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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #67235 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67235)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Caddo Indians of Louisiana, by
-Clarence H. Webb
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: The Caddo Indians of Louisiana
-
-Authors: Clarence H. Webb
- Hiram F. Gregory
-
-Release Date: January 23, 2022 [eBook #67235]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: WebRover, Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed
- Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CADDO INDIANS OF
-LOUISIANA ***
-
-
-
-
-
-
- Department of Culture, Recreation and Tourism
- Louisiana Archaeological Survey and Antiquities Commission
- Anthropological Study No. 2
-
- THE CADDO
- INDIANS
- OF LOUISIANA
-
- [Illustration: Green Corn Ceremony of prehistoric Caddo
- Indians. Presumed village, dress, and utensils about A.D.
- 1000 as reconstructed from archaeological findings. Mural in
- Louisiana State Exhibit Museum, Shreveport.]
-
- _Clarence H. Webb_
-
- _Hiram F. Gregory_
-
- August 1978
-
- Baton Rouge, Louisiana
-
- * * * * *
-
-STATE OF LOUISIANA
-
- Edwin Edwards
- _Governor_
-
-DEPARTMENT OF CULTURE, RECREATION AND TOURISM
-
- Dr. J. Larry Crain
- _Secretary_
-
-ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY AND ANTIQUITIES COMMISSION
-
- _Ex-Officio Members_
-
- Dr. Alan Toth _State Archaeologist_
- Dr. E. Bernard Carrier _Assistant Secretary_, Office of Program
- Development
- Mr. William C. Huls _Secretary_, Department of Natural Resources
- Mr. Leon Tarver _Secretary_, Department of Urban and Community
- Affairs
-
- _Appointed Members_
-
- Mrs. Lanier Simmons Mrs. Dale Campbell Brown Mr. Thomas M. Ryan
- Mr. Fred Benton, Jr. Dr. Clarence H. Webb Dr. Jon L. Gibson
- Mr. Robert S. Neitzel
-
- * * * * *
-
-Editor’s Note
-
-More than 10,000 years of human settlement in Louisiana have left
-a cultural heritage that is both rich and informative. With the
-publication of “The Caddo Indians of Louisiana,” the Department of
-Culture, Recreation and Tourism is pleased to continue the series of
-_Anthropological Studies_ that will illuminate some of the major episodes
-in Louisiana’s past.
-
-The two authors of the present study are eminently qualified authorities
-on the Caddo Indians. Dr. Clarence H. Webb, a well-known Shreveport
-physician, is equally distinguished by his pioneer archaeological
-efforts in the Caddoan area. For more than four decades, he has led the
-professional community in the illumination of Caddoan prehistory. Dr.
-Hiram F. Gregory is Professor of Anthropology at Northwestern State
-University and also a veteran of many years of Caddoan archaeology.
-His professional career, which began with an exhaustive study of the
-Spanish _presidio_ of Los Adaes, has acquired a pronounced ethnohistoric
-orientation in recent years as the result of his close cooperation with
-the Caddo and other living Indian groups.
-
-Recognizing that the past belongs to everyone, and not just to a handful
-of scholars, the _Anthropological Studies_ are directed to a general
-audience. It is hoped that these studies will bring cultural enrichment
-to the people of Louisiana and stimulate an interest in preserving our
-historic and archaeological resources for enjoyment and study by future
-generations.
-
- Alan Toth
- _State Archaeologist_
-
- * * * * *
-
-State of Louisiana
-
-EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
-
-Baton Rouge
-
-[Illustration]
-
-EDWIN EDWARDS
-
-GOVERNOR
-
-July 5, 1978
-
-CITIZENS OF LOUISIANA
-
-This second edition of the Anthropological Study Series of the Department
-of Culture, Recreation and Tourism and the Louisiana Archaeological
-Survey and Antiquities Commission is dedicated to the late Margaret
-Elam Drew, a charter member of the Commission. Affectionately known by
-professional and amateur archaeologists as “Lady Margaret,” Mrs. Drew
-and her close friend, Mrs. Rita Krouse, were instrumental in fostering
-statewide governmental and private sector support for the protection of
-Louisiana’s archaeological resources.
-
-Mrs. Drew was the wife of Representative Harmon R. Drew of Minden. Her
-interest in archaeology began in 1962, with her daughter’s curiosity
-about the location of Indian tribes in Northwest Louisiana. Mrs. Drew, a
-devoted history buff, and Mrs. Krouse enthusiastically began researching
-possible Indian sites.
-
-The Drew-Krouse team contacted Dr. William Haag, the Louisiana
-State University professor later named as Louisiana’s first State
-Archaeologist, for advice. Their research marked the beginning of a
-fifteen-year partnership of field excursions, field training schools
-and dedicated efforts to enlighten the public on archaeology and its
-importance to everyone.
-
-Webster Parish had no registered archaeological sites in 1962. Through
-the efforts of Mrs. Drew and Mrs. Krouse there are now twenty-nine
-such sites. Claiborne Parish had two registered sites; there now are
-twenty-five. Mmes. Drew and Krouse established seventeen sites in
-Bienville Parish alone.
-
-In 1974, on Dr. Haag’s recommendation, I was honored to appoint Margaret
-Drew a charter member of the Louisiana Archaeological Survey and
-Antiquities Commission. Her appointment was but a token of her colleagues
-and my appreciation for her efforts to promote the establishment of the
-Antiquities Commission and her work to obtain public and private funds
-for archaeological site surveys.
-
-The publication of this study recognizes and honors the late Margaret
-Drew. Her selfless and tireless dedication to the preservation of our
-archaeological resources will, through ages to come, be credited with
-helping preserve this precious part of Louisiana’s cultural heritage.
-
-Cordially,
-
-EDWIN EDWARDS
-
- * * * * *
-
-[Illustration: Margaret Elam Drew
-
-(1919-1977)]
-
- * * * * *
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION
-
-
-Northwestern Louisiana was occupied by the Caddo Indians during the
-period of early Spanish, French, and American contacts. By combining
-history and archaeology, the Caddo story can be traced back for a
-thousand years—a unique opportunity made possible by a long tradition
-of distinctive traits, especially in pottery forms and decorations. Our
-story of the Caddo Indians in Louisiana, therefore, begins around A.D.
-800-900 and can be traced by archaeology well into the historic period.
-
-The center of Caddoan occupation during contact times and throughout
-their prehistoric development was along Red River and its tributaries,
-with extensions to other river valleys in the four-state area of northern
-Louisiana, southwestern Arkansas, eastern Texas, and eastern Oklahoma.
-The successful agriculture of these farming peoples was best adapted to
-the fertile valleys of major streams like the Red, Sabine, Angelina,
-Ouachita and—in Oklahoma—the Canadian and Arkansas rivers.
-
-In spite of their linguistic (language) connections with Plains tribes
-like the Wichita, Pawnee, and Arikara, the Caddos in Louisiana had
-customs much like those of other Southeastern tribes. They maintained
-trade and cultural contacts with the lower Mississippi Valley tribes of
-eastern and southern Louisiana for many centuries.
-
-
-
-
-PRE-CADDOAN DEVELOPMENTS
-
-
-Northwestern Louisiana was occupied for thousands of years before the
-beginnings of Caddo culture. In the upland areas, along small streams
-and bordering the river valleys, projectile points and tools of Early
-and Late Paleo-Indian peoples have been found (Webb 1948b; Gagliano and
-Gregory 1965). In the western plains, the makers of the fluted Clovis and
-Folsom points hunted now extinct types of big game (mammoth, mastodon,
-sloth) between 10,000 and 8000 B.C. The later Plainview, Angostura, and
-Scottsbluff points have been found with the extinct large bison. Since
-all of these distinctive projectile point types have been found in the
-Louisiana uplands and mastodon bones, teeth, and tusks have been found in
-Red River Valley, big game hunting was possible in the state. However, no
-camp or kill sites of Paleo-Indian people have been found thus far.
-
-The oldest camp sites in the Caddo area of northwestern Louisiana are
-those of the San Patrice culture, thought to date between 8000 and 6000
-B.C. This culture, which some students look upon as late Paleo-Indian and
-others as early Archaic, was named for a stream in De Soto and Sabine
-Parishes (Webb 1946). When a camp site of two bands of San Patrice people
-was excavated south of Shreveport (Webb, Shiner and Roberts 1971), only
-their typical points and a variety of small scraping, cutting, and
-drilling stone tools were found. The tools indicated that they still
-depended largely on hunting—probably deer, bear, bison, and smaller
-animals—with a gradual increase in reliance on gathering wild plant
-foods. Stone points and tools of San Patrice people have been found over
-much of the terrace and upland parts of Louisiana.
-
-A combination of hunting, fishing, and gathering of native foods by bands
-of people, whom we call Archaic, was characteristic throughout Louisiana
-from 6000 B.C. until almost the time of Christ. In favorable locations
-they congregated in larger groups, at least during certain times of
-the year, but did not form definite year-round settlements. Grinding
-stones and pitted nut stones show that Archaic people harvested seeds
-and nuts, such as hickory nuts, walnuts, pecans, acorns, and chinquapins
-(chestnuts). They also made ground stone celts (hatchets) for wood
-cutting and polished stone ornaments, especially beads. They hunted with
-darts which are heavier than arrows and were thrown with the atlatl, or
-throwing stick.
-
-Toward the end of the long Archaic period, by 1500 B.C., the Poverty
-Point culture developed in northeastern, central, and southern Louisiana.
-Sites of this culture have not been found on Red River, but there are
-Poverty Point sites on the Ouachita River and the late Archaic people on
-Red River had a few items—soapstone vessels, hematite plummets or bolas
-weights, polished or effigy beads—which may have been traded from Poverty
-Point.
-
-People who lived in small settlements and made pottery appeared in
-the area about the time of Christ. Their crude pottery was generally
-plain and resembled that of Fourche Maline people in eastern Oklahoma
-and southwestern Arkansas. In northwestern Louisiana, the culture is
-called Bellevue Focus, named for a small mound site on Bodcau Bayou near
-Bellevue, in Bossier Parish (Fulton and Webb 1953). The small conical
-Bellevue mound was found to cover flexed and partly cremated burials, and
-is thought to represent the beginning of the trait of building mounds
-as burial commemorations in this part of the state. There was no sign
-of cultivated plants, although the Marksville people of this time may
-have grown maize (corn) and squash. Probably, the Bellevue people lived
-largely as had the Archaic folk, by hunting, fishing, and gathering of
-the abundant native foods. At another half dozen small sites along the
-Red River Valley margins and on the lateral lakes, small conical mounds
-show a culture like that of Bellevue. One of these in Caddo Parish
-also had polished stone and native copper beads with cremated burials.
-An occasional decorated pottery sherd found at these Bellevue sites
-resembles Marksville and Troyville pottery of the lower Mississippi
-Valley.
-
-The Fredericks mound and village site, near Black Lake in Natchitoches
-Parish, seems to be an outpost or colony of central Louisiana Marksville
-and Troyville cultures, probably inhabited between A.D. 100 and 600.
-A few scattered sherds at other sites along Red River show a thin
-occupation or trade with Marksville, but Fredericks is the only large
-mound and village site of this intrusive culture in the area.
-
-The first widespread occupation of northwestern Louisiana by pottery
-making, farming people was that of Coles Creek culture. This culture
-developed along the lower Mississippi Valley, in Louisiana and
-Mississippi, including the lower Red River, starting about A.D. 700.
-Probably because their agriculture was more advanced, Coles Creek
-populations increased and spread widely, up the Mississippi Valley,
-throughout northern Louisiana, eventually into the Caddoan area of the
-other three states, and even to the Arkansas River in central Arkansas
-and eastern Oklahoma.
-
-Coles Creek hamlets and villages were on the river banks, on the lateral
-lakes, and on streams in the uplands. Many settlements were larger than
-in previous times and large ceremonial centers evolved, some of which
-featured mounds around a central plaza. There probably were temples atop
-the flat-topped mounds and burials within other mounds. The temples were
-either chiefs’ or priests’ lodges, or sacred temples, and ceremonies and
-festivals presumably were held in the plazas. Pottery was well made and
-hunting was with the bow and arrow which replaced the atlatl and dart in
-this area about A.D. 600.
-
-[Illustration: Distribution of principal archaeological sites in
-northwestern Louisiana. Reprinted with permission of New World Research
-and the U.S. Army Engineer District, New Orleans.]
-
-
-
-
-EARLY CADDO CULTURE: ALTO FOCUS
-
-
-At some time before A.D. 1000, and probably by A.D. 800, the traits
-associated with the beginnings of prehistoric Caddo culture replaced
-Coles Creek over the four-state area. The change may have started along
-Red River in northwestern Louisiana, although others have thought that
-a group of “culture bearers” entered the Caddoan area of eastern Texas
-overland from the more advanced culture centers of the Mexican Highlands.
-
-Whether the ideas that are shown in the prehistoric settlements came
-overland or up the rivers, two conclusions seem certain: (1) early
-Caddoan culture existed for a time with late Coles Creek; and (2) Caddo
-beginnings added new customs and traits that seem to have originated in
-Middle America, especially in the Mexican Highlands and on the upper
-Mexican Gulf Coast.
-
-The early Caddo unquestionably derived many things from Coles Creek.
-Their settlement patterns were similar, a culture change from Coles
-Creek to Caddo often occurring in the same village or even in
-building levels of the same mound. The Caddo continued bow and arrow
-hunting, with identical or slightly changed stone arrow points.
-Coles Creek and Caddo peoples practiced the same kind of intensive
-maize-beans-sunflower-squash-pumpkin agriculture or horticulture. They
-both made clay or stone effigy pipes and smoked tobacco ceremonially. The
-Caddo shared many of the Coles Creek pottery types, especially in the
-utility vessels, with minor changes taking place through time, as is to
-be expected. The Caddo retained strong religious and civil authority in
-the villages and the major ceremonial centers and were organized under
-a chieftain type of authority. There are similarities to Coles Creek,
-finally, in Caddoan ceremonial festivities, games, and customs of burying
-the dead in mounds alongside the plazas.
-
-A Middle American origin can be assumed for a number of Caddoan ceramic
-ideas. The bottle and the carinated bowl—a bowl with a sharp angle
-separating the rim from the sides or the base—vessel shapes are likely
-Mexican introductions. The same is true of the low-oxygen firing of
-pottery and the burnishing or polishing of the exterior to produce glossy
-mahogany brown or black surfaces. Decoration of these surfaces was often
-by engraving after firing, combined with cut-out areas and insertion
-of red pigment into the designs, and the frequent use of curved line
-rather than straight line designs. The curved motifs included concentric
-circles, spirals, scrolls, interlocking scrolls, meanders, volutes,
-swastikas, and stylized serpent designs. A few curvilinear designs were
-present in the earlier Marksville and Coles Creek pottery, but they
-became more varied and frequent in Caddoan ceramics.
-
-Another trait introduced from Middle America was that of placing the
-burials of important people, such as chiefs, priests, and family members
-of the ruling class, in shaft graves, sunk into mounds or special
-cemetery areas. Some of the more important early Caddo tombs are quite
-large, as much as fifteen to twenty feet in length and eight to sixteen
-feet in depth. Many had special sands or pigments on the pit floor,
-numerous offerings, and indications that retainers or servants were
-sacrificed to accompany the revered person in the afterlife. Shaft tombs
-in mounds and pyramids occurred in the Maya areas of Guatemala and
-Yucatan, and also in the Mexican Highlands, before and during the time of
-the early Caddos.
