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diff --git a/old/68987-0.txt b/old/68987-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 7c197d9..0000000 --- a/old/68987-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3865 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of On the manner of negotiating with -princes, by François de Callières - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: On the manner of negotiating with princes - On the uses of diplomacy; the choice of ministers and envoys; and - the personal qualities necessary for success in missions abroad - -Author: François de Callières - -Translator: A. F. Whyte - -Release Date: September 15, 2022 [eBook #68987] - -Language: English - -Produced by: MWS, Thomas Frost and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE MANNER OF NEGOTIATING -WITH PRINCES *** - - - - - - ON THE MANNER OF - NEGOTIATING WITH - PRINCES; - - on the Uses of Diplomacy; the - Choice of Ministers and Envoys; - and the Personal Qualities necessary - for Success in Missions abroad; by - MONSIEUR DE CALLIÈRES - - Councillor-in-Ordinary to the King in Council, Private - Secretary to His Majesty, formerly Ambassador Extraordinary - and Plenipotentiary of His late Majesty - entrusted with the Treaties of Peace concluded at - Ryswick, one of the Forty of the French Academy. - - Published at Paris by MICHEL BRUNET at the _Mercure - Galant_, 1716; under Royal Privilege and Approval. - - Translated from the French by - - A. F. WHYTE - - [Illustration] - - Boston and New York - HOUGHTON MIFFLIN CO. - 1919 - - - - -Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -Diplomacy is one of the highest of the political arts. In a -well-ordered commonwealth it would be held in the esteem due to a great -public service in whose hands the safety of the people largely lies; -and it would thus attract to its ranks its full share of national -ability and energy which for the most part to-day passes into other -professions. But the diplomatic service, at all times, and in almost -all countries, has suffered from lack of public appreciation: though -perhaps at no time has it had so many detractors as to-day. Its -almost unparalleled unpopularity is due to a variety of causes, some -of which are temporary and removable, while others must be permanent -in human affairs, for they were found to operate in the days when -the author of this little book shone in French diplomacy. The major -cause is public neglect; but it is also due, in no small measure, to -the prevalent confusion between policy, which is the substance, and -diplomacy proper, which is the process by which it is carried out. This -confusion exists not only in the popular mind, but even in the writings -of historians who might be expected to practise a better discernment. -Policy is the concern of governments. Responsibility therefore belongs -to the Secretary of State who directs policy and appoints the agents -of it. But the constitutional doctrine of ministerial responsibility -is not an unvarying reality. No one will maintain that Lord Cromer’s -success in Egypt was due to the wisdom of Whitehall, or to anything -but his own sterling qualities. Nor can a just judgment of our recent -Balkan diplomacy fail to assign a heavy share of the blame to the -incompetence of more than one ‘man on the spot.’ The truth is, that -the whole system, of which, in their different measure, Downing Street -and the embassies abroad are _both_ responsible parts, is not abreast -of the needs of the time, and will not be until Callières’s excellent -maxims become the common practice of the service. - -These maxims are to be found in the little book of which a free -translation is here presented. François de Callières treats diplomacy -as the art practised by the _négotiateur_--a most apt name for the -diplomatist--in carrying out the instructions of statesmen and princes. -The very choice of the word _manière_ in his title shows that he -conceives of diplomacy as the servant, not the author, of policy; and -indeed his argument is not many pages old before he is heard insisting -that it is ‘the agent of high policy.’ Observance of this distinction -is the first condition of fruitful criticism. It is therefore worth -while, at the outset, to clear away the obscurity and confusion which -surround the subject, and thus, in some measure, to relieve both -diplomacy in general and the individual diplomatist in particular from -the burden of irrelevant and unjust criticism. - -‘Secret diplomacy’ has played so large a part in recent public -discussion that the confusion between foreign policy and diplomacy -proper has only been worse confounded. And even where the critics of -diplomacy have restricted the range of their attack to the question -of the efficiency of our representation abroad, the nature of their -criticism leaves it to be supposed that diplomacy is the dazzling and -perilous craft which figures in the pages of Mr. Le Queux. The picture -of brilliant youths and cunning greybeards sedulously lying abroad for -the good of their country continues to fill the popular imagination, -though a reading of any one of the excellent memoirs of the great -diplomatists of the past would suffice to prove that Sir Henry Wotton’s -famous witticism far outran the truth. For every occasion on which -deceit has been practised, there are a dozen on which the negotiation -has followed the obvious course of a practical discussion in which -‘the application of intelligence and tact’ led to an agreement. In -substance, therefore, diplomacy demands the same qualities as any -other form of negotiation. Its true method bears a close resemblance -to a business transaction. The one essential difference between a -high commercial negotiation and a diplomatic transaction is that in -the former the contracting parties are constrained to observe certain -rules, and are bound not only by certain strict conventions but