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diff --git a/old/68309-0.txt b/old/68309-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a54207c..0000000 --- a/old/68309-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,820 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at -Chautauqua, New York, August 11, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Chautauqua, New York, August - 11, 1905 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: June 13, 2022 [eBook #68309] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT - AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, - AUGUST 11, 1905 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1905 - - - - -To-day I wish to speak to you on one feature of our national foreign -policy and one feature of our national domestic policy. - -The Monroe Doctrine is not a part of international law. But it is the -fundamental feature of our entire foreign policy so far as the Western -Hemisphere is concerned, and it has more and more been meeting with -recognition abroad. The reason why it is meeting with this recognition -is because we have not allowed it to become fossilized, but have -adapted our construction of it to meet the growing, changing needs of -this hemisphere. Fossilization, of course, means death, whether to an -individual, a government, or a doctrine. - -It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the -responsibility for exercising that right. When we announce a policy -such as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to accepting -the consequences of the policy, and these consequences from time to -time alter. - -Let us look for a moment at what the Monroe Doctrine really is. It -forbids the territorial encroachment of non-American powers on American -soil. Its purpose is partly to secure this Nation against seeing great -military powers obtain new footholds in the Western Hemisphere, and -partly to secure to our fellow-republics south of us the chance to -develop along their own lines without being oppressed or conquered -by non-American powers. As we have grown more and more powerful our -advocacy of this doctrine has been received with more and more respect; -but what has tended most to give the doctrine standing among the -nations is our growing willingness to show that we not only mean what -we say and are prepared to back it up, but that we mean to recognize -our obligations to foreign peoples no less than to insist upon our own -rights. - -We can not permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed -in making it evident in the first place that we do not intend to treat -it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part -at the expense of the republics to the south of us; second, that we -do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these republics as -a shield to protect that republic from the consequences of its own -misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as by this -doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering on this side of the -water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help those of our sister -republics, which need such help, upward toward peace and order. - -As regards the first point we must recognize the fact that in some -South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we -should interpret the Monroe Doctrine in some way inimical to their -interests. Now let it be understood once for all that no just and -orderly government on this continent has anything to fear from us. -There are certain of the republics south of us which have already -reached such a point of stability, order, and prosperity that they are -themselves, although as yet hardly consciously, among the guarantors -of this doctrine. No stable and growing American republic wishes to -see some great non-American military power acquire territory in its -neighborhood. It is the interest of all of us on this continent that -no such event should occur, and in addition to our own Republic there -are now already republics in the regions south of us which have reached -a point of prosperity and power that enables them to be considerable -factors in maintaining this doctrine which is so much to the advantage -of all of us. It must be understood that under no circumstances will -the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial -aggression. Should any of our neighbors, no matter how turbulent, how -disregardful of our rights, finally get into such a position that the -utmost limits of our forbearance are reached, all the people south of -us may rest assured that no action will ever be taken save what is -absolutely demanded by our self-respect; that this action will not take -the form of territorial aggrandizement on our part, and that it will -only be taken at all with the most extreme reluctance and not without -having exhausted every effort to avert it. - -As to the second point, if a republic to the south of us commits a -tort against a foreign nation, such, for instance, as wrongful action -against the persons of citizens of that nation, then the Monroe -Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the -tort, save to see that the punishment does not directly or indirectly -assume the form of territorial occupation of the offending country. -The case is more difficult when the trouble comes from the failure to -meet contractual obligations. Our own Government has always refused to -enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by the -appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments -would take the same view. But at present this country would certainly -not be willing to go to war to prevent a foreign government from -collecting a just debt or to back up some one of our sister republics -in a refusal to pay just debts; and the alternative may in any case -prove to be that we shall ourselves undertake to bring about some -arrangement by which so much as is possible of the just obligations -shall be paid. Personally I should always prefer to see this country -step in and put through such an arrangement rather than let any foreign -country undertake it. - -I do not want to see any foreign power take possession permanently or -temporarily of the custom-houses of an American republic in order to -enforce its obligations, and the alternative may at any time be that -we shall be forced to do so ourselves. - -Finally, and what is in my view, really the most important thing of -all, it is our duty, so far as we are able, to try to help upward our -weaker brothers. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical -element in the relations of one individual to another, so that with all -the faults of our Christian civilization it yet remains true that we -are, no matter how slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty -of bearing one another’s burdens, similarly I believe that the ethical -element is by degrees entering into the dealings of one nation with -another. - -Under strain of emotion caused by sudden disaster this feeling is very -evident. A famine or a plague in one country brings much sympathy and -some assistance from other countries. Moreover, we are now beginning -to recognize that weaker peoples have a claim upon us, even when the -appeal is made, not to our emotions by some sudden calamity, but to our -consciences by a long continuing condition of affairs. - -I do not mean to say that nations have more than begun to approach the -proper relationship one to another, and I fully recognize the folly of -proceeding upon the assumption that this ideal condition can now be -realized in full――for, in order to proceed upon such an assumption, -we would first require some method of forcing recalcitrant nations to -do their duty, as well as of seeing that they are protected in their -rights. - -In the interest of justice, it is as necessary to exercise the police -power as to show charity and helpful generosity. But something can even -now be done toward the end in view. That something, for instance, this -Nation has already done as regards Cuba, and is now trying to do as -regards Santo Domingo. There are few things in our history in which -we should take more genuine pride than the way in which we liberated -Cuba, and then, instead of instantly abandoning it to chaos, stayed in -direction of the affairs of the island until we had put it on the right -path, and finally gave it freedom and helped it as it started on the -life of an independent republic. - -Santo Domingo has now made an appeal to us to help it in turn, and not -only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within -us bids us respond to the appeal. The conditions in Santo Domingo -have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until recently all -society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately just at this time -a wise ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues, -saw the dangers threatening their beloved country, and appealed to -the friendship of their great and powerful neighbor to help them. The -immediate threat came to them in the shape of foreign intervention. -The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, and -owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide -means of paying the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors had -become exhausted, and at least one foreign nation was on the point of -intervention and was only prevented from intervening by the unofficial -assurance of this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo -Domingo in her hour of need. Of the debts incurred some were just, -while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory -on, or proper for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not -pay any of them at all unless some stability was assured. - -Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government negotiated -a treaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to -straighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the -Senate, whose consent to it is necessary. In the meantime we have made -a temporary arrangement which will last until the Senate has had time -to take action upon the treaty. Under this arrangement we see to the -honest administration of the custom-houses, collecting the revenues, -turning over forty-five per cent to the Government for running expenses -and putting the other fifty-five per cent into a safe deposit for -equitable division among the various creditors, whether European or -American, accordingly as, after investigation, their claims seem just. - -The custom-houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in -Santo Domingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their -real aim the obtaining possession of these custom-houses. The mere -fact that we are protecting the custom-houses and collecting the -revenue with efficiency and honesty has completely discouraged all -revolutionary movement, while it has already produced such an increase -in the revenues that the Government is actually getting more from the -forty-five per cent that we turn over to it than it got formerly when -it took the entire revenue. This is enabling the poor harrassed people -of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to -be free from the curse of interminable revolutionary disturbance. It -offers to all bona fide creditors, American and European, the only -really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled, -while it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of -defense against claims which it ought not to pay――for now if it meets -the views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all -these claims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are -improper are paid. Indeed, the only effective opposition to the treaty -will probably come from dishonest creditors, foreign and American, and -from the professional revolutionists of the island itself. We have -already good reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not -dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up -sedition in the island, and are also endeavoring to stir up opposition -to the treaty both in Santo Domingo and here, trusting that in one -place or the other it may be possible to secure either the rejection of -the treaty or else its amendment in such fashion as to be tantamount to -rejection. - -Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits -of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, all danger of foreign -intervention has ceased, and there is at last a prospect that all -creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement -is terminated, chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or -later this Government may be involved in serious difficulties with -foreign governments over the island, or else may be forced itself to -intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion. Under the present -arrangement the independence of the island is scrupulously respected, -the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of -foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our Government is -minimized, so that we only act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo -authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs, and -therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the Santo -Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts. The present -method prevents there being any need of our establishing any kind of -protectorate over the island and gives the people of Santo Domingo the -same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to -the people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation if -we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to -ourselves, and, above all, it will be of incalculable damage to Santo -Domingo. Every consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every -consideration of large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo -Domingo as we are now trying to meet it. - -So much for one feature of our foreign policy. Now for one feature -of our domestic policy. One of the main features of our national -governmental policy should be the effort to secure adequate and -effective supervisory and regulatory control over all great corporations -doing an interstate business. Much of the legislation aimed to prevent -the evils connected with the enormous development of these great -corporations has been ineffective, partly because it aimed at doing too -much, and partly because it did not confer on the Government a really -efficient method of holding any guilty corporation to account. The -effort to prevent all restraint of competition, whether harmful or -beneficial, has been ill-judged; what is needed is not so much the -effort to prevent combination as a vigilant and effective control of the -combinations formed, so as to secure just and equitable dealing on their -part alike toward the public generally, toward their smaller -competitors, and toward the wage-workers in their employ. - -Under the present laws we have in the last four years accomplished -much that is of substantial value; but the difficulties in the way -have been so great as to prove that further legislation is advisable. -Many corporations show themselves honorably desirous to obey the law; -but, unfortunately, some corporations, and very wealthy ones at that, -exhaust every effort which can be suggested by the highest ability, or -secured by the most lavish expenditure of money, to defeat the purposes -of the laws on the statute books. - -Not only the men in control of these corporations, but the business -world generally, ought to realize that such conduct is in every way -perilous, and constitutes a menace to the nation generally, and -especially to the people of great property. - -I earnestly believe that this is true of only a relatively small -portion of the very rich men engaged in handling the largest -corporations in the country; but the attitude of these comparatively -few men does undoubtedly harm the country, and above all harm the -men of large means, by the just, but sometimes misguided, popular -indignation to which it gives rise. The consolidation in the form of -what are popularly called trusts of corporate interests of immense -value has tended to produce unfair restraints of trade of an oppressive -character, and these unfair restraints tend to create great artificial -monopolies. The violations of the law known as the anti-trust law, -which was meant to meet the conditions thus arising, have more and -more become confined to the larger combinations, the very ones against -whose policy of monopoly and oppression the policy of the law was -chiefly directed. Many of these combinations by secret methods and -by protracted litigation are still unwisely seeking to avoid the -consequences of their illegal action. The Government has very properly -exercised moderation in attempting to enforce the criminal provisions -of the statute; but it has become our conviction that in some cases, -such as that of at least certain of the beef packers recently indicted -in Chicago, it is impossible longer to show leniency. Moreover, if the -existing law proves to be inadequate, so that under established rules -of evidence clear violations may not be readily proved, defiance of -the law must inevitably lead to further legislation. This legislation -may be more drastic than I would prefer. If so, it must be distinctly -understood that it will be because of the stubborn determination of -some of the great combinations in striving to prevent the enforcement -of the law as it stands, by every device, legal and illegal. Very many -of these men seem to think that the alternative is simply between -submitting to the mild kind of governmental control we advocate and the -absolute freedom to do whatever they think best. They are greatly in -error. Either they will have to submit to reasonable supervision and -regulation by the national authorities, or else they will ultimately -have to submit to governmental action of a far more drastic type. -Personally, I think our people would be most unwise if they let any -exasperation due to the acts of certain great corporations drive them -into drastic action, and I should oppose such action. But the great -corporations are themselves to blame if by their opposition to what is -legal and just they foster the popular feeling which tells for such -drastic action. - -Some great corporations resort to every technical expedient to render -enforcement of the law impossible, and their obstructive tactics and -refusal to acquiesce in the policy of the law have taxed to the -utmost the machinery of the Department of Justice. In my judgment -Congress may well inquire whether it should not seek other means for -carrying into effect the law. I believe that all corporations engaged -in interstate commerce should be under the supervision of the National -Government. I do not believe in taking steps hastily or rashly, and -it may be that all that is necessary in the immediate future is to -pass an interstate-commerce bill conferring upon some branch of the -executive government the power of effective action to remedy the -abuses in connection with railway transportation. But in the end, and -in my judgment at a time not very far off, we shall have to, or at -least we shall find that we ought to, take further action as regards -all corporations doing interstate business. The enormous increase in -interstate trade, resulting from the industrial development of the last -quarter of a century, makes it proper that the Federal Government -should, so far as may be necessary to carry into effect its national -policy, assume a degree of administrative control of these great -corporations. - -It may well be that we shall find that the only effective way of -exercising this supervision is to require all