-
-Other Mexican traits were the concepts of the long-nosed god and the
-feathered serpent. These symbols are seen in the Caddo area in sheet
-copper masks, on carved stone pipes, and on carved conch shells. In
-Middle America, the long-nosed god symbol relates to the worship of the
-rain god, Chaac, and the feathered serpent is the symbol of Quetzalcoatl
-(Kukulcan in Maya).
-
-Signs of elaborate ceremonialism have been found in large Caddoan mound
-groups or centers in each of the four states: Davis, Sanders, and
-Sam Kaufman sites in Texas; Spiro and Harlan in Oklahoma; Crenshaw,
-Mineral Springs, Ozan, and East mounds in Arkansas. Along Red River in
-northwestern Louisiana, the well-known early Caddo centers are Gahagan
-and Mounds Plantation.
-
-The Gahagan site is on the west side of Red River, almost equidistant
-between Natchitoches and Shreveport. Formerly it was situated on an old
-channel but much of the channel and site have been destroyed by river
-caving. A village area, a conical burial mound, and a small flat-topped
-mound surrounded a large plaza at Gahagan. Another small mound is about a
-quarter mile distant. The burial mound was excavated by Clarence B. Moore
-in 1912, and by Webb and Dodd (1939). Moore described a central shaft,
-eleven feet in depth and thirteen by eight feet in dimensions, with five
-burials and more than 200 offerings. Webb and Dodd found two additional
-pits along the slopes, both starting at the mound surface and terminating
-near the base. They were nineteen by fifteen and twelve by eleven feet in
-dimensions, and contained six and three burials, respectively. Between
-250 and 400 offerings were preserved in each pit.
-
-The burial offerings at Gahagan included ornate pottery, beautifully
-flaked stone knives (called Gahagan blades), batches of choice flint
-arrow points, long stemmed or figurine pipes of clay and stone,
-copper-plated ear ornaments, sheet copper plaques, copper hand
-effigies, long-nosed god copper masks, polished greenstone celts (some
-spade-shaped), bone hairpins, and shell beads or ornaments. All of these
-are unusual for this area and show that the early Caddos had widespread
-trade channels for these esoteric objects and materials. The sources are
-as distant as the Gulf coast, the Kiamichi Mountains of Oklahoma, the
-central Texas plateau, Tennessee or Kentucky, and, possibly, the Great
-Lakes area.
-
-[Illustration: Frog and human effigy stone pipes and polished and
-engraved pottery vessel made about A.D. 1050. Artifacts from the Gahagan
-Mound site, Red River Parish, Louisiana.]
-
-The second Caddo site where high ceremonialism existed is at Mounds
-Plantation, on an old Red River channel just north of Shreveport. An
-oval plaza, more than 600 yards in length and 200 yards in width (about
-twenty-five acres), is surrounded by seven mounds of varying sizes,
-with two smaller mounds at some distance. It was first described by
-Clarence B. Moore (1912), then studied by surface collections and limited
-excavations by Ralph R. McKinney, Robert Plants, and Clarence H. Webb,
-with assistance of friends (Webb and McKinney 1975). At least four
-culture periods were indicated by pottery sherds. Excavations proved
-that Coles Creek people established and laid out the site, probably
-constructing at least four of the mounds around the plaza. A flat mound
-on the northwest corner, started by these people, was built higher by the
-early Caddos in what seems to have been a period of rapid culture change.
-The mound may have been the location of an arbor or lodge where food was
-prepared and served during festivals or ceremonies held in the adjoining
-plaza.
-
-At the southeast end of the plaza, the Coles Creek people prepared a
-large burial pit, measuring sixteen by fourteen feet, in which they
-placed ten adult or adolescent burials in two parallel rows. Offerings
-found by the investigators were limited to flint arrow points, bone
-pins, smoothing stones, traces of copper-plated ear ornaments, and ankle
-rattles of tortoise shells filled with pebbles. A small mound had been
-built over this pit, and into this mound later Coles Creek burials had
-been placed.
-
-Subsequently, the Alto Caddos also used this mound for burials, digging
-four large shaft tombs and three smaller pits. All but one of these
-features contained offerings of superior quality. The most spectacular of
-the graves was a large crater-shaped pit adjoining the Coles Creek pit.
-It was nineteen by seventeen feet in dimensions, and was cut through the
-mound to a depth of four feet below its base. In it were the skeletons
-of twenty-one persons, from elderly adults to unborn infants. An adult
-male, six feet tall, was provided with numerous personal effects which
-included a sheathed knife on his left forearm and a well-preserved five
-and one-half foot bow of bois d’arc wood placed by his left side. He is
-thought to have been the paramount person whose death occasioned the
-immense tomb, the ceremonial offerings, and the presumed sacrifice of
-tribal members to accompany him in the afterlife. Part of the tomb was
-covered with a framework of cedar logs, thus accounting for the unusual
-preservation of many cane and wooden objects.
-
-[Illustration: Prehistoric Caddoan stone knives, finely chipped arrow
-points, and ceremonial polished greenstone celts from Gahagan Mound site.
-These Early Caddo artifacts date to the 11th century A.D.]
-
-Preserved offerings included an ornate pottery bowl, decorated with
-a thumb-finger cross and eye symbols, flint knives of Gahagan type,
-fifty-three arrow points, a long-stemmed pipe, copper-plated ear
-ornaments, puma teeth, and objects of wood which included knife handles,
-a comb, a baton, several small bows, and wooden frames. Also present were
-leather, plaited cording or twine, and about 200 fragments of split cane
-woven mats, some of them with diamond or bird head designs. A half pint
-of seeds beside the important male were identified later as purslane
-(_Portulaca oleracea_), a plant sometimes used for food by aboriginal
-people. Also beside the male were four objects typical of Poverty Point
-or late Archaic manufacture: two long polished stone beads, a polished
-hematite plummet, and half of a perforated slate gorget. These ancient
-objects, from a time 2000 years before the Caddo burial occurred, must
-have been found and kept as venerated talismans by the Caddo leaders.
-
-Gahagan and Mounds Plantation have their counterparts as early Caddoan
-ceremonial and trade centers at a dozen similar large sites in Texas,
-Oklahoma, and Arkansas. The best known is the Spiro mound center on the
-Arkansas River in eastern Oklahoma, where enormous amounts of well-made
-and exotic objects from the entire midportion of the United States
-were gathered or made as offerings. Close contact between these large
-ceremonial centers is shown by the similarity of objects, materials,
-or artistic concepts across the entire Caddo area. Contacts with other
-cultural centers in the Mississippi Valley and into the Southeast also
-are seen.
-
-Contrasting with these important centers, with their reflection of
-Middle American ceremonialism, organized religio-civil leadership class,
-and expensive cruel burial ceremonies, there were many small villages
-and hamlets of early Caddo people. Their habitations, tools, and some
-customs are known by explorations of sites at Smithport Landing (Webb
-1963), Allen, Wilkinson, Swanson’s Landing, and Harrison’s Bayou along
-the western valley escarpment (Ford 1936; Webb and McKinney 1975; Gregory
-and Webb 1965). Colbert and Greer sites on upland streams in Bienville
-Parish, and the recent study of a hamlet at Hanna on the Red River below
-Gahagan (Thomas, Campbell and Ahler 1977).
-
-[Illustration: Early Caddo copper objects from Gahagan include beads, a
-hand effigy, a finger cover, a Long-Nosed God mask, and copper-plated ear
-ornaments.]
-
-Many other small settlements of this time are known but have not been
-studied, thirty to forty altogether between Natchitoches and the
-Arkansas state line (Thomas, Campbell and Ahler 1977; Webb 1975). They
-are found in the Red River Valley, on lateral lakes and streams, and in
-the uplands. Apparently, these were simple farming, gathering, hunting,
-and fishing folk who did not share in the exotic materials of the
-complex regional centers. They probably did participate in ceremonies,
-festivities, and renewals of faith by visits to the centers and may have
-provided food, local materials, and occasional man-power in exchange for
-leadership and protection. For the next 500 years there is no evidence of
-the Caddo being threatened by outsiders.
-
-
-
-
-BOSSIER FOCUS
-
-
-Between A.D. 1100 and 1200 the early Caddo culture was changing into a
-simpler culture that has been named Bossier, for the parish in which
-it was first discovered (Webb 1948a). The large centers faded out or
-were inhabited by small groups. The people seem to have been secure,
-not menaced, and beginning to spread out along the streams in small
-settlements or family homesteads. Local materials were used and few
-exotic objects have been found. Burial customs became simpler, usually
-single graves with a few offerings and situated near the home or in small
-cemeteries. The pottery of the Bossier folk was of good quality and
-still had some of the decoration by engraving, incising, and punctating
-techniques of the earlier period, but increasing amounts of everyday
-wares were decorated by simple brushing (similar to Plaquemine pottery of
-eastern and southern Louisiana).
-
-Between Caddo Lake and Natchitoches the location of settlements in the
-Red River Valley almost disappeared at this time, possibly signifying the
-beginning of the Great Raft. The villages and hamlets were on the lateral
-streams, lakes, and into the uplands, along virtually every watercourse.
-A calm period of pastoral life is indicated and probably lasted until
-it was shattered in 1542 by Moscoso’s tattered Spanish army and the
-subsequent arrival of other Europeans.
-
-One such hamlet or family homestead of Bossier people is under study at
-the Montgomery site in upper Webster Parish at the Springhill Airport
-(Webb and Jeane 1977). The people seem to have lived here long enough
-for their thatched roof, clay-daubed houses to have been repaired and
-relocated a number of times, leaving numerous post molds. Their simple
-tools and arrow points were made of local cherts; ornaments are missing
-and polished stone tools are rare. Residues of gathered or hunted food
-stuffs are present: hickory nuts, acorns, persimmons, mussels, turtle,
-fish, and deer bones. No corn, beans, or pumpkin seeds have been found,
-but they must have grown these crops and probably did so in gardens
-rather than in fields. Their pottery, as shown by broken sherds, ranged
-from rough culinary or storage pots to nicely engraved bowls and
-red-surfaced or engraved bottles.
-
-[Illustration: Bossier Focus pottery from Mill Creek site, Lake
-Bistineau. Photos courtesy of Sergeant O. H. Davis.]
-
-A Bossier group of higher culture lived along Willow Chute, an old Red
-River channel in the valley east of Bossier City. Farming homesteads and
-hamlets are strung along its course and two large mounds—Vanceville and
-Werner—mark the Bossier ceremonial centers. Beneath the Werner mound,
-destroyed in the 1930’s, were the ruins of an immense lodge which was
-circular with a projecting entrance. The entire lodge measured eighty
-by ninety feet. It was probably ceremonial, or the lodge of a _Caddi_
-(chief), as few arrows, tools, or personal possessions were found. There
-were quantities of deer and other animal bones, fish and turtle bones,
-and mussel shells. Broken pottery in large amounts denoted feasts and the
-ceramics were of exceptional quality. No burials or whole vessels were
-found.
-
-Each lateral lake along Red River—Black Bayou, Caddo, Wallace, Clear,
-and Smithport lakes on the west side; Bodcau, Bistineau, Swan, and
-Black lakes on the east—has Bossier period sites around its margins.
-Occupations continue westward to Sabine River and into eastern Texas,
-southward almost to Catahoula Lake, eastward along D’Arbonne and Corney
-bayous toward the Ouachita, and northward into Arkansas. Either late
-Bossier or Belcher people could have been in the populous Naguatex
-district described by the De Soto chroniclers, encountered just before
-the Spaniards crossed Red River.
-
-
-
-
-BELCHER FOCUS
-
-
-The Belcher mound site, in Red River Valley about twenty miles north of
-Shreveport, gives its name to this Caddo culture period. Radiocarbon
-dates at the site and comparisons with other cultures suggest that the
-Belcher Focus began about A.D. 1400 and lasted into the 17th century.
-During its beginning. Belcher culture probably overlapped and coexisted
-with Bossier culture.
-
-The Belcher site was excavated by Webb (1959) and his associates over
-a ten year period. The Belcher mound contained a succession of levels
-on which houses were built, burned or deserted, and covered over with
-new buildings. Burials were placed in pits beneath the house floors or
-through the ruins of burned houses. It is inferred that the houses were
-ceremonial lodges or chiefs’ houses. The earliest house was rectangular,
-with wall posts erected in trenches and packed with clay; a seven-foot
-entranceway projected northeastward. The walls were clay-daubed, and the
-gabled roof covered with grass thatch. Later houses were circular, also
-with projecting entranceways, and with interior roof supports and central
-hearths. They also were daubed and thatch-covered, but were divided into
-compartments, which contained internal posts for seats or couches and
-sometimes small hearths for each compartment. Food remains found on the
-floors of Belcher houses included maize, beans, hickory nuts, persimmon
-seeds, pecans, mussel and snail shells, and bones of deer, rabbit,
-squirrel, fox, mink, birds, fish (gar, catfish, buffalo, sheepshead, and
-bowfin), and turtle. Belcher tools encompassed stone celts (hatchets or
-chisels), arrow points which had tiny pointed stems, flint scrapers and
-gravers, sandstone hones, bone awls, needles and Chisels, shell hoes,
-spoons and saws, and pottery spindle weights.
-
-[Illustration: Prehistoric Caddo pottery, conch shell ceremonial drinking
-cups, and lizard effigy shell necklace from Belcher Mound, Caddo Parish,
-Louisiana. Artifacts date approximately A.D. 1300 to 1400.]
-
-Ornaments found with burials or on house floors at Belcher include beads,
-anklets, pendants and gorgets of shell, pearls, ear ornaments of shell,
-bone and pottery, bone hairpins, bear tooth pendants, shell inlays, and
-small shell bangles. Some of the shell pendants were carved in lizard or
-salamander effigy forms. Ceremonial drinking cups made of conch shells
-were sometimes decorated, one bearing a composite flying serpent-eagle
-design. Platform and elbow pipes were of baked clay. Split cane basketry
-or matting fragments show herringbone or 1-over-4-under weave.
-
-Belcher pottery was superior to that of the Bossier people and, indeed,
-is some of the best in the entire Caddoan area. There was a diversity
-of bowl, bottle, urn, jar, vase, miniature, and compound forms. Large
-storage ollas were found broken on house floors. Techniques of decoration
-involved engraving, stamping, incising, trailing, ridging, punctating,
-brushing, applique nodes, insertion of red or white pigment into designs,
-red slipping, polishing, pedestal elevation, rattle bowls, bird and
-turtle effigies, and tripod and tetrapod legs. Many of the vessels had
-ornate or intricate curvilinear designs, with scrolls, circles, meanders,
-spirals, and guilloches; sun symbols, crosses, swastikas, and triskeles
-were added.
-
-Many of the twenty-six burials found in Belcher mound exhibited a
-carry-over of the early Caddo burial ceremonialism, presumably including
-human sacrifice. Individuals or groups of up to seven persons were
-placed in shaft burial pits, and often were surrounded by many pottery
-vessels—sometimes in stacks—in addition to tools, arrows, ornaments,
-food offerings, vessels with spoons, decorated drinking cups, pipes, and
-other indicators of high rank. As many as twenty to forty pottery vessels
-had been placed in a single pit. Even small children had ornaments and
-numerous vessels, as though they were of the nobility. This suggests a
-hereditary social ranking as was found among the Natchez Indians.
-
-Other mound centers of Belcher culture, occurring along Red River
-into southwestern Arkansas, show similar ceremonialism. Villages and
-hamlets along the river to Natchitoches and into the uplands are marked
-by typical Belcher pottery sherds. In all, late Belcher people were
-dispersed widely, and their way of life gave rise to the generalized
-cultural base that existed at the time of European intrusion.
