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diff --git a/old/68152-0.txt b/old/68152-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 83242fe..0000000 --- a/old/68152-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,999 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Americanism, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Americanism - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: May 22, 2022 [eBook #68152] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICANISM *** - - - - - - Americanism - - THEODORE ROOSEVELT - - - Address delivered before the - Knights of Columbus, Carnegie Hall - Tuesday Evening, October 12, 1915 - - - - - Americanism - - -Four centuries and a quarter have gone by since Columbus by discovering -America opened the greatest era in world history. Four centuries have -passed since the Spaniards began that colonization on the main land -which has resulted in the growth of the nations of Latin-America. Three -centuries have passed since, with the settlements on the coasts of -Virginia and Massachusetts, the real history of what is now the United -States began. All this we ultimately owe to the action of an Italian -seaman in the service of a Spanish King and a Spanish Queen. It is -eminently fitting that one of the largest and most influential social -organizations of this great Republic,――a Republic in which the tongue -is English, and the blood derived from many sources should, in its -name commemorate the great Italian. It is eminently fitting to make an -address on Americanism before this society. - - - DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. - -We of the United States need above all things to remember that, while -we are by blood and culture kin to each of the nations of Europe, -we are also separate from each of them. We are a new and distinct -nationality. We are developing our own distinctive culture and -civilization, and the worth of this civilization will largely depend -upon our determination to keep it distinctively our own. Our sons and -daughters should be educated here and not abroad. We should freely take -from every other nation whatever we can make of use, but we should -adopt and develop to our own peculiar needs what we thus take, and -never be content merely to copy. - -Our nation was founded to perpetuate democratic principles. These -principles are that each man is to be treated on his worth as a man -without regard to the land from which his forefathers came and without -regard to the creed which he professes. If the United States proves -false to these principles of civil and religious liberty, it will have -inflicted the greatest blow on the system of free popular government -that has ever been inflicted. Here we have had a virgin continent on -which to try the experiment of making out of divers race stocks a -new nation and of treating all the citizens of that nation in such a -fashion as to preserve them equality of opportunity in industrial, -civil and political life. Our duty is to secure each man against any -injustice by his fellows. - - - RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. - -One of the most important things to secure for him is the right to -hold and to express the religious views that best meet his own soul -needs. Any political movement directed against any body of our fellow -citizens because of their religious creed is a grave offense against -American principles and American institutions. It is a wicked thing -either to support or to oppose a man because of the creed he professes. -This applies to Jew and Gentile, to Catholic and Protestant, and to -the man who would be regarded as unorthodox by all of them alike. -Political movements directed against men because of their religious -belief, and intended to prevent men of that creed from holding office, -have never accomplished anything but harm. This was true in the days -of the “Know-Nothing” and Native-American parties in the middle of the -last century; and it is just as true today. Such a movement directly -contravenes the spirit of the Constitution itself. Washington and his -associates believed that it was essential to the existence of this -Republic that there should never be any union of Church and State; and -such union is partially accomplished wherever a given creed is aided -by the State or when any public servant is elected or defeated because -of his creed. The Constitution explicitly forbids the requiring of -any religious test as a qualification for holding office. To impose -such a test by popular vote is as bad as to impose it by law. To vote -either for or against a man because of his creed is to impose upon -him a religious test and is a clear violation of the spirit of the -Constitution. - -Moreover, it is well to remember that these movements never achieve the -end they nominally have in view. They do nothing whatsoever except to -increase among the men of the various churches the spirit of sectarian -intolerance which is base and unlovely in any civilization but which -is utterly revolting among a free people that profess the principles -we profess. No such movement can ever permanently succeed here. All -that it does is for a decade or so to greatly increase the spirit of -theological animosity, both among the people to whom it appeals and -among the people whom it assails. Furthermore, it