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diff --git a/old/68119-0.txt b/old/68119-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 008b377..0000000 --- a/old/68119-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,816 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at -Keokuk, Iowa, October 1, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Keokuk, Iowa, October 1, 1907 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: May 18, 2022 [eBook #68119] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT KEOKUK, IOWA, OCTOBER 1, 1907 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - KEOKUK, IOWA [Illustration] OCTOBER 1, 1907 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1907 - - - - -MEN AND WOMEN OF IOWA: - -I am glad indeed to see you and to speak to you in this thriving city -of your great and prosperous State. I believe with all my heart in the -people of Iowa, for I think that you are good, typical Americans, and -that among you there has been developed to a very high degree that -body of characteristics which we like to regard as distinctively -American. - -During the last few years we of the United States have been forced -to consider very seriously certain economic problems. We have -made a beginning in the attempt to deal with the relations of the -National Government――that is, with the relations of the people of the -country――to the huge and wealthy corporations, controlled for the -most part by a few very rich men, which are engaged in interstate -business――especially the great railway corporations. You know my views -on this matter. You know that I believe that the National Government, -in the interests of the people, should assume much the same supervision -and control over the management of the interstate common carriers that -it now exercises over the national banks. You know furthermore that -I believe that this supervision and control should be exercised in a -spirit of rigid fairness toward the corporations, exacting justice -from them on behalf of the people but giving them justice in return. - -Recently I have been reading the work of the eminent Italian scholar -Ferrero on the history of the Roman Republic, when the life of the -Roman state had become that of a complex and luxurious industrial -civilization. I am happy to say that the differences between that -civilization and our own are more striking than the resemblances; -and there is no warrant for our being drawn into any pessimistic -comparison between the two civilizations. But there is every reason -why we should study carefully the past in order to draw from it lessons -for use in the present. One of the most striking features of the years -which saw the downfall of the Roman Republic was the fact that the -political life of Rome became split between two camps, one containing -the rich who wished to exploit the poor, and the other the poor who -wished to plunder the rich. Naturally, under such circumstances, the -public man who was for the moment successful tended to be either a -violent reactionary or a violent demagogue. Any such condition of -political life is as hopelessly unhealthy now as it was then. I believe -so implicitly in the future of our people, because I believe that the -average American citizen will no more tolerate government by a mob than -he will tolerate government by a plutocracy; that he desires to see -justice done to and justice exacted from rich man and poor man alike. -We are not trying to favor any man at the expense of his fellows. We -are trying to shape things so that as far as possible each man shall -have a fair chance in life; so that he shall have, so far as by law -this can be accomplished, the chance to show the stuff that there is -in him. We have no intention of trying to work for the impossible and -undesirable end of giving to the lazy, the thriftless, the weak, and -the vicious, the reward that belongs to, and in the long run can only -come to, the hard working, the thrifty, the resolute, and the honest. -But we do wish to see that the necessary struggle in life shall be -carried on under genuinely democratic conditions; that, so far as human -action can safely provide it, there shall be an approximately fair -start; that there shall be no oppression of the weak, and that no man -shall be permitted to acquire or to use a vast fortune by methods or in -ways that are tortuous and dishonest. - -Therefore we need wise laws, and we need to have them resolutely -administered. We can get such laws and such administration only if -the people are alive to their interests. The other day I listened to -an admirable sermon by Bishop Johnston, of western Texas. His theme -was that the vital element in judging any man should be his conduct, -and neither his position nor his pretensions; and, furthermore, -that freedom could only stay with a people which has the habit of -self-mastery. As he said, the price of liberty is not only eternal -vigilance, but eternal virtue; and I may add, eternal common sense. -Each man here knows that he himself has been able to use his freedom -to advantage only provided that he could master himself, that he could -control his own passions and direct his own faculties. Each of you -fathers and mothers here knows that if your sons are to do well in the -world they must know how to master themselves. Every man must have a -master; if he is not his own master, then somebody else will be. This -is just as true of public life as of private life. If we can not -master ourselves, control ourselves, then sooner or later we shall have -to submit to outside control; for there