-
-
-
-
-THE HISTORIC CADDO
-
-
-If one views the Caddoan archaeological sequence as a tree trunk,
-identifiable branches seem to begin spreading by about A.D. 1450
-(Belcher Focus). After that point, several distinct tribal branches can
-be recognized, each with its own particular language, or dialect, and
-customs. Within relatively short distances these groups often exhibited
-striking differences.
-
-The Louisiana Caddoan-speaking groups were the Adaes, Doustioni,
-Natchitoches, Ouachita and Yatasi. These groups seem to have been
-concentrated around Natchitoches, Mansfield, Monroe, and Robeline,
-Louisiana. Their total aboriginal territory stretched from the Ouachita
-River west to the Sabine River and south to the mouth of Cane River.
-
-On Red River, in northeastern Texas and southwestern Arkansas, there were
-other Caddoan groups: Kadohadacho, Petit Caddo, Nasoni, Nanatsoho, and
-Upper Natchitoches. Eventually, due to pressure from the Osage, these
-groups migrated south to Louisiana and settled north of the Yatasi, near
-Caddo Prairie and Caddo Lake.
-
-The Caddoan tribes seem to have had strong cultural affiliations. In
-fact, some anthropologists have considered them part of three vast
-inter-tribal confederacies (Swanton 1942; Hodge 1907). In eastern Texas
-another group, led by the Hasinai, consisted of the Ais, Anadarko,
-Hainai, Hasinai, Nabiti, Nacogdoches, and Nabedache. This group also has
-been considered a large confederacy (Hodge 1907).
-
-The various peoples mentioned above seem to have been regional groups,
-fairly fluid in nature, but tied to general geographic boundaries.
-Linguistic differences served to differentiate them (Taylor 1963:51-59)
-and some, like the Adaes, could hardly be understood by the others.
-However, the Kadohadacho language dominated in the east—where nearly
-everyone understood it—and the Hasinai language in the west.
-
-These groups had chiefs, or _Caddi_. Generally one man had more prestige
-than any other _Caddi_, but multiple chiefs—usually two—were present
-in most communities. Other groups seem to have had _tama_ (local
-organizers), but chiefs were weak or lacking. Polity, then, consisted
-of the _Caddi_, or chiefs, and _tama_, a sort of organizational leader
-(often confused with the chief by early Europeans) who was powerful
-enough to gather the people for work, war, or ceremonials. The _Caddi_
-were a select group—likely the historic equivalent to the priest-chiefs
-of prehistoric times. Priests and witches composed a non-secular
-leadership among the Caddoan groups, but by historic times they had
-become somewhat separate from the warrior-chiefs who led the tribes.
-
-It can be seen, then, that the Caddoan peoples had several of the
-criteria of true chiefdoms (Service 1962): territory, leadership, and
-linguistic-cultural distinctiveness. All of the Europeans—French, Spanish
-and Anglo-American—who dealt with them left records relative to their
-character and intelligence. As late as the 19th century the Caddo still
-boasted that they had never shed white blood (Swanton 1942) and their
-chiefs still were respected.
-
-In the age of tribal self-determination and Indian sovereignty, it
-seems in order to explain basic Caddo tribalism. Contrary to many other
-southeastern Indian groups, the Caddoan people seem to have clung
-tenaciously to land and leadership even after the erosive effects of
-European contact. The fact that their roots extended into prehistory gave
-them strength and self-confidence. They kept their faith and polity, and
-their traditions remain even today.
-
-
-
-
-EUROPEAN CONTACT
-
-
-The earliest contacts with Europeans in Louisiana were fleeting. The best
-accounts were left by Henri de Tonti who reached a Natchitoches village
-in February of 1690. He was searching for the lost La Salle expedition
-and went on to visit the Yatasi, Kadohadacho, and Nacogdoches (Williams
-1964). No other visits seem to be recorded for the next decade, even
-though Spanish efforts to Christianize the East Texas Caddo intensified.
-Contact is indicated by the 1690’s in such practices as the tribes
-holding Spanish-style horse fairs (Gregory 1974).
-
-[Illustration: St. Denis and the Natchitoches Indians, 1714. Mural in
-Louisiana State Exhibit Museum, Shreveport.]
-
-In 1701 Governor Bienville and Louis Juchereau de St. Denis, guided by
-the Tunica chief, Bride les Boeufs or Buffalo Tamer, arrived at the
-Natchitoches area. They visited the Doustioni, Natchitoches, and Yatasi
-villages, and then returned to New Orleans. Bienville was especially
-desirous of contacting the Kadohadacho to the north (Williams 1964;
-Rowland and Sanders 1929). This trip, ostensibly for exploration, was
-probably an attempt to obtain two commodities the French in lower
-Louisiana were desperate for: livestock and salt (Gregory 1974). The
-Tunica had long engaged in the Caddoan salt, and later, horse trades
-(Brain 1977), and like them, the Natchitoches quickly began capitalizing
-on their French connection. The Natchitoches employed an old Caddoan
-trade strategy, that of moving to the edge of another tribe’s territory,
-in order to be near their customers, and later returning to their own
-territory. Accordingly, the Natchitoches claimed a crop failure and
-relocated to the vicinity of Lake Pontchartrain, to trade with the
-French. Eventually, in 1714, they returned to Red River with St. Denis
-(McWilliams 1953). Likewise, the Ouachita had just moved back from the
-Ouachita River where they had relocated in order to trade with Tunican
-speakers (Gregory 1974).
-
-After St. Denis returned to Red River in 1714, the Caddoan people in
-Louisiana were to be impacted constantly by European migrants. Indian
-polity and territory were eroded severely by more European settlements
-and the depredations of displaced populations of other Indian tribes like
-the Choctaw, Quapaw, and Osage.
-
-Fort St. Jean Baptiste aux Natchitos was founded in 1714; it was the
-earliest European settlement in northwestern Louisiana. The East Texas
-missions, started in 1690, had not introduced many non-Indians to that
-area. The French settlements were different, however, and the Caddoan
-people began to see a gradual augmentation of European population. The
-French had, in general, good relations with the Caddo and by the 1720’s a
-number of them had Caddoan kinsmen.
-
-In 1723, to counter French attempts at establishing a western trade,
-the Spanish established an outpost, Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Los
-Adaes (Bolton 1914). The Spanish _presidio_, or fort, became a hub for
-clandestine traders—French, Indian and Spanish—and lasted for some fifty
-years (Gregory 1974). Horses, cattle, and Lipan Apache (Connechi) slaves
-were traded via Los Adaes, and by the mid-eighteenth century the Spanish
-governors had named the site the capital of Spanish Texas.
-
-The Caddo—Adaes, Natchitoches, Ouachita, Doustioni, and all the
-others—were caught between the political and economic machinations of the
-European powers. Gradually, the seesaw of European boundaries crossed
-what the Caddo all knew as their tribal territories. Traders resided in
-their larger communities, and seasonal hunts to the west tied them to the
-mercantile policies of the French and Spanish. After Louisiana was ceded
-to Spain at the end of the French and Indian War, French traders were
-left in charge of most Indian affairs in Louisiana because of the quality
-of their relationship to the Indians. For example, Athanase de Mézières
-(Bolton 1914), St. Denis’ son-in-law, became a power on the frontier
-because of his close relationship to the Caddo.
-
-[Illustration: Caddoan interaction, 18th century A.D.]
-
-Caddoan-European ties remained close until 1803 when the Louisiana
-Purchase brought Anglo-Americans into contact with the Caddoan groups.
-The Anglo-Americans had new trade and military policies, and in spite of
-their agreement to recognize all prior treaties between France, Spain,
-and Indian tribes, they were not very careful to do this. The French and
-Spanish had ratified land sales by tribes and had insisted that their
-citizens respect Caddoan land and sovereignty, but the Americans saw new
-lands with few settlements, and were quick to encourage white settlement.
-The old Caddo-French-Spanish symbiosis was ending.
-
-[Illustration: European settlements in Caddoan area, 18th century A.D.]
-
-The Caddoan-speaking groups began to move together by the late eighteenth
-century. The Kadohadacho apparently absorbed several smaller groups—Upper
-Natchitoches, Nanatsoho, and Nasoni—and shifted south. Osage raids had
-taken their toll and the Kadohadacho moved to Caddo Prairie, farther from
-the plains, on marginal land (Swanton 1942). They settled on the hills to
-the southwest of the prairie (Soda Lake) near modern Caddo Station and
-added their numbers to the other Red River tribes in Louisiana.
-
-Beset by many problems, the American agents at Natchitoches began moving
-the agency about, trying to keep the Caddo away from white settlements.
-It was moved to Grand Ecore, Sulphur Fork, Caddo Prairie, and finally to
-Bayou Pierre about six to seven miles south of Shreveport (Williams 1964).
-
-The Louisiana Caddoans also found themselves estranged from their
-cultural kinsmen in eastern Texas. First, the East Texas tribes remained
-under Spanish domination while their neighbors were American. Policies in
-Texas were quite different until the Texas Revolution and the foundation
-of the Republic in the 1830’s and 1840’s. The new Texicans refused to
-allow old patterns of trade and traverse for fear of having to deal with
-even larger Indian populations.
-
-The Caddoan tribes were consolidated enough by 1834 that the American
-agents had begun to treat them as though they were a single group. The
-term Caddo, an abbreviated cover term for Kadohadacho, one of the larger
-groups, began to cover _all_ the tribes in the American Period. It was
-this amalgam of tribal units with which the United States decided to deal.
-
-[Illustration: Caddo Indian Treaty of Cession, July 1, 1835. Mural in
-Louisiana State Exhibit Museum, Shreveport.]
-
-On June 25-26, 1835, some 489 Caddo gathered at the Caddo Agency seven
-or eight miles south of Shreveport on Bayou Pierre and on July 1, 1835,
-they agreed to sell to the United States approximately one million acres
-of land in the area above Texarkana, Arkansas, south to De Soto Parish,
-Louisiana (Swanton 1942). Two chiefs, Tarsher (Wolf) and Tsauninot, were
-the leaders of the Caddoan groups present at the land cession.
-
-Present also at the land cession was their interpreter, Larkin Edwards,
-a man they regarded so highly that they reserved him a sizable piece of
-land (McClure and Howe 1937; Swanton 1942). Further, the treaty reserved
-a sizable block of land for the mixed Caddo-French Grappe family.
-Descended from a Kadohadacho woman and a French settler, François Grappe
-had served his people well. His efforts to protect not only the Caddo,
-but also the Bidai and others in East Texas, from American traders had
-resulted in his termination as chief interpreter for the American agents.
-The Caddoan people continued to respect and honor him.
-
-The Caddo were to be paid $80,000, of which $30,000 was in goods
-delivered at the signing, and the remainder in annual $10,000
-installments for another five years. Immediately Tarsher led his people
-into Texas and settled on the Brazos River, much to the chagrin of Texas
-authorities (Gullick 1921). Another group, led by Chief Cissany, stayed
-in Louisiana. They lived near Caddo Station in 1842 (seven years after
-the land cession). Texicans actually invaded the United States to insist
-that the Caddos disarm, the rumor in Texas being that the American
-agent had armed the Caddo and made incendiary remarks regarding the new
-Republic. The Louisiana chiefs offered to go to Nacogdoches as hostages
-to show their good faith, but the Texicans refused them on the grounds
-it might mean recognition of Caddoan land rights and polity in Texas
-(Gullick 1921).
-
-Eventually these Louisiana Caddo left—their credit was cut off by local
-merchants, their payments ended, and the United States protection was
-failing—and headed for the Kiamichi River country in Oklahoma. The
-Caddoan presence in Louisiana, after a millennium, or more, was over.
-
-
-
-
-CADDOAN TRIBAL LOCATIONS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN LOUISIANA
-
-
-One of the most difficult problems in American archaeology is the firm
-connection of historic tribal locations to specific material remains and
-sites. In recent years a number of efforts (Wyckoff 1974; Tanner 1974;
-Williams 1964; Gregory and Webb 1965; Neuman 1974) have dealt with this
-topic for the Louisiana Caddoan groups.
-
-Again, the term Caddo has no real meaning. Each of the groups had its
-own political existence, and both the Spanish and French realized that.
-Their approach to Indian affairs has left us much better information than
-that of the Americans. John Sibley, the first American agent, with the
-aid of the half-Caddo, François Grappe, gave us good information, but
-through time the American policy increasingly obscured tribal groups. By
-the time of the 1835 land cession the Americans were talking merely of
-the Caddo Nation. In the 1835 Treaty not a single warrior was identified
-by tribe, nor were the chiefs (Swanton 1942); this was a purely political
-machination by the Americans.
-
-[Illustration: Caddoan and adjacent Indian groups about A.D. 1700.]
-
-Since the early American policy has obscured the tribal diversity and
-history of the Caddoan groups in Louisiana, it seems in order to return
-to the older practice of recognizing the individual groups. Each will be
-discussed briefly, in turn, and archaeological sites will be related
-where possible. As was the practice in French and Spanish days, the
-tribes will be discussed from southernmost to northernmost, as they would
-be encountered as one ascended the Red River.
-
-
-
-
-THE NATCHITOCHES
-
-
-The Natchitoches, or “Place of the Paw-Paw” (all translations by Melford
-Williams, personal communication, 1973), sometimes simply stated as the
-“Paw-Paw People,” were the southernmost Caddoan group. They had absorbed
-the Ouachita (“Cow River People”) by 1690 (Gregory 1974) and will be
-treated as a single group here.
-
-The Natchitoches lived in a series of small hamlets, each with its own
-cemetery and corn fields. One hamlet had a temple which was described
-by Tonti (Walker 1935) and their whole settlement stretched from about
-Bermuda, Louisiana, to the vicinity of Natchitoches. Throughout their
-early history they remained in the alluvial valley of the Red River where
-only a few areas, usually “islands” of older terraces, were above the
-active floodplain. Wyckoff (1974) has stated that they preferred the
-tupelo gum-bald cypress biotic zone along the Red River, but in reality
-they seem to have lived on the mixed hardwood, cane-covered natural
-levees or in the oak-hickory ecological communities found on higher
-ground.
-
-Natchitoches chiefs’ names are scarce, and one gets the impression that
-their chiefs were not very powerful. However, St. Denis seems to have
-purchased property from a chief called the White Chief. It can be assumed
-that the tribes all had _Caddi_, _tama_ and priests. However, it seems
-that there were more egalitarian structures among the Natchitoches,
-Adaes, and Yatasi than in the East Texas or Great Bend groups.
-
-Documents indicate that at least four sites were occupied by the
-Natchitoches between 1690 and 1803: White Chief’s village, Captain’s
-village (Pintado Papers), La Pinière village (Bridges and Deville
-1967:239), and Lac des Muire village (Sibley 1832; Abel 1933). There are
-a larger number of archaeological sites which have yielded _Natchitoches
-Engraved_, _Keno Trailed_, or _Emory Incised_ ceramic vessels or sherds,
-catlinite pipes, glass trade beads, copper or brass objects, knives,
-and gun parts. These include the U. S. Fish Hatchery (Walker 1935),
-the Lawton (Webb 1945), the Southern Compress (Gregory and Webb 1965),
-Natchitoches Country Club, Chamard House, American Cemetery, Settle’s
-Camp, and Kenny Place sites (Gregory 1974).
-
-The Southern Compress and American Cemetery sites seem to correspond
-to White Chief’s villages. The Fish Hatchery and Kenny Place sites are
-likely combinations of Ouachita and Natchitoches groups visited by Tonti
-and others. Settle’s Camp site and Country Club site are along the
-high hills west of the modern town of Natchitoches and may well be the
-dispersed settlement known as La Pinière (Pine Woods) to the French.
