minds and souls, by thousands, who rise in -their capacities for government out of it, and demand reform and the -essential truth of Principle. - -Government may be compared to an individual who, having committed some -infringement upon the law of justice, is impelled, by the position it -forces him into, to continue the practice to sustain himself from -falling; but as a system of injustice cannot be perpetual, fail he must, -sooner or later; and the longer it is delayed, the more complete will be -the wreck and ruin when it comes;—as with the individual, so it must be -with the State. Once started upon a system of law-making and executing -not founded upon principles of justice and right, the course must be -pursued and sustained by further enactments, either to _cover_ the -deformities of the previous proceeding or _hide_ its purposes, and -unless righteous judgment come to the rescue before the course has led -to wide-spread and apparent corruption throughout all its channels of -administration, it must eventually culminate in the downfall of the -government, if not in the destruction of the nation. - -Policy, not principle, is the ruling power behind all present -legislation. Policy, inevitably and indiscriminately, leads to -corruption. Corruption, obeying the inherent laws of its own nature, -untouched by and beyond the control of the enactments that first gave it -life and afterward fostered its growth, must culminate in certain -destruction to all parts involved, whether it be within the body human, -the body corporate or the body politic. - -Did the Republican party, as a party, desire the freedom of the negro -simply and solely because it was one of his natural rights? Would -freedom have been extended to him by that party had it been positively -known that all his influence would be used against it? Or would the -Democratic party, as a party, have opposed the enfranchisement of the -negro had it been known that he would become its political ally? - -Judging from the indices of the past, it is fair to suspect, at least, -if not to conclude, that the Republican party is expecting another such -exigency as existed when it was found politic to extend freedom and -suffrage to the negro; and in the question of female suffrage, for which -the demand is now being earnestly made, there is but little doubt that -it sees another means of salvation in the future, and seeks to postpone -the question until the exigency shall become more imminent and -dangerous. It may be argued that the Republican party was organized upon -the principles of freedom. If this were wholly true, it would be also -true that it had no sooner become a party in power than it resolved -itself into a tribunal to define the limits for the application of the -very principles that had placed it in power; thereby endeavoring to -prostitute the principle to subserviency to the policy of its leaders, -instead of calmly and firmly following where it would legitimately lead; -like all parties and sects, of previous origin, it built upon a -principle, and then, instead of wisely following, recklessly attempted -to guide it. - -With all the prestige of possession, and of being the acknowledged -representative of the principle which had carried it into power, the -result of the late elections began to be feared by the party, because -its leaders knew they had driven it from its birthright, and led it -after strange gods; and, had the opposing party been actuated by true -progressive principles of justice, no man, however popular in himself, -could have saved it from destruction. - -Conscious of having departed from the principles that gave it power, the -Republican party is even now seeking every means within its grasp to -fortify itself behind measures looking solely to success in ’72; but it -is prophesied that ere that time there will have sprung into existence -another party that will not be the mere professed representative of -freedom and equal rights to all, but the actual, living, moving, -irresistible incarnation of those principles. - -The lines of policy pursued by party leaders, and the channels of -corruption opened by the executive officers of the government, have -produced a result so wide-spread in its influence and ramifications -that, instead of their being under the control of the government, they -exert a vast if not controlling power over all its actions; it is not -necessary to go beyond its own records to establish this fact; every -newspaper in the country teems with evidence in point; the clergy have -deemed the situation dangerous enough to hurl the anathemas of the -Church against it; the dramatist and the artist, the poet and the -philosopher, have each dealt his blow, while the “toiling millions” -everywhere cry for reform. - -So general and earnest has the demand for reform become that something -must be done; the gathering masses of corruption all over the body will -soon have ripened to bursting; and who can tell how much the body itself -has become involved. May it not be feared that it does not possess -sufficient recuperative purity and strength to stand the shock? Could -the enlightened mental, moral and spiritual elements of the country -which are possessed by those who stand in the front ranks of the -advancing column of progress be combined into organized action, they -might be able to arrest the abnormal growth of corruption, and, by -strengthening and stimulating the sound members of the body to -co-operative action, restore the whole system to its normal condition. - -The machinery of the government has become so complex and unwieldy—so -full of departmental and petty offices—that it is utterly beyond the -power of one man, though he be “_a great and mighty_ President,” to -understand and control it. - -The tendencies of the government being dangerous to the liberties of the -people, their demand for reform is earnest, and must be heeded. But -where will reformation begin? To whom must we look for relief? If we go -to Congress with the Constitution in our hands, and demand such -legislation as would give practical efficiency to the preamble and -charter of freedom, they may possibly pay sufficient attention to the -subject to pass a joint resolution setting forth that, while certain -inalienable rights seem to be guaranteed to all, still Congress must be -the dispensing power and judge of its application; and that it has -decided that the negro shall be the first on the list—next, perhaps, the -Indian may come in—next the Chinaman, and all the ends of the -earth—except woman. Yes, go to Congress for relief from onerous taxes, -wrung from the blood and bones of the laboring poor to fill the coffers -of government vampires, and they will answer you by passing some new -_Revenue Act_, in whose cunningly prepared articles will be found traps -set for the people’s money, which the trained bands of political party -secretly manage on joint account for themselves and their party leaders; -it will answer you by granting new subsidies to corporations already -grown rich from the fruits of the labor of the people; by granting to -powerful monopolies still further privileges increasing their power -through bribery and corruption to make subordinate the welfare of the -country to their own selfish purposes, and by favoring all schemes for -the _centralization of power_. Such being the answers to your demands, -there is still a tribunal to which you can appeal, which in all time -past has heard and answered the _demands of the age_. - -In the system of _special_ and _class_ legislation causes of corruption -and the downfall of governments may always be found; it is the bane of -the nations, whence flows that subtle, entrancing poison that permeates -all the arteries and veins of a country—so quietly and alluringly to the -people, that, before its effects are suspected, the vital principle of -the government is destroyed, and the lifeless form finally falls to rise -no more forever; or, if the spiritless form be still upheld by the -usurper, it is only retained as “a cheat and a delusion” to shield the -person of the tyrant who has enslaved his victims in the name and under -the guise of liberty. - - - - - TENDENCIES AND PROPHECIES OF THE PRESENT AGE. - - [Revised from the American Workman of Oct. 16, 1870.] - - - NO. II. - -The subject of government and the solution of all its difficulties seem -to hinge upon the question, Where does God’s government drop its sway -(if it does so at all), and where does man take it up, on his own -account, by inherent natural right, guaranteed to him by the law that -gave him being? The only modification of this question required to be -considered is, How far man is or can be the authorized, competent agent -of the Almighty in working out His purposes? To solve all these -questions it becomes necessary to determine what the fundamental -principles of government must be, to be in harmony with the laws of God, -and to adopt them and to follow them out to all their legitimate -conclusions and results, discarding everything else. In such government -and legislation the eternal principles of right, which are God’s laws, -are in full force and effect, and _man_, thus far, an authorized -competent agent in the administration of His decrees in the material -world. - -Whether a government founded or administered upon any other basis than -the eternal principles of right and justice can or cannot be enduring, -is a proposition the simplest mind may solve. Progress is from the lower -to the higher; in its certain and irresistible march all systems and -things that have risen out of the circumstances of the times to which -they belong will be swept away to make room for the new and the better; -but principles and self-evident truths that were contained in such -systems will endure to be incorporated into all future systems. - -There can be no higher form of expression than that life, liberty and -the pursuit of happiness are “_inalienable_” rights to _all_; and, being -such, it is safe to assume that it will always remain as a fundamental -proposition in the organic law of this country; and legislation will be -required to guide itself by it, instead of being its exponent. - -Change upon change will come in the future, as it has in the past, until -government will become so simplified as to have for its foundation -nothing but an annunciation of general principles of justice and equity, -as self-evident truths upon which all legislation must be based. - -Passing, for a time, the consideration of the principles of government, -it may be well to inquire into the injustice of some of its present -details. All men, and women, too, are _born_ free and equal, entitled to -certain natural rights, which no government has the right to take from -them. While every man and woman is a result of the general law of -procreation, there are distinguishing points peculiar to each, which -renders