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diff --git a/old/68136-h/68136-h.htm b/old/68136-h/68136-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 011992f..0000000 --- a/old/68136-h/68136-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1219 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> -<head> - <meta charset="UTF-8" /> - <title> - Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907, - by Theodore Roosevelt—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover" /> - - <style> /* <![CDATA[ */ - -/* DACSoft styles */ - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -/* General headers */ -h1 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -div.chapter { - page-break-before: always; -} - -h1.nobreak { - page-break-before: avoid; -} - -/* Indented paragraph */ -p { - margin-top: .51em; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-align: justify; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -/* Unindented paragraph */ -.noi {text-indent: 0em;} - -/* Centered unindented paragraph */ -.noic { - text-indent: 0em; - text-align: center; -} - -/* Non-standard paragraph margins */ -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} - -.pad6 { - margin-top: 4em; - margin-bottom: 8em; -} - -/* Horizontal rules */ -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap { - width: 65%; - margin-left: 17.5%; - margin-right: 17.5%; -} - -@media print { - hr.chap { - display: none; - visibility: hidden; - } -} - -/* Physical book page and line numbers */ -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - right: 3%; -/* left: 92%; */ - font-size: x-small; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-align: right; - color: gray; -} /* page numbers */ - -/* Text appearance */ -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -/* Small fonts and lowercase small-caps */ -.smfont { - font-size: .8em; -} - -/* Illustration caption */ -.caption { - font-size: .75em; - font-weight: bold; -} - -/* Images */ -img { - max-width: 100%; /* no image to be wider than screen or containing div */ - height:auto; /* keep height in proportion to width */ -} - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowe2 {width: 2em;} -.illowe3 {width: 3em;} - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 90%; /* div no wider than screen, even when screen is narrow */ -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.tnote { - background-color: #E6E6FA; - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; - padding: .5em; -} - -.tntitle { - font-size: 1.25em; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - -/* Hanging indent. */ -.hang { - text-indent: -1em; - padding-left: 1em; -} - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> - -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theodore Roosevelt</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: May 20, 2022 [eBook #68136]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***</div> - - -<div class="figcenter" id="cover"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" /> - <div class="caption"> - <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: The cover image was created from -the title page by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - </div> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h1 class="nobreak"><small>ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - CAIRO, ILLINOIS</small> - <img class="illowe2" src="images/deco_01sm.jpg" - alt="small title decoration" title="small title decoration" /> - <small>OCTOBER 3, 1907</small></h1> - -<div class="pad6"> -<div class="figcenter" id="deco_02bg"> - <img class="illowe3" src="images/deco_02bg.jpg" - alt="large title decoration" title="large title decoration" /> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noic">WASHINGTON<br /> -GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br /> -1907</p> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<p class="p4 hang"><span class="smcap">Men of Illinois, and You, Men of Kentucky -and Missouri</span>:</p> -</div> - -<p>I am glad to have the chance to speak -to you to-day. This is the heart of what -may be called the Old West, which we -now call the Middle West, using the term -to denote that great group of rich and -powerful States which literally forms the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -heart of the country. It is a region whose -people are distinctively American in all -their thoughts, in all their ways of looking -at life; and in its past and its present -alike it is typical of our country. The -oldest men present can still remember the -pioneer days, the days of the white-tilted -ox wagon, of the emigrant, and of the log -cabin in which that emigrant first lived -when he settled to his task as a pioneer -farmer. They were rough days, days of -hard work, and the people who did that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -work seemed themselves uncouth and -forbidding to visitors who could not look -below the surface. It is curious and -amusing to think that even as genuine a -lover of his kind, a man normally so free -from national prejudices as Charles Dickens, -should have selected the region -where we are now standing as the seat -of his forlorn “Eden” in Martin Chuzzlewit. -The country he so bitterly assailed -is now one of the most fertile and productive -portions of one of the most fertile and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -productive agricultural territories in all -the world, and the dwellers in this -territory represent a higher average of -comfort, intelligence, and sturdy capacity -for self-government than the people in any -tract of like extent in any other continent. -The land teems with beauty and fertility, -and but a score of years after