by -enforceable laws; in the latter case the parties recognise no bounds -to their claims and ambitions except those laid down by a concern for -their own convenience, or by the limits of their own military forces. -Hence the diplomatist gains an altogether fictitious eminence among -his fellow-men and assumes an excessive pride of office because he -represents a sovereign state which recognises no master. - -Now a discussion of the problems raised by the unrestricted sovereignty -claimed by each nation in foreign affairs would carry this argument -far beyond the limits of diplomacy proper and must be left to those -who are now trying to find a firm basis for a League of Nations. But -since this claim is the parent cause of all armed conflict, it cannot -be entirely ignored; for as long as it persists it will exercise a -profound influence on the character of diplomacy itself, and has a -direct bearing on the question of the efficiency of the diplomatist. -The action of our representatives abroad carries with it the constant -alternative of peace and war. ‘The art of negotiating with princes,’ -says Callières, ‘is so important that the fate of the greatest states -often depends upon the good or bad conduct of negotiations, and upon -the degree of capacity in the negotiators employed.’ The consciousness -that the negotiator is performing one of the functions of sovereignty -must give him a deep sense of responsibility and a constant concern for -his own efficiency. And the Home Government has the prior obligation, -in Callières’s words once more, to ‘examine with the greatest care the -natural or acquired qualities of those citizens whom they despatch on -missions to Foreign States.’ - -The epigram which tells us that nations have the governments they -deserve has a close bearing on this aspect of diplomacy. The main -question is the efficiency of the service, which has received but -little public attention owing to the popularity of the campaign against -the secrecy of diplomatic action. The secrecy of diplomacy is commonly -held to be the accomplice of European militarism; and many of those -who yearn for a better world after the war hope that by letting in -light upon the manœuvres of the Great Powers their evil designs may be -checked before they create those recurring crises of animosity with -which we were so familiar before the war. There is so much obvious -truth in this view that even _The Times_ acknowledged it thus: ‘Who, -then, makes war? The answer is to be found in the Chancelleries of -Europe, among the men who have too long played with human lives as -pawns in a game of chess, who have become so enmeshed in formulas and -the jargon of diplomacy that they have ceased to be conscious of the -poignant realities with which they trifle. And thus war will continue -to be made until the great masses who are the sport of professional -schemers say the word which shall bring, not eternal peace, for that -is impossible, but a determination that wars shall be fought only in a -just and righteous and vital cause’ (_The Times_, 23rd November 1912). -The justification of the growing demand for popular control of foreign -policy could not be more succinctly put. - -In the customary argument against diplomatic secrecy, however, there is -some confusion of thought. It is against secret _policies_, in which -the national liability may be unlimited, that the only genuine protest -can be raised; for such policies are the very negation of democracy, -and the denial of the most fundamental of all popular rights, namely, -that the citizen shall know on what terms his country may ask him to -lay down his life. But this justification of popular control does -not presuppose the publication of diplomatic negotiations. On the -contrary, it rests on the assumption that the People and Parliament -will know where to draw the line between necessary control in matters -of principle and the equally necessary discretionary freedom of the -expert in negotiation. It follows, therefore, that the case for reform -is only weakened by those who make indiscriminate attacks against -the whole Diplomatic Service--how richly deserved in some cases, how -flagrantly unjust in others--and especially by those who profess to -believe that the machinery of diplomacy could be made to run more -smoothly by publicity. The modern Press is not so happy a commentator -as all that; and we may here recall Napoleon’s apposite reflection: -‘_Le canon a tué la féodalité: l’encre tuera la société moderne_.’ If -it is necessary for the public welfare that foreign policy should be -known and intelligently discussed by the people whom it so closely -concerns, it is just as necessary that the people should not meddle -with the actual process of diplomacy, but, having made sure of getting -the best of their public servants in their Foreign Service, should -confidently leave such transactions undisturbed in the hands of the -expert. In all the activities of government that is clearly the proper -division of labour between the common people and the expert adviser; -and in no department should it be more scrupulously observed than in -foreign affairs. - -Readers of this little book--which Sir Ernest Satow recently called -‘a mine of political wisdom’--will quickly realise how much this -introductory review of modern diplomacy owes to the suggestive maxims -of François de Callières. And if they receive as much stimulus and -pleasure from the following pages as the translator has enjoyed in -preparing them, Louis Fourteenth’s plenipotentiary should gain a host -of new friends. - - A. F. WHYTE. - - - - -_To His Royal Highness, Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans, Regent of the -Kingdom._ - - -MONSEIGNEUR,--This work, which I have the honour to present to your -Royal Highness, has for its aim: to give an idea of the personal -qualities and general knowledge necessary in all good negotiators; -to indicate to them