every _one_ different from every _other_; thus no two persons -can be so precisely alike as to make their individuality the same; -consequently no two persons are governed by the same internal and -external mainsprings of action and influence. Let the same power and -influence be exerted upon different individuals, no matter how nearly -they may _resemble_ each other, different results will flow from each, -the character of which will be absolutely determined by the status of -the development of, and the relations between the material, and -spiritual elements represented in the individuals acted upon. No -argument is needed to prove this proposition; and the legitimate -deduction to be drawn from it is, that no judgment of the action of the -individual, by others, is just that does not take into consideration all -the various points in character and influence under which action is -produced. - -It must not be forgotten that all thought and action on the part of an -individual is the legitimate result of some competent producing cause, -operating by natural law. The cause being competent, the law of -operation natural, and the result consequently legitimate, can another’s -idea of right step in to sit in judgment over the action, and render a -verdict of justice to the actor? Or, can any number of individuals -determine what the demands of justice are which God himself has declared -by the mouth of all His holy prophets, material and spiritual. “Judgment -is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord.” - -No one can hope to escape the judgments of the eternal law, or to hide -himself from God’s officers of justice; but must by them be brought -before its stern, undeviating bar, to receive its unpardonable sentence. -But, says the objector, this does not satisfy me, who have suffered from -the offence. What if it does not satisfy you? God is satisfied; and are -you greater than He, that you may question His justice? If you are not -yet satisfied, God will most surely satisfy you in His own good time. - -Look into your statutes, and within them, find their own stultification. -They assert that no criminal shall be subjected to two trials and -penalties for the same offence; but, in the face of this righteous rule, -and with the positive knowledge that God has already tried, convicted -and sentenced the murderer, the courts of the country take possession -and control of the criminal, proceed to try, convict, condemn and hang -him by the neck until he is dead. Rest assured God will not overlook -this attempt of yours to forestall his judgments. - -We stop here to make a broad assertion: For man to affix certain -definite penalties as punishment for so-called crime is to arrogate to -himself what alone belongs to God! - -Stumbling-blocks are constantly found in the path of progress, against -which the earnest traveler finds himself precipitated; these consist of -the ideas of the past, clothed with form and expression, and which were -set up by their conceivers as “guides and lights” of their times, for -those who groped their way by such assistance. The earnest seeker after -light finds these set up all along his path, declaring “thus far shalt -thou go, and no farther;” but he, catching a glimpse of the light so -bright beyond, clears the obstruction by a single bound, and goes on his -way rejoicing, seldom deeming it his duty to turn upon and cast what to -him was but a hindrance from the path of progress, so that others coming -that way should not encounter it, who perhaps might lack the power to -surmount it. “Let your light shine” so that those who come after you may -be aided thereby. - -A single argument upon the question of the relations between debtor and -creditor, which is maintained by the present laws, will be sufficient to -illustrate the whole subject of customs, authorities and laws, which are -obstructions in the path of progress. The time was when imprisonment for -debt was authorized by law in all the States of this land of freedom -(?); but the spirit of progressive justice has been at work until but -few of the States now retain this libel upon Christian civilization to -disgrace their statutes. Imprisonment for debt! What good ever resulted -from it? The malignity of the creditor may have satisfied itself by -still further humiliating the broken spirits of the debtor; but the -creditor, by such action, places it still further beyond the power of -the unfortunate debtor to satisfy the demand. It is asserted, without -fear of successful contradiction, that the same deleterious effects -generally flow from all similar laws. All kinds of crime are but species -of debt, and the same rule applies with about the same force to its laws -and penalties. Imprisonment for debt has been pretty generally -abolished, but still our statute books are laden with laws to enforce -collection. - -A philosopher and economist, not long ago, fully investigated the -relations between debtor and creditor, and the practical results of the -laws now in force, and arrived at the “deliberate conclusion” that the -costs attending the attempts to collect debts by legal process were -three times the amount collected; not a very flattering commentary upon -the policy of the law, and certainly not a paying investment to the -crediting part of our community. This conclusion may at first thought -appear fallacious; but when the expensiveness of courts, and the immense -incomes of lawyers who practice at