Dickens -wrote it was shown to be a nursery and -breeding ground of heroes, of soldiers and -statesmen of the highest rank, while the -rugged worth of the rank and file of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -citizenship rendered possible the deeds of -the mighty men who led in council and in -battle. This was the region that brought -forth mighty Abraham Lincoln, the incarnation -of all that is best in democratic life; -and from the loins of the same people, living -only a little farther south, sprang another -of our greatest Presidents, Andrew Jackson, -“Old Hickory”—a man who made mistakes, -like most strong men, but a man of -iron will and incorruptible integrity, fearless, -upright, devoted to the welfare of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -countrymen, bone of our bone and flesh of -our flesh, a typical American if ever there -was one.</p> - -<p>I commend a careful reading of Martin -Chuzzlewit to the pessimists of to-day, -to the men who, instead of fighting hard -to do away with abuses while at the same -time losing no jot of their buoyant hopefulness -for the country, insist that all our -people, socially and industrially, in their -private lives no less than as politicians, -newspaper men, and business men, are at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -a lower ebb than ever before. If ever -any one of you feels a little downcast -over the peculiarly gloomy view of the -present taken by some well-meaning -pessimist of to-day, you will find it a real -comfort to read Martin Chuzzlewit, to see -what a well-meaning pessimist of the past -thought of our people sixty-five years -ago; and then think of the extraordinary -achievement, the extraordinary gain, morally -no less than materially, of those sixty-five -years. Dickens can be read by us<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -now with profit; Elijah Pogram, Hannibal -Chollop, Jefferson Brick and Scadder -have their representatives to-day, plenty -of them; and the wise thing for us -to do is to recognize that these -are still types of evil in politics, -journalism, business, and private life, and -to war against them with all our hearts. -But it is rank folly to regard these as the -only, or the chief, types in our national -life. It was not of much consequence -whether Dickens made such an error or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -not, but it would be of great consequence -if we ourselves did; for a foolish pessimism -is an even greater foe of healthy national -growth than a foolish optimism. It was not -that Dickens invented characters or scenes -that had no basis in fact; on the contrary, -what he said was true, as far as it went; the -trouble was that out of many such half -truths he made a picture which as a whole -was absurd; for often a half truth is the -most dangerous falsehood. It would be -simply silly to be angry over Martin<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -Chuzzlewit; on the contrary, read it, be -amused by it, profit by it; and don’t be -misled by it. Keep a lively watch -against the present-day Pograms and -Bricks; but above all, distrust the -man who would persuade you to feel -downhearted about the country because -of these same Pograms and Bricks, past or -present. It would be foolish to ignore their -existence, or the existence of anything -else that is bad in our national life; but it -would be even more foolish to ignore the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -vaster forces that tell for righteousness. -Friends, there is every reason why we -should fight whatever is evil in the present. -But there is also every reason why -we should feel a sturdy and confident -hope for the future. There are many -wrongs to right; there are many and powerful -wrong doers against whom to war; -and it would be base to shrink from the -contest, or to fail to wage it with a high, -a resolute will. But I am sure that -we shall win in the contest, because<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -I know that the heart of our people -is sound. Our average men and -women are good men and women—and -this is true in all sections of our country -and among all classes of our countrymen. -There is no other nation on earth with -such vast natural resources, or with such -a high standard of living and of industrial -efficiency among its workers. We have -as a nation an era of unexampled prosperity -ahead of us; we shall enjoy it, and -our children will enjoy it after us. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -trend of well-being in this country is -upward, not downward; and this is the -trend in the things of the soul as well as -in the things of the body.</p> - -<p>Government in its application is often -a complicated and delicate work, but the -principles of government are, after all, -fairly simple. In a broad general way we -should apply in the affairs of the national -administration, which deals with the interests -of all our eighty-odd millions of people, -just the same rules that are necessary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -in getting on with our neighbors in our -several neighborhoods; and the nation as a -whole should show substantially the same -qualities that we would expect an honorable -man to show in dealing with his fellows. -To illustrate this, consider for a moment -two phases of governmental action.