must be control somewhere. - -One way of exercising such control is through the laws of the land. -Ours is a government of liberty, but it is a government of that -orderly liberty which comes by and through the honest enforcement of -and obedience to the law. At intervals during the last few months the -appeal has been made to me not to enforce the law against certain -wrongdoers of great wealth because to do so would interfere with the -business prosperity of the country. Under the effects of that kind of -fright which when sufficiently acute we call panic, this appeal has -been made to me even by men who ordinarily behave as decent citizens. -One newspaper which has itself strongly advanced this view gave -prominence to the statement of a certain man of great wealth to the -effect that the so-called financial weakness “was due entirely to the -admitted intention of President Roosevelt to punish the large moneyed -interests which had transgressed the laws.” I do not admit that this -has been the main cause of any business troubles we have had; but it is -possible that it has been a contributory cause. If so, friends, as far -as I am concerned it must be accepted as a disagreeable but unavoidable -feature in a course of policy which as long as I am President will -not be changed. In any great movement for righteousness, where the -forces of evil are strongly intrenched, it is unfortunately inevitable -that some unoffending people should suffer in company with the real -offenders. This is not our fault. It is the fault of those to whose -deceptive action these innocent people owe their false position. A year -or two ago certain representatives of labor called upon me and in the -course of a very pleasant conversation told me that they regarded me -as “the friend of labor.” I answered that I certainly was, and that I -would do everything in my power for the laboring man _except anything -that was wrong_. I have the same answer to make to the business man. -I will do everything I can do to help business conditions, except -anything that is wrong. And it would be not merely wrong but infamous -to fail to do all that can be done to secure the punishment of those -wrongdoers whose deeds are peculiarly reprehensible because they are -not committed under the stress of want. Whenever a serious effort -is made to cut out what is evil in our political life, whether the -effort takes the shape of warring against the gross and sordid forms -of evil in some municipality, or whether it takes the shape of trying -to secure the honest enforcement of the law as against very powerful -and wealthy people, there are sure to be certain individuals who -demand that the movement stop because it may hurt business. In each -case the answer must be that we earnestly hope and believe that there -will be no permanent damage to business from the movement, but that -if righteousness conflicts with the fancied needs of business, then -the latter must go to the wall. We can not afford to substitute any -other test for that of guilt or innocence, of wrongdoing or welldoing, -in judging any man. If a man does well, if he acts honestly, he has -nothing to fear from this Administration. But so far as in me lies -the corrupt politician, great or small, the private citizen who -transgresses the law――be he rich or poor――shall be brought before -the impartial justice of a court. Perhaps I am most anxious to get at -the politician who is corrupt, because he betrays a great trust; but -assuredly I shall not spare his brother corruptionist who shows himself -a swindler in business life; and, according to our power, crimes of -fraud and cunning shall be prosecuted as relentlessly as crimes of -brutality and physical violence. - -We need good laws and we need above all things the hearty aid of good -citizens in supporting and enforcing the laws. Nevertheless, men and -women of this great State, men and women of the Middle West, never -forget that law and the administration of law, important though they -are, must always occupy a wholly secondary place as compared with the -character of the average citizen himself. On this trip I shall speak -to audiences in each of which there will be many men who fought in -the civil war. You who wore the blue and your brothers of the South -who wore the gray know that in war no general no matter how good, no -organization no matter how perfect, can avail if the average man in -the ranks has not got the fighting edge. We need the organization, the -preparation; we need the good general; but we need most the fighting -edge in the individual soldier. So it is in private life. We live in a -rough, workaday world, and we are yet a long way from the millennium. -We can not as a nation and we can not as individuals afford to -cultivate only the gentler, softer qualities. There must be gentleness -and tenderness――the strongest men are gentle and tender――but there must -also be courage and strength. I have a hearty sympathy with those who -believe in doing all that can be done for peace; but I have no sympathy -at all with those who believe that in the world as it now is we can -afford to see the average American citizen lose the qualities that in -their sum make up a good fighting man. You men must be workers who -work with all your heart and strength and mind at your several tasks -in life; and you must also be able to fight at need. You women have -even higher and more difficult duties; for I honor no man, not even -the soldier who fights for righteousness, quite as much as I honor the -good woman who does her full duty as wife and mother. But if she shirks -her