the paths which they should follow and the rocks -which they should avoid; and to exhort those who destine themselves to -the foreign service of their country, to render themselves capable of -discharging worthily that high, important, and difficult office before -entering upon it. - -The honour which the late King did me in charging me with his commands -and his full powers for foreign negotiation, and particularly for -those which led to the Treaty of Ryswick, has redoubled the attention -which I have ever paid since my youngest years to my own instruction -in the power, the rights, and the ambitions of each of the principal -monarchies and states of Europe, in their divergent interests and -the forms of their government, in the causes of their understandings -and misunderstandings, and finally in the treaties which they have -made one with another; in order to employ this knowledge to the -best advantage whenever occasion offered in the service of my King -and Country. After the loss which France has just suffered of that -great King, whose reign was so full of glory and triumph, she did -indeed need that the Hand of God, which has always upheld her in her -necessities, should continue to guide her. We had indeed to look for -Divine Help to support us during the minority of his present Majesty, -so that we might hope that the All-Powerful Hand should mould a prince -of like blood and spirit to him who has gone. The Regency needed an -intelligence of the highest order, a capacity without limit, a clear -insight into the character of persons and events, and an indefatigable -activity which would increase at every new demand made by the interests -of state--all these united in the person of a prince at once just, -lovable, beneficent, whose character might earn for him the title of a -veritable father of his country. These are the traits so strongly and -so profoundly marked in you, Monseigneur, which have brought all France -on its knees in homage before you, with full confidence and happiness, -and a glorious prestige which shall pass undimmed to our remotest -descendants as a worthy symbol of your great rule. - -I am, with profound respect, and with a zealous and affectionate -attachment to your Person, Monseigneur, - -Your Royal Highness’s most humble, obedient, and faithful servant, - - DE CALLIÈRES. - - - - -[Sidenote: _The Art of Negotiation._] - -The art of negotiation with princes is so important that the fate -of the greatest states often depends upon the good or bad conduct -of negotiations and upon the degree of capacity in the negotiators -employed. Thus monarchs and their ministers of state cannot examine -with too great care the natural or acquired qualities of those citizens -whom they despatch on missions to foreign states to entertain there -good relations with their masters, to make treaties of peace, of -alliance, of commerce or of other kinds, or to hinder other Powers -from concluding such treaties to the prejudice of their own master; -and generally, to take charge of those interests which may be affected -by the diverse conjunctures of events. Every Christian prince must -take as his chief maxim not to employ arms to support or vindicate his -rights until he has employed and exhausted the way of reason and of -persuasion. It is to his interest also, to add to reason and persuasion -the influence of benefits conferred, which indeed is one of the surest -ways to make his own power secure, and to increase it. But above all -he must employ good labourers in his service, such indeed as know how -to employ all these methods for the best, and how to gain the hearts -and wills of men, for it is in this that the science of negotiation -principally consists. - -[Sidenote: _French Neglect of Diplomacy._] - -Our nation is so warlike that we can hardly conceive of any other -kind of glory or of honour than those won in the profession of arms. -Hence it is that the greater number of Frenchmen of good birth apply -themselves with zeal to the profession of arms in order that they may -gain advancement therein, but they neglect the study of the various -interests which divide Europe and which are a source of frequent wars. -This inclination and natural application in our people result in a rich -supply of good general officers, and we need have no surprise that it -is considered that no gentleman of quality can receive a high command -in the armies of the King who has not already passed through all these -stages by which a soldier may equip himself for war. - -But, alas, it is not the same with our negotiators. They are indeed -rare among us because there has been in general no discipline nor -fixed rules of the foreign service of his Majesty by which good -citizens destined to become negotiators might instruct themselves in -the knowledge necessary for this kind of employment. And indeed we -find that instead of gradual promotion by degrees and by the evidence -of proved capacity and experience, as is the case in the usages of -war, one may see often men who have never left their own country, who -have never applied themselves to the study of public affairs, being -of meagre intelligence, appointed so to speak over-night to important -embassies in countries of which they know neither the interests, the -laws, the customs, the language, nor even the geographical situation. -And yet I may hazard a guess that there is perhaps no employment in -all his Majesty’s service more difficult to discharge than that of -negotiation. It demands all the penetration, all the dexterity, all -the suppleness which a man can well possess. It requires a widespread -understanding and knowledge, and above all a correct and piercing -discernment. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy an Expert Craft._] - -It causes me no surprise that men who have embarked on this career for -the sake of titles and emoluments, having not the least idea of the -real duties of their post, have occasioned grave harm to the public -interest during their apprenticeship to this service. These novices -in negotiation become easily intoxicated with honours done in their -person to the dignity of their royal master. They are like the ass in -the fable who received for himself all the incense burned before the -statue of the goddess which he bore on his back. This happens above -all to those who are employed by a great monarch on missions to princes -of a lower order, for they are apt to place in their addresses the -most odious comparisons, as well as veiled threats, which are really -only a mark of weakness. Such ambassadors do not fail to bring upon -themselves the aversion of the court to which they are accredited, and -they resemble heralds of arms rather than ambassadors whose principal -aim is ever to maintain a good correspondence between their master -and the princes to whom they are accredited. In all cases they should -represent the power of their own sovereign as a means of maintaining -and increasing that of the foreign court, instead of using it as an -odious comparison designed to humiliate and contemn. These misfortunes -and many others, which are the result of the lack of capacity and -of the foolish conduct of many citizens employed by princes to deal -with public affairs abroad, occasioned in me the belief that it is by -no means impertinent to set down some observations on the manner of -negotiating with sovereigns and with their ministers, on the qualities -necessary for those who mean to adopt the profession of diplomacy, -and on the means which wise princes will take to secure a good choice -of men well adapted at once to the profession of negotiation and to -the different countries where they may be sent. But before I take my -subject in detail it is perhaps well that I should explain the use and -the necessity for princes to maintain continual negotiation in the -form of permanent embassies to all great states, both in neighbouring -countries and in those more distant, in war as well as in peace. - -[Sidenote: _The Usefulness of Negotiation._] - -To understand the permanent use of diplomacy and the necessity for -continual negotiations, we must think of the states of which Europe is -composed as being joined together by all kinds of necessary commerce, -in such a way that they may be regarded as members of one Republic -and that no considerable change can take place in any one of them -without affecting the condition, or disturbing the peace, of all the -others. The blunder of the smallest of sovereigns may indeed cast an -apple of discord among all the greatest Powers, because there is no -state so great which does not find it useful to have relations with -the lesser states and to seek friends among the different parties of -which even the smallest state is composed. History teems with the -results of these conflicts which often have their beginnings in small -events, easy to control or suppress at their birth, but which when -grown in magnitude became the causes of long and bloody wars which have -ravaged the principal states of Christendom. Now these actions and -reactions between one state and another oblige the sagacious monarch -and his ministers to maintain a continual process of diplomacy in all -such states for the purpose of recording events as they occur and of -reading their true meaning with diligence and exactitude. One may say -that knowledge of this kind is one of the most important and necessary -features of good government, because indeed the domestic peace of the -state depends largely upon appropriate measures taken in its foreign -service to make friends among well-disposed states, and by timely -action to resist those who cherish hostile designs. There is indeed no -prince so powerful that he can afford to neglect the assistance offered -by a good alliance, in resisting the forces of hostile powers which are -prompted by jealousy of his property to unite in a hostile coalition. - -[Sidenote: _The Diplomat: An Agent of High Policy._] - -Now, the enlightened and assiduous negotiator serves not only to -discover all projects and cabals by which coalitions may arise against -his prince in the country where he is sent to negotiate, but also to -dissipate their very beginnings by giving timely advice. It is easy to -destroy even the greatest enterprises at their birth; and as they often -require several springs to give them motion, it can hardly be possible -for a hostile intrigue to ripen without knowledge of it coming to the -ears of an attentive negotiator living in the place where it is being -hatched. The able negotiator will know how to profit by the various -dispositions and changes which arise in the country where he lives, -not merely in order to frustrate designs hostile to the interests of -his master, but also for the positive and fruitful purpose of bringing -to an apt result those other designs which may work to his advantage. -By his industry and application he may himself produce changes of -opinion favourable to the office which he has to discharge; indeed, -if he do but once in an apt moment catch the tide at the flood he may -confer a benefit on his prince a hundredfold greater than any expense -in treasure or personal effort which he may have put forth. Now if -a monarch should wait, before sending his envoys to countries near -and far, until important events occur--as for instance, until it is -a question of hindering the conclusion of some treaty which confers -advantage on an enemy Power, or a declaration of war against an ally -which would deprive the monarch himself of the assistance of that very -ally for other purposes--it will be found that the negotiators, sent -thus at the eleventh hour on urgent occasions, have no time to explore -the terrain or to study the habits of mind of the foreign court or to -create the necessary liaisons or to change the course of events already -in full flood, unless