has in the past -invariably resulted, in so far as it was successful at all, in putting -unworthy men into office; for there is nothing that a man of loose -principles and of evil practices in public life so desires as the -chance to distract attention from his own shortcomings and misdeeds by -exciting and inflaming theological and sectarian prejudice. - -We must recognize that it is a cardinal sin against democracy to -support a man for public office because he belongs to a given creed or -to oppose him because he belongs to a given creed. It is just as evil -as to draw the line between class and class, between occupation and -occupation in political life. No man who tries to draw either line is a -good American. True Americanism demands that we judge each man on his -conduct, that we so judge him in private life and that we so judge him -in public life. The line of cleavage drawn on principle and conduct in -public affairs is never in any healthy community identical with the -line of cleavage between creed and creed or between class and class. -On the contrary, where the community life is healthy, these lines of -cleavage almost always run nearly at right angles to one another. It is -eminently necessary to all of us that we should have able and honest -public officials in the nation, in the city, in the state. If we make -a serious and resolute effort to get such officials of the right kind, -men who shall not only be honest but shall be able and shall take the -right view of public questions, we will find as a matter of fact that -the men we thus choose will be drawn from the professors of every creed -and from among men who do not adhere to any creed. - -For thirty-five years I have been more or less actively engaged in -public life, in the performance of my political duties, now in a public -position, now in a private position. I have fought with all the -fervor I possessed for the various causes in which with all my heart I -believed; and in every fight I thus made I have had with me and against -me Catholics, Protestants and Jews. There have been times when I have -had to make the fight for or against some man of each creed on grounds -of plain public morality, unconnected with questions of public policy. -There were other times when I have made such a fight for or against -a given man, not on grounds of public morality, for he may have been -morally a good man, but on account of his attitude on questions of -public policy, of governmental principle. In both cases, I have always -found myself fighting beside, and fighting against men of every creed. -The one sure way to have secured the defeat of every good principle -worth fighting for would have been to have permitted the fight to be -changed into one along sectarian lines and inspired by the spirit of -sectarian bitterness, either for the purpose of putting into public -life or of keeping out of public life the believers in any given creed. -Such conduct represents an assault upon Americanism. The man guilty of -it is not a good American. - -I hold that in this country there must be complete severance of Church -and State; that public moneys shall not be used for the purpose of -advancing any particular creed; and therefore that the public schools -shall be non-sectarian. As a necessary corollary to this, not only the -pupils but the members of the teaching force and the school officials -of all kinds must be treated exactly on a par, no matter what their -creed; and there must be no more discrimination against Jew or Catholic -or Protestant than discrimination in favor of Jew, Catholic or -Protestant. Whoever makes such discrimination is an enemy of the public -schools. - - - HYPHENATED AMERICANS. - -What is true of creed is no less true of nationality. There is no room -in this country for hyphenated Americanism. When I refer to hyphenated -Americans, I do not refer to naturalized Americans. Some of the very -best Americans I have ever known were naturalized Americans, Americans -born abroad. But a hyphenated American is not an American at all. This -is just as true of the man who puts “native” before the hyphen as -of the man who puts German or Irish or English or French before the -hyphen. Americanism is a matter of the spirit and of the soul. Our -allegiance must be purely to the United States. We must unsparingly -condemn any man who holds any other allegiance. But if he is heartily -and singly loyal to this Republic, then no matter where he was born, he -is just as good an American as anyone else. - -The one absolutely certain way of bringing this nation to ruin, -of preventing all possibility of its continuing to be a nation -at all, would be to permit it to become a tangle of squabbling -nationalities, an intricate knot of German-Americans, Irish-Americans, -English-Americans, French-Americans, Scandinavian-Americans or -Italian-Americans, each preserving its separate nationality, each -at heart feeling more sympathy with Europeans of that nationality, -than with the other citizens of the American Republic. The men who -do not become Americans and nothing else are hyphenated Americans; -and there ought to be no room for them in this country. The man who -calls himself an American citizen and who yet shows by his actions -that he is primarily the citizen of a foreign land, plays a thoroughly -mischievous part in the life