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+eBook #68309 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68309)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at
-Chautauqua, New York, August 11, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Chautauqua, New York, August
-       11, 1905
-
-Author: Theodore Roosevelt
-
-Release Date: June 13, 2022 [eBook #68309]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet
-             Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT
-ROOSEVELT AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***
-
-
-
-
-
-                    ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
-                       AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK,
-                            AUGUST 11, 1905
-
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-                              WASHINGTON
-                      GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
-                                 1905
-
-
-
-
-To-day I wish to speak to you on one feature of our national foreign
-policy and one feature of our national domestic policy.
-
-The Monroe Doctrine is not a part of international law. But it is the
-fundamental feature of our entire foreign policy so far as the Western
-Hemisphere is concerned, and it has more and more been meeting with
-recognition abroad. The reason why it is meeting with this recognition
-is because we have not allowed it to become fossilized, but have
-adapted our construction of it to meet the growing, changing needs of
-this hemisphere. Fossilization, of course, means death, whether to an
-individual, a government, or a doctrine.
-
-It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the
-responsibility for exercising that right. When we announce a policy
-such as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to accepting
-the consequences of the policy, and these consequences from time to
-time alter.
-
-Let us look for a moment at what the Monroe Doctrine really is. It
-forbids the territorial encroachment of non-American powers on American
-soil. Its purpose is partly to secure this Nation against seeing great
-military powers obtain new footholds in the Western Hemisphere, and
-partly to secure to our fellow-republics south of us the chance to
-develop along their own lines without being oppressed or conquered
-by non-American powers. As we have grown more and more powerful our
-advocacy of this doctrine has been received with more and more respect;
-but what has tended most to give the doctrine standing among the
-nations is our growing willingness to show that we not only mean what
-we say and are prepared to back it up, but that we mean to recognize
-our obligations to foreign peoples no less than to insist upon our own
-rights.
-
-We can not permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed
-in making it evident in the first place that we do not intend to treat
-it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part
-at the expense of the republics to the south of us; second, that we
-do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these republics as
-a shield to protect that republic from the consequences of its own
-misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as by this
-doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering on this side of the
-water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help those of our sister
-republics, which need such help, upward toward peace and order.
-
-As regards the first point we must recognize the fact that in some
-South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we
-should interpret the Monroe Doctrine in some way inimical to their
-interests. Now let it be understood once for all that no just and
-orderly government on this continent has anything to fear from us.
-There are certain of the republics south of us which have already
-reached such a point of stability, order, and prosperity that they are
-themselves, although as yet hardly consciously, among the guarantors
-of this doctrine. No stable and growing American republic wishes to
-see some great non-American military power acquire territory in its
-neighborhood. It is the interest of all of us on this continent that
-no such event should occur, and in addition to our own Republic there
-are now already republics in the regions south of us which have reached
-a point of prosperity and power that enables them to be considerable
-factors in maintaining this doctrine which is so much to the advantage
-of all of us. It must be understood that under no circumstances will
-the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial
-aggression. Should any of our neighbors, no matter how turbulent, how
-disregardful of our rights, finally get into such a position that the
-utmost limits of our forbearance are reached, all the people south of
-us may rest assured that no action will ever be taken save what is
-absolutely demanded by our self-respect; that this action will not take
-the form of territorial aggrandizement on our part, and that it will
-only be taken at all with the most extreme reluctance and not without
-having exhausted every effort to avert it.
-
-As to the second point, if a republic to the south of us commits a
-tort against a foreign nation, such, for instance, as wrongful action
-against the persons of citizens of that nation, then the Monroe
-Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the
-tort, save to see that the punishment does not directly or indirectly
-assume the form of territorial occupation of the offending country.
-The case is more difficult when the trouble comes from the failure to
-meet contractual obligations. Our own Government has always refused to
-enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by the
-appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments
-would take the same view. But at present this country would certainly
-not be willing to go to war to prevent a foreign government from
-collecting a just debt or to back up some one of our sister republics
-in a refusal to pay just debts; and the alternative may in any case
-prove to be that we shall ourselves undertake to bring about some
-arrangement by which so much as is possible of the just obligations
-shall be paid. Personally I should always prefer to see this country
-step in and put through such an arrangement rather than let any foreign
-country undertake it.
-
-I do not want to see any foreign power take possession permanently or
-temporarily of the custom-houses of an American republic in order to
-enforce its obligations, and the alternative may at any time be that
-we shall be forced to do so ourselves.
-
-Finally, and what is in my view, really the most important thing of
-all, it is our duty, so far as we are able, to try to help upward our
-weaker brothers. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical
-element in the relations of one individual to another, so that with all
-the faults of our Christian civilization it yet remains true that we
-are, no matter how slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty
-of bearing one another’s burdens, similarly I believe that the ethical
-element is by degrees entering into the dealings of one nation with
-another.
-
-Under strain of emotion caused by sudden disaster this feeling is very
-evident. A famine or a plague in one country brings much sympathy and
-some assistance from other countries. Moreover, we are now beginning
-to recognize that weaker peoples have a claim upon us, even when the
-appeal is made, not to our emotions by some sudden calamity, but to our
-consciences by a long continuing condition of affairs.