duty as wife and mother then she stands on a par with the man who -refuses to work for himself and his family, for those dependent upon -him, and who in time of the nation’s need refuses to fight. The man -or woman who shirks his or her duty occupies a contemptible position. -You here are the sons and daughters of the pioneers. I preach to you no -life of ease. I preach to you the life of effort, the life that finds -its highest satisfaction in doing well some work that is well worth -doing. - -So much for what concerns every man and every woman in this country. -Now, a word or two as to matters which are of peculiar interest to -this region of our country. - -Since I have been President I have traveled in every State of this -Union, but my traveling has been almost entirely on railroads, save -now and then by wagon or on horseback. Now I have the chance to try -traveling by river; to go down the greatest of our rivers, the Father -of Waters. A good many years ago when I lived in the Northwest I -traveled occasionally on the Upper Missouri and its tributaries; but -then we went in a flatboat and did our own rowing and paddling and -poling. Now I am to try a steamboat. I am a great believer in our -railway system; and the fact that I am very firm in my belief as to -the necessity of the Government exercising a proper supervision and -control over the railroads does not in the least interfere with the -other fact that I greatly admire the large majority of the men in all -positions, from the top to the bottom, who build and run them. Yet, -while of course I am anxious to see these men, and therefore the -corporations they represent or serve, achieve the fullest measure of -legitimate prosperity, nevertheless as this country grows I feel that -we can not have too many highroads, and that in addition to the iron -highroads of our railway system we should also utilize the great river -highways which have been given us by nature. From a variety of causes -these highways have in many parts of the country been almost abandoned. -This is not healthy. Our people, and especially the representatives -of the people in the National Congress, should give their most careful -attention to this subject. We should be prepared to put the nation -collectively back of the movement to improve them for the nation’s -use. Our knowledge at this time is not such as to permit me to go into -details, or to say definitely just what the nation should do; but most -assuredly our great navigable rivers are national assets just as much -as our great seacoast harbors. Exactly as it is for the interest of -all the country that our great harbors should be fitted to receive in -safety the largest vessels of the merchant fleets of the world, so -by deepening and otherwise our rivers should be fitted to bear their -part in the movement of our merchandise; and this is especially true -of the Mississippi and its tributaries, which drain the immense and -prosperous region which makes in very fact the heart of our nation; -the basin of the Great Lakes being already united with the basin of -the Mississippi, and both regions being identical in their products -and interests. Waterways are peculiarly fitted for the transportation -of the bulky commodities which come from the soil or under the soil; -and no other part of our country is as fruitful as is this in such -commodities. - -You in Iowa have many manufacturing centers, but you remain, and I -hope you will always remain, a great agricultural State. I hope that -the means of transporting your commodities to market will be steadily -improved; but this will be of no use unless you keep producing the -commodities, and in the long run this will largely depend upon your -being able to keep on the farm a high type of citizenship. The effort -must be to make farm life not only remunerative but attractive, so that -the best young men and girls will feel inclined to stay on the farm and -not to go to the city. Nothing is more important to this country than -the perpetuation of our system of medium-sized farms worked by their -owners. We do not want to see our farmers sink to the condition of the -peasants of the Old World, barely able to live on their small holdings, -nor do we want to see their places taken by wealthy men owning enormous -estates which they work purely by tenants and hired servants. - -At present the ordinary farmer holds his own in the land as against -any possible representative of the landlord class of farmer――that is, -of the men who would own vast estates――because the ordinary farmer -unites his capital, his labor, and his brains with the making of a -permanent family home, and thus can afford to hold his land at a value -at which it can not be held by the capitalist, who would have to run -it by leasing it or by cultivating it at arm’s length with hired -labor. In other words, the typical American farmer of to-day gets -his remuneration in part in the shape of an independent home for his -family, and this gives him an advantage over an absentee landlord. -Now, from the standpoint of the nation as a whole it is preeminently -desirable to keep as one of our chief American types the farmer, the -farm home maker, of the medium-sized farm. This type of farm home is -one of our strongest political and social bulwarks. Such a farm worked -by the owner has proved by experience the best place in which to breed -vigorous leaders alike for country and city. It is a matter of prime -economic and civic importance to encourage this type of home-owning -farmer. - -Therefore, we should strive in every way to aid in the education of -the