of our body politic. He has no place -here; and the sooner he returns to the land to which he feels his real -heart-allegiance, the better it will be for every good American. There -is no such thing as a hyphenated American who is a good American. The -only man who is a good American is the man who is an American and -nothing else. - -I appeal to history. Among the generals of Washington in the -Revolutionary War were Greene, Putnam and Lee, who were of English -descent; Wayne and Sullivan, who were of Irish descent; Marion, -who was of French descent; Schuyler, who was of Dutch descent, and -Muhlenberg and Herkemer, who were of German descent. But they were -all of them Americans and nothing else, just as much as Washington. -Carroll of Carrollton was a Catholic; Hancock a Protestant; Jefferson -was heterodox from the standpoint of any orthodox creed; but these and -all the other signers of the Declaration of Independence stood on an -equality of duty and right and liberty, as Americans and nothing else. - -So it was in the Civil War. Farragut’s father was born in Spain and -Sheridan’s father in Ireland; Sherman and Thomas were of English and -Custer of German descent; and Grant came of a long line of American -ancestors whose original home had been Scotland. But the Admiral was -not a Spanish-American; and the Generals were not Scotch-Americans or -Irish-Americans or English-Americans or German-Americans. They were -all Americans and nothing else. This was just as true of Lee and of -Stonewall Jackson and of Beauregard. - -When in 1909 our battlefleet returned from its voyage around the world, -Admirals Wainwright and Schroeder represented the best traditions and -the most effective action in our navy; one was of old American blood -and of English descent; the other was the son of German immigrants. But -one was not a native-American and the other a German-American. Each was -an American pure and simple. Each bore allegiance only to the flag of -the United States. Each would have been incapable of considering the -interests of Germany or of England or of any other country except the -United States. - -To take charge of the most important work under my administration, the -building of the Panama Canal, I chose General Goethals. Both of his -parents were born in Holland. But he was just plain United States. He -wasn’t a Dutch-American; if he had been I wouldn’t have appointed him. -So it was with such men, among those who served under me, as Admiral -Osterhaus and General Barry. The father of one was born in Germany, the -father of the other in Ireland. But they were both Americans, pure and -simple, and first rate fighting men in addition. - -In my Cabinet at the time there were men of English and French, -German, Irish and Dutch blood, men born on this side and men born in -Germany and Scotland; but they were all Americans and nothing else; -and every one of them was incapable of thinking of himself or of his -fellow-countrymen, excepting in terms of American citizenship. If any -one of them had anything in the nature of a dual or divided allegiance -in his soul, he never would have been appointed to serve under me, and -he would have been instantly removed when the discovery was made. There -wasn’t one of them who was capable of desiring that the policy of the -United States should be shaped with reference to the interests of any -foreign country or with consideration for anything, outside of the -general welfare of humanity, save the honor and interest of the United -States, and each was incapable of making any discrimination whatsoever -among the citizens of the country he served, of our common country, -save discrimination based on conduct and on conduct alone. - -For an American citizen to vote as a German-American, an Irish-American -or an English-American is to be a traitor to American institutions; -and those hyphenated Americans who terrorize American politicians by -threats of the foreign vote are engaged in treason to the American -Republic. - - - PRINCIPLES OF AMERICANISM. - -Now this is a declaration of principles. How are we in practical -fashion to secure the making of these principles part of the very -fiber of our national life? First and foremost let us all resolve -that in this country hereafter we shall place far less emphasis upon -the question of right and much greater emphasis upon the matter of -duty. A republic can’t succeed and won’t succeed in the tremendous -international stress of the modern world unless its citizens possess -that form of high-minded patriotism which consists in putting devotion -to duty before the question of individual rights. This must be done in -our family relations or the family will go to pieces; and no better -tract for family life in this country can be imagined than the little -story called “Mother,” written by an American woman, Kathleen Norris, -who happens to be a member of your own church. - -What is true of the family, the foundation stone of our national -life, is not less true of the entire superstructure. I am, as you -know, a most ardent believer in national preparedness against war as -a means of securing that honorable and self-respecting peace which -is the only peace desired by all high-spirited people. But it is an -absolute impossibility to secure such preparedness in full and proper -form if it is an isolated feature of