their bars, are considered, the -afterthought will fully sustain the conclusion. It is believed by many -that if there were no laws at all to enforce collection, there would be -many less _bad debts_; even now a debt of honor is held by public -opinion to have precedence of those which the _law_ claims the right to -enforce. - -The thinker of ordinary capacity will see at a glance that an immense -amount of labor would be withdrawn from the courts, which now bears -heavily upon the people, not only in the form of taxes to pay for -court-houses, jury-rooms and judges’ salaries, but in the waste of time -employed in jury-boxes by men dragged from their inevitable toil, and -held as prisoners, while their wives and children are often suffering, -and even dying, from the want of their care and attention at home. -Contracts should be so well defined as to admit of no misunderstanding; -and if there was no method of collection and enforcement, there would be -very many less disagreements; hence, in no light in which it can be -viewed, does our present system commend itself to the wisdom and justice -of the reflecting; on the contrary, it throws open the door for cunning -and knavery to enter to test their strength through technical evasions -and blind inferences, practiced, on the unwary and ignorant by the -“_Quirks_, the _Gammons_ and the _Snaps_,” who, as _vampires_ of the -time-honored profession they disgrace, feed and fatten upon the -misfortunes of the deluded, long-forbearing, long-suffering _children of -toil_. - -It may be safely asserted that a very large part of _all law_ contained -within the statutes of the world, when analyzed, will present about the -same deleterious results in practice and in the opportunities presented -for infringement and subsequent evasion of their penalties that -inevitably flow from all laws for the collection of debts. - -The time has probably not yet come for the abolishment of all such laws, -but the time has come when the relations of individual debtors and -creditors should be left to the control of general principles of -justice, which declare that a contract once fairly made, an obligation -once fairly incurred, can never be discharged until satisfaction shall -have been entered upon the record by divine justice. - - - - - TENDENCIES AND PROPHECIES OF THE PRESENT AGE. - - [Revised from the American Workman of Oct. 30, 1870.] - - - NO. III. - -When it is considered, how much the useful portion of life is dependent -upon the preparatory part, the character of the influences brought to -bear during that part, and the manner of their application, become a -subject of deep importance. Education has received the most special -attention from scholars, savants and professors; but they seem to have -forgotten or to have ignored the fact that within the mind is contained -the germ of all acquirements, and that teaching by rule merely what -others have said or written, cramps and dwarfs the mind which, under a -more natural system, would more rapidly and more healthfully develop its -latent powers, through its stimulated efforts to evolve ideas connected -with such facts and phenomena as may be exhibited to it, and thus become -a part of the mind itself. - -Instead of training the mind to rely upon method, books and authorities -as rules, it should be encouraged to form methods of its own. The mind -should be questioned, and its answers listened to, instead of being -furnished by the teacher. - -The mode proposed has many decided advantages. It inspires -self-reliance, disciplines the mind to think for itself, accustoms it to -express its own conclusions in its own chosen language, leads to clear -and comprehensive forms of expression, gives decision and confidence, -and tends to produce individuality of thought and character. - -The Children’s Progressive Lyceum, instituted upon this idea, has -already been inaugurated, and should receive the careful and -unprejudiced attention of all interested in educational reform. Children -who have been under this system but a few months are able to stand -before an audience, and, in a clear and comprehensive manner, speak -without embarrassment upon any subject comprehended by their minds. The -coming generations will acknowledge a debt of gratitude to the founder -of this system which no depth of respect or reverence could fully -express. - -No proposition can be made which will be more readily accepted by the -general progressive mind than that, as the world advances in knowledge -and wisdom, its general welfare becomes more and more dependent upon -reciprocal interests; that is to say, as _persons_ and _nations_ become -more and better individualized, their reliance upon interests outside of -themselves becomes more positively and distinctly defined; thus a system -of mutual dependence and reciprocal interests is every day being more -widely inaugurated, which will continue to spread until the whole world -will be brought into harmonious co-operation. This is _commerce_! -Commerce, to the material world, is what thought is to the -spiritual—interchange and exchange of material product in the one and of -spiritual in the other—hence no restrictions or embargoes should be -placed on the one which would not be legitimate if placed upon the -other. The dependence and independence of each is mutual and general. - -Restrictions upon commerce is a system of commercial slavery, flowing -from _politic_ and _special_ legislation, and