farmer for the farm, and should shape our school system with this -end in view; and so vitally important is this that, in my opinion, -the Federal Government should cooperate with the State governments -to secure the needed change and improvement in our schools. It is -significant that both from Minnesota and Georgia there have come -proposals in this direction in the appearance of bills introduced -into the National Congress. The Congressional land grant act of 1852 -accomplished much in establishing the agricultural colleges in the -several States, and therefore in preparing to turn the system of -educational training for the young into channels at once broader and -more practicable――and what I am saying about agricultural training -really applies to all industrial training. But the colleges can not -reach the masses, and it is essential that the masses should be -reached. Such agricultural high schools as those in Minnesota and -Nebraska for farm boys and girls, such technical high schools as are -to be found, for instance, in both St. Louis and Washington, have by -their success shown that it is entirely feasible to carry in practical -fashion the fundamentals of industrial training into the realms of -our secondary schools. At present there is a gap between our primary -schools in country and city and the industrial collegiate courses, -which must be closed, and if necessary the Nation must help the State -to close it. Too often our present schools tend to put altogether too -great a premium upon mere literary education, and therefore to train -away from the farm and the shop. - -We should reverse this process. Specific training of a practical kind -should be given to the boys and girls who when men and women are to -make up the backbone of this nation by working in agriculture, in -the mechanical industries, in arts and trades; in short, who are to -do the duty that should always come first with all of us, the duty of -home-making and home-keeping. Too narrow a literary education is, for -most men and women, not a real education at all; for a real education -should fit people primarily for the industrial and home-making -employments in which they must employ the bulk of their activities. -Our country offers unparalleled opportunities for domestic and social -advancement, for social and economic leadership in the world. Our -greatest national asset is to be found in the children. They need to -be trained to high ideals of everyday living, and to high efficiency -in their respective vocations; we can not afford to have them trained -otherwise, and the nation should help the States to achieve this end. - -Now, men of Iowa, I want to say just a word on a matter that concerns -not the States of the Mississippi Valley itself, but the States west -of them, the States of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains. -Unfortunately, I am not able on this present trip to visit those States, -or I should speak to their own people on the point to which I now intend -to allude; but after all anything that affects a considerable number of -Americans who live under one set of conditions, must be of moment to all -other Americans, for never forget, friends, that in the long run we -shall all go up or go down together. - -The States of the high plains and of the mountains have a peculiar -claim upon me, because for a number of years I lived and worked in -them, and I have that intimate knowledge of their people that comes -under such conditions. In those States there is need of a modification -of the land laws that have worked so well in the well-watered fertile -regions to the eastward, such as those in which you here dwell. -The one object in all our land laws should always be to favor the -actual settler, the actual home maker, who comes to dwell on the -land and there to bring up his children to inherit it after him. The -Government should part with its title to the land only to the actual -home-maker――not to the profit-maker, who does not care to make a home. -The land should be sold outright only in quantities sufficient for -decent homes――not in huge areas to be held for speculative purposes or -used as ranches, where those who do the actual work are merely tenants -or hired hands. No temporary prosperity of any class of men could in -the slightest degree atone for failure on our part to shape the laws so -that they may work for the permanent good of the home-maker. This is -fundamental, gentlemen, and is simply carrying out the idea upon which -I dwell in speaking to you of your own farms here in Iowa. Now in many -States where the rainfall is light it is a simple absurdity to expect -any man to live, still less to bring up a family, on one hundred and -sixty acres. Where we are able to introduce irrigation, the homestead -can be very much less in size――can, for instance, be forty acres; and -there is nothing that Congress has done during the past six years more -important than the enactment of the national irrigation law. But where -irrigation is not applicable and the land can only be used for grazing, -it may be that you can not run more than one steer to ten acres, and -it is not necessary to be much of a mathematician in order to see that -where such is the case a homestead of one hundred and sixty acres will -not go far toward the support of a family. In consequence of this fact, -homesteaders do not take up the lands in the tracts in question. They -are left open for anybody to graze upon that wishes to. The result is -that the men who use them moderately and not with a view to exhausting -their resources are at the mercy of those