</p> - -<p>First as to international affairs. Among -your own neighbors, among your friends, -what is the attitude you like to see a -man take toward his fellows, the attitude -you wish each of your sons to take when<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -he goes out into the world? Is it not a -combination of readiness and ability to -hold his own if anyone tries to wrong -him, while at the same time showing -careful regard not only for the rights but -for the feelings of others? Of course it -is! Of course the type of man whom -we respect, whom we are proud of if he -is a kinsman, whom we are glad to have -as a friend and neighbor, is the man -who is no milksop, who is not afraid, who -will not tolerate nor hesitate to resent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -insult or injury, but who himself never -inflicts insult or injury, is kindly, good-natured, -thoughtful of others’ rights—in -short, a good man to do business with -or have live in the next house or have -as a friend. On the other hand, the man -who lacks any of those qualities is sure -to be objectionable. If a man is afraid -to hold his own, if he will submit tamely -to wrongdoing, he is contemptible. If -he is a bully, an oppressor, a man who -wrongs or insults others, he is even worse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -and should be hunted out of the community. -But, on the whole, the most contemptible -position that can possibly be -assumed by any man is that of blustering, -of bragging, of insulting or wronging -other people, while yet expecting to go -through life unchallenged, and being -always willing to back down and accept -humiliation if readiness to make good is -demanded.</p> - -<p>Well, all this is just as true of a nation -as of an individual, and in dealing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -with other nations we should act as we -expect a man who is both game and -decent to act in private life. There are -few things cheaper and more objectionable, -whether on the part of the public -man or of the private man, on the part of -a writer or of a speaker, an individual or -a group of individuals, than a course of -conduct which is insulting or hurtful, -whether in speech or act, to individuals -of another nation or to the representatives -of another nation or to another nation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -itself. But the policy becomes infamous -from the standpoint of the interests -of the United States when it is combined -with the refusal to take those -measures of preparation which can alone -secure us from aggression on the part of -others. The policy of “peace with insult” -is the very worst policy upon which it is -possible to embark, whether for a nation -or an individual. To be rich, unarmed, -and yet insolent and aggressive, is to -court well-nigh certain disaster. The only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -safe and honorable rule of foreign policy -for the United States is to show itself -courteous toward other nations, scrupulous -not to infringe upon their rights, and yet -able and ready to defend its own. This -nation is now on terms of the most cordial -good will with all other nations. Let us -make it a prime object of our policy to -preserve these conditions. To do so it is -necessary on the one hand to mete out a -generous justice to all other peoples and -show them courtesy and respect; and on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -the other hand, as we are yet a good way -off from the millenium, to keep ourselves -in such shape as to make it evident to all -men that we desire peace because we -think it is just and right and not from -motives of weakness or timidity. As for -the first requisite, this means that not only -the Government but the people as a -whole shall act in the needed spirit; for -otherwise the folly of a few individuals -may work lasting discredit to the whole -nation. The second requisite is more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -easily secured—let us build up and maintain -at the highest point of efficiency the -United States Navy. In any great war -on land we should have to rely in the -future as we have relied in the past chiefly -upon volunteer soldiers; and although it -is indispensable that our little army, an -army ludicrously small relatively to the -wealth and population of this mighty -nation, should itself be trained to the -highest point and should be valued and respected -as is demanded by the worth of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -officers and enlisted men, yet it is not necessary -that this army should be large as -compared to the armies of other great nations. -But as regards the Navy all this is -different. We have an enormous coast line, -and our coast line is on two great oceans. -To repel hostile attacks the fortifications, -and not the Navy, must be used; but the -best way to parry is to hit—no fight can -ever be won except by hitting—and we -can only hit by means of the Navy. It is -utterly impossible to improvise even a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -makeshift navy under the conditions of -modern warfare. Since the days of Napoleon -no war between two great powers has -lasted as long as it would take to build a -battle ship, let alone a fleet of battle ships; -and it takes just as long to train the -crew of a battle ship as it does to build -it; and as regards the most important -thing of all, the training of the officers, it -takes much longer. The Navy must be -built and all its training given in time of -peace. When once war has broken out it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -is too late to do anything. We now have -a good Navy, not yet large enough for our -needs, but of excellent material. Where -a navy is as small as ours, the cardinal -rule must be that the battle ships shall not -be separated. This year I am happy to -say that we shall begin a course which I -hope will be steadily followed hereafter, -that, namely, of keeping the battle-ship -fleet alternately in the Pacific and in