-
-I do not mean to say that nations have more than begun to approach the
-proper relationship one to another, and I fully recognize the folly of
-proceeding upon the assumption that this ideal condition can now be
-realized in full――for, in order to proceed upon such an assumption,
-we would first require some method of forcing recalcitrant nations to
-do their duty, as well as of seeing that they are protected in their
-rights.
-
-In the interest of justice, it is as necessary to exercise the police
-power as to show charity and helpful generosity. But something can even
-now be done toward the end in view. That something, for instance, this
-Nation has already done as regards Cuba, and is now trying to do as
-regards Santo Domingo. There are few things in our history in which
-we should take more genuine pride than the way in which we liberated
-Cuba, and then, instead of instantly abandoning it to chaos, stayed in
-direction of the affairs of the island until we had put it on the right
-path, and finally gave it freedom and helped it as it started on the
-life of an independent republic.
-
-Santo Domingo has now made an appeal to us to help it in turn, and not
-only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within
-us bids us respond to the appeal. The conditions in Santo Domingo
-have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until recently all
-society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately just at this time
-a wise ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,
-saw the dangers threatening their beloved country, and appealed to
-the friendship of their great and powerful neighbor to help them. The
-immediate threat came to them in the shape of foreign intervention.
-The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, and
-owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide
-means of paying the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors had
-become exhausted, and at least one foreign nation was on the point of
-intervention and was only prevented from intervening by the unofficial
-assurance of this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo
-Domingo in her hour of need. Of the debts incurred some were just,
-while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory
-on, or proper for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not
-pay any of them at all unless some stability was assured.
-
-Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government negotiated
-a treaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to
-straighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the
-Senate, whose consent to it is necessary. In the meantime we have made
-a temporary arrangement which will last until the Senate has had time
-to take action upon the treaty. Under this arrangement we see to the
-honest administration of the custom-houses, collecting the revenues,
-turning over forty-five per cent to the Government for running expenses
-and putting the other fifty-five per cent into a safe deposit for
-equitable division among the various creditors, whether European or
-American, accordingly as, after investigation, their claims seem just.
-
-The custom-houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in
-Santo Domingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their
-real aim the obtaining possession of these custom-houses. The mere
-fact that we are protecting the custom-houses and collecting the
-revenue with efficiency and honesty has completely discouraged all
-revolutionary movement, while it has already produced such an increase
-in the revenues that the Government is actually getting more from the
-forty-five per cent that we turn over to it than it got formerly when
-it took the entire revenue. This is enabling the poor harrassed people
-of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to
-be free from the curse of interminable revolutionary disturbance. It
-offers to all bona fide creditors, American and European, the only
-really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled,
-while it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of
-defense against claims which it ought not to pay――for now if it meets
-the views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all
-these claims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are
-improper are paid. Indeed, the only effective opposition to the treaty
-will probably come from dishonest creditors, foreign and American, and
-from the professional revolutionists of the island itself. We have
-already good reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not
-dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up
-sedition in the island, and are also endeavoring to stir up opposition
-to the treaty both in Santo Domingo and here, trusting that in one
-place or the other it may be possible to secure either the rejection of
-the treaty or else its amendment in such fashion as to be tantamount to
-rejection.
-
-Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits
-of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, all danger of foreign
-intervention has ceased, and there is at last a prospect that all
-creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement
-is terminated, chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or
-later this Government may be involved in serious difficulties with
-foreign governments over the island, or else may be forced itself to
-intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion. Under the present
-arrangement the independence of the island is scrupulously respected,
-the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of
-foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our Government is
-minimized, so that we only act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo
-authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs, and
-therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the Santo
-Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts. The present
-method prevents there being any need of our establishing any kind of
-protectorate over the island and gives the people of Santo Domingo the
-same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to
-the people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation if
-we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to
-ourselves, and, above all, it will be of incalculable damage to Santo
-Domingo. Every consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every
-consideration of large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo
-Domingo as we are now trying to meet it.
-
-So much for one feature of our foreign policy. Now for one feature
-of our domestic policy. One of the main features of our national
-governmental policy should be the effort to secure adequate and
-effective supervisory and regulatory control over all great corporations
-doing an interstate business. Much of the legislation aimed to prevent
-the evils connected with the enormous development of these great
-corporations has been ineffective, partly because it aimed at doing too
-much, and partly because it did not confer on the Government a really
-efficient method of holding any guilty corporation to account. The
-effort to prevent all restraint of competition, whether harmful or
-beneficial, has been ill-judged; what is needed is not so much the
-effort to prevent combination as a vigilant and effective control of the
-combinations formed, so as to secure just and equitable dealing on their
-part alike toward the public generally, toward their smaller
-competitors, and toward the wage-workers in their employ.
-
-Under the present laws we have in the last four years accomplished
-much that is of substantial value; but the difficulties in the way
-have been so great as to prove that further legislation is advisable.
-Many corporations show themselves honorably desirous to obey the law;
-but, unfortunately, some corporations, and very wealthy ones at that,
-exhaust every effort which can be suggested by the highest ability, or
-secured by the most lavish expenditure of money, to defeat the purposes
-of the laws on the statute books.