our policy. The lamentable fate -of Belgium has shown that no justice in legislation or success in -business will be of the slightest avail if the nation has not prepared -in advance the strength to protect its rights. But it is equally true -that there cannot be this preparation in advance for military strength -unless there is a social basis of civil and social life behind it. -There must be social, economic and military preparedness all alike, -all harmoniously developed; and above all there must be spiritual and -mental preparedness. - - - SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PREPAREDNESS. - -There must be not merely preparedness in things material; there must -be preparedness in soul and mind. To prepare a great army and navy -without preparing a proper national spirit would avail nothing. And -if there is not only a proper national spirit but proper national -intelligence, we shall realize that even from the standpoint of the -army and navy some civil preparedness is indispensable. For example, a -plan for national defense which does not include the most far-reaching -use and co-operation of our railroads must prove largely futile. These -railroads are organized in time of peace. But we must have the most -carefully thought out organization from the national and centralized -standpoint in order to use them in time of war. This means first that -those in charge of them from the highest to the lowest must understand -their duty in time of war, must be permeated with the spirit of -genuine patriotism; and second, that they and we shall understand that -efficiency is as essential as patriotism; one is useless without the -other. - -Again: every citizen should be trained sedulously by every activity at -our command to realize his duty to the nation. In France at this moment -the workingmen who are not at the front are spending all their energies -with the single thought of helping their brethren at the front by what -they do in the munition plant, on the railroads, in the factories. It -is a shocking, a lamentable thing that many of the trade unions of -England have taken a directly opposite view. I am not concerned with -whether it be true, as they assert, that their employers are trying to -exploit them, or, as these employers assert, that the labor men are -trying to gain profit for those who stay at home at the cost of their -brethren who fight in the trenches. The thing for us Americans to -realize is that we must do our best to prevent similar conditions from -growing up here. Business men, professional men, and wage workers alike -must understand that there should be no question of their enjoying any -rights whatsoever unless in the fullest way they recognize and live up -to the duties that go with those rights. This is just as true of the -corporation as of the trade union, and if either corporation or trade -union fails heartily to acknowledge this truth, then its activities -are necessarily anti-social and detrimental to the welfare of the -body politic as a whole. In war time, when the welfare of the nation -is at stake, it should be accepted as axiomatic that the employer is -to make no profit out of the war save that which is necessary to the -efficient running of the business and to the living expenses of himself -and family, and that the wage worker is to treat his wage from exactly -the same standpoint and is to see to it that the labor organization to -which he belongs is, in all its activities, subordinated to the service -of the nation. - -Now there must be some application of this spirit in times of peace or -we cannot suddenly develop it in time of war. The strike situation in -the United States at this time is a scandal to the country as a whole -and discreditable alike to employer and employee. Any employer who -fails to recognize that human rights come first and that the friendly -relationship between himself and those working for him should be one of -partnership and comradeship in mutual help no less than self-help is -recreant to his duty as an American citizen and it is to his interest, -having in view the enormous destruction of life in the present war, to -conserve, and to train to higher efficiency alike for his benefit and -for its, the labor supply. In return any employee who acts along the -lines publicly advocated by the men who profess to speak for the I. W. -W. is not merely an open enemy of business but of this entire country -and is out of place in our government. - -You, Knights of Columbus, are particularly fitted to play a great part -in the movement for national solidarity, without which there can be -no real efficiency in either peace or war. During the last year and a -quarter it has been brought home to us in startling fashion that many -of the elements of our nation are not yet properly fused. It ought -to be a literally appalling fact that members of two of the foreign -embassies in this country have been discovered to be implicated in -inciting their fellow-countrymen, whether naturalized American citizens -or not, to the destruction of property and the crippling of American -industries that are operating in accordance with internal law and -international agreement. The malign activity of one of these embassies -has been brought home directly to the ambassador in such shape that -his recall has been forced. The activities of the