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If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, - 1907 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: May 20, 2022 [eBook #68136] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - CAIRO, ILLINOIS [Illustration] OCTOBER 3, 1907 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1907 - - - - -MEN OF ILLINOIS, AND YOU, MEN OF KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI: - -I am glad to have the chance to speak to you to-day. This is the heart -of what may be called the Old West, which we now call the Middle West, -using the term to denote that great group of rich and powerful States -which literally forms the heart of the country. It is a region whose -people are distinctively American in all their thoughts, in all their -ways of looking at life; and in its past and its present alike it is -typical of our country. The oldest men present can still remember the -pioneer days, the days of the white-tilted ox wagon, of the emigrant, -and of the log cabin in which that emigrant first lived when he settled -to his task as a pioneer farmer. They were rough days, days of hard -work, and the people who did that work seemed themselves uncouth and -forbidding to visitors who could not look below the surface. It is -curious and amusing to think that even as genuine a lover of his kind, -a man normally so free from national prejudices as Charles Dickens, -should have selected the region where we are now standing as the seat -of his forlorn “Eden” in Martin Chuzzlewit. The country he so bitterly -assailed is now one of the most fertile and productive portions of -one of the most fertile and productive agricultural territories -in all the world, and the dwellers in this territory represent a -higher average of comfort, intelligence, and sturdy capacity for -self-government than the people in any tract of like extent in any -other continent. The land teems with beauty and fertility, and but a -score of years after Dickens wrote it was shown to be a nursery and -breeding ground of heroes, of soldiers and statesmen of the highest -rank, while the rugged worth of the rank and file of the citizenship -rendered possible the deeds of the mighty men who led in council and in -battle. This was the region that brought forth mighty Abraham Lincoln, -the incarnation of all that is best in democratic life; and from the -loins of the same people, living only a little farther south, sprang -another of our greatest Presidents, Andrew Jackson, “Old Hickory”――a -man who made mistakes, like most strong men, but a man of iron will -and incorruptible integrity, fearless, upright, devoted to the welfare -of his countrymen, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, a typical -American if ever there was one. - -I commend a careful reading of Martin Chuzzlewit to the pessimists of -to-day, to the men who, instead of fighting hard to do away with abuses -while at the same time losing no jot of their buoyant hopefulness for -the country, insist that all our people, socially and industrially, in -their private lives no less than as politicians, newspaper men, and -business men, are at a lower ebb than ever before. If ever any one -of you feels a little downcast over the peculiarly gloomy view of the -present taken by some well-meaning pessimist of to-day, you will find -it a real comfort to read Martin Chuzzlewit, to see what a well-meaning -pessimist of the past thought of our people sixty-five years ago; and -then think of the extraordinary achievement, the extraordinary gain, -morally no less than materially, of those sixty-five years. Dickens -can be read by us now with profit; Elijah Pogram, Hannibal Chollop, -Jefferson Brick and Scadder have their representatives to-day, plenty -of them; and the wise thing for us to do is to recognize that these -are still types of evil in politics, journalism, business, and private -life, and to war against them with all our hearts. But it is rank folly -to regard these as the only, or the chief, types in our national life. -It was not of much consequence whether Dickens made such an error or -not, but it would be of great consequence if we ourselves did; for a -foolish pessimism is an even greater foe of healthy national growth -than a foolish optimism. It was not that Dickens invented characters -or scenes that had no basis in fact; on the contrary, what he said was -true, as far as it went; the trouble was that out of many such half -truths he made a picture which as a whole was absurd; for often a half -truth is the most dangerous falsehood. It would be simply silly to be -angry over Martin Chuzzlewit; on the contrary, read it, be amused -by it, profit by it; and don’t be misled by it. Keep a lively watch -against the present-day Pograms and Bricks; but above all, distrust -the man who would persuade you to feel downhearted about the country -because of these same Pograms and Bricks, past or present. It would be -foolish to ignore their existence, or the existence of anything else -that is bad in our national life; but it would be even more foolish -to ignore the vaster forces that tell for righteousness. Friends, -there is every reason why we should fight whatever is evil in the -present. But there is also every reason why we should feel a sturdy and -confident hope for the future. There are many wrongs to right; there -are many and powerful wrong doers against whom to war; and it would be -base to shrink from the contest, or to fail to wage it with a high, a -resolute will. But I am sure that we shall win in the contest, because -I