-
-Not only the men in control of these corporations, but the business
-world generally, ought to realize that such conduct is in every way
-perilous, and constitutes a menace to the nation generally, and
-especially to the people of great property.
-
-I earnestly believe that this is true of only a relatively small
-portion of the very rich men engaged in handling the largest
-corporations in the country; but the attitude of these comparatively
-few men does undoubtedly harm the country, and above all harm the
-men of large means, by the just, but sometimes misguided, popular
-indignation to which it gives rise. The consolidation in the form of
-what are popularly called trusts of corporate interests of immense
-value has tended to produce unfair restraints of trade of an oppressive
-character, and these unfair restraints tend to create great artificial
-monopolies. The violations of the law known as the anti-trust law,
-which was meant to meet the conditions thus arising, have more and
-more become confined to the larger combinations, the very ones against
-whose policy of monopoly and oppression the policy of the law was
-chiefly directed. Many of these combinations by secret methods and
-by protracted litigation are still unwisely seeking to avoid the
-consequences of their illegal action. The Government has very properly
-exercised moderation in attempting to enforce the criminal provisions
-of the statute; but it has become our conviction that in some cases,
-such as that of at least certain of the beef packers recently indicted
-in Chicago, it is impossible longer to show leniency. Moreover, if the
-existing law proves to be inadequate, so that under established rules
-of evidence clear violations may not be readily proved, defiance of
-the law must inevitably lead to further legislation. This legislation
-may be more drastic than I would prefer. If so, it must be distinctly
-understood that it will be because of the stubborn determination of
-some of the great combinations in striving to prevent the enforcement
-of the law as it stands, by every device, legal and illegal. Very many
-of these men seem to think that the alternative is simply between
-submitting to the mild kind of governmental control we advocate and the
-absolute freedom to do whatever they think best. They are greatly in
-error. Either they will have to submit to reasonable supervision and
-regulation by the national authorities, or else they will ultimately
-have to submit to governmental action of a far more drastic type.
-Personally, I think our people would be most unwise if they let any
-exasperation due to the acts of certain great corporations drive them
-into drastic action, and I should oppose such action. But the great
-corporations are themselves to blame if by their opposition to what is
-legal and just they foster the popular feeling which tells for such
-drastic action.
-
-Some great corporations resort to every technical expedient to render
-enforcement of the law impossible, and their obstructive tactics and
-refusal to acquiesce in the policy of the law have taxed to the
-utmost the machinery of the Department of Justice. In my judgment
-Congress may well inquire whether it should not seek other means for
-carrying into effect the law. I believe that all corporations engaged
-in interstate commerce should be under the supervision of the National
-Government. I do not believe in taking steps hastily or rashly, and
-it may be that all that is necessary in the immediate future is to
-pass an interstate-commerce bill conferring upon some branch of the
-executive government the power of effective action to remedy the
-abuses in connection with railway transportation. But in the end, and
-in my judgment at a time not very far off, we shall have to, or at
-least we shall find that we ought to, take further action as regards
-all corporations doing interstate business. The enormous increase in
-interstate trade, resulting from the industrial development of the last
-quarter of a century, makes it proper that the Federal Government
-should, so far as may be necessary to carry into effect its national
-policy, assume a degree of administrative control of these great
-corporations.
-
-It may well be that we shall find that the only effective way of
-exercising this supervision is to require all corporations engaged
-in interstate commerce to produce proof satisfactory, say, to the
-Department of Commerce, that they are not parties to any contract
-or combination or engaged in any monopoly in interstate trade
-in violation of the anti-trust law, and that their conduct on
-certain other specified points is proper; and, moreover, that these
-corporations shall agree, with a penalty of forfeiture of their right
-to engage in such commerce, to furnish any evidence of any kind as to
-their trade between the States whenever so required by the Department
-of Commerce.
-
-It is the almost universal policy of the several States, provided by
-statute, that foreign corporations may lawfully conduct business
-within their boundaries only when they produce certificates that they
-have complied with the requirements of their respective States; in
-other words, that corporations shall not enjoy the privileges and
-immunities afforded by the State governments without first complying
-with the policy of their laws. Now the benefits which corporations
-engaged in interstate trade enjoy under the United States Government
-are incalculable; and in respect of such trade the jurisdiction of the
-Federal Government is supreme when it chooses to exercise it.
-
-When, as is now the case, many of the great corporations consistently
-strain the last resources of legal technicality to avoid obedience
-to a law for the reasonable regulation of their business, the only
-way effectively to meet this attitude on their part is to give to the
-Executive Department of the Government a more direct and therefore more
-efficient supervision and control of their management.
-
-In speaking against the abuses committed by certain very wealthy
-corporations or individuals, and of the necessity of seeking so far as
-it can safely be done to remedy these abuses, there is always danger
-lest what is said may be misinterpreted as an attack upon men of means
-generally. Now it can not too often be repeated in a Republic like
-ours that the only way by which it is possible permanently to benefit
-the condition of the less able and less fortunate, is so to shape our
-policy that all industrious and efficient people who act decently
-may be benefited; and this means, of course, that the benefit will
-come even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, under such
-circumstances, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more
-fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have
-both, though unequally, prospered, he may rest assured that while the
-result may be damaging to the other man, it will be even more damaging
-to himself. Of course, I am now speaking of prosperity that comes
-under normal and proper conditions.