is in violation of the -eternal principles of right, because it renders equality in interchange -impossible. If it is the right principle to restrict commerce between -nations, it extends to States, to cities and to individuals as well. - -Under the rule of an unrestricted commercial intercourse throughout the -world, the principle of supply and demand would control the movements of -commerce without the aid of legislation; and, when once fully -established, it would give stability and security to production -everywhere. The products of the world entering into commerce would -localize themselves where they naturally belong—where most could be -produced with the least labor; and, population obeying the laws of -equalization, would adjust itself to the demands of the respective -interests of productive labor. This is a vast problem, in the solution -of which the whole world is vitally interested, and one which, sooner or -later, must be solved. If its solution were possible _now_, coming -generations would look back and bless us for the solving. An -international congress should be called to consider the subject, and to -take proper measures for the inauguration of a system of general economy -in production and consumption. The prophecies of the age point to this -as a reform of sufficient magnitude to demand the immediate attention of -the nations, and to call for a _Christ_ to rise up for their salvation -more powerful than the Democratic Party. - -The political, national or personal advantages which are supposed to -flow from restraints upon commerce, have nothing to do with the question -of general reform. While it is the duty of every nation and every -individual person to press forward the work of reform upon general -principles, each nation and person must always keep in view the law of -_self-preservation_, otherwise individuality will be lost in the -struggle for supremacy, which has hitherto characterized the legislation -of nations and the conduct of individual persons. The great principle of -unrestricted universal commerce can only be practically established by -universal acquiescence in its wisdom and justice. When legislation shall -conform itself to general principles, instead of sectional, local or -personal policy, and when its course shall be shaped by such broad -action, it may be safely prophesied that the government it represents -will be perfect and perpetual. Commerce will then obey the law of -progress, and rise from the petty policies of nations, which strangle -its development and limit its benefits: it will rise to be conducted -upon the dignity of principle, untrammeled by policy; and on this -platform the world will unite in harmonious prosperity under a universal -government, not limited even by the boundaries between the material and -the spiritual world. - -Underlying all advancement and prosperity, material and spiritual, is -action—motion—which, guided by intellect, results in _labor_, without -which the world would be as though man had never been; for no form of -creature below him has ever left permanent artificial beauty, systems of -economy or usefulness as the result of its workings, except in so far as -the form itself may be accounted such. - -What, in two hundred years, has so changed the face of this country from -the wilderness it was to the teeming garden it is, dotted all over with -the habitations of men? What has produced the floating palaces that -everywhere walk its deep waters “like a thing of life?” What has united -all its distant parts by iron bands, along whose guiding lines those -other representatives of _art_ and _motion_ speed, almost outstripping -the wind? What has overcome time and space, and is now extending its -arms to embrace the globe, that we may speak, and that the ends of the -earth answer our call? Marvelous demonstration of the rapidly growing -mutual and reciprocal dependence of the children of men! What has made -the wilderness to blossom as the rose? What has achieved all these -glorious, god-like results? Labor! labor! labor! physical, mental and -spiritual labor! - -Labor, therefore, is the fulcrum of the great lever of progress, lifting -humanity from the material up to the spiritual realm. One short century -ago nearly all physical labor was performed by the hands of man. Since -then the mind has come up to the work, and rescued the body from the -laborious servitude of former times; and now a single mind, directing a -single machine, produces an hundred-fold more than it could when acting -through its own personal machine. The inventive powers of the mind will -continue to produce more labor-saving machines until labor directly with -the hand will be almost, perhaps entirely, superseded. - -The products of the mind, when compared with purely physical labor, are -of inestimable value, and the great distinction everywhere recognized in -their relative compensations is still too limited. No argument is needed -to establish the dignity of labor; it has established itself in becoming -the architect of the great future, by building the past and the present. - -Out of the multiform phases of labor, questions will arise which will -require for their adjustment equitable rules of compensation; the best -talent in the world can find ample scope for useful employment in the -solution of the numerous problems growing out of this vast subject. -_Labor_—physical, mental and spiritual—finding itself in a position of -injustice, is in a