-Chamard House site may have belonged to the French trader Chamard, or
-possibly one of the Grappes; located on the bluff overlooking the active
-Red River, it remains undocumented.
-
-[Illustration: Historic Natchitoches pottery, French iron tripod pots,
-and Venetian glass trade beads. These 18th century A.D. artifacts were
-found at the Southern Compress and Lawton sites.]
-
-The Lawton site was the site seized for debts from the son of the
-Christian Indian, known as Pierre Captain, probably a sub-chief or
-possibly a _tama_, of the Natchitoches (Pintado Papers: 139). The latest
-Natchitoches village, Lac des Muire, was north of Powhatan and on the
-west bank of the Red River. Sibley (1922) pointed out that although the
-tribe was reduced in number they retained their language and distinctive
-dress. They were farmers and lived in houses, presumably their
-traditional wattle-daub constructions.
-
-Natchitoches land was gradually surrounded by Anglo-Americans and, by
-the time of the Caddo Treaty, Natchitoches was a thriving community.
-The tribe lived north of the town, near the Grappes (their cultural
-broker with the whites). Local tradition holds that they were loaded
-on a steamboat on the Front Street dock and taken to Oklahoma in
-1835—something that obviously did _not_ happen. In 1843 the tribe
-was still together under Chief Cho-wee (The Bow) and living near the
-Kadohadacho on the Trinity River in Texas (Swanton 1942:96).
-
-In the 1960’s Caddos living near Anadarko, Oklahoma, still could sing
-a few Natchitoches songs (Claude Medford, Jr., personal communication,
-1975) and the late Mrs. Sadie Weller recorded in that language. Most
-contemporary Caddo remember the tribal name and a few “old” words, but
-as a distinct group the Natchitoches seem to have been absorbed by the
-Kadohadacho and Hasinai.
-
-
-
-
-THE ADAES
-
-
-The Adaes (from _Na·dai_ which meant “A Place Along a Stream”) were
-supposed to have had a village on Red River, near the Natchitoches. If
-their reported village is taken to mean a dispersed series of kin-based
-hamlets—what Spanish colonial people called _rancherías_—the previously
-described Chamard site may be it.
-
-In the 1720’s the Spanish established a mission for the Adaes, but its
-priest and one lay-soldier were expelled by the French lieutenant,
-Blondel (Bolton 1921). At the time there were no Indians living at the
-mission. Apparently, they relocated nearer the Spanish, but conversions
-were rare, and the Adaes were more interested in trade than religion. So,
-for that matter, were the Spanish, and when the _presidio_ (now called
-Los Adaes) was established in 1723, ostensibly to protect the mission,
-the Adaes seem to have lived all around the vicinity.
-
-Los Adaes then became essentially an Indian dominated community: Lipan,
-Coahuiltecans, Adaes, Wichita, Tawakoni, and others lived there off
-and on. Even the commandant, Gil Ybarbo, was married to a _mestiza_,
-a half-Indian woman. Whenever the Spanish authorities in Texas needed
-translators for Caddoan languages, they sent for soldiers from Los Adaes
-(Blake Papers).
-
-There was an Adaes village near Big Hill Firetower at a place called
-La Gran Montaña (Bolton 1962) which has never been found, and another
-nineteenth century village on Lac Macdon. The latter is probably a later
-village than the one known on Spanish Lake where burials with European
-goods were excavated by James A. Ford (1936, unpublished fieldnotes,
-Museum of Geoscience, Louisiana State University).
-
-[Illustration: Historic archaeological sites in the Caddoan area.]
-
-Taylor (1963:51-59) finally placed Adaes as a definite Caddoan language,
-but it was the most deviant of all (Sibley 1832), and the Adaes became
-more and more western in their cultural orientation (Gregory 1974). They
-gradually extended to the Sabine River where a late trash pit (A.D. 1740)
-at Coral Snake Mound may be evidence of their presence (McClurkan, Field
-and Woodall 1966). It contained glass trade beads, and a French musket
-lock was found nearby. Their Lac Macdon village, where they remained as
-late as 1820, was probably near the water body known today as Berry Brake
-and may well be on Allen Plantation.
-
-Little is known of Adaes history or culture. De Mézières (Bolton
-1914:173) noted that they were severely impacted by Europeans and
-“extremely given to the vice of drunkenness.” Like the Natchitoches, they
-seem to have had close relationships with the Yatasi who were sometimes
-called the Nadas, likely a homonym for _Na·dais_.
-
-One Adaes chief who was their leader in the 1770’s has been identified
-and they are clearly an archaeologically distinct group. Gregory (1974)
-has pointed out the higher frequencies of bone-tempered pottery and the
-ceramic types _Patton Engraved_ and _Emory Incised_ from trash pits at
-Los Adaes.
-
-Unlike the Natchitoches and others, the Adaes are not remembered by
-contemporary Caddo who may have heard of them merely as part of the
-Yatasi, who are remembered as a group. Many may have been absorbed, as
-Christians, into the general _mestizo_ population at Los Adaes and still
-have descendants in northwestern Louisiana.
-
-
-
-
-THE DOUSTIONI
-
-
-Swanton (1942) translates Doustioni as “Salt People,” and they seem to
-have lived near the salines northeast of Natchitoches. Little else is
-known about them, and they do not seem to persist into the nineteenth
-century. They either disappeared or mingled with the Natchitoches.
-
-A large village site, on Little Cedar Lick, has yielded shell-tempered
-sherds, Venetian glass beads, and French faience, all early to middle
-eighteenth century artifact types. The site probably was the major
-Doustioni settlement. Other evidence of late occupations appears at
-Drake’s Lick. Williams (1964) points out that the Doustioni once had a
-village below the Natchitoches, and, though it has not been located,
-it may have been near the confluence of Saline Bayou and Red River,
-somewhere below Clarence, Louisiana. Saline Bayou provides easy access to
-the salt licks and was described by several early travelers (Le Page du
-Pratz 1774).
-
-
-
-
-THE OUACHITA
-
-
-The Ouachita were living on the river of that name before 1690. The
-most likely site is Pargoud Landing at Monroe where recent excavations
-have yielded early trade beads but no other goods (Lorraine Heartfield,
-personal communication, 1977). Other sites considered for the historic
-Ouachita were the Keno and Glendora sites (Gregory 1974; Williams
-1964), but these are not certain since they may represent a Koroa
-(Tunica) village with Caddoan trade connections or vice-versa. However,
-animal burials and grave arrangements show that these sites are closer
-culturally to the Red River sites than to other sites on the Ouachita.
-Gregory (1974) has discussed the Moon Lake and Ransom sites northeast of
-Monroe as possible Ouachita sites, but these may have been earlier Koroa
-sites also.
-
-As was discussed earlier, the Ouachita fused with the Natchitoches,
-likely at or near the U.S. Fish Hatchery site, which revealed their
-ceramic styles and animal burials. Fish Hatchery was a very early French
-contact site (Gregory and Webb 1965; Gregory 1974), and it is the only
-historic Caddo site to share deliberate burial of animals (horses)
-with the Ouachita River sites. The Ouachita apparently were absorbed
-completely before the 1720’s.
-
-
-
-
-THE YATASI
-
-
-The name Yatasi, meaning simply “Those Other People” in Kadohadacho
-language (Melford Williams, personal communication, 1977) apparently was
-applied to a number of groups living in the hills north of the Adaes
-and south of Caddo Lake. At least three villages are attributed to them
-historically. One, located near Mansfield on Bayou Pierre in the Red
-River Valley north of Natchitoches, was large enough to have a resident
-trader (Bolton 1914). The Pintado Papers also refer to a group and their
-chief, Antoine, who were living on a prairie known as _Nabutscahe_ near
-Mansfield as late as 1784. Another village was located near LaPointe
-on Bayou Pierre (American State Papers 1859), and a third was near the
-Sabine River close to modern Logansport (Darby 1816).
-
-As was pointed out, the Adaes and Yatasi apparently were fairly closely
-related, and they may not have been real tribes, but rather a series
-of kin-linked bands, each with its own autonomy. The Caddoan term for
-these groups sounds much like a more inclusive term which lumps small,
-scattered groups. Whether their “chiefs” were really chiefs or local,
-heuristic leaders remains problematical. Bolton (1914) mentions chiefs,
-stating that the Athanase de Mézières gave peace medals to two chiefs,
-Cocay and Gunkan, in 1768.
-
-[Illustration: Historic 18th century A.D. Caddoan pottery vessels from
-Los Adaes, Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana.]
-
-Presently, the archaeological picture seems to support the hypothesis
-that the Yatasi included a number of small autonomous bands. A cluster
-of sites is located around Chamard Lake: the Arnold or Bead Hill site
-(Gregory and Webb 1965), the Wilkinson site (Ford 1936), and the Eagle
-Brake site (Gregory 1974). These sites have fairly large, deep middens
-and all have yielded _Natchitoches Engraved_ sherds and trade goods.
-This is somewhat different from the scattered shallow sites nearer
-Natchitoches and suggests more clustered populations, but still a
-dispersed settlement pattern. None of these archaeological sites seems
-to correspond to the Red River-Bayou Pierre sites, though they shared
-the drainage. Although it is known that the Lafittes, Poisot, and Rambin
-claims were near the Yatasi villages, and all of these settlers traded
-with the tribe (Pintado Papers:82-84), their documented sites remain to
-be found.
-
-Contemporary Caddo, most of whom are Kadohadacho or Hasinai, frequently
-mention the Yatasi when asked about other groups and know they once
-existed. However, it remains obscure whether the Yatasi were one or many
-little groups. They seem to have been absorbed by the Kadohadacho, but it
-is hard to trace them after the American land sales.
-
-
-
-
-THE KADOHADACHO
-
-
-The Kadohadacho (“Great Chiefs” in the Caddoan languages) were the
-dominant Caddoan-speaking group in the Red River Valley. They occupied a
-widely dispersed settlement with a temple and a mound, in northeastern
-Texas and probably near the Great Bend at Texarkana. The Petit Caddo,
-Nasoni, Nanatsoho, and Upper Natchitoches were absorbed by the
-Kadohadacho, and the tribes abandoned their Great Bend villages (at
-least four archaeological sites there seem related to these groups) and
-shifted south to Caddo Lake. Once there, their chief, Tinhiouen, dealt
-politically with both the Spanish (Bolton 1914) and the Americans.
-
-The Kadohadacho language was the most widely understood of all the
-Caddoan tongues, and, according to early accounts (Sibley 1922), the
-tribe was the most influential of all the Caddos. They had a sort of
-warrior class comparable to the “Knights of Malta.” It is, therefore, not
-surprising that the Kadohadacho became the Caddo Nation of the American
-Period (Williams 1964).
-
-The Kadohadacho settled, at least by 1797 (Swanton 1942), at a location
-known as Timber Hill (Mooney 1896:323) near Caddo Lake (Swanton 1942).
-Williams (1964) has pointed out that this village has never been located
-archaeologically. However, it should be noted that the Texicans placed
-the tribe near Caddo Station in 1842 (Gullick 1921).
-
-Immediately after the American land treaty, the tribe apparently split
-into factions. A group under Tarsher moved to the Brazos River in Texas;
-the others stayed in Louisiana until at least 1842, when they apparently
-moved to live with the Choctaw some time that year (Swanton 1942:95).
-
-The late Miss Caroline Dormon (1935, unpublished field notes, Special
-Collections, Eugene Watson Library, Northwestern State University)
-recorded a single burial, with a “silver crown, copper, etc.,” which
-was found near Stormy Point on Ferry Lake by James Shenich, son-in-law
-of Larkin Edwards. This burial may have been very near the Kadohadacho
-village. According to the Dormon notes, this was a favorite crossing
-to Shreveport and the Indian trace was visible as late as the 1860’s.
-In spite of the fact that “Glendora Focus” artifacts were not present
-(Williams 1964), it can no longer be said that there were no historic
-Caddoan sites in the Treaty Cession areas of De Soto and Caddo parishes.
-In fact there is a good possibility that this was the grave of the
-powerful chief, Dahaut, who died in 1833 (Caddo Agency Letters).
-
-
-
-
-CADDOAN HERITAGE
-
-
-The Caddo left their names, art, and culture in Louisiana. A number of
-colonial European families can boast of Caddoan ancestors: Grappes,
-Brevelles, Balthazars, and others. In Oklahoma, after years of wandering,
-the Kadohadacho and Hasinai have become the dominant groups. Yet, as has
-been pointed out, old traditions persist. People still recall stories
-of floods on Caddo Prairie which left cows hanging by their horns in
-the trees, and know that Natchitoches meant the place of “little yellow
-fruits” that do not grow in Oklahoma.
-
-At Binger and near Hinton, Oklahoma, the old songs and dances continue to
-be heard and seen. The Turkey Dance still is held before the sun sets,
-and individuals sing the “Dawn Song” or “Tom Cat Song” on their way home
-from the dancing.
-
-The Caddo now visit Louisiana, especially Natchitoches and Shreveport, to
-see the places of their tradition. Places are part of Indian tradition
-and pilgrimages are sacred acts. Perhaps now other Louisianians
-will join the Caddo who realize how much Indian culture remains in
-northwestern Louisiana.
-
-
-
-
-BIBLIOGRAPHY
-
-
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-
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-Blake Papers
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-Bolton, Herbert E.
-
- 1914 _Athanase de Mézières and the Louisiana-Texas Frontier,
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-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Caddo Indians of Louisiana, by Clarence H. Webb</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
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-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Caddo Indians of Louisiana</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Authors: Clarence H. Webb</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em;'>Hiram F. Gregory</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 23, 2022 [eBook #67235]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
- <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: WebRover, Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CADDO INDIANS OF LOUISIANA ***</div>
-
-<div class="transnote">
-<p><span class="bold">Transcriber’s Note:</span> Maps are clickable for larger versions.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class="titlepage bold">Department of Culture, Recreation and Tourism</p>
-
-<p class="center bold">Louisiana Archaeological Survey and Antiquities Commission</p>
-
-<p class="center bold">Anthropological Study No. 2</p>
-
-<div class="lines">
-
-<h1>THE CADDO<br />
-INDIANS<br />
-OF LOUISIANA</h1>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/cover-illus.jpg" width="500" height="325" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Green Corn Ceremony of prehistoric Caddo Indians.