-
-In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are
-so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases the
-straight-dealing man who by ingenuity and industry benefits himself
-must also benefit others. The man of great productive capacity who gets
-rich through guiding the labor of hundreds or thousands of other men
-does so, as a rule, by enabling their labor to produce more than it
-would without his guidance, and both he and they share in the benefit,
-so that even if the share be unequal it must never be forgotten that
-they too are really benefited by his success.
-
-A vital factor in the success of any enterprise is the guiding
-intelligence of the man at the top, and there is need in the interest
-of all of us to encourage rather than to discourage the activity of the
-exceptional men who guide average men so that their labor may result
-in increased production of the kind which is demanded at the time.
-Normally we help the wage-worker, we help the man of small means, by
-making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability
-receives an exceptional reward for that ability.
-
-But while insisting with all emphasis upon this, it is also true that
-experience has shown that when there is no governmental restraint or
-supervision, some of the exceptional men use their energies, not in
-ways that are for the common good, but in ways which tell against this
-common good; and that by so doing they not only wrong smaller and less
-able men――whether wage-workers or small producers and traders――but
-force other men of exceptional abilities themselves to do what is
-wrong under penalty of falling behind in the keen race for success.
-There is need of legislation to strive to meet such abuses. At one
-time or in one place this legislation may take the form of factory
-laws and employers’ liability laws. Under other conditions it may
-take the form of dealing with the franchises which derive their value
-from the grant of the representatives of the people. It may be aimed
-at the manifold abuses, far-reaching in their effects, which spring
-from overcapitalization. Or it may be necessary to meet such conditions
-as those with which I am now dealing and to strive to procure proper
-supervision and regulation by the National Government of all great
-corporations engaged in interstate commerce or doing an interstate
-business.
-
-There are good people who are afraid of each type of legislation; and
-much the same kind of argument that is now advanced against the effort
-to regulate big corporations has been again and again advanced against
-the effort to secure proper employers’ liability laws or proper factory
-laws with reference to women and children; much the same kind of
-argument was advanced but five years ago against the franchise-tax law
-enacted in this State while I was governor.
-
-Of course there is always the danger of abuse if legislation of this
-type is approached in a hysterical or sentimental spirit, or, above
-all, if it is approached in a spirit of envy and hatred toward men of
-wealth.
-
-We must not try to go too fast, under penalty of finding that we may
-be going in the wrong direction; and in any event, we ought always to
-proceed by evolution and not by revolution. The laws must be conceived
-and executed in a spirit of sanity and justice, and with exactly as
-much regard for the rights of the big man as for the rights of the
-little man――treating big man and little man exactly alike.
-
-Our ideal must be the effort to combine all proper freedom for
-individual effort with some guarantee that the effort is not exercised
-in contravention of the eternal and immutable principles of justice.
-
-                   *       *       *       *       *
-
-
-
-
- Transcriber’s Note:
-
- ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
-
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
-AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***
-
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-      11, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt—A Project Gutenberg eBook
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at Chautauqua, New York, August 11, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Chautauqua, New York, August 11, 1905</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theodore Roosevelt</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 13, 2022 [eBook #68309]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***</div>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="cover">
-  <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" />
-  <div class="caption">
-    <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: The cover image was created
-from the title page by the transcriber, and is placed in the public
-domain.</p>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h1 class="nobreak"><small>ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT<br />
-AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK,<br />
-AUGUST 11, 1905</small></h1>
-
-<div class="pad6">
-<div class="figcenter" id="logo">
-  <img class="illowe4" src="images/logo.jpg" alt="logo" title="logo" />
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="noic">WASHINGTON<br />
-GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br />
-1905</p>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>
-
-<p class="p4">To-day I wish to speak to you on one
-feature of our national foreign policy and
-one feature of our national domestic
-policy.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>The Monroe Doctrine is not a part of
-international law. But it is the fundamental
-feature of our entire foreign policy
-so far as the Western Hemisphere is concerned,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
-and it has more and more been
-meeting with recognition abroad. The
-reason why it is meeting with this recognition
-is because we have not allowed it
-to become fossilized, but have adapted our
-construction of it to meet the growing,
-changing needs of this hemisphere. Fossilization,
-of course, means death, whether
-to an individual, a government, or a doctrine.</p>
-
-<p>It is out of the question to claim a right
-and yet shirk the responsibility for exercising<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
-that right. When we announce a
-policy such as the Monroe Doctrine we
-thereby commit ourselves to accepting the
-consequences of the policy, and these consequences
-from time to time alter.</p>
-
-<p>Let us look for a moment at what the
-Monroe Doctrine really is. It forbids the
-territorial encroachment of non-American
-powers on American soil. Its purpose is
-partly to secure this Nation against seeing
-great military powers obtain new footholds
-in the Western Hemisphere, and partly to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-secure to our fellow-republics south of us
-the chance to develop along their own
-lines without being oppressed or conquered
-by non-American powers. As we
-have grown more and more powerful our
-advocacy of this doctrine has been received
-with more and more respect; but
-what has tended most to give the doctrine
-standing among the nations is our
-growing willingness to show that we not
-only mean what we say and are prepared
-to back it up, but that we mean to recognize<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
-our obligations to foreign peoples no
-less than to insist upon our own rights.</p>
-
-<p>We can not permanently adhere to
-the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed
-in making it evident in the first place
-that we do not intend to treat it in any
-shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement
-on our part at the expense of the
-republics to the south of us; second, that
-we do not intend to permit it to be used
-by any of these republics as a shield to
-protect that republic from the consequences<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-of its own misdeeds against
-foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as
-by this doctrine we prevent other nations
-from interfering on this side of the water,
-we shall ourselves in good faith try to
-help those of our sister republics, which
-need such help, upward toward peace and
-order.</p>
-
-<p>As regards the first point we must
-recognize the fact that in some South
-American countries there has been much
-suspicion lest we should interpret the Monroe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-Doctrine in some way inimical to their
-interests. Now let it be understood once
-for all that no just and orderly government
-on this continent has anything to fear from
-us. There are certain of the republics
-south of us which have already reached
-such a point of stability, order, and prosperity
-that they are themselves, although
-as yet hardly consciously, among the
-guarantors of this doctrine. No stable and
-growing American republic wishes to see
-some great non-American military power<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-acquire territory in its neighborhood.