state of constant irritation and discontent, and -legitimately seeks redress through the organization of associations to -control its price; but it is at least questionable whether such -combinations have been productive of any permanently beneficial results. -If it could be perceived and comprehended, there must be, in the nature -of things, perfect and complete harmony in the practical operation of -all the working elements or agencies, not only in this world, but in the -boundless universe. - -This problem may find a practical solution in co-operative labor -associations, in which the members share equally the profits upon what -they produce. - -Suppose the entire labor of the country were conducted upon this just -principle, what would be the result? The rapidly accumulating wealth of -the country is the result of labor; if the united labor of the country, -producing this increase, should henceforward share it equally, the -result, in time, would be the _equalization_ of the wealth of the -country, which is now rapidly growing into a necessity, to modify the -luxurious habits of the rich on the one hand, and the crying evils of -poverty on the other, which are rapidly engendering an antagonism, which -will continue to increase in volume and intensity until it will -culminate in a storm that will consume the elements of discord in the -same manner (and upon the same immutable principles) by which African -slavery was abolished in the Southern States of this Union. - -A careful investigation of the co-operative principle will show that it -is not only possible, but perfectly simple and practicable, and that it -is full of glorious prophecy to the vast numbers who are now “ground to -the earth” by the condition of actual slavery to the ordinary demands of -nature which is entailed upon them from generation to generation, -through the operations of false systems, which were founded upon and -which are sustained by injustice and usurpation. - -While viewing this subject in its practical aspects, it must not be -forgotten that _it_, too, is intimately connected with progress, and -subject to its decrees. - -It is a well-established fact that the powers of endurance of the -physical system are growing less, generation after generation, while the -mental power is increasing in about the same ratio; the legitimate -deduction from this fact is in perfect harmony with the general -progressive tendency of all things leading from the purely physical to -the spiritual, from which we may safely prophecy that the time will come -when all labor will be performed by the mind, and when it shall have -acquired perfect dominion over the material. The necessity for physical -endurance will then have ended. The tendency to such a condition, though -it has been, is, and may continue to be gradual, is nevertheless -positive and well-defined. - -Intimately connected with the subject of labor, and the tendency to -perform by the agency of inventions what still devolves upon the direct -application of physical strength, is that of supplying the demands of -the body. The food used now is very different from that of a hundred -years ago. Some who recognize this fact argue that the change of diet -has produced the change in the physical condition; but reasoning from -analogy, and applying the general rules of progress, leads to the -conclusion that the changes in the relative conditions of the physical -and mental, by which the latter asserts superior control, have rendered -a corresponding change of diet necessary; hence it is fair to conclude -that the change grows out of the necessities of the consumer, and is not -the producing cause in the premises; in other and general terms, the -physical system demands and should receive appropriate supplies. - -Hundreds of people who once made use of the flesh of swine have entirely -discarded it from their boards, instinctively feeling that it does not -meet their present demands, and there is a growing distaste for it. -Common observation shows that all kinds of flesh are gradually falling -into disfavor, especially among those who labor mentally or are devoted -to spiritual things. - -As the physical system is gradually being relieved of labor and the -consequent waste of its energies, the character of food it requires -necessarily changes, and in the place of physical strength to be -supplied is that upon which the brain can draw to replenish its wasting -stock; the failure to recognize these demands causes very much of the -dyspepsia from which those who lead sedentary lives suffer so generally; -these should discard those articles of diet that principally contribute -to build up the material, and use such as will impart strength to the -mind. - -There are quite a number of well-authenticated cases of the actual -subsistence of the body upon the elements contained in the atmosphere a -sufficient length of time to show that it could be continued -indefinitely if the proper conditions were preserved. One of these cases -in the State of Kentucky has remained seventeen years in this condition; -one in Chicago nearly four years; there is one in Brooklyn of three -years’ duration; and a number of others from ten to sixty days. In this -condition the physical system becomes entirely renovated, purified, and -almost transparent, and the spiritual faculties intensified many fold. - - - - - TENDENCIES AND PROPHECIES OF THE PRESENT AGE. - - [Revised from the American Workman of Nov. 20, 