-Presumed village, dress, and utensils about A.D. 1000 as reconstructed
-from archaeological findings. Mural in Louisiana State Exhibit Museum,
-Shreveport.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class="center larger"><i>Clarence H. Webb</i></p>
-
-<p class="center larger"><i>Hiram F. Gregory</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class="center">August 1978</p>
-
-<p class="center">Baton Rouge, Louisiana</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p class="titlepage bold">STATE OF LOUISIANA</p>
-
-<p class="center">Edwin Edwards<br />
-<i>Governor</i></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage bold">DEPARTMENT OF CULTURE, RECREATION AND TOURISM</p>
-
-<p class="center">Dr. J. Larry Crain<br />
-<i>Secretary</i></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage bold">ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY AND ANTIQUITIES COMMISSION</p>
-
-<p class="center"><i>Ex-Officio Members</i></p>
-
-<table summary="Ex-Officio Members">
- <tr>
- <td class="nw">Dr. Alan Toth</td>
- <td class="tdr"><i>State Archaeologist</i></td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="nw">Dr. E. Bernard Carrier</td>
- <td class="tdr"><i>Assistant Secretary</i>,<br />Office of Program Development</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="nw">Mr. William C. Huls</td>
- <td class="tdr"><i>Secretary</i>, Department of<br />Natural Resources</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="nw">Mr. Leon Tarver</td>
- <td class="tdr"><i>Secretary</i>, Department of<br />Urban and Community Affairs</td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p class="center"><i>Appointed Members</i></p>
-
-<table summary="Appointed Members">
- <tr>
- <td class="nw tdc">Mrs. Lanier Simmons</td>
- <td class="nw tdc">Mrs. Dale Campbell Brown</td>
- <td class="nw tdc">Mr. Thomas M. Ryan</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="nw tdc">Mr. Fred Benton, Jr.</td>
- <td class="nw tdc">Dr. Clarence H. Webb</td>
- <td class="nw tdc">Dr. Jon L. Gibson</td>
- </tr>
- <tr>
- <td class="nw tdc"></td>
- <td class="nw tdc">Mr. Robert S. Neitzel</td>
- <td class="nw tdc"></td>
- </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">Editor’s Note</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>More than 10,000 years of human settlement in Louisiana have left a
-cultural heritage that is both rich and informative. With the publication of
-“The Caddo Indians of Louisiana,” the Department of Culture, Recreation
-and Tourism is pleased to continue the series of <i>Anthropological Studies</i> that
-will illuminate some of the major episodes in Louisiana’s past.</p>
-
-<p>The two authors of the present study are eminently qualified authorities
-on the Caddo Indians. Dr. Clarence H. Webb, a well-known Shreveport
-physician, is equally distinguished by his pioneer archaeological efforts in the
-Caddoan area. For more than four decades, he has led the professional
-community in the illumination of Caddoan prehistory. Dr. Hiram F. Gregory
-is Professor of Anthropology at Northwestern State University and also a
-veteran of many years of Caddoan archaeology. His professional career,
-which began with an exhaustive study of the Spanish <i>presidio</i> of Los Adaes,
-has acquired a pronounced ethnohistoric orientation in recent years as the
-result of his close cooperation with the Caddo and other living Indian groups.</p>
-
-<p>Recognizing that the past belongs to everyone, and not just to a handful of
-scholars, the <i>Anthropological Studies</i> are directed to a general audience. It is
-hoped that these studies will bring cultural enrichment to the people of
-Louisiana and stimulate an interest in preserving our historic and archaeological
-resources for enjoyment and study by future generations.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Alan Toth<br />
-<i>State Archaeologist</i></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p class="center"><span class="bold gothic">State of Louisiana</span><br />
-<span class="smaller">EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT</span><br />
-<span class="bold gothic">Baton Rouge</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;">
-<img src="images/state-of-louisiana.jpg" width="150" height="150" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Edwin Edwards</span><br />
-<span class="smcap">Governor</span></p>
-
-<p class="noindent">July 5, 1978</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">CITIZENS OF LOUISIANA</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">This second edition of the Anthropological Study Series of the Department of Culture,
-Recreation and Tourism and the Louisiana Archaeological Survey and Antiquities Commission
-is dedicated to the late Margaret Elam Drew, a charter member of the Commission.
-Affectionately known by professional and amateur archaeologists as “Lady Margaret,” Mrs.
-Drew and her close friend, Mrs. Rita Krouse, were instrumental in fostering statewide
-governmental and private sector support for the protection of Louisiana’s archaeological
-resources.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">Mrs. Drew was the wife of Representative Harmon R. Drew of Minden. Her interest in
-archaeology began in 1962, with her daughter’s curiosity about the location of Indian tribes in
-Northwest Louisiana. Mrs. Drew, a devoted history buff, and Mrs. Krouse enthusiastically
-began researching possible Indian sites.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">The Drew-Krouse team contacted Dr. William Haag, the Louisiana State University professor
-later named as Louisiana’s first State Archaeologist, for advice. Their research marked the
-beginning of a fifteen-year partnership of field excursions, field training schools and dedicated
-efforts to enlighten the public on archaeology and its importance to everyone.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">Webster Parish had no registered archaeological sites in 1962. Through the efforts of Mrs.
-Drew and Mrs. Krouse there are now twenty-nine such sites. Claiborne Parish had two
-registered sites; there now are twenty-five. Mmes. Drew and Krouse established seventeen
-sites in Bienville Parish alone.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">In 1974, on Dr. Haag’s recommendation, I was honored to appoint Margaret Drew a charter
-member of the Louisiana Archaeological Survey and Antiquities Commission. Her appointment
-was but a token of her colleagues and my appreciation for her efforts to promote the
-establishment of the Antiquities Commission and her work to obtain public and private funds
-for archaeological site surveys.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">The publication of this study recognizes and honors the late Margaret Drew. Her selfless and
-tireless dedication to the preservation of our archaeological resources will, through ages to
-come, be credited with helping preserve this precious part of Louisiana’s cultural heritage.</p>
-
-<p class="noindent">Cordially,</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<img src="images/signature.jpg" width="300" height="115" alt="(signature)" />
-<p class="center">EDWIN EDWARDS</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus1.jpg" width="500" height="600" alt="" />
-<p class="caption center">Margaret Elam Drew</p>
-<p class="caption center">(1919-1977)</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">INTRODUCTION</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Northwestern Louisiana was occupied by the Caddo Indians during the
-period of early Spanish, French, and American contacts. By combining
-history and archaeology, the Caddo story can be traced back for a thousand
-years—a unique opportunity made possible by a long tradition of distinctive
-traits, especially in pottery forms and decorations. Our story of the Caddo
-Indians in Louisiana, therefore, begins around A.D. 800-900 and can be
-traced by archaeology well into the historic period.</p>
-
-<p>The center of Caddoan occupation during contact times and throughout
-their prehistoric development was along Red River and its tributaries, with
-extensions to other river valleys in the four-state area of northern Louisiana,
-southwestern Arkansas, eastern Texas, and eastern Oklahoma. The successful
-agriculture of these farming peoples was best adapted to the fertile valleys
-of major streams like the Red, Sabine, Angelina, Ouachita and—in
-Oklahoma—the Canadian and Arkansas rivers.</p>
-
-<p>In spite of their linguistic (language) connections with Plains tribes like
-the Wichita, Pawnee, and Arikara, the Caddos in Louisiana had customs
-much like those of other Southeastern tribes. They maintained trade and
-cultural contacts with the lower Mississippi Valley tribes of eastern and
-southern Louisiana for many centuries.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">PRE-CADDOAN DEVELOPMENTS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Northwestern Louisiana was occupied for thousands of years before the
-beginnings of Caddo culture. In the upland areas, along small streams and
-bordering the river valleys, projectile points and tools of Early and Late
-Paleo-Indian peoples have been found (Webb 1948b; Gagliano and Gregory
-1965). In the western plains, the makers of the fluted Clovis and Folsom
-points hunted now extinct types of big game (mammoth, mastodon, sloth)
-between 10,000 and 8000 B.C. The later Plainview, Angostura, and
-Scottsbluff points have been found with the extinct large bison. Since all of
-these distinctive projectile point types have been found in the Louisiana
-uplands and mastodon bones, teeth, and tusks have been found in Red River
-Valley, big game hunting was possible in the state. However, no camp or kill
-sites of Paleo-Indian people have been found thus far.</p>
-
-<p>The oldest camp sites in the Caddo area of northwestern Louisiana are
-those of the San Patrice culture, thought to date between 8000 and 6000 B.C.
-This culture, which some students look upon as late Paleo-Indian and others
-as early Archaic, was named for a stream in De Soto and Sabine Parishes
-(Webb 1946). When a camp site of two bands of San Patrice people was
-excavated south of Shreveport (Webb, Shiner and Roberts 1971), only their
-typical points and a variety of small scraping, cutting, and drilling stone tools
-were found. The tools indicated that they still depended largely on
-hunting—probably deer, bear, bison, and smaller animals—with a gradual
-increase in reliance on gathering wild plant foods. Stone points and tools of
-San Patrice people have been found over much of the terrace and upland
-parts of Louisiana.</p>
-
-<p>A combination of hunting, fishing, and gathering of native foods by bands
-of people, whom we call Archaic, was characteristic throughout Louisiana
-from 6000 B.C. until almost the time of Christ. In favorable locations they
-congregated in larger groups, at least during certain times of the year, but did
-not form definite year-round settlements. Grinding stones and pitted nut
-stones show that Archaic people harvested seeds and nuts, such as hickory
-nuts, walnuts, pecans, acorns, and chinquapins (chestnuts). They also made
-ground stone celts (hatchets) for wood cutting and polished stone ornaments,
-especially beads. They hunted with darts which are heavier than arrows and
-were thrown with the atlatl, or throwing stick.</p>
-
-<p>Toward the end of the long Archaic period, by 1500 B.C., the Poverty
-Point culture developed in northeastern, central, and southern Louisiana.
-Sites of this culture have not been found on Red River, but there are Poverty
-Point sites on the Ouachita River and the late Archaic people on Red River<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
-had a few items—soapstone vessels, hematite plummets or bolas weights,
-polished or effigy beads—which may have been traded from Poverty Point.</p>
-
-<p>People who lived in small settlements and made pottery appeared in the
-area about the time of Christ. Their crude pottery was generally plain and
-resembled that of Fourche Maline people in eastern Oklahoma and southwestern
-Arkansas. In northwestern Louisiana, the culture is called Bellevue
-Focus, named for a small mound site on Bodcau Bayou near Bellevue, in
-Bossier Parish (Fulton and Webb 1953). The small conical Bellevue mound
-was found to cover flexed and partly cremated burials, and is thought to
-represent the beginning of the trait of building mounds as burial commemorations
-in this part of the state. There was no sign of cultivated plants,
-although the Marksville people of this time may have grown maize (corn) and
-squash. Probably, the Bellevue people lived largely as had the Archaic folk,
-by hunting, fishing, and gathering of the abundant native foods. At another
-half dozen small sites along the Red River Valley margins and on the lateral
-lakes, small conical mounds show a culture like that of Bellevue. One of these
-in Caddo Parish also had polished stone and native copper beads with
-cremated burials. An occasional decorated pottery sherd found at these
-Bellevue sites resembles Marksville and Troyville pottery of the lower Mississippi
-Valley.</p>
-
-<p>The Fredericks mound and village site, near Black Lake in Natchitoches
-Parish, seems to be an outpost or colony of central Louisiana Marksville and
-Troyville cultures, probably inhabited between A.D. 100 and 600. A few
-scattered sherds at other sites along Red River show a thin occupation or
-trade with Marksville, but Fredericks is the only large mound and village site
-of this intrusive culture in the area.</p>
-
-<p>The first widespread occupation of northwestern Louisiana by pottery
-making, farming people was that of Coles Creek culture. This culture developed
-along the lower Mississippi Valley, in Louisiana and Mississippi,
-including the lower Red River, starting about A.D. 700. Probably because
-their agriculture was more advanced, Coles Creek populations increased and
-spread widely, up the Mississippi Valley, throughout northern Louisiana,
-eventually into the Caddoan area of the other three states, and even to the
-Arkansas River in central Arkansas and eastern Oklahoma.</p>
-
-<p>Coles Creek hamlets and villages were on the river banks, on the lateral
-lakes, and on streams in the uplands. Many settlements were larger than in
-previous times and large ceremonial centers evolved, some of which featured
-mounds around a central plaza. There probably were temples atop the
-flat-topped mounds and burials within other mounds. The temples were
-either chiefs’ or priests’ lodges, or sacred temples, and ceremonies and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
-festivals presumably were held in the plazas. Pottery was well made and
-hunting was with the bow and arrow which replaced the atlatl and dart in this
-area about A.D. 600.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<a href="images/illus2-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus2.jpg" width="300" height="450" alt="" /></a>
-<p class="caption">Distribution of principal archaeological sites in northwestern Louisiana. Reprinted with permission of
-New World Research and the U.S. Army Engineer District, New Orleans.</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">EARLY CADDO CULTURE: ALTO FOCUS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>At some time before A.D. 1000, and probably by A.D. 800, the traits
-associated with the beginnings of prehistoric Caddo culture replaced Coles
-Creek over the four-state area. The change may have started along Red River
-in northwestern Louisiana, although others have thought that a group of
-“culture bearers” entered the Caddoan area of eastern Texas overland from
-the more advanced culture centers of the Mexican Highlands.</p>
-
-<p>Whether the ideas that are shown in the prehistoric settlements came
-overland or up the rivers, two conclusions seem certain: (1) early Caddoan
-culture existed for a time with late Coles Creek; and (2) Caddo beginnings
-added new customs and traits that seem to have originated in Middle
-America, especially in the Mexican Highlands and on the upper Mexican
-Gulf Coast.</p>
-
-<p>The early Caddo unquestionably derived many things from Coles Creek.
-Their settlement patterns were similar, a culture change from Coles Creek to
-Caddo often occurring in the same village or even in building levels of the
-same mound. The Caddo continued bow and arrow hunting, with identical or
-slightly changed stone arrow points. Coles Creek and Caddo peoples practiced
-the same kind of intensive maize-beans-sunflower-squash-pumpkin
-agriculture or horticulture. They both made clay or stone effigy pipes and
-smoked tobacco ceremonially. The Caddo shared many of the Coles Creek
-pottery types, especially in the utility vessels, with minor changes taking place
-through time, as is to be expected. The Caddo retained strong religious and
-civil authority in the villages and the major ceremonial centers and were
-organized under a chieftain type of authority. There are similarities to Coles
-Creek, finally, in Caddoan ceremonial festivities, games, and customs of
-burying the dead in mounds alongside the plazas.</p>
-
-<p>A Middle American origin can be assumed for a number of Caddoan
-ceramic ideas. The bottle and the carinated bowl—a bowl with a sharp angle
-separating the rim from the sides or the base—vessel shapes are likely
-Mexican introductions. The same is true of the low-oxygen firing of pottery
-and the burnishing or polishing of the exterior to produce glossy mahogany
-brown or black surfaces. Decoration of these surfaces was often by engraving
-after firing, combined with cut-out areas and insertion of red pigment into the
-designs, and the frequent use of curved line rather than straight line designs.
-The curved motifs included concentric circles, spirals, scrolls, interlocking
-scrolls, meanders, volutes, swastikas, and stylized serpent designs. A few
-curvilinear designs were present in the earlier Marksville and Coles Creek
-pottery, but they became more varied and frequent in Caddoan ceramics.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p>
-
-<p>Another trait introduced from Middle America was that of placing the
-burials of important people, such as chiefs, priests, and family members of the
-ruling class, in shaft graves, sunk into mounds or special cemetery areas.
-Some of the more important early Caddo tombs are quite large, as much as
-fifteen to twenty feet in length and eight to sixteen feet in depth. Many had
-special sands or pigments on the pit floor, numerous offerings, and indications
-that retainers or servants were sacrificed to accompany the revered
-person in the afterlife. Shaft tombs in mounds and pyramids occurred in the
-Maya areas of Guatemala and Yucatan, and also in the Mexican Highlands,
-before and during the time of the early Caddos.</p>
-
-<p>Other Mexican traits were the concepts of the long-nosed god and the
-feathered serpent. These symbols are seen in the Caddo area in sheet copper
-masks, on carved stone pipes, and on carved conch shells. In Middle America,
-the long-nosed god symbol relates to the worship of the rain god, Chaac, and
-the feathered serpent is the symbol of Quetzalcoatl (Kukulcan in Maya).</p>
-
-<p>Signs of elaborate ceremonialism have been found in large Caddoan
-mound groups or centers in each of the four states: Davis, Sanders, and Sam
-Kaufman sites in Texas; Spiro and Harlan in Oklahoma; Crenshaw, Mineral
-Springs, Ozan, and East mounds in Arkansas. Along Red River in northwestern
-Louisiana, the well-known early Caddo centers are Gahagan and
-Mounds Plantation.</p>
-
-<p>The Gahagan site is on the west side of Red River, almost equidistant
-between Natchitoches and Shreveport. Formerly it was situated on an old
-channel but much of the channel and site have been destroyed by river caving.