other have been set -forth in detail by the publication in the press of its letters in -such fashion as to make it perfectly clear that they were of the same -general character. Of course, the two embassies were merely carrying -out the instructions of their home governments. - -Nor is it only the German and Austrians who take the view that as a -matter of right they can treat their countrymen resident in America, -even if naturalized citizens of the United States, as their allies -and subjects to be used in keeping alive separate national groups -profoundly anti-American in sentiment if the contest comes between -American interests and those of foreign lands in question. It has -recently been announced that the Russian government is to rent a house -in New York as a national center to be Russian in faith and patriotism, -to foster the Russian language and keep alive the national feeling in -immigrants who come hither. All of this is utterly antagonistic to -proper American sentiment, whether perpetrated in the name of Germany, -of Austria, of Russia, of England, or France or any other country. - - - RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CITIZENS. - -We should meet this situation by on the one hand seeing that these -immigrants get all their rights as American citizens, and on the other -hand insisting that they live up to their duties as American citizens. -Any discrimination against aliens is a wrong, for it tends to put the -immigrant at a disadvantage and to cause him to feel bitterness and -resentment during the very years when he should be preparing himself -for American citizenship. If an immigrant is not fit to become a -citizen, he should not be allowed to come here. If he is fit, he should -be given all the rights to earn his own livelihood, and to better -himself, that any man can have. Take such a matter as the illiteracy -test; I entirely agree with those who feel that many very excellent -possible citizens would be barred improperly by an illiteracy test. But -why do you not admit aliens under a bond to learn to read and write -within a certain time? It would then be a duty to see that they were -given ample opportunity to learn to read and write and that they were -deported if they failed to take advantage of the opportunity. No man -can be a good citizen if he is not at least in process of learning to -speak the language of his fellow-citizens. And an alien who remains -here without learning to speak English for more than a certain number -of years should at the end of that time be treated as having refused to -take the preliminary steps necessary to complete Americanization and -should be deported. But there should be no denial or limitation of the -alien’s opportunity to work, to own property and to take advantage of -civic opportunities. Special legislation should deal with the aliens -who do not come here to be made citizens. But the alien who comes -here intending to become a citizen should be helped in every way to -advance himself, should be removed from every possible disadvantage and -in return should be required under penalty of being sent back to the -country from which he came, to prove that he is in good faith fitting -himself to be an American citizen. - - - PREPARATIVES TO PREPAREDNESS. - -Therefore, we should devote ourselves as a preparative to preparedness, -alike in peace and war, to secure the three elemental things; one, -a common language, the English language; two, the increase in our -social loyalty――citizenship absolutely undivided, a citizenship which -acknowledges no flag except the flag of the United States and which -emphatically repudiates all duality of intention or national loyalty; -and third, an intelligent and resolute effort for the removal of -industrial and social unrest, an effort which shall aim equally at -securing every man his rights and to make every man understand that -unless he in good faith performs his duties he is not entitled to any -rights at all. - -The American people should itself do these things for the immigrants. -If we leave the immigrant to be helped by representatives of foreign -governments, by foreign societies, by a press and institutions -conducted in a foreign language and in the interest of foreign -governments, and if we permit the immigrants to exist as alien groups, -each group sundered from the rest of the citizens of the country, we -shall store up for ourselves bitter trouble in the future. - - - MILITARY PREPAREDNESS. - -I am certain that the only permanently safe attitude for this country -as regards national preparedness for self-defense is along its -lines of universal service on the Swiss model. Switzerland is the -most democratic of nations. Its army is the most democratic army -in the world. There isn’t a touch of militarism or aggressiveness -about Switzerland. It has been found as a matter of actual practical -experience in Switzerland that the universal military training has made -a very marked increase in social efficiency and in the ability of the -man thus trained to do well for himself in industry. The man who has -received the training is a better citizen, is more self-respecting, -more orderly, better able to hold his own, and more willing to respect -the rights of others and at the same time he is a more valuable and -better paid man in his business. We need that the navy and