1870.] - - - NO. IV. - -Arguing from the fact that the character of food subsisted upon is -gradually changed from the purely physical to the more refined and rare, -in connection with that of exceptional cases having existed, in which -supplies were drawn from entirely different sources than digested food, -leads toward the conclusion, at least, that the time will come when men -will have grown out of the necessity of supplying the wasting energies -of the body and mind by the use of food, and into that refined spiritual -condition in which he can draw directly upon the elements which the -atmosphere does or will furnish to supply all his demands. All the -arguments nature furnishes point to this condition. All know how very -important it is to have a plentiful supply of pure air; but how far this -goes toward furnishing the elements of supply demanded by the body, the -deepest inquiries have not decided. - -In a given case, the actual amount in weight that is furnished the body -can be determined; deducting the weight of the excretions and palpable -secretions, it is supposed the difference is consumed by some undefined -process within the body; but who can tell how much and what the system -takes directly from the atmosphere, or how much it gives up to it, that -we have no means of defining by weight or otherwise? We also know that -the atmosphere maintains an immense pressure upon the body, and that it -involuntarily resists this pressure; this could not happen were there -not some well defined and intimate relations between the two upon which -man, as the object, must be greatly dependent. - -Another strong and pointed argument is to be found in the process -sometimes resorted to to sustain life: in cases of great prostration of -the physical system, under exhaustive disease, when the means cannot be -supplied through the medium of the stomach and digestion, they are -furnished by being absorbed into the system through the pores of the -skin. - -The constant death and decay of all the materials upon which we feed, -besides all that vast amount not drawn upon directly, is continually -giving off to the atmosphere the same kind of elements which the body -retains and uses from supplies of food; as they exist in the atmosphere -in the form of elements, and there is a demand within the body for them, -it is only necessary to create and maintain the means of supply to solve -the problem. A glorious prophecy comes forth from the tendencies of -labor toward the mental, and the accompanying necessity for -modifications of diet, adapted to the many gradations man must pass -through to reach a purely spiritual condition. - -The physical system has been the accredited medium through which the -spirit within it—the real man—has wrought, and still is, in all -individuals who are not beyond the point where _spirit_ becomes the -predominant and governing characteristic. In the present, however, there -are scattered here and there among the masses individuals who have -passed—are passing—or are approaching that point in which the spirit, at -times, acts independently of its material machine in which it has been -fostered and cultured, and gives positive proofs of an existence within -the body of an individualized life, which can and does act without the -agency of the body, and performs functions before impossible. There are -a thousand persons, at least, in this country who have a sight entirely -independent of the physical eye, which overleaps the boundaries of -physical vision; penetrates the barriers of external sense, tears off -the mask of hypocrisy and deceit, detects the motives and mainsprings of -action, and lays bare the heart of man. While comparatively but few have -attained this, all are approaching it. What does Paul mean but this when -he says, “Now we see, as through a glass, darkly; but then face to -face”? When the spirit-eye shall have fully pierced its barriers of -flesh, when the body shall have become subservient to the spirit, -instead of the spirit being dependent upon the body, when we “shall see -as we are seen, and know as we are known,” how radical the changes, and -how rapid the strides of advancement will then be! - -Reason for a moment upon the effect that would be produced were every -tenth person suddenly endowed with spirit-sight, and compelled to -demonstrate it by exposing the hearts and the lives of all the rest. -Where could oppression hide itself? Where could the lusts of the flesh -plot their treason against the sovereignty of the spirit, beyond the -range of _spirit vigilance_—this new safeguard of human society, the -eternal law of progress, which is now unfolding? In such a condition of -things, courts of justice, with all their attendant judges, bailiffs and -attorneys-at-law, would find their occupation gone. Prisons would be -converted into asylums and workshops for the weak and unfortunate, and -their keepers into superintendents and teachers. Churches would be -converted into lecture-rooms; and preachers, now hurling their anathemas -against unrepentant sinners, would become professors of the great -principles through and by which the world, and all things, have been -brought from the primary condition thus far on their march toward the -_perfect_. - -Many individuals know that they are under the surveillance of this -spirit-sight, and demonstrate in conduct its beneficent influence; but -the capacity has not yet become sufficiently general to compel the -recognition of its efficacy by the public mind. As the rising sun first -gilds the mountain’s loftiest peak, next the hill-top, then glides along -the inviting slope to the universal plain, where all creation rejoices -under the refulgence of its noonday glories—so comes this _rising -light_, to illumine the hearts and souls of all when it shall have -reached the zenith of its mid-day glory. As the beams reflected from the -mountain top are of the sun, and not the mountains, so are these -spiritual rays of the spiritual sun, and not of the individual -reflecting them, or through whom they may chance to shine. Verily, -verily, I say unto you, this people vaunteth and puffeth itself with -knowledge, but wisdom hath surely departed to the lowly ones of earth! -Religion, clad in its robes “of purple and fine linen,” faring -“sumptuously every day,” forgetting that Christ was cradled in a manger, -and that His disciples were fishermen, continually cries, as did the -“Pharisees and hypocrites” of old: “Can any good thing come out of -Nazareth?” - -The time is not far distant when the possession of spirit-sight will be -accounted of the first importance, not to those only who possess it, but -to the public generally, and will be sought for and made practical to -the honor of its possessors and to the inestimable benefit of all. The -time will come in the not far distant future when those who now cry out, -“Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?” will bow, with becoming -humility, before the later-day _fishermen_; for these will then occupy -the places of public trust, and spirit-telegraphy, having superseded -material wires, will convey the commands of God’s accredited ministers -from the central seat of Power throughout the world. - -Where are all the great of the _past_; its orators, philosophers and -statesmen; Confucius, Zoroaster, Moses, David, Solomon, Lycurgus, -Demosthenes, Cicero, Bonaparte, Washington, and many others, of all -nations and climes, to whom history points as having stood hundreds of -years in advance of their times? Do they still live? and, living, are -they idle? Are their minds withdrawn from subjects to which they were -devoted in this primary school-house of the children of God? Are not -their minds expanded to the comprehension of the great principles of -governmental justice? Are they not better qualified to direct -legislation _now_ than the wisest among us? If they still live as -spirits, if they have had better opportunities of obtaining wisdom and -knowledge pertaining to earth-life than we—can this world avail itself -of their assistance to establish on earth the government of heaven? If -the angel in the bush were possible, why may not angels manifest the -wisdom, power, and justice of God in our legislative halls? Who will -dare to assert that they are not even now seeking another Moses to lead -“His people” up out of Egypt? Then will the prophecies of the present -have reached consummation; then will commence the earthly reign of the -King of kings and Lord of lords, as prophesied by all the holy prophets -of the world; then old things shall pass away and all things become new; -then _the Christ_ shall sit upon the throne, and from his inexhausted -fountain of love, justice shall continually flow over all the earth, “as -the waters cover the sea.” - -As vanish the heavy mists of the morning before the radiance of the -rising sun, so will vanish the clouds that hang around the minds of man, -and shut out the rising spiritual sun, for whose “star in the East” -_wise men_ are continually watching; the sun that will rise higher and -higher, and extend its rays wider and wider, until it shall enlighten -the minds of all mankind, until the icebergs of ignorance, tradition and -superstition are dissolved which now float in the ocean of -progress—society, with its cankered, festering heart; commerce robbed of -its legitimate function; labor of its recompense, and religion of its -spirituality; education lacking wisdom, marriages forming “disunions,” -and women without rights. - -All the false forms of the present must yield their sway to God’s -command—“Let there be light.” The laws of God are never changed—though -old as creation—they are ever new, ever sufficient for all the -vicissitudes of life; they are ever full of wisdom, justice and love; -they are written all over the face of creation, in the bosom of the -earth and in the heart of man; they are uttered by the raging tempest -that rocks the mighty ocean; in the terrible mutterings of the -earthquake; in the fury of destructive battle, when hosts are hurled on -hosts in fraternal strife; through all these the voice of God -proclaims—“Let there be light,” and there is light. - -We also hear its whispers in the gentle zephyrs that stir the bursting -buds and in the blooming flowers that lift their heads to drink the -falling dew; in the hum of busy nature; in the gushing fountain; we see -it in the gambols of the bubbling brook; in the mother’s love for the -new-born life; in the father’s pride; in the unspoken joy of the -maiden’s soul, listening to the first sweet tones of love; in the -magnetic ties of human sympathy which bind all mankind in a common -brotherhood, and in the dawning light of heaven brought to earth by the -angelic hosts to usher in the reign of universal justice, peace and -love. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - 1. 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