know that the heart of our people is sound. Our average men and women -are good men and women――and this is true in all sections of our country -and among all classes of our countrymen. There is no other nation on -earth with such vast natural resources, or with such a high standard -of living and of industrial efficiency among its workers. We have as -a nation an era of unexampled prosperity ahead of us; we shall enjoy -it, and our children will enjoy it after us. The trend of well-being -in this country is upward, not downward; and this is the trend in the -things of the soul as well as in the things of the body. - -Government in its application is often a complicated and delicate -work, but the principles of government are, after all, fairly simple. -In a broad general way we should apply in the affairs of the national -administration, which deals with the interests of all our eighty-odd -millions of people, just the same rules that are necessary in getting -on with our neighbors in our several neighborhoods; and the nation as a -whole should show substantially the same qualities that we would expect -an honorable man to show in dealing with his fellows. To illustrate -this, consider for a moment two phases of governmental action. - -First as to international affairs. Among your own neighbors, among your -friends, what is the attitude you like to see a man take toward his -fellows, the attitude you wish each of your sons to take when he goes -out into the world? Is it not a combination of readiness and ability -to hold his own if anyone tries to wrong him, while at the same time -showing careful regard not only for the rights but for the feelings of -others? Of course it is! Of course the type of man whom we respect, -whom we are proud of if he is a kinsman, whom we are glad to have as a -friend and neighbor, is the man who is no milksop, who is not afraid, -who will not tolerate nor hesitate to resent insult or injury, but -who himself never inflicts insult or injury, is kindly, good-natured, -thoughtful of others’ rights――in short, a good man to do business with -or have live in the next house or have as a friend. On the other hand, -the man who lacks any of those qualities is sure to be objectionable. -If a man is afraid to hold his own, if he will submit tamely to -wrongdoing, he is contemptible. If he is a bully, an oppressor, a man -who wrongs or insults others, he is even worse and should be hunted -out of the community. But, on the whole, the most contemptible position -that can possibly be assumed by any man is that of blustering, of -bragging, of insulting or wronging other people, while yet expecting to -go through life unchallenged, and being always willing to back down and -accept humiliation if readiness to make good is demanded. - -Well, all this is just as true of a nation as of an individual, and -in dealing with other nations we should act as we expect a man who -is both game and decent to act in private life. There are few things -cheaper and more objectionable, whether on the part of the public man -or of the private man, on the part of a writer or of a speaker, an -individual or a group of individuals, than a course of conduct which -is insulting or hurtful, whether in speech or act, to individuals -of another nation or to the representatives of another nation or to -another nation itself. But the policy becomes infamous from the -standpoint of the interests of the United States when it is combined -with the refusal to take those measures of preparation which can alone -secure us from aggression on the part of others. The policy of “peace -with insult” is the very worst policy upon which it is possible to -embark, whether for a nation or an individual. To be rich, unarmed, and -yet insolent and aggressive, is to court well-nigh certain disaster. -The only safe and honorable rule of foreign policy for the United -States is to show itself courteous toward other nations, scrupulous not -to infringe upon their rights, and yet able and ready to defend its -own. This nation is now on terms of the most cordial good will with all -other nations. Let us make it a prime object of our policy to preserve -these conditions. To do so it is necessary on the one hand to mete out -a generous justice to all other peoples and show them courtesy and -respect; and on the other hand, as we are yet a good way off from the -millenium, to keep ourselves in such shape as to make it evident to -all men that we desire peace because we think it is just and right and -not from motives of weakness or timidity. As for the first requisite, -this means that not only the Government but the people as a whole shall -act in the needed spirit; for otherwise the folly of a few individuals -may work lasting discredit to the whole nation. The second requisite -is more easily secured――let us build up and maintain at the highest -point of efficiency the United States Navy. In any great war on land -we should have to rely in the future as we have relied in the past -chiefly upon volunteer soldiers; and although it is indispensable that -our little army, an army ludicrously small relatively to the wealth -and population of this mighty nation, should itself be trained to the -highest point and should be valued and respected as is demanded by -the worth of the officers and enlisted men, yet it is not necessary -that this army should be large as compared to the armies of other -great nations. But as regards the Navy all this is different. We have -an enormous coast line, and our coast line is on two great oceans. -To repel hostile attacks the fortifications, and