the army -should be greatly increased and that their efficiency as units and in -the aggregate should be increased to an even greater degree than their -numbers. An adequate regular reserve should be established. Economy -should be insisted on, and first of all in the abolition of useless -army posts and navy yards. The National Guard should be supervised and -controlled by the Federal War Department. Training camps such as at -Plattsburg should be provided on a nationwide basis and the government -should pay the expenses. Foreign-born as well as native-born citizens -should be brought together in those camps; and each man at the camp -should take the oath of allegiance as unreservedly and unqualifiedly -as the men of its regular army and navy now take it. Not only should -battleships, battle cruisers, submarines, ample coast and field -artillery be provided and a greater ammunition supply system, but -there should be a utilization of those engaged in such professions -as the ownership and management of motor cars, in aviation, and in -the profession of engineering. Map-making and road improvement should -be attended to, and, as I have already said, the railroads brought -into intimate touch with the War Department. Moreover, the government -should deal with conservation of all necessary war supplies such -as mine products, potash, oil lands and the like. Furthermore, all -munition plants should be carefully surveyed with special reference -to their geographic distribution and for the possibility of increased -munition and supply factories. Finally, remember that the men must be -sedulously trained in peace to use this material or we shall merely -prepare our ships, guns and products as gifts to the enemy. All of -these things should be done in any event, but let us never forget that -the most important of all things is to introduce universal military -service. - -But let me repeat that this preparedness against war must be based upon -efficiency and justice in the handling of ourselves in time of peace. -If belligerent governments, while we are not hostile to them but merely -neutral, strive nevertheless to make of this nation many nations, each -hostile to the others and none of them loyal to the central government, -then it may be accepted as certain that they would do far worse to us -in time of war. If they encourage strikes and sabotage in our munition -plants while we are neutral it may be accepted as axiomatic that they -would do far worse to us if we were hostile. It is our duty from the -standpoint of self-defense to secure the complete Americanization -of our people. To make of the many peoples of this country a united -nation, one in speech and feeling and all, so far as possible, sharers -in the best that each has brought to our shores. - - - AMERICANIZATION. - -The foreign-born population of this country must be an Americanized -population――no other kind can fight the battles of America either in -war or peace. It must talk the language of its native-born fellow -citizens, it must possess American citizenship and American ideals. -It must stand firm by its oath of allegiance in word and deed and -must show that in very fact it has renounced allegiance to every -prince, potentate or foreign government. It must be maintained on an -American standard of living so as to prevent labor disturbances in -important plants and at critical times. None of these objects can be -secured as long as we have immigrant colonies, ghettos, and immigrant -sections, and above all they cannot be assured so long as we consider -the immigrant only as an industrial asset. The immigrant must not be -allowed to drift or to be put at the mercy of the exploiter. Our object -is not to imitate one of the older racial types, but to maintain a -new American type and then to secure loyalty to this type. We cannot -secure such loyalty unless we make this a country where men shall feel -that they have justice and also where they shall feel that they are -required to perform the duties imposed upon them. The policy of “Let -alone” which we have hitherto pursued is thoroughly vicious from two -standpoints. By this policy we have permitted the immigrants, and too -often the native-born laborers as well, to suffer injustice. Moreover, -by this policy we have failed to impress upon the immigrant and upon -the native-born as well that they are expected to do justice as well as -to receive justice, that they are expected to be heartily and actively -and single-mindedly loyal to the flag no less than to benefit by living -under it. - -We cannot afford to continue to use hundreds of thousands of immigrants -merely as industrial assets while they remain social outcasts and -menaces any more than fifty years ago we could afford to keep the black -man merely as an industrial asset and not as a human being. We cannot -afford to build a big industrial plant and herd men and women about -it without care for their welfare. We cannot afford to permit squalid -overcrowding or the kind of living system which makes impossible the -decencies and necessities of life. We cannot afford the low wage rates -and the merely seasonal industries which mean the sacrifice of both -individual and family life and morals to the industrial machinery. We -cannot afford to leave American mines, munitions plants and general -resources in the hands of alien