-A village area, a conical burial mound, and a small flat-topped mound
-surrounded a large plaza at Gahagan. Another small mound is about a
-quarter mile distant. The burial mound was excavated by Clarence B. Moore
-in 1912, and by Webb and Dodd (1939). Moore described a central shaft,
-eleven feet in depth and thirteen by eight feet in dimensions, with five burials
-and more than 200 offerings. Webb and Dodd found two additional pits
-along the slopes, both starting at the mound surface and terminating near the
-base. They were nineteen by fifteen and twelve by eleven feet in dimensions,
-and contained six and three burials, respectively. Between 250 and 400
-offerings were preserved in each pit.</p>
-
-<p>The burial offerings at Gahagan included ornate pottery, beautifully
-flaked stone knives (called Gahagan blades), batches of choice flint arrow
-points, long stemmed or figurine pipes of clay and stone, copper-plated ear
-ornaments, sheet copper plaques, copper hand effigies, long-nosed god copper
-masks, polished greenstone celts (some spade-shaped), bone hairpins,
-and shell beads or ornaments. All of these are unusual for this area and show
-that the early Caddos had widespread trade channels for these esoteric
-objects and materials. The sources are as distant as the Gulf coast, the
-Kiamichi Mountains of Oklahoma, the central Texas plateau, Tennessee or
-Kentucky, and, possibly, the Great Lakes area.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus3.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Frog and human effigy stone pipes and polished and engraved pottery vessel made about A.D. 1050.
-Artifacts from the Gahagan Mound site, Red River Parish, Louisiana.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span></p>
-
-<p>The second Caddo site where high ceremonialism existed is at Mounds
-Plantation, on an old Red River channel just north of Shreveport. An oval
-plaza, more than 600 yards in length and 200 yards in width (about twenty-five
-acres), is surrounded by seven mounds of varying sizes, with two smaller
-mounds at some distance. It was first described by Clarence B. Moore (1912),
-then studied by surface collections and limited excavations by Ralph R.
-McKinney, Robert Plants, and Clarence H. Webb, with assistance of friends
-(Webb and McKinney 1975). At least four culture periods were indicated by
-pottery sherds. Excavations proved that Coles Creek people established and
-laid out the site, probably constructing at least four of the mounds around the
-plaza. A flat mound on the northwest corner, started by these people, was
-built higher by the early Caddos in what seems to have been a period of rapid
-culture change. The mound may have been the location of an arbor or lodge
-where food was prepared and served during festivals or ceremonies held in
-the adjoining plaza.</p>
-
-<p>At the southeast end of the plaza, the Coles Creek people prepared a
-large burial pit, measuring sixteen by fourteen feet, in which they placed ten
-adult or adolescent burials in two parallel rows. Offerings found by the
-investigators were limited to flint arrow points, bone pins, smoothing stones,
-traces of copper-plated ear ornaments, and ankle rattles of tortoise shells
-filled with pebbles. A small mound had been built over this pit, and into this
-mound later Coles Creek burials had been placed.</p>
-
-<p>Subsequently, the Alto Caddos also used this mound for burials, digging
-four large shaft tombs and three smaller pits. All but one of these features
-contained offerings of superior quality. The most spectacular of the graves
-was a large crater-shaped pit adjoining the Coles Creek pit. It was nineteen
-by seventeen feet in dimensions, and was cut through the mound to a depth of
-four feet below its base. In it were the skeletons of twenty-one persons, from
-elderly adults to unborn infants. An adult male, six feet tall, was provided
-with numerous personal effects which included a sheathed knife on his left
-forearm and a well-preserved five and one-half foot bow of bois d’arc wood
-placed by his left side. He is thought to have been the paramount person
-whose death occasioned the immense tomb, the ceremonial offerings, and the
-presumed sacrifice of tribal members to accompany him in the afterlife. Part
-of the tomb was covered with a framework of cedar logs, thus accounting for
-the unusual preservation of many cane and wooden objects.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 350px;">
-<img src="images/illus4.jpg" width="350" height="700" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Prehistoric Caddoan stone knives, finely chipped arrow points, and ceremonial polished greenstone celts
-from Gahagan Mound site. These Early Caddo artifacts date to the 11th century A.D.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span></p>
-
-<p>Preserved offerings included an ornate pottery bowl, decorated with a
-thumb-finger cross and eye symbols, flint knives of Gahagan type, fifty-three
-arrow points, a long-stemmed pipe, copper-plated ear ornaments, puma
-teeth, and objects of wood which included knife handles, a comb, a baton,
-several small bows, and wooden frames. Also present were leather, plaited
-cording or twine, and about 200 fragments of split cane woven mats, some of
-them with diamond or bird head designs. A half pint of seeds beside the
-important male were identified later as purslane (<i>Portulaca oleracea</i>), a plant
-sometimes used for food by aboriginal people. Also beside the male were
-four objects typical of Poverty Point or late Archaic manufacture: two long
-polished stone beads, a polished hematite plummet, and half of a perforated
-slate gorget. These ancient objects, from a time 2000 years before the Caddo
-burial occurred, must have been found and kept as venerated talismans by the
-Caddo leaders.</p>
-
-<p>Gahagan and Mounds Plantation have their counterparts as early Caddoan
-ceremonial and trade centers at a dozen similar large sites in Texas,
-Oklahoma, and Arkansas. The best known is the Spiro mound center on the
-Arkansas River in eastern Oklahoma, where enormous amounts of well-made
-and exotic objects from the entire midportion of the United States were
-gathered or made as offerings. Close contact between these large ceremonial
-centers is shown by the similarity of objects, materials, or artistic concepts
-across the entire Caddo area. Contacts with other cultural centers in the
-Mississippi Valley and into the Southeast also are seen.</p>
-
-<p>Contrasting with these important centers, with their reflection of Middle
-American ceremonialism, organized religio-civil leadership class, and expensive
-cruel burial ceremonies, there were many small villages and hamlets of
-early Caddo people. Their habitations, tools, and some customs are known by
-explorations of sites at Smithport Landing (Webb 1963), Allen, Wilkinson,
-Swanson’s Landing, and Harrison’s Bayou along the western valley escarpment
-(Ford 1936; Webb and McKinney 1975; Gregory and Webb 1965).
-Colbert and Greer sites on upland streams in Bienville Parish, and the recent
-study of a hamlet at Hanna on the Red River below Gahagan (Thomas,
-Campbell and Ahler 1977).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus5.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Early Caddo copper objects from Gahagan include beads, a hand effigy, a finger cover, a Long-Nosed God
-mask, and copper-plated ear ornaments.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span></p>
-
-<p>Many other small settlements of this time are known but have not been
-studied, thirty to forty altogether between Natchitoches and the Arkansas
-state line (Thomas, Campbell and Ahler 1977; Webb 1975). They are found
-in the Red River Valley, on lateral lakes and streams, and in the uplands.
-Apparently, these were simple farming, gathering, hunting, and fishing folk
-who did not share in the exotic materials of the complex regional centers.
-They probably did participate in ceremonies, festivities, and renewals of faith
-by visits to the centers and may have provided food, local materials, and
-occasional man-power in exchange for leadership and protection. For the
-next 500 years there is no evidence of the Caddo being threatened by
-outsiders.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">BOSSIER FOCUS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Between A.D. 1100 and 1200 the early Caddo culture was changing into
-a simpler culture that has been named Bossier, for the parish in which it was
-first discovered (Webb 1948a). The large centers faded out or were inhabited
-by small groups. The people seem to have been secure, not menaced, and
-beginning to spread out along the streams in small settlements or family
-homesteads. Local materials were used and few exotic objects have been
-found. Burial customs became simpler, usually single graves with a few
-offerings and situated near the home or in small cemeteries. The pottery of
-the Bossier folk was of good quality and still had some of the decoration by
-engraving, incising, and punctating techniques of the earlier period, but
-increasing amounts of everyday wares were decorated by simple brushing
-(similar to Plaquemine pottery of eastern and southern Louisiana).</p>
-
-<p>Between Caddo Lake and Natchitoches the location of settlements in the
-Red River Valley almost disappeared at this time, possibly signifying the
-beginning of the Great Raft. The villages and hamlets were on the lateral
-streams, lakes, and into the uplands, along virtually every watercourse. A
-calm period of pastoral life is indicated and probably lasted until it was
-shattered in 1542 by Moscoso’s tattered Spanish army and the subsequent
-arrival of other Europeans.</p>
-
-<p>One such hamlet or family homestead of Bossier people is under study at
-the Montgomery site in upper Webster Parish at the Springhill Airport
-(Webb and Jeane 1977). The people seem to have lived here long enough for
-their thatched roof, clay-daubed houses to have been repaired and relocated
-a number of times, leaving numerous post molds. Their simple tools and
-arrow points were made of local cherts; ornaments are missing and polished
-stone tools are rare. Residues of gathered or hunted food stuffs are present:
-hickory nuts, acorns, persimmons, mussels, turtle, fish, and deer bones. No
-corn, beans, or pumpkin seeds have been found, but they must have grown
-these crops and probably did so in gardens rather than in fields. Their pottery,
-as shown by broken sherds, ranged from rough culinary or storage pots to
-nicely engraved bowls and red-surfaced or engraved bottles.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus6.jpg" width="500" height="600" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Bossier Focus pottery from Mill Creek site, Lake Bistineau. Photos courtesy of Sergeant O. H. Davis.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span></p>
-
-<p>A Bossier group of higher culture lived along Willow Chute, an old Red
-River channel in the valley east of Bossier City. Farming homesteads and
-hamlets are strung along its course and two large mounds—Vanceville and
-Werner—mark the Bossier ceremonial centers. Beneath the Werner mound,
-destroyed in the 1930’s, were the ruins of an immense lodge which was
-circular with a projecting entrance. The entire lodge measured eighty by
-ninety feet. It was probably ceremonial, or the lodge of a <i>Caddi</i> (chief), as few
-arrows, tools, or personal possessions were found. There were quantities of
-deer and other animal bones, fish and turtle bones, and mussel shells. Broken
-pottery in large amounts denoted feasts and the ceramics were of exceptional
-quality. No burials or whole vessels were found.</p>
-
-<p>Each lateral lake along Red River—Black Bayou, Caddo, Wallace, Clear,
-and Smithport lakes on the west side; Bodcau, Bistineau, Swan, and Black
-lakes on the east—has Bossier period sites around its margins. Occupations
-continue westward to Sabine River and into eastern Texas, southward almost
-to Catahoula Lake, eastward along D’Arbonne and Corney bayous toward
-the Ouachita, and northward into Arkansas. Either late Bossier or Belcher
-people could have been in the populous Naguatex district described by the
-De Soto chroniclers, encountered just before the Spaniards crossed Red
-River.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">BELCHER FOCUS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Belcher mound site, in Red River Valley about twenty miles north of
-Shreveport, gives its name to this Caddo culture period. Radiocarbon dates at
-the site and comparisons with other cultures suggest that the Belcher Focus
-began about A.D. 1400 and lasted into the 17th century. During its beginning.
-Belcher culture probably overlapped and coexisted with Bossier culture.</p>
-
-<p>The Belcher site was excavated by Webb (1959) and his associates over a
-ten year period. The Belcher mound contained a succession of levels on
-which houses were built, burned or deserted, and covered over with new
-buildings. Burials were placed in pits beneath the house floors or through the
-ruins of burned houses. It is inferred that the houses were ceremonial lodges
-or chiefs’ houses. The earliest house was rectangular, with wall posts erected
-in trenches and packed with clay; a seven-foot entranceway projected northeastward.
-The walls were clay-daubed, and the gabled roof covered with
-grass thatch. Later houses were circular, also with projecting entranceways,
-and with interior roof supports and central hearths. They also were daubed
-and thatch-covered, but were divided into compartments, which contained
-internal posts for seats or couches and sometimes small hearths for each<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
-compartment. Food remains found on the floors of Belcher houses included
-maize, beans, hickory nuts, persimmon seeds, pecans, mussel and snail shells,
-and bones of deer, rabbit, squirrel, fox, mink, birds, fish (gar, catfish, buffalo,
-sheepshead, and bowfin), and turtle. Belcher tools encompassed stone celts
-(hatchets or chisels), arrow points which had tiny pointed stems, flint scrapers
-and gravers, sandstone hones, bone awls, needles and Chisels, shell hoes,
-spoons and saws, and pottery spindle weights.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus7.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Prehistoric Caddo pottery, conch shell ceremonial drinking cups, and lizard effigy shell necklace from
-Belcher Mound, Caddo Parish, Louisiana. Artifacts date approximately A.D. 1300 to 1400.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span></p>
-
-<p>Ornaments found with burials or on house floors at Belcher include
-beads, anklets, pendants and gorgets of shell, pearls, ear ornaments of shell,
-bone and pottery, bone hairpins, bear tooth pendants, shell inlays, and small
-shell bangles. Some of the shell pendants were carved in lizard or salamander
-effigy forms. Ceremonial drinking cups made of conch shells were sometimes
-decorated, one bearing a composite flying serpent-eagle design. Platform and
-elbow pipes were of baked clay. Split cane basketry or matting fragments
-show herringbone or 1-over-4-under weave.</p>
-
-<p>Belcher pottery was superior to that of the Bossier people and, indeed, is
-some of the best in the entire Caddoan area. There was a diversity of bowl,
-bottle, urn, jar, vase, miniature, and compound forms. Large storage ollas
-were found broken on house floors. Techniques of decoration involved
-engraving, stamping, incising, trailing, ridging, punctating, brushing,
-applique nodes, insertion of red or white pigment into designs, red slipping,
-polishing, pedestal elevation, rattle bowls, bird and turtle effigies, and tripod
-and tetrapod legs. Many of the vessels had ornate or intricate curvilinear
-designs, with scrolls, circles, meanders, spirals, and guilloches; sun symbols,
-crosses, swastikas, and triskeles were added.</p>
-
-<p>Many of the twenty-six burials found in Belcher mound exhibited a
-carry-over of the early Caddo burial ceremonialism, presumably including
-human sacrifice. Individuals or groups of up to seven persons were placed in
-shaft burial pits, and often were surrounded by many pottery vessels—sometimes
-in stacks—in addition to tools, arrows, ornaments, food offerings,
-vessels with spoons, decorated drinking cups, pipes, and other indicators of
-high rank. As many as twenty to forty pottery vessels had been placed in a
-single pit. Even small children had ornaments and numerous vessels, as
-though they were of the nobility. This suggests a hereditary social ranking as
-was found among the Natchez Indians.</p>
-
-<p>Other mound centers of Belcher culture, occurring along Red River into
-southwestern Arkansas, show similar ceremonialism. Villages and hamlets
-along the river to Natchitoches and into the uplands are marked by typical
-Belcher pottery sherds. In all, late Belcher people were dispersed widely, and
-their way of life gave rise to the generalized cultural base that existed at the
-time of European intrusion.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE HISTORIC CADDO</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>If one views the Caddoan archaeological sequence as a tree trunk, identifiable
-branches seem to begin spreading by about A.D. 1450 (Belcher
-Focus). After that point, several distinct tribal branches can be recognized,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
-each with its own particular language, or dialect, and customs. Within relatively
-short distances these groups often exhibited striking differences.</p>
-
-<p>The Louisiana Caddoan-speaking groups were the Adaes, Doustioni,
-Natchitoches, Ouachita and Yatasi. These groups seem to have been concentrated
-around Natchitoches, Mansfield, Monroe, and Robeline, Louisiana.