not the Navy, must -be used; but the best way to parry is to hit――no fight can ever be -won except by hitting――and we can only hit by means of the Navy. It -is utterly impossible to improvise even a makeshift navy under the -conditions of modern warfare. Since the days of Napoleon no war between -two great powers has lasted as long as it would take to build a battle -ship, let alone a fleet of battle ships; and it takes just as long to -train the crew of a battle ship as it does to build it; and as regards -the most important thing of all, the training of the officers, it takes -much longer. The Navy must be built and all its training given in time -of peace. When once war has broken out it is too late to do anything. -We now have a good Navy, not yet large enough for our needs, but of -excellent material. Where a navy is as small as ours, the cardinal -rule must be that the battle ships shall not be separated. This year -I am happy to say that we shall begin a course which I hope will be -steadily followed hereafter, that, namely, of keeping the battle-ship -fleet alternately in the Pacific and in the Atlantic. Early in December -the fleet will begin its voyage to the Pacific, and it will number, -friends, among its formidable fighting craft three great battle -ships, named, respectively, the _Illinois_, the _Missouri_, and the -_Kentucky_. It is a national fleet in every sense of the term, and its -welfare should be, and I firmly believe is, as much a matter of pride -and concern for every man in the farthest interior of our country as -for every man on the seacoast. A long ocean voyage is mighty good -training; and not the least good it will do will be to show just the -points where our naval program needs strengthening. Incidentally I -think the voyage will have one good effect, for, to judge by their -comments on the movement, some excellent people in my own section of -the country need to be reminded that the Pacific coast is exactly as -much a part of this nation as the Atlantic coast. - -So much for foreign affairs. Now for a matter of domestic policy. -Here in this country we have founded a great federal democratic -republic. It is a government by and for the people and therefore a -genuine democracy; and the theory of our Constitution is that each -neighborhood shall be left to deal with the things that concern -only itself and which it can most readily deal with; so that town, -county, city, and State have their respective spheres of duty, while -the nation deals with those matters which concern all of us, all of -the people, no matter where we dwell. Our democracy is based upon -the belief that each individual ought to have the largest measure -of liberty compatible with securing the rights of other individuals, -that the average citizen, the plain man whom we meet in daily life, -is normally capable of taking care of his own affairs, and has no -desire to wrong any one else; and yet that in the interest of all there -shall be sufficient power lodged somewhere to prevent wicked people -from trampling the weak under foot for their own gain. Our constant -endeavor is to make a good working compromise whereby we shall secure -the full benefit of individual initiative and responsibility, while at -the same time recognizing that it is the function of a wise government -under modern conditions not merely to protect life and property, but -to foster the social development of the people so far as this may be -done by maintaining and promoting justice, honesty, and equal rights. -We believe in a real, not a sham, democracy. We believe in democracy -as regards political rights, as regards education, and, finally, as -regards industrial conditions. By democracy we understand securing, as -far as it is humanly possible to secure it, equality of opportunity, -equality of the conditions under which each man is to show the stuff -that is in him and to achieve the measure of success to which his own -force of mind and character entitle him. Religiously this means that -each man is to have the right, unhindered by the state, to worship his -Creator as his conscience dictates, granting freely to others the -same freedom which he asks for himself. Politically we can be said -substantially to have worked out our democratic ideals, and the same -is true, thanks to the common schools, in educational matters. But in -industry there has not as yet been the governmental growth necessary -in order to meet the tremendous changes brought about in industrial -conditions by steam and electricity. It is not in accordance with our -principles that literally despotic power should be put into the hands -of a few men in the affairs of the industrial world. Our effort must -be for a just and effective plan of action which, while scrupulously -safeguarding the rights of the men of wealth, shall yet, so far as -is humanly possible, secure under the law to all men equality of -opportunity to make a living. It is to the interest of all of us that -the man of exceptional business capacity should be amply rewarded; -and there is nothing inconsistent with this in our insistence that he -shall not be guilty of bribery or extortion, and that the rights of -the wageworker and of the man of small means, who are themselves honest -and hard working, shall be scrupulously safeguarded. The instruments -for the exercise of modern industrial power are the great corporations -which, though created by the individual States, have grown far beyond -the control of those States and transact their business throughout -large sections of the Union. These corporations, like