workmen, alien to America and even -likely to be made hostile to America by machinations such as have -recently been provided in the case of the two foreign embassies in -Washington. We cannot afford to run the risk of having in time of war -men working on our railways or working in our munition plants who would -in the name of duty to their own foreign countries bring destruction -to us. Recent events have shown us that incitements to sabotage and -strikes are in the view of at least two of the great foreign powers of -Europe within their definition of neutral practices. What would be done -to us in the name of war if these things are done to us in the name of -neutrality? - -Justice Dowling in his speech has described the excellent fourth -degree of your order, of how in it you dwell upon duties rather than -rights, upon the great duties of patriotism and of national spirit. -It is a fine thing to have a society that holds up such a standard of -duty. I ask you to make a special effort to deal with Americanization, -the fusing into one nation, a nation necessarily different from all -other nations, of all who come to our shores. Pay heed to the three -principal essentials: (1) The need of a common language, with a minimum -amount of illiteracy; (2) the need of a common civil standard, similar -ideals, beliefs and customs symbolized by the oath of allegiance to -America; and (3) the need of a high standard of living, of reasonable -equality of opportunity and of social and industrial justice. In every -great crisis in our history, in the Revolution and in the Civil War, -and in the lesser crises, like the Spanish war, all factions and races -have been forgotten in the common spirit of Americanism. Protestant and -Catholic, men of English or of French, of Irish or of German descent -have joined with a single-minded purpose to secure for the country what -only can be achieved by the resultant union of all patriotic citizens. -You of this organization have done a great service by your insistence -that citizens should pay heed first of all to their duties. Hitherto -undue prominence has been given to the question of rights. Your -organization is a splendid engine for giving to the stranger within our -gates a high conception of American citizenship. Strive for unity. We -suffer at present from a lack of leadership in these matters. - -Even in the matter of national defense there is such a labyrinth of -committees and counsels and advisors that there is a tendency on the -part of the average citizen to become confused and do nothing. I ask -you to help strike the note that shall unite our people. As a people -we must be united. If we are not united we shall slip into the gulf of -measureless disaster. We must be strong in purpose for our own defense -and bent on securing justice within our borders. If as a nation we are -split into warring camps, if we teach our citizens not to look upon one -another as brothers but as enemies divided by the hatred of creed for -creed or of those of one race against those of another race, surely -we shall fail and our great democratic experiment on this continent -will go down in crushing overthrow. I ask you here to-night and those -like you to take a foremost part in the movement――a young men’s -movement――for a greater and better America in the future. - - - ONE AMERICA. - -All of us, no matter from what land our parents came, no matter in -what way we may severally worship our Creator, must stand shoulder to -shoulder in a united America for the elimination of race and religious -prejudice. We must stand for a reign of equal justice to both big and -small. We must insist on the maintenance of the American standard of -living. We must stand for an adequate national control which shall -secure a better training of our young men in time of peace, both -for the work of peace and for the work of war. We must direct every -national resource, material and spiritual, to the task not of shirking -difficulties, but of training our people to overcome difficulties. -Our aim must be, not to make life easy and soft, not to soften soul -and body, but to fit us in virile fashion to do a great work for all -mankind. This great work can only be done by a mighty democracy, with -these qualities of soul, guided by those qualities of mind, which will -both make it refuse to do injustice to any other nation, and also -enable it to hold its own against aggression by any other nation. In -our relations with the outside world, we must abhor wrongdoing, and -disdain to commit it, and we must no less disdain the baseness of -spirit which lamely submits to wrongdoing. Finally and most important -of all, we must strive for the establishment within our own borders -of that stern and lofty standard of personal and public neutrality -which shall guarantee to each man his rights, and which shall insist -in return upon the full performance by each man of his duties both -to his neighbor and to the great nation whose flag must symbolize in -the future as it has symbolized in the past the highest hopes of all -mankind. - - - * * * * * - - - Transcriber’s Notes: - - ――Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected. - - ――Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICANISM *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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