corporations engaged -in interstate commerce to produce proof satisfactory, say, to the -Department of Commerce, that they are not parties to any contract -or combination or engaged in any monopoly in interstate trade -in violation of the anti-trust law, and that their conduct on -certain other specified points is proper; and, moreover, that these -corporations shall agree, with a penalty of forfeiture of their right -to engage in such commerce, to furnish any evidence of any kind as to -their trade between the States whenever so required by the Department -of Commerce. - -It is the almost universal policy of the several States, provided by -statute, that foreign corporations may lawfully conduct business -within their boundaries only when they produce certificates that they -have complied with the requirements of their respective States; in -other words, that corporations shall not enjoy the privileges and -immunities afforded by the State governments without first complying -with the policy of their laws. Now the benefits which corporations -engaged in interstate trade enjoy under the United States Government -are incalculable; and in respect of such trade the jurisdiction of the -Federal Government is supreme when it chooses to exercise it. - -When, as is now the case, many of the great corporations consistently -strain the last resources of legal technicality to avoid obedience -to a law for the reasonable regulation of their business, the only -way effectively to meet this attitude on their part is to give to the -Executive Department of the Government a more direct and therefore more -efficient supervision and control of their management. - -In speaking against the abuses committed by certain very wealthy -corporations or individuals, and of the necessity of seeking so far as -it can safely be done to remedy these abuses, there is always danger -lest what is said may be misinterpreted as an attack upon men of means -generally. Now it can not too often be repeated in a Republic like -ours that the only way by which it is possible permanently to benefit -the condition of the less able and less fortunate, is so to shape our -policy that all industrious and efficient people who act decently -may be benefited; and this means, of course, that the benefit will -come even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, under such -circumstances, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more -fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have -both, though unequally, prospered, he may rest assured that while the -result may be damaging to the other man, it will be even more damaging -to himself. Of course, I am now speaking of prosperity that comes -under normal and proper conditions. - -In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are -so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases the -straight-dealing man who by ingenuity and industry benefits himself -must also benefit others. The man of great productive capacity who gets -rich through guiding the labor of hundreds or thousands of other men -does so, as a rule, by enabling their labor to produce more than it -would without his guidance, and both he and they share in the benefit, -so that even if the share be unequal it must never be forgotten that -they too are really benefited by his success. - -A vital factor in the success of any enterprise is the guiding -intelligence of the man at the top, and there is need in the interest -of all of us to encourage rather than to discourage the activity of the -exceptional men who guide average men so that their labor may result -in increased production of the kind which is demanded at the time. -Normally we help the wage-worker, we help the man of small means, by -making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability -receives an exceptional reward for that ability. - -But while insisting with all emphasis upon this, it is also true that -experience has shown that when there is no governmental restraint or -supervision, some of the exceptional men use their energies, not in -ways that are for the common good, but in ways which tell against this -common good; and that by so doing they not only wrong smaller and less -able men――whether wage-workers or small producers and traders――but -force other men of exceptional abilities themselves to do what is -wrong under penalty of falling behind in the keen race for success. -There is need of legislation to strive to meet such abuses. At one -time or in one place this legislation may take the form of factory -laws and employers’ liability laws. Under other conditions it may -take the form of dealing with the franchises which derive their value -from the grant of the representatives of the people. It may be aimed -at the manifold abuses, far-reaching in their effects, which spring -from overcapitalization. Or it may be necessary to meet such conditions -as those with which I am now dealing and to strive to procure proper -supervision and regulation by the National Government of all great -corporations engaged in interstate commerce or doing an interstate -business. - -There are good people who are afraid of each type of legislation; and -much the same kind of argument that is now advanced against the effort -to regulate big corporations has been again and again advanced against -the effort to secure proper employers’ liability laws or proper factory -laws with reference to women and children; much the same kind of -argument was advanced but five years ago against the franchise-tax law -enacted in this State while I was governor. - -Of course there is always the danger of abuse if legislation of this -type is approached in a hysterical or sentimental spirit, or, above -all, if it is approached in a spirit of envy and hatred toward men of -wealth. - -We must not try to go too fast, under penalty of finding that we may -be going in the wrong direction; and in any event, we ought always to -proceed by evolution and not by revolution. The laws must be conceived -and executed in a spirit of sanity and justice, and with exactly as -much regard for the rights of the big man as for the rights of the -little man――treating big man and little man exactly alike. - -Our ideal must be the effort to combine all proper freedom for -individual effort with some guarantee that the effort is not exercised -in contravention of the eternal and immutable principles of justice. - - * * * * * - - - - - Transcriber’s Note: - - ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved. - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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