the industrial -conditions which have called them into being, did not exist when the -Constitution was founded; but the wise forethought of the founders -provided, under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution, -for the very emergency which has arisen, if only our people as a whole -will realize what this emergency is; for if the people thoroughly -realize it, their governmental representatives will soon realize -it also. The National Government alone has sufficiently extensive -power and jurisdiction to exercise adequate control over the great -interstate corporations. While this thorough supervision and control -by the National Government is desirable primarily in the interest of -the people, it will also, I firmly believe, be to the benefit of those -corporations themselves which desire to be honest and law-abiding. Only -thus can we put over these corporations one competent and efficient -sovereign――the Nation――able both to exact justice from them and to -secure justice for them, so that they may not be alternately pampered -and oppressed. The proposal need be dreaded only by those corporations -which do not wish to obey the law or to be controlled in just fashion, -but prefer to take their chances under the present lack of all system -and to court the chance of getting improper favors as offsetting the -chance of being blackmailed――an attitude rendered familiar in the past -by those corporations which had thriven under certain corrupt and -lawless city governments. - -The first need is to exercise this Federal control in thoroughgoing -and efficient fashion over the railroads, which, because of their -peculiar position, offer the most immediate and urgent problem. The -American people abhor a vacuum, and is determined that this control -shall be exercised somewhere; it is most unwise for the railroads not -to recognize this and to submit to it as the first requisite of the -situation. When this control is exercised in some such fashion as it is -now exercised over the national banks, there will be no falling off -in business prosperity. On the contrary, the chances for the average -man to do better will be increased. Undoubtedly there will be much -less opportunity than at present for a very few individuals not of the -most scrupulous type to amass great fortunes by speculating in and -manipulating securities which are issued without any kind of control or -supervision. But there will be plenty of room left for ample legitimate -reward for business genius, while the chance for the man who is not -a business genius, but who is a good, thrifty, hard-working citizen, -will be better. I do not believe that our efforts will have anything -but a beneficial effect upon the permanent prosperity of the country; -and, as a matter of fact, even as regards any temporary effect, I -think that any trouble is due fundamentally not to the fact that the -national authorities have discovered and corrected certain abuses, but -to the fact that those abuses were there to be discovered. I think -that the excellent people who have complained of our policy as hurting -business have shown much the same spirit as the child who regards the -dentist and not the ulcerated tooth as the real source of his woe. I -am as certain as I can be of anything that the course we are pursuing -will ultimately help business; for the corrupt man of business is as -great a foe to this country as the corrupt politician. Both stand on -the same evil eminence of infamy. Against both it is necessary to war; -and if, unfortunately, in either type of warfare, a few innocent people -are hurt, the responsibility lies not with us, but with those who have -misled them to their hurt. - -This is a rapidly growing nation, on a new continent, and in an era of -new, complex, and ever-shifting conditions. Often it is necessary to -devise new methods of meeting these new conditions. We must regard the -past, but we must not regard only the past. We must also think of the -future; and while we must learn by experience, we can not afford to pay -heed merely to the teachings of experience. The great preacher Channing -in his essay on “The Union” spoke with fine insight on this very point. -In commenting on the New England statesman Cabot, whom he greatly -admired, he said that nevertheless “he had too much of the wisdom of -experience; he wanted what may be called the wisdom of hope.” He then -continued in words which have a peculiar fitness for the conditions of -to-day: “We apprehend that it is possible to make experience too much -our guide. There are seasons in human affairs, of inward and outward -revolution, when new depths seem to be broken up in the soul, when -new wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a new and undefined good is -thirsted for. These are periods when the principles of experience need -to be modified, when hope and trust and instinct claim a share with -prudence in the guidance of affairs, when in truth _to dare_ is the -highest wisdom.” - -These sentences should be carefully pondered by those men, often very -good men, who forget that constructive change offers the best method of -avoiding destructive change; that reform is the antidote to revolution; -and that social reform is not the precursor but the preventive of -socialism. - - [Illustration] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes: - - ――Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - - ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved. - - ――Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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