the -Atlantic. Early in December the fleet will -begin its voyage to the Pacific, and it will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -number, friends, among its formidable -fighting craft three great battle ships, -named, respectively, the <i>Illinois</i>, the <i>Missouri</i>, -and the <i>Kentucky</i>. It is a national -fleet in every sense of the term, and its -welfare should be, and I firmly believe is, -as much a matter of pride and concern for -every man in the farthest interior of our -country as for every man on the seacoast. -A long ocean voyage is mighty good training; -and not the least good it will do will -be to show just the points where our naval<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -program needs strengthening. Incidentally -I think the voyage will have one -good effect, for, to judge by their comments -on the movement, some excellent people -in my own section of the country need to -be reminded that the Pacific coast is exactly -as much a part of this nation as the -Atlantic coast.</p> - -<p>So much for foreign affairs. Now for -a matter of domestic policy. Here in this -country we have founded a great federal -democratic republic. It is a government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -by and for the people and therefore a -genuine democracy; and the theory of our -Constitution is that each neighborhood -shall be left to deal with the things that -concern only itself and which it can most -readily deal with; so that town, county, city, -and State have their respective spheres -of duty, while the nation deals with those -matters which concern all of us, all of the -people, no matter where we dwell. Our -democracy is based upon the belief that -each individual ought to have the largest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -measure of liberty compatible with securing -the rights of other individuals, that -the average citizen, the plain man whom -we meet in daily life, is normally capable -of taking care of his own affairs, and has -no desire to wrong any one else; and yet -that in the interest of all there shall be -sufficient power lodged somewhere to prevent -wicked people from trampling the -weak under foot for their own gain. Our -constant endeavor is to make a good -working compromise whereby we shall<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -secure the full benefit of individual initiative -and responsibility, while at the same -time recognizing that it is the function of -a wise government under modern conditions -not merely to protect life and property, -but to foster the social development -of the people so far as this may be done -by maintaining and promoting justice, -honesty, and equal rights. We believe in -a real, not a sham, democracy. We believe -in democracy as regards political -rights, as regards education, and, finally,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -as regards industrial conditions. By -democracy we understand securing, as -far as it is humanly possible to secure it, -equality of opportunity, equality of the -conditions under which each man is to -show the stuff that is in him and to -achieve the measure of success to which -his own force of mind and character -entitle him. Religiously this means that -each man is to have the right, unhindered -by the state, to worship his Creator as his -conscience dictates, granting freely to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -others the same freedom which he asks for -himself. Politically we can be said substantially -to have worked out our democratic -ideals, and the same is true, -thanks to the common schools, in educational -matters. But in industry there -has not as yet been the governmental -growth necessary in order to meet the tremendous -changes brought about in industrial -conditions by steam and electricity. -It is not in accordance with our principles -that literally despotic power should be put<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -into the hands of a few men in the affairs -of the industrial world. Our effort must -be for a just and effective plan of action -which, while scrupulously safeguarding the -rights of the men of wealth, shall yet, so -far as is humanly possible, secure under -the law to all men equality of opportunity -to make a living. It is to the interest of -all of us that the man of exceptional business -capacity should be amply rewarded; -and there is nothing inconsistent with this -in our insistence that he shall not be guilty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -of bribery or extortion, and that the rights of -the wageworker and of the man of small -means, who are themselves honest and -hard working, shall be scrupulously safeguarded. -The instruments for the exercise -of modern industrial power are the -great corporations which, though created -by the individual States, have grown far -beyond the control of those States and -transact their business throughout large -sections of the Union. These corporations, -like the industrial conditions which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -have called them into being, did not exist -when the Constitution was founded; but -the wise forethought of the founders provided, -under the interstate commerce clause -of the Constitution, for the very emergency -which has arisen, if only our people as a -whole will realize what this emergency is; -for if the people thoroughly realize it, their -governmental representatives will soon -realize it also. The National Government -alone has sufficiently extensive power -and jurisdiction to exercise adequate control<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -over the great interstate corporations. -While this thorough supervision and