-Their total aboriginal territory stretched from the Ouachita River west to the
-Sabine River and south to the mouth of Cane River.</p>
-
-<p>On Red River, in northeastern Texas and southwestern Arkansas, there
-were other Caddoan groups: Kadohadacho, Petit Caddo, Nasoni, Nanatsoho,
-and Upper Natchitoches. Eventually, due to pressure from the Osage,
-these groups migrated south to Louisiana and settled north of the Yatasi,
-near Caddo Prairie and Caddo Lake.</p>
-
-<p>The Caddoan tribes seem to have had strong cultural affiliations. In fact,
-some anthropologists have considered them part of three vast inter-tribal
-confederacies (Swanton 1942; Hodge 1907). In eastern Texas another
-group, led by the Hasinai, consisted of the Ais, Anadarko, Hainai, Hasinai,
-Nabiti, Nacogdoches, and Nabedache. This group also has been considered a
-large confederacy (Hodge 1907).</p>
-
-<p>The various peoples mentioned above seem to have been regional groups,
-fairly fluid in nature, but tied to general geographic boundaries. Linguistic
-differences served to differentiate them (Taylor 1963:51-59) and some, like
-the Adaes, could hardly be understood by the others. However, the
-Kadohadacho language dominated in the east—where nearly everyone understood
-it—and the Hasinai language in the west.</p>
-
-<p>These groups had chiefs, or <i>Caddi</i>. Generally one man had more prestige
-than any other <i>Caddi</i>, but multiple chiefs—usually two—were present in
-most communities. Other groups seem to have had <i>tama</i> (local organizers),
-but chiefs were weak or lacking. Polity, then, consisted of the <i>Caddi</i>, or chiefs,
-and <i>tama</i>, a sort of organizational leader (often confused with the chief by
-early Europeans) who was powerful enough to gather the people for work,
-war, or ceremonials. The <i>Caddi</i> were a select group—likely the historic
-equivalent to the priest-chiefs of prehistoric times. Priests and witches composed
-a non-secular leadership among the Caddoan groups, but by historic
-times they had become somewhat separate from the warrior-chiefs who led
-the tribes.</p>
-
-<p>It can be seen, then, that the Caddoan peoples had several of the criteria
-of true chiefdoms (Service 1962): territory, leadership, and linguistic-cultural
-distinctiveness. All of the Europeans—French, Spanish and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
-Anglo-American—who dealt with them left records relative to their character
-and intelligence. As late as the 19th century the Caddo still boasted that
-they had never shed white blood (Swanton 1942) and their chiefs still were
-respected.</p>
-
-<p>In the age of tribal self-determination and Indian sovereignty, it seems in
-order to explain basic Caddo tribalism. Contrary to many other southeastern
-Indian groups, the Caddoan people seem to have clung tenaciously to land
-and leadership even after the erosive effects of European contact. The fact
-that their roots extended into prehistory gave them strength and self-confidence.
-They kept their faith and polity, and their traditions remain even
-today.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">EUROPEAN CONTACT</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The earliest contacts with Europeans in Louisiana were fleeting. The best
-accounts were left by Henri de Tonti who reached a Natchitoches village in
-February of 1690. He was searching for the lost La Salle expedition and went
-on to visit the Yatasi, Kadohadacho, and Nacogdoches (Williams 1964). No
-other visits seem to be recorded for the next decade, even though Spanish
-efforts to Christianize the East Texas Caddo intensified. Contact is indicated
-by the 1690’s in such practices as the tribes holding Spanish-style horse fairs
-(Gregory 1974).</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus8.jpg" width="500" height="350" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">St. Denis and the Natchitoches Indians, 1714. Mural in Louisiana State Exhibit Museum, Shreveport.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span></p>
-
-<p>In 1701 Governor Bienville and Louis Juchereau de St. Denis, guided by
-the Tunica chief, Bride les Boeufs or Buffalo Tamer, arrived at the Natchitoches
-area. They visited the Doustioni, Natchitoches, and Yatasi villages,
-and then returned to New Orleans. Bienville was especially desirous of
-contacting the Kadohadacho to the north (Williams 1964; Rowland and
-Sanders 1929). This trip, ostensibly for exploration, was probably an attempt
-to obtain two commodities the French in lower Louisiana were desperate for:
-livestock and salt (Gregory 1974). The Tunica had long engaged in the
-Caddoan salt, and later, horse trades (Brain 1977), and like them, the
-Natchitoches quickly began capitalizing on their French connection. The
-Natchitoches employed an old Caddoan trade strategy, that of moving to the
-edge of another tribe’s territory, in order to be near their customers, and later
-returning to their own territory. Accordingly, the Natchitoches claimed a
-crop failure and relocated to the vicinity of Lake Pontchartrain, to trade with
-the French. Eventually, in 1714, they returned to Red River with St. Denis
-(McWilliams 1953). Likewise, the Ouachita had just moved back from the
-Ouachita River where they had relocated in order to trade with Tunican
-speakers (Gregory 1974).</p>
-
-<p>After St. Denis returned to Red River in 1714, the Caddoan people in
-Louisiana were to be impacted constantly by European migrants. Indian
-polity and territory were eroded severely by more European settlements and
-the depredations of displaced populations of other Indian tribes like the
-Choctaw, Quapaw, and Osage.</p>
-
-<p>Fort St. Jean Baptiste aux Natchitos was founded in 1714; it was the
-earliest European settlement in northwestern Louisiana. The East Texas
-missions, started in 1690, had not introduced many non-Indians to that area.
-The French settlements were different, however, and the Caddoan people
-began to see a gradual augmentation of European population. The French
-had, in general, good relations with the Caddo and by the 1720’s a number of
-them had Caddoan kinsmen.</p>
-
-<p>In 1723, to counter French attempts at establishing a western trade, the
-Spanish established an outpost, Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Los Adaes
-(Bolton 1914). The Spanish <i>presidio</i>, or fort, became a hub for clandestine
-traders—French, Indian and Spanish—and lasted for some fifty years (Gregory
-1974). Horses, cattle, and Lipan Apache (Connechi) slaves were traded
-via Los Adaes, and by the mid-eighteenth century the Spanish governors had
-named the site the capital of Spanish Texas.</p>
-
-<p>The Caddo—Adaes, Natchitoches, Ouachita, Doustioni, and all the
-others—were caught between the political and economic machinations of the
-European powers. Gradually, the seesaw of European boundaries crossed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-what the Caddo all knew as their tribal territories. Traders resided in their
-larger communities, and seasonal hunts to the west tied them to the mercantile
-policies of the French and Spanish. After Louisiana was ceded to Spain at
-the end of the French and Indian War, French traders were left in charge of
-most Indian affairs in Louisiana because of the quality of their relationship to
-the Indians. For example, Athanase de Mézières (Bolton 1914), St. Denis’
-son-in-law, became a power on the frontier because of his close relationship
-to the Caddo.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<a href="images/illus9-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus9.jpg" width="300" height="325" alt="" /></a>
-<p class="caption">Caddoan interaction, 18th century A.D.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p>
-
-<p>Caddoan-European ties remained close until 1803 when the Louisiana
-Purchase brought Anglo-Americans into contact with the Caddoan groups.
-The Anglo-Americans had new trade and military policies, and in spite of
-their agreement to recognize all prior treaties between France, Spain, and
-Indian tribes, they were not very careful to do this. The French and Spanish
-had ratified land sales by tribes and had insisted that their citizens respect
-Caddoan land and sovereignty, but the Americans saw new lands with few
-settlements, and were quick to encourage white settlement. The old Caddo-French-Spanish
-symbiosis was ending.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<a href="images/illus10-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus10.jpg" width="300" height="300" alt="" /></a>
-<p class="caption">European settlements in Caddoan area, 18th century A.D.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>The Caddoan-speaking groups began to move together by the late
-eighteenth century. The Kadohadacho apparently absorbed several smaller
-groups—Upper Natchitoches, Nanatsoho, and Nasoni—and shifted south.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-Osage raids had taken their toll and the Kadohadacho moved to Caddo
-Prairie, farther from the plains, on marginal land (Swanton 1942). They
-settled on the hills to the southwest of the prairie (Soda Lake) near modern
-Caddo Station and added their numbers to the other Red River tribes in
-Louisiana.</p>
-
-<p>Beset by many problems, the American agents at Natchitoches began
-moving the agency about, trying to keep the Caddo away from white settlements.
-It was moved to Grand Ecore, Sulphur Fork, Caddo Prairie, and
-finally to Bayou Pierre about six to seven miles south of Shreveport (Williams
-1964).</p>
-
-<p>The Louisiana Caddoans also found themselves estranged from their
-cultural kinsmen in eastern Texas. First, the East Texas tribes remained
-under Spanish domination while their neighbors were American. Policies in
-Texas were quite different until the Texas Revolution and the foundation of
-the Republic in the 1830’s and 1840’s. The new Texicans refused to allow old
-patterns of trade and traverse for fear of having to deal with even larger
-Indian populations.</p>
-
-<p>The Caddoan tribes were consolidated enough by 1834 that the American
-agents had begun to treat them as though they were a single group. The
-term Caddo, an abbreviated cover term for Kadohadacho, one of the larger
-groups, began to cover <i>all</i> the tribes in the American Period. It was this
-amalgam of tribal units with which the United States decided to deal.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus11.jpg" width="500" height="325" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Caddo Indian Treaty of Cession, July 1, 1835. Mural in Louisiana State Exhibit Museum, Shreveport.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span></p>
-
-<p>On June 25-26, 1835, some 489 Caddo gathered at the Caddo Agency
-seven or eight miles south of Shreveport on Bayou Pierre and on July 1, 1835,
-they agreed to sell to the United States approximately one million acres of
-land in the area above Texarkana, Arkansas, south to De Soto Parish,
-Louisiana (Swanton 1942). Two chiefs, Tarsher (Wolf) and Tsauninot, were
-the leaders of the Caddoan groups present at the land cession.</p>
-
-<p>Present also at the land cession was their interpreter, Larkin Edwards, a
-man they regarded so highly that they reserved him a sizable piece of land
-(McClure and Howe 1937; Swanton 1942). Further, the treaty reserved a
-sizable block of land for the mixed Caddo-French Grappe family. Descended
-from a Kadohadacho woman and a French settler, François Grappe had
-served his people well. His efforts to protect not only the Caddo, but also the
-Bidai and others in East Texas, from American traders had resulted in his
-termination as chief interpreter for the American agents. The Caddoan
-people continued to respect and honor him.</p>
-
-<p>The Caddo were to be paid $80,000, of which $30,000 was in goods
-delivered at the signing, and the remainder in annual $10,000 installments
-for another five years. Immediately Tarsher led his people into Texas and
-settled on the Brazos River, much to the chagrin of Texas authorities (Gullick
-1921). Another group, led by Chief Cissany, stayed in Louisiana. They lived
-near Caddo Station in 1842 (seven years after the land cession). Texicans
-actually invaded the United States to insist that the Caddos disarm, the rumor
-in Texas being that the American agent had armed the Caddo and made
-incendiary remarks regarding the new Republic. The Louisiana chiefs offered
-to go to Nacogdoches as hostages to show their good faith, but the
-Texicans refused them on the grounds it might mean recognition of Caddoan
-land rights and polity in Texas (Gullick 1921).</p>
-
-<p>Eventually these Louisiana Caddo left—their credit was cut off by local
-merchants, their payments ended, and the United States protection was
-failing—and headed for the Kiamichi River country in Oklahoma. The
-Caddoan presence in Louisiana, after a millennium, or more, was over.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">CADDOAN TRIBAL LOCATIONS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN LOUISIANA</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>One of the most difficult problems in American archaeology is the firm
-connection of historic tribal locations to specific material remains and sites.
-In recent years a number of efforts (Wyckoff 1974; Tanner 1974; Williams
-1964; Gregory and Webb 1965; Neuman 1974) have dealt with this topic for
-the Louisiana Caddoan groups.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span></p>
-
-<p>Again, the term Caddo has no real meaning. Each of the groups had its
-own political existence, and both the Spanish and French realized that. Their
-approach to Indian affairs has left us much better information than that of the
-Americans. John Sibley, the first American agent, with the aid of the half-Caddo,
-François Grappe, gave us good information, but through time the
-American policy increasingly obscured tribal groups. By the time of the 1835
-land cession the Americans were talking merely of the Caddo Nation. In the
-1835 Treaty not a single warrior was identified by tribe, nor were the chiefs
-(Swanton 1942); this was a purely political machination by the Americans.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<a href="images/illus12-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus12.jpg" width="300" height="300" alt="" /></a>
-<p class="caption">Caddoan and adjacent Indian groups about A.D. 1700.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Since the early American policy has obscured the tribal diversity and
-history of the Caddoan groups in Louisiana, it seems in order to return to the
-older practice of recognizing the individual groups. Each will be discussed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
-briefly, in turn, and archaeological sites will be related where possible. As was
-the practice in French and Spanish days, the tribes will be discussed from
-southernmost to northernmost, as they would be encountered as one
-ascended the Red River.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE NATCHITOCHES</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Natchitoches, or “Place of the Paw-Paw” (all translations by Melford
-Williams, personal communication, 1973), sometimes simply stated as the
-“Paw-Paw People,” were the southernmost Caddoan group. They had absorbed
-the Ouachita (“Cow River People”) by 1690 (Gregory 1974) and will
-be treated as a single group here.</p>
-
-<p>The Natchitoches lived in a series of small hamlets, each with its own
-cemetery and corn fields. One hamlet had a temple which was described by
-Tonti (Walker 1935) and their whole settlement stretched from about Bermuda,
-Louisiana, to the vicinity of Natchitoches. Throughout their early
-history they remained in the alluvial valley of the Red River where only a few
-areas, usually “islands” of older terraces, were above the active floodplain.
-Wyckoff (1974) has stated that they preferred the tupelo gum-bald cypress
-biotic zone along the Red River, but in reality they seem to have lived on the
-mixed hardwood, cane-covered natural levees or in the oak-hickory ecological
-communities found on higher ground.</p>
-
-<p>Natchitoches chiefs’ names are scarce, and one gets the impression that
-their chiefs were not very powerful. However, St. Denis seems to have
-purchased property from a chief called the White Chief. It can be assumed
-that the tribes all had <i>Caddi</i>, <i>tama</i> and priests. However, it seems that there
-were more egalitarian structures among the Natchitoches, Adaes, and Yatasi
-than in the East Texas or Great Bend groups.</p>
-
-<p>Documents indicate that at least four sites were occupied by the Natchitoches
-between 1690 and 1803: White Chief’s village, Captain’s village
-(Pintado Papers), La Pinière village (Bridges and Deville 1967:239), and Lac
-des Muire village (Sibley 1832; Abel 1933). There are a larger number of
-archaeological sites which have yielded <i>Natchitoches Engraved</i>, <i>Keno
-Trailed</i>, or <i>Emory Incised</i> ceramic vessels or sherds, catlinite pipes, glass
-trade beads, copper or brass objects, knives, and gun parts. These include the
-U. S. Fish Hatchery (Walker 1935), the Lawton (Webb 1945), the Southern
-Compress (Gregory and Webb 1965), Natchitoches Country Club, Chamard
-House, American Cemetery, Settle’s Camp, and Kenny Place sites (Gregory
-1974).</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Southern Compress and American Cemetery sites seem to correspond
-to White Chief’s villages. The Fish Hatchery and Kenny Place sites are
-likely combinations of Ouachita and Natchitoches groups visited by Tonti
-and others. Settle’s Camp site and Country Club site are along the high hills
-west of the modern town of Natchitoches and may well be the dispersed
-settlement known as La Pinière (Pine Woods) to the French. Chamard House
-site may have belonged to the French trader Chamard, or possibly one of the
-Grappes; located on the bluff overlooking the active Red River, it remains
-undocumented.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus13.jpg" width="500" height="600" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Historic Natchitoches pottery, French iron tripod pots, and Venetian glass trade beads. These 18th
-century A.D. artifacts were found at the Southern Compress and Lawton sites.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Lawton site was the site seized for debts from the son of the Christian
-Indian, known as Pierre Captain, probably a sub-chief or possibly a <i>tama</i>, of
-the Natchitoches (Pintado Papers: 139). The latest Natchitoches village, Lac
-des Muire, was north of Powhatan and on the west bank of the Red River.