-It is the interest of all of us on this continent
-that no such event should occur,
-and in addition to our own Republic there
-are now already republics in the regions
-south of us which have reached a point of
-prosperity and power that enables them
-to be considerable factors in maintaining
-this doctrine which is so much to the
-advantage of all of us. It must be understood
-that under no circumstances will
-the United States use the Monroe Doctrine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
-as a cloak for territorial aggression.
-Should any of our neighbors, no matter
-how turbulent, how disregardful of our
-rights, finally get into such a position that
-the utmost limits of our forbearance are
-reached, all the people south of us may
-rest assured that no action will ever be
-taken save what is absolutely demanded
-by our self-respect; that this action will
-not take the form of territorial aggrandizement
-on our part, and that it will
-only be taken at all with the most extreme<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-reluctance and not without having exhausted
-every effort to avert it.</p>
-
-<p>As to the second point, if a republic to
-the south of us commits a tort against a
-foreign nation, such, for instance, as wrongful
-action against the persons of citizens
-of that nation, then the Monroe Doctrine
-does not force us to interfere to prevent
-punishment of the tort, save to see that the
-punishment does not directly or indirectly
-assume the form of territorial occupation of
-the offending country. The case is more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
-difficult when the trouble comes from the
-failure to meet contractual obligations.
-Our own Government has always refused
-to enforce such contractual obligations on
-behalf of its citizens by the appeal to arms.
-It is much to be wished that all foreign
-governments would take the same view.
-But at present this country would certainly
-not be willing to go to war to prevent a
-foreign government from collecting a just
-debt or to back up some one of our sister
-republics in a refusal to pay just debts;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-and the alternative may in any case prove
-to be that we shall ourselves undertake to
-bring about some arrangement by which
-so much as is possible of the just obligations
-shall be paid. Personally I should
-always prefer to see this country step in and
-put through such an arrangement rather
-than let any foreign country undertake it.</p>
-
-<p>I do not want to see any foreign
-power take possession permanently or
-temporarily of the custom-houses of an
-American republic in order to enforce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
-its obligations, and the alternative may at
-any time be that we shall be forced to do
-so ourselves.</p>
-
-<p>Finally, and what is in my view,
-really the most important thing of all, it
-is our duty, so far as we are able, to try
-to help upward our weaker brothers.
-Just as there has been a gradual growth
-of the ethical element in the relations of
-one individual to another, so that with all
-the faults of our Christian civilization it
-yet remains true that we are, no matter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
-how slowly, more and more coming to
-recognize the duty of bearing one
-another’s burdens, similarly I believe that
-the ethical element is by degrees entering
-into the dealings of one nation with
-another.</p>
-
-<p>Under strain of emotion caused by
-sudden disaster this feeling is very evident.
-A famine or a plague in one country
-brings much sympathy and some
-assistance from other countries. Moreover,
-we are now beginning to recognize<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
-that weaker peoples have a claim upon
-us, even when the appeal is made, not to
-our emotions by some sudden calamity,
-but to our consciences by a long continuing
-condition of affairs.</p>
-
-<p>I do not mean to say that nations
-have more than begun to approach the
-proper relationship one to another, and I
-fully recognize the folly of proceeding
-upon the assumption that this ideal condition
-can now be realized in full—for, in
-order to proceed upon such an assumption,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
-we would first require some method
-of forcing recalcitrant nations to do their
-duty, as well as of seeing that they are
-protected in their rights.</p>
-
-<p>In the interest of justice, it is as
-necessary to exercise the police power
-as to show charity and helpful generosity.