control -by the National Government is desirable -primarily in the interest of the people, -it will also, I firmly believe, be to the -benefit of those corporations themselves -which desire to be honest and law-abiding. -Only thus can we put over these corporations -one competent and efficient sovereign—the -Nation—able both to exact -justice from them and to secure justice for -them, so that they may not be alternately<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -pampered and oppressed. The proposal -need be dreaded only by those corporations -which do not wish to obey the -law or to be controlled in just fashion, but -prefer to take their chances under the -present lack of all system and to court the -chance of getting improper favors as offsetting -the chance of being blackmailed—an -attitude rendered familiar in the past -by those corporations which had thriven -under certain corrupt and lawless city -governments.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span></p> - -<p>The first need is to exercise this Federal -control in thoroughgoing and efficient -fashion over the railroads, which, because -of their peculiar position, offer the most -immediate and urgent problem. The -American people abhor a vacuum, and -is determined that this control shall be -exercised somewhere; it is most unwise -for the railroads not to recognize this and to -submit to it as the first requisite of the situation. -When this control is exercised in -some such fashion as it is now exercised<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -over the national banks, there will be no -falling off in business prosperity. On the -contrary, the chances for the average man to -do better will be increased. Undoubtedly -there will be much less opportunity than -at present for a very few individuals not -of the most scrupulous type to amass -great fortunes by speculating in and manipulating -securities which are issued without -any kind of control or supervision. -But there will be plenty of room left for -ample legitimate reward for business genius,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -while the chance for the man who is -not a business genius, but who is a good, -thrifty, hard-working citizen, will be better. -I do not believe that our efforts will -have anything but a beneficial effect upon -the permanent prosperity of the country; -and, as a matter of fact, even as regards -any temporary effect, I think that any -trouble is due fundamentally not to the -fact that the national authorities have discovered -and corrected certain abuses, but -to the fact that those abuses were there<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -to be discovered. I think that the excellent -people who have complained of -our policy as hurting business have shown -much the same spirit as the child who -regards the dentist and not the ulcerated -tooth as the real source of his woe. I -am as certain as I can be of anything that the -course we are pursuing will ultimately help -business; for the corrupt man of business is -as great a foe to this country as the corrupt -politician. Both stand on the same evil -eminence of infamy. Against both it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -necessary to war; and if, unfortunately, in -either type of warfare, a few innocent people -are hurt, the responsibility lies not with -us, but with those who have misled them -to their hurt.</p> - -<p>This is a rapidly growing nation, -on a new continent, and in an era of -new, complex, and ever-shifting conditions. -Often it is necessary to devise new -methods of meeting these new conditions. -We must regard the past, but we must -not regard only the past. We must also<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -think of the future; and while we must -learn by experience, we can not afford to -pay heed merely to the teachings of experience. -The great preacher Channing in -his essay on “The Union” spoke with fine -insight on this very point. In commenting -on the New England statesman Cabot, -whom he greatly admired, he said that -nevertheless “he had too much of the wisdom -of experience; he wanted what may -be called the wisdom of hope.” He then -continued in words which have a peculiar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -fitness for the conditions of to-day: “We -apprehend that it is possible to make experience -too much our guide. There are -seasons in human affairs, of inward and -outward revolution, when new depths seem -to be broken up in the soul, when new -wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a -new and undefined good is thirsted for. -These are periods when the principles of -experience need to be modified, when hope -and trust and instinct claim a share -with prudence in the guidance of affairs,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -when in truth <em>to dare</em> is the highest -wisdom.”</p> - -<p>These sentences should be carefully -pondered by those men, often very good -men, who forget that constructive change -offers the best method of avoiding destructive -change; that reform is the antidote to -revolution; and that social reform is not -the precursor but the preventive of -socialism.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" id="deco_03end"> - <img class="p2 illowe3" src="images/deco_03end.jpg" - alt="end decoration" title="end decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<div class="tnote"> -<p class="noi tntitle">Transcriber’s Notes:</p> - -<p class="smfont">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p> - -<p class="smfont">Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.</p> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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