who care nothing for the -future and simply intend to skin the land in the present. For instance, -the small sheep farmer who has a home and who wishes that home to pass -on to his children improved in value will naturally run his flock so -that the land will support it, not only to-day, but ten years hence; -but a big absentee sheep owner, who has no home on the land at all, -but simply owns huge migratory flocks of sheep, may well find it to -his profit to drive them over the small sheep farmer’s range and eat -it all out. He can then drive his flocks on, whereas the small man can -not. Of course, to permit such a state of things is not only evil for -the small man, but is destructive of the best interests of the country. -Substantially the same conditions obtain as regards cattle. The custom -has therefore grown up of fencing great tracts of Government land -without warrant of law. The men who fenced this land were sometimes -rich men, who, by fencing it, kept out actual settlers and thereby -worked evil to the country. But in many cases, whether they were large -men or small men, their object was not to keep out actual settlers, -but to protect themselves and their own industry by preventing -overgrazing of the range on the part of reckless stock owners who had -no place in the permanent development of the country and who were -indifferent to everything except the profits of the moment. To permit -the continuance of this illegal fencing inevitably tended to very grave -abuses, and the Government has therefore forced the fencers to take -down their fences. In doing this we have not only obeyed and enforced -the law, but we have corrected many flagrant abuses. Nevertheless, we -have also caused hardship, which, though unavoidable, I was exceedingly -unwilling to cause. In some way or other we must provide for the use of -the public range under conditions which shall inure primarily to the -benefit of the actual settlers on or near it, and which shall prevent -its being wasted. This means that in some shape or way the fencing of -pasture land must be permitted under restrictions which will safeguard -the rights of the actual settlers. I desire to act as these actual -settlers wish to have me in this matter. I wish to find out their needs -and desires and then to try to put them into effect. But they must -take trouble, must look ahead to their own ultimate and real good, -must insist upon being really represented by their public men, if we -are to have a good result. A little while ago I received a very manly -and sensible letter from one of the prominent members of the Laramie -County, Wyo., Cattle and Horse Growers’ Association. My correspondent -remarked incidentally in his letter, “I am a small ranchman, and have -to plow and pitch hay myself,” and then went on to say that the great -majority of their people had complied with the governmental order, had -removed their fences and sold their cattle, but that they must get some -kind of a lease law which would permit them to graze their stock under -proper conditions or else it would be ruinous to them to continue in -the business. The thing I have most at heart as regards this subject is -to do whatever will be of permanent benefit to just exactly the people -for whom this correspondent of mine spoke――the small ranchmen who have -to plow and pitch hay themselves. All I want to do is to find out -what will be to their real benefit, for that is certain to be to the -benefit of the country as a whole. It may be that we can secure their -interests best by permitting all homesteaders in the dry country to -inclose, individually or a certain number of them together, big tracts -of range for summer use, the tracts being proportioned to the number -of neighboring homesteaders who wish to run their cattle upon it. It -may be that parts of the range will only be valuable for companies that -can lease it and put large herds on it; for the way properly to develop -a region is to put it to those uses to which it is best adapted. The -amount to be paid for the leasing privilege is to me a matter of -comparative indifference. The Government does not wish to make money -out of the range, but simply to provide for the necessary supervision -that will prevent its being eaten out or exhausted; that is, that -will secure it undamaged as an asset for the next generation, for the -children of the present home makers. Of course we must also provide -enough to pay the proper share of the county taxes. I am not wedded to -any one plan, and I am willing to combine several plans if necessary. -But the present system is wrong, and I hope to see, in all the States -of the Great Plains and the Rockies, the men like my correspondent of -the Laramie County Cattle and Horse Growers’ Association, the small -ranchmen “who plow and pitch hay themselves,” seriously take up this -matter and make their representatives in Congress understand that there -must be some solution, and that this solution shall be one which will -secure the greatest permanent well-being to the actual settlers, the -actual home makers. I promise with all the strength I have to cooperate -toward this end. - - - [Illustration] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes: - - ――Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - - ――Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected. - - ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved. - - ――Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT KEOKUK, IOWA, OCTOBER 1, 1907 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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