-But something can even now be done
-toward the end in view. That something,
-for instance, this Nation has
-already done as regards Cuba, and is
-now trying to do as regards Santo Domingo.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
-There are few things in our history
-in which we should take more genuine
-pride than the way in which we liberated
-Cuba, and then, instead of instantly abandoning
-it to chaos, stayed in direction of
-the affairs of the island until we had put
-it on the right path, and finally gave it
-freedom and helped it as it started on the
-life of an independent republic.</p>
-
-<p>Santo Domingo has now made an appeal
-to us to help it in turn, and not only
-every principle of wisdom but every generous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
-instinct within us bids us respond
-to the appeal. The conditions in Santo
-Domingo have for a number of years
-grown from bad to worse until recently all
-society was on the verge of dissolution.
-Fortunately just at this time a wise ruler
-sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with
-his colleagues, saw the dangers threatening
-their beloved country, and appealed
-to the friendship of their great and powerful
-neighbor to help them. The immediate
-threat came to them in the shape of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-foreign intervention. The previous rulers
-of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred
-debts, and owing to her internal disorders
-she had ceased to be able
-to provide means of paying the debts.
-The patience of her foreign creditors had
-become exhausted, and at least one foreign
-nation was on the point of intervention and
-was only prevented from intervening by
-the unofficial assurance of this Government
-that it would itself strive to help
-Santo Domingo in her hour of need. Of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
-the debts incurred some were just, while
-some were not of a character which really
-renders it obligatory on, or proper for,
-Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But
-she could not pay any of them at
-all unless some stability was assured.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly the Executive Department
-of our Government negotiated a treaty
-under which we are to try to help the
-Dominican people to straighten out their
-finances. This treaty is pending before
-the Senate, whose consent to it is necessary.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-In the meantime we have
-made a temporary arrangement which
-will last until the Senate has had
-time to take action upon the treaty.
-Under this arrangement we see to the honest
-administration of the custom-houses,
-collecting the revenues, turning over forty-five
-per cent to the Government for running
-expenses and putting the other fifty-five
-per cent into a safe deposit for equitable
-division among the various creditors,
-whether European or American, accordingly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
-as, after investigation, their claims
-seem just.</p>
-
-<p>The custom-houses offer well-nigh
-the only sources of revenue in Santo
-Domingo, and the different revolutions
-usually have as their real aim the obtaining
-possession of these custom-houses.
-The mere fact that we are protecting the
-custom-houses and collecting the revenue
-with efficiency and honesty has completely
-discouraged all revolutionary movement,
-while it has already produced such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
-an increase in the revenues that the
-Government is actually getting more
-from the forty-five per cent that we
-turn over to it than it got formerly
-when it took the entire revenue.
-This is enabling the poor harrassed people
-of Santo Domingo once more to turn their
-attention to industry and to be free from
-the curse of interminable revolutionary disturbance.
-It offers to all bona fide creditors,
-American and European, the only
-really good chance to obtain that to which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
-they are justly entitled, while it in return
-gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity
-of defense against claims which it
-ought not to pay—for now if it meets the
-views of the Senate we shall ourselves
-thoroughly examine all these claims,
-whether American or foreign, and see that
-none that are improper are paid. Indeed,
-the only effective opposition to the treaty
-will probably come from dishonest creditors,
-foreign and American, and from the
-professional revolutionists of the island<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
-itself. We have already good reason to
-believe that some of the creditors who do
-not dare expose their claims to honest
-scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up sedition
-in the island, and are also endeavoring
-to stir up opposition to the treaty both
-in Santo Domingo and here, trusting that
-in one place or the other it may be possible
-to secure either the rejection of the
-treaty or else its amendment in such fashion
-as to be tantamount to rejection.</p>
-
-<p>Under the course taken, stability and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
-order and all the benefits of peace are at
-last coming to Santo Domingo, all danger
-of foreign intervention has ceased, and
-there is at last a prospect that all creditors
-will get justice, no more and no less.
-If the arrangement is terminated, chaos
-will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or
-later this Government may be involved in
-serious difficulties with foreign governments
-over the island, or else may be
-forced itself to intervene in the island in
-some unpleasant fashion. Under the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-present arrangement the independence of
-the island is scrupulously respected, the
-danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine
-by the intervention of foreign powers
-vanishes, and the interference of our
-Government is minimized, so that we only
-act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo
-authorities to secure the proper
-administration of the customs, and therefore
-to secure the payment of just debts
-and to secure the Santo Dominican Government
-against demands for unjust debts.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
-The present method prevents there being
-any need of our establishing any kind of
-protectorate over the island and gives the
-people of Santo Domingo the same chance
-to move onward and upward which we
-have already given to the people of Cuba.
-It will be doubly to our discredit as a
-nation if we fail to take advantage of this
-chance; for it will be of damage to ourselves,
-and, above all, it will be of incalculable
-damage to Santo Domingo.
-Every consideration of wise policy, and,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
-above all, every consideration of large
-generosity, bids us meet the request of
-Santo Domingo as we are now trying to
-meet it.</p>
-
-<p>So much for one feature of our foreign
-policy. Now for one feature of our
-domestic policy. One of the main
-features of our national governmental
-policy should be the effort to secure
-adequate and effective supervisory and
-regulatory control over all great corporations
-doing an interstate business.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
-Much of the legislation aimed to prevent
-the evils connected with the enormous
-development of these great corporations
-has been ineffective, partly because it
-aimed at doing too much, and partly
-because it did not confer on the Government
-a really efficient method of holding
-any guilty corporation to account.