-Sibley (1922) pointed out that although the tribe was reduced in number they
-retained their language and distinctive dress. They were farmers and lived in
-houses, presumably their traditional wattle-daub constructions.</p>
-
-<p>Natchitoches land was gradually surrounded by Anglo-Americans and,
-by the time of the Caddo Treaty, Natchitoches was a thriving community. The
-tribe lived north of the town, near the Grappes (their cultural broker with the
-whites). Local tradition holds that they were loaded on a steamboat on the
-Front Street dock and taken to Oklahoma in 1835—something that obviously
-did <i>not</i> happen. In 1843 the tribe was still together under Chief
-Cho-wee (The Bow) and living near the Kadohadacho on the Trinity River in
-Texas (Swanton 1942:96).</p>
-
-<p>In the 1960’s Caddos living near Anadarko, Oklahoma, still could sing a
-few Natchitoches songs (Claude Medford, Jr., personal communication,
-1975) and the late Mrs. Sadie Weller recorded in that language. Most
-contemporary Caddo remember the tribal name and a few “old” words, but
-as a distinct group the Natchitoches seem to have been absorbed by the
-Kadohadacho and Hasinai.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE ADAES</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Adaes (from <i>Na·dai</i> which meant “A Place Along a Stream”) were
-supposed to have had a village on Red River, near the Natchitoches. If their
-reported village is taken to mean a dispersed series of kin-based hamlets—what
-Spanish colonial people called <i>rancherías</i>—the previously described
-Chamard site may be it.</p>
-
-<p>In the 1720’s the Spanish established a mission for the Adaes, but its
-priest and one lay-soldier were expelled by the French lieutenant, Blondel
-(Bolton 1921). At the time there were no Indians living at the mission.
-Apparently, they relocated nearer the Spanish, but conversions were rare,
-and the Adaes were more interested in trade than religion. So, for that
-matter, were the Spanish, and when the <i>presidio</i> (now called Los Adaes) was
-established in 1723, ostensibly to protect the mission, the Adaes seem to have
-lived all around the vicinity.</p>
-
-<p>Los Adaes then became essentially an Indian dominated community:
-Lipan, Coahuiltecans, Adaes, Wichita, Tawakoni, and others lived there off<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-and on. Even the commandant, Gil Ybarbo, was married to a <i>mestiza</i>, a
-half-Indian woman. Whenever the Spanish authorities in Texas needed
-translators for Caddoan languages, they sent for soldiers from Los Adaes
-(Blake Papers).</p>
-
-<p>There was an Adaes village near Big Hill Firetower at a place called La
-Gran Montaña (Bolton 1962) which has never been found, and another
-nineteenth century village on Lac Macdon. The latter is probably a later
-village than the one known on Spanish Lake where burials with European
-goods were excavated by James A. Ford (1936, unpublished fieldnotes,
-Museum of Geoscience, Louisiana State University).</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;">
-<a href="images/illus14-full.jpg"><img src="images/illus14.jpg" width="300" height="300" alt="" /></a>
-<p class="caption">Historic archaeological sites in the Caddoan area.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span></p>
-
-<p>Taylor (1963:51-59) finally placed Adaes as a definite Caddoan language,
-but it was the most deviant of all (Sibley 1832), and the Adaes became
-more and more western in their cultural orientation (Gregory 1974). They
-gradually extended to the Sabine River where a late trash pit (A.D. 1740) at
-Coral Snake Mound may be evidence of their presence (McClurkan, Field
-and Woodall 1966). It contained glass trade beads, and a French musket lock
-was found nearby. Their Lac Macdon village, where they remained as late as
-1820, was probably near the water body known today as Berry Brake and
-may well be on Allen Plantation.</p>
-
-<p>Little is known of Adaes history or culture. De Mézières (Bolton
-1914:173) noted that they were severely impacted by Europeans and “extremely
-given to the vice of drunkenness.” Like the Natchitoches, they seem
-to have had close relationships with the Yatasi who were sometimes called
-the Nadas, likely a homonym for <i>Na·dais</i>.</p>
-
-<p>One Adaes chief who was their leader in the 1770’s has been identified
-and they are clearly an archaeologically distinct group. Gregory (1974) has
-pointed out the higher frequencies of bone-tempered pottery and the ceramic
-types <i>Patton Engraved</i> and <i>Emory Incised</i> from trash pits at Los Adaes.</p>
-
-<p>Unlike the Natchitoches and others, the Adaes are not remembered by
-contemporary Caddo who may have heard of them merely as part of the
-Yatasi, who are remembered as a group. Many may have been absorbed, as
-Christians, into the general <i>mestizo</i> population at Los Adaes and still have
-descendants in northwestern Louisiana.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE DOUSTIONI</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>Swanton (1942) translates Doustioni as “Salt People,” and they seem to
-have lived near the salines northeast of Natchitoches. Little else is known
-about them, and they do not seem to persist into the nineteenth century. They
-either disappeared or mingled with the Natchitoches.</p>
-
-<p>A large village site, on Little Cedar Lick, has yielded shell-tempered
-sherds, Venetian glass beads, and French faience, all early to middle
-eighteenth century artifact types. The site probably was the major Doustioni
-settlement. Other evidence of late occupations appears at Drake’s Lick.
-Williams (1964) points out that the Doustioni once had a village below the
-Natchitoches, and, though it has not been located, it may have been near the
-confluence of Saline Bayou and Red River, somewhere below Clarence,
-Louisiana. Saline Bayou provides easy access to the salt licks and was described
-by several early travelers (Le Page du Pratz 1774).</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE OUACHITA</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Ouachita were living on the river of that name before 1690. The most
-likely site is Pargoud Landing at Monroe where recent excavations have
-yielded early trade beads but no other goods (Lorraine Heartfield, personal
-communication, 1977). Other sites considered for the historic Ouachita were
-the Keno and Glendora sites (Gregory 1974; Williams 1964), but these are
-not certain since they may represent a Koroa (Tunica) village with Caddoan
-trade connections or vice-versa. However, animal burials and grave arrangements
-show that these sites are closer culturally to the Red River sites
-than to other sites on the Ouachita. Gregory (1974) has discussed the Moon
-Lake and Ransom sites northeast of Monroe as possible Ouachita sites, but
-these may have been earlier Koroa sites also.</p>
-
-<p>As was discussed earlier, the Ouachita fused with the Natchitoches, likely
-at or near the U.S. Fish Hatchery site, which revealed their ceramic styles and
-animal burials. Fish Hatchery was a very early French contact site (Gregory
-and Webb 1965; Gregory 1974), and it is the only historic Caddo site to share
-deliberate burial of animals (horses) with the Ouachita River sites. The
-Ouachita apparently were absorbed completely before the 1720’s.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE YATASI</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The name Yatasi, meaning simply “Those Other People” in
-Kadohadacho language (Melford Williams, personal communication, 1977)
-apparently was applied to a number of groups living in the hills north of the
-Adaes and south of Caddo Lake. At least three villages are attributed to them
-historically. One, located near Mansfield on Bayou Pierre in the Red River
-Valley north of Natchitoches, was large enough to have a resident trader
-(Bolton 1914). The Pintado Papers also refer to a group and their chief,
-Antoine, who were living on a prairie known as <i>Nabutscahe</i> near Mansfield as
-late as 1784. Another village was located near LaPointe on Bayou Pierre
-(American State Papers 1859), and a third was near the Sabine River close to
-modern Logansport (Darby 1816).</p>
-
-<p>As was pointed out, the Adaes and Yatasi apparently were fairly closely
-related, and they may not have been real tribes, but rather a series of
-kin-linked bands, each with its own autonomy. The Caddoan term for these
-groups sounds much like a more inclusive term which lumps small, scattered
-groups. Whether their “chiefs” were really chiefs or local, heuristic leaders
-remains problematical. Bolton (1914) mentions chiefs, stating that the
-Athanase de Mézières gave peace medals to two chiefs, Cocay and Gunkan,
-in 1768.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;">
-<img src="images/illus15.jpg" width="500" height="700" alt="" />
-<p class="caption">Historic 18th century A.D. Caddoan pottery vessels from Los Adaes, Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span></p>
-
-<p>Presently, the archaeological picture seems to support the hypothesis that
-the Yatasi included a number of small autonomous bands. A cluster of sites is
-located around Chamard Lake: the Arnold or Bead Hill site (Gregory and
-Webb 1965), the Wilkinson site (Ford 1936), and the Eagle Brake site
-(Gregory 1974). These sites have fairly large, deep middens and all have
-yielded <i>Natchitoches Engraved</i> sherds and trade goods. This is somewhat
-different from the scattered shallow sites nearer Natchitoches and suggests
-more clustered populations, but still a dispersed settlement pattern. None of
-these archaeological sites seems to correspond to the Red River-Bayou
-Pierre sites, though they shared the drainage. Although it is known that the
-Lafittes, Poisot, and Rambin claims were near the Yatasi villages, and all of
-these settlers traded with the tribe (Pintado Papers:82-84), their
-documented sites remain to be found.</p>
-
-<p>Contemporary Caddo, most of whom are Kadohadacho or Hasinai, frequently
-mention the Yatasi when asked about other groups and know they
-once existed. However, it remains obscure whether the Yatasi were one or
-many little groups. They seem to have been absorbed by the Kadohadacho,
-but it is hard to trace them after the American land sales.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">THE KADOHADACHO</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Kadohadacho (“Great Chiefs” in the Caddoan languages) were the
-dominant Caddoan-speaking group in the Red River Valley. They occupied a
-widely dispersed settlement with a temple and a mound, in northeastern
-Texas and probably near the Great Bend at Texarkana. The Petit Caddo,
-Nasoni, Nanatsoho, and Upper Natchitoches were absorbed by the
-Kadohadacho, and the tribes abandoned their Great Bend villages (at least
-four archaeological sites there seem related to these groups) and shifted
-south to Caddo Lake. Once there, their chief, Tinhiouen, dealt politically
-with both the Spanish (Bolton 1914) and the Americans.</p>
-
-<p>The Kadohadacho language was the most widely understood of all the
-Caddoan tongues, and, according to early accounts (Sibley 1922), the tribe
-was the most influential of all the Caddos. They had a sort of warrior class
-comparable to the “Knights of Malta.” It is, therefore, not surprising that the
-Kadohadacho became the Caddo Nation of the American Period (Williams
-1964).</p>
-
-<p>The Kadohadacho settled, at least by 1797 (Swanton 1942), at a location
-known as Timber Hill (Mooney 1896:323) near Caddo Lake (Swanton
-1942). Williams (1964) has pointed out that this village has never been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-located archaeologically. However, it should be noted that the Texicans
-placed the tribe near Caddo Station in 1842 (Gullick 1921).</p>
-
-<p>Immediately after the American land treaty, the tribe apparently split
-into factions. A group under Tarsher moved to the Brazos River in Texas; the
-others stayed in Louisiana until at least 1842, when they apparently moved to
-live with the Choctaw some time that year (Swanton 1942:95).</p>
-
-<p>The late Miss Caroline Dormon (1935, unpublished field notes, Special
-Collections, Eugene Watson Library, Northwestern State University) recorded
-a single burial, with a “silver crown, copper, etc.,” which was found
-near Stormy Point on Ferry Lake by James Shenich, son-in-law of Larkin
-Edwards. This burial may have been very near the Kadohadacho village.
-According to the Dormon notes, this was a favorite crossing to Shreveport
-and the Indian trace was visible as late as the 1860’s. In spite of the fact that
-“Glendora Focus” artifacts were not present (Williams 1964), it can no
-longer be said that there were no historic Caddoan sites in the Treaty Cession
-areas of De Soto and Caddo parishes. In fact there is a good possibility that
-this was the grave of the powerful chief, Dahaut, who died in 1833 (Caddo
-Agency Letters).</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">CADDOAN HERITAGE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The Caddo left their names, art, and culture in Louisiana. A number of
-colonial European families can boast of Caddoan ancestors: Grappes, Brevelles,
-Balthazars, and others. In Oklahoma, after years of wandering, the
-Kadohadacho and Hasinai have become the dominant groups. Yet, as has
-been pointed out, old traditions persist. People still recall stories of floods on
-Caddo Prairie which left cows hanging by their horns in the trees, and know
-that Natchitoches meant the place of “little yellow fruits” that do not grow in
-Oklahoma.</p>
-
-<p>At Binger and near Hinton, Oklahoma, the old songs and dances continue
-to be heard and seen. The Turkey Dance still is held before the sun sets,
-and individuals sing the “Dawn Song” or “Tom Cat Song” on their way home
-from the dancing.</p>
-
-<p>The Caddo now visit Louisiana, especially Natchitoches and Shreveport,
-to see the places of their tradition. Places are part of Indian tradition and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
-pilgrimages are sacred acts. Perhaps now other Louisianians will join the
-Caddo who realize how much Indian culture remains in northwestern
-Louisiana.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class="author">American State Papers</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">1859 <i>Documents of the Congress of the United States in Relation to the
-Public Lands, Class VIII, Public Lands</i>, Vol. 3, Washington.</p>
-
-<p class="author">Blake Papers</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">1939 Translations of the Spanish Records of Nacogdoches County,
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-University, Nacogdoches.</p>
-
-<p class="author">Bolton, Herbert E.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">1914 <i>Athanase de Mézières and the Louisiana-Texas Frontier, 1768-1780.</i>
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-
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-
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-
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-
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-
-<p class="hanging">1953 <i>Fleur de Lys and Calumet: Being the Pénicaut Narrative of French
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-
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-
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-
-<p class="hanging">n.d. Land Claim Documents, State of Louisiana. Manuscript. Louisiana
-State Land Office, Baton Rouge.</p>
-
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-
-<p class="hanging">1929 <i>Mississippi Provincial Archives, 1701-1729.</i> Mississippi Department
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-
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-
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-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span></p>
-
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-
-<p class="hanging">1946 Two Unusual Types of Chipped Stone Artifacts from Northwest
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-
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-
-<p class="hanging">1948b Evidences of Pre-Pottery Cultures in Louisiana. <i>American Antiquity</i>,
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-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span></p>
-
-<p class="hanging">1959 The Belcher Mound: A Stratified Caddoan Site in Caddo Parish,
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-
-<p class="hanging">1963 The Smithport Landing Site: An Alto Focus Component in De
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-
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-
-<p class="hanging">1939 Further Excavations of the Gahagan Mound: Connections with a
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-
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-<p class="hanging">1977 The Springhill Airport Sites, J. C. Montgomery I (16 WE 32) and
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-
-<p class="author">Webb, Clarence H. and Ralph McKinney</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">1975 Mounds Plantation (16 CD 12). Caddo Parish, Louisiana.
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-
-<p class="hanging">1971 The John Pearce Site (16 CD 56): A San Patrice Site in Caddo
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-<p class="hanging">1974 The Caddoan Cultural Area: An Archaeological Perspective. In
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-
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