-The effort to prevent all restraint of competition,
-whether harmful or beneficial, has
-been ill-judged; what is needed is not so
-much the effort to prevent combination as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
-a vigilant and effective control of the combinations
-formed, so as to secure just and
-equitable dealing on their part alike toward
-the public generally, toward their smaller
-competitors, and toward the wage-workers
-in their employ.</p>
-
-<p>Under the present laws we have in
-the last four years accomplished much
-that is of substantial value; but the
-difficulties in the way have been so great
-as to prove that further legislation is
-advisable. Many corporations show themselves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-honorably desirous to obey the
-law; but, unfortunately, some corporations,
-and very wealthy ones at that, exhaust
-every effort which can be suggested by
-the highest ability, or secured by the
-most lavish expenditure of money, to
-defeat the purposes of the laws on the
-statute books.</p>
-
-<p>Not only the men in control of these
-corporations, but the business world generally,
-ought to realize that such conduct
-is in every way perilous, and constitutes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
-a menace to the nation generally, and
-especially to the people of great property.</p>
-
-<p>I earnestly believe that this is true of
-only a relatively small portion of the very
-rich men engaged in handling the largest
-corporations in the country; but the
-attitude of these comparatively few men
-does undoubtedly harm the country, and
-above all harm the men of large means,
-by the just, but sometimes misguided,
-popular indignation to which it gives rise.
-The consolidation in the form of what are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
-popularly called trusts of corporate interests
-of immense value has tended to produce
-unfair restraints of trade of an oppressive
-character, and these unfair restraints
-tend to create great artificial monopolies.
-The violations of the law known as the
-anti-trust law, which was meant to meet
-the conditions thus arising, have more
-and more become confined to the larger
-combinations, the very ones against whose
-policy of monopoly and oppression the
-policy of the law was chiefly directed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
-Many of these combinations by secret
-methods and by protracted litigation are
-still unwisely seeking to avoid the
-consequences of their illegal action.
-The Government has very properly exercised
-moderation in attempting to enforce
-the criminal provisions of the statute; but
-it has become our conviction that in some
-cases, such as that of at least certain of the
-beef packers recently indicted in Chicago,
-it is impossible longer to show leniency.
-Moreover, if the existing law proves to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
-inadequate, so that under established rules
-of evidence clear violations may not
-be readily proved, defiance of the law
-must inevitably lead to further legislation.
-This legislation may be more drastic
-than I would prefer. If so, it must be
-distinctly understood that it will be
-because of the stubborn determination
-of some of the great combinations in
-striving to prevent the enforcement of
-the law as it stands, by every device,
-legal and illegal. Very many of these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
-men seem to think that the alternative
-is simply between submitting to the
-mild kind of governmental control
-we advocate and the absolute freedom
-to do whatever they think best.
-They are greatly in error. Either they
-will have to submit to reasonable supervision
-and regulation by the national
-authorities, or else they will ultimately
-have to submit to governmental action of
-a far more drastic type. Personally, I
-think our people would be most unwise if<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span>
-they let any exasperation due to the acts
-of certain great corporations drive them
-into drastic action, and I should oppose
-such action. But the great corporations
-are themselves to blame if by their opposition
-to what is legal and just they foster
-the popular feeling which tells for such
-drastic action.</p>
-
-<p>Some great corporations resort to
-every technical expedient to render enforcement
-of the law impossible, and their
-obstructive tactics and refusal to acquiesce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
-in the policy of the law have taxed to the
-utmost the machinery of the Department
-of Justice. In my judgment Congress
-may well inquire whether it should not
-seek other means for carrying into effect
-the law. I believe that all corporations
-engaged in interstate commerce should be
-under the supervision of the National
-Government. I do not believe in taking
-steps hastily or rashly, and it may be that
-all that is necessary in the immediate future
-is to pass an interstate-commerce bill conferring<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
-upon some branch of the executive
-government the power of effective action to
-remedy the abuses in connection with railway
-transportation. But in the end, and in
-my judgment at a time not very far off, we
-shall have to, or at least we shall find that
-we ought to, take further action as regards
-all corporations doing interstate business.
-The enormous increase in interstate trade,
-resulting from the industrial development
-of the last quarter of a century, makes
-it proper that the Federal Government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
-should, so far as may be necessary to
-carry into effect its national policy, assume
-a degree of administrative control of these
-great corporations.</p>
-
-<p>It may well be that we shall find that
-the only effective way of exercising this
-supervision is to require all corporations
-engaged in interstate commerce to produce
-proof satisfactory, say, to the Department
-of Commerce, that they are not
-parties to any contract or combination or
-engaged in any monopoly in interstate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
-trade in violation of the anti-trust law,
-and that their conduct on certain other
-specified points is proper; and, moreover,
-that these corporations shall agree, with a
-penalty of forfeiture of their right to engage
-in such commerce, to furnish any
-evidence of any kind as to their trade
-between the States whenever so required
-by the Department of Commerce.</p>
-
-<p>It is the almost universal policy of the
-several States, provided by statute, that
-foreign corporations may lawfully conduct<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
-business within their boundaries only
-when they produce certificates that they
-have complied with the requirements of
-their respective States; in other words,
-that corporations shall not enjoy the
-privileges and immunities afforded by
-the State governments without first complying
-with the policy of their laws.
-Now the benefits which corporations engaged
-in interstate trade enjoy under the
-United States Government are incalculable;
-and in respect of such trade the jurisdiction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
-of the Federal Government is supreme
-when it chooses to exercise it.</p>
-
-<p>When, as is now the case, many of
-the great corporations consistently strain
-the last resources of legal technicality to
-avoid obedience to a law for the reasonable
-regulation of their business, the only
-way effectively to meet this attitude on
-their part is to give to the Executive
-Department of the Government a more
-direct and therefore more efficient supervision
-and control of their management.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span></p>
-
-<p>In speaking against the abuses committed
-by certain very wealthy corporations or
-individuals, and of the necessity of seeking
-so far as it can safely be done to remedy
-these abuses, there is always danger
-lest what is said may be misinterpreted as
-an attack upon men of means generally.
-Now it can not too often be repeated in a
-Republic like ours that the only way by
-which it is possible permanently to benefit
-the condition of the less able and less
-fortunate, is so to shape our policy that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span>
-all industrious and efficient people who
-act decently may be benefited; and this
-means, of course, that the benefit will come
-even more to the more able and more
-fortunate. If, under such circumstances,
-the less fortunate man is moved by envy
-of his more fortunate brother to strike at
-the conditions under which they have both,
-though unequally, prospered, he may rest
-assured that while the result may be damaging
-to the other man, it will be even
-more damaging to himself. Of course, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span>
-am now speaking of prosperity that comes
-under normal and proper conditions.</p>
-
-<p>In our industrial and social system the
-interests of all men are so closely intertwined
-that in the immense majority of
-cases the straight-dealing man who by
-ingenuity and industry benefits himself
-must also benefit others. The man of
-great productive capacity who gets rich
-through guiding the labor of hundreds or
-thousands of other men does so, as a rule,
-by enabling their labor to produce more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span>
-than it would without his guidance, and
-both he and they share in the benefit, so
-that even if the share be unequal it must
-never be forgotten that they too are really
-benefited by his success.</p>
-
-<p>A vital factor in the success of any
-enterprise is the guiding intelligence of
-the man at the top, and there is need in
-the interest of all of us to encourage
-rather than to discourage the activity of
-the exceptional men who guide average
-men so that their labor may result in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
-increased production of the kind which
-is demanded at the time. Normally we
-help the wage-worker, we help the man of
-small means, by making conditions such
-that the man of exceptional business
-ability receives an exceptional reward for
-that ability.</p>
-
-<p>But while insisting with all emphasis
-upon this, it is also true that experience
-has shown that when there is no governmental
-restraint or supervision, some of
-the exceptional men use their energies,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span>
-not in ways that are for the common good,
-but in ways which tell against this common
-good; and that by so doing they not
-only wrong smaller and less able men—whether
-wage-workers or small producers
-and traders—but force other men of exceptional
-abilities themselves to do what is
-wrong under penalty of falling behind in
-the keen race for success. There is need
-of legislation to strive to meet such abuses.
-At one time or in one place this legislation
-may take the form of factory laws<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span>
-and employers’ liability laws. Under
-other conditions it may take the form of
-dealing with the franchises which derive
-their value from the grant of the representatives
-of the people. It may be aimed at
-the manifold abuses, far-reaching in their
-effects, which spring from overcapitalization.
-Or it may be necessary to meet
-such conditions as those with which I am
-now dealing and to strive to procure
-proper supervision and regulation by the
-National Government of all great corporations<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
-engaged in interstate commerce
-or doing an interstate business.</p>
-
-<p>There are good people who are afraid
-of each type of legislation; and much the
-same kind of argument that is now advanced
-against the effort to regulate big
-corporations has been again and again
-advanced against the effort to secure
-proper employers’ liability laws or proper
-factory laws with reference to women and
-children; much the same kind of argument
-was advanced but five years ago<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
-against the franchise-tax law enacted in
-this State while I was governor.</p>
-
-<p>Of course there is always the danger
-of abuse if legislation of this type is approached
-in a hysterical or sentimental
-spirit, or, above all, if it is approached in
-a spirit of envy and hatred toward men
-of wealth.</p>
-
-<p>We must not try to go too fast, under
-penalty of finding that we may be going
-in the wrong direction; and in any event,
-we ought always to proceed by evolution<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span>
-and not by revolution. The laws
-must be conceived and executed in a
-spirit of sanity and justice, and with exactly
-as much regard for the rights of
-the big man as for the rights of the little
-man—treating big man and little man
-exactly alike.</p>
-
-<p>Our ideal must be the effort to combine
-all proper freedom for individual effort
-with some guarantee that the effort is not
-exercised in contravention of the eternal
-and immutable principles of justice.</p>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-<div class="tnote">
-<p class="noi tntitle">Transcriber’s Note:</p>
-
-<p class="smfont">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p>
-</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***</div>
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