indeed they bring with them enormous sums whose -disbursement must weigh heavily on the treasury of their master, and -which run the risk, in truth, of being paid too late. - -[Sidenote: _Cardinal Richelieu._] - -Cardinal Richelieu, whom I set before me as the model for all -statesmen, to whom France owes a very great debt, maintained a system -of unbroken diplomacy in all manner of countries, and beyond question -he thus drew enormous advantage for his master. He bears witness to -this truth in his own political testament, speaking thus:-- - -‘The states of Europe enjoy all the advantages of continual negotiation -in the measure in which they are conducted with prudence. No one could -believe how great these advantages are who has not had experience of -them. I confess that it was not till I had had five or six years’ -experience of the management of high affairs that I realised this -truth, but I am now so firmly persuaded of it that I will boldly say -that the service which a regular and unbroken system of diplomacy, -conducted both in public and in secret in all countries, even where -no immediate fruit can be gathered, is one of the first necessities -for the health and welfare of the state. I can say with truth that in -my time I have seen the face of affairs in France and in Christendom -completely changed because under the authority of his Majesty I have -been enabled to practise this principle which till my time had been -absolutely neglected by the ministers of this kingdom.’ The Cardinal -says further: ‘The light of nature teaches each of us in his private -life to maintain relations with his neighbours because as their near -presence enables them to injure so it also enables them to do us -service, just as the surroundings of a city either hinder or facilitate -the approach to it.’ And he adds: ‘The meaner sort of men confine their -outlook within the cities where they were born. But those to whom God -has given a greater light will neglect no means of improvement whether -it come from near or from far.’ The evidence of this great genius -demands all the greater consideration because the high services which -he rendered to his King by means of negotiation convincingly prove that -he speaks the truth. No considerable event occurred in Europe during -his ministry in which he did not play a great part, and he was often -the principal agent in the great movements of his time. He it was who -designed the revolution in Portugal in 1640, by which the legitimate -heir to the Crown resumed the throne. He profited by the discontent of -the Catalans who rose in revolt in that same year. He did not hesitate -to encourage negotiations even with the African Moors. Previously he -brought his labours to success in the north by persuading Gustavus -Adolphus, King of Sweden, to invade Germany, and thus to deliver her -from slavery to the House of Austria which then reigned despotically, -dethroning her princes and disposing of their states and their titles -to its own court minions. Rumour even attributes the revolution in -Bohemia to the action of Cardinal Richelieu. He formed and maintained -several leagues; he won for France many great allies who contributed -to the success of his high designs, in which the abasement of the -prodigious power of the House of Austria was always the chief; and -throughout all these designs we can trace the unbroken thread of a -well-maintained system of diplomacy, acting as the obedient and capable -agent of the great minister himself, whose profound capacity and vast -genius thus found a favourable field of action. - -[Sidenote: _Value of Diplomacy._] - -It is not necessary to turn far back into the past in order to -understand what can be achieved by negotiation. We see daily around us -its definite effects in sudden revolutions favourable to this great -design of state or that, in the use of sedition in fermenting the -hatreds between nations, in causing jealous rivals to arm against one -another so that the _tertius gaudens_ may profit, in the formation of -leagues and other treaties of various kinds between monarchs whose -interests might otherwise clash, in the dissolution by crafty means -of the closest unions between states: in a word, one may say that the -art of negotiation, according as its conduct is good or evil, gives -form to great affairs and may turn a host of lesser events into a -useful influence upon the course of the greater. Indeed, we can see -in diplomacy thus conducted a greater influence in many ways upon -the conduct and fortunes of mankind than even in the laws which they -themselves have designed, for the reason that, however scrupulous -private man may be in obedience to the law, misunderstandings and -conflicts of ambition easily arise between nations, and cannot be -settled by a process of law but only by a convention between the -contending parties. It is on the occasion of such conventions that -diplomacy plays a decisive part. - -It is thus easy to conclude that a small number of well-chosen -negotiators posted in the different states in Europe may render to -their sovereign and their state the greatest services; that a single -word or act may do more than the invasion of whole armies because the -crafty negotiator will know how to set in motion various forces native -to the country in which he is negotiating, and thus may spare his -master the vast expense of a campaign. Nothing can be more useful than -a timely diversion thus set on foot. - -It is also of high interest to all great princes that their negotiators -should be of such character and standing as to act appropriately as -mediators in the disputes between other sovereigns and to produce -peace by the authority of their intervention. Nothing can contribute -more to the reputation, the power, and the universal respect of a -monarch, than to be served by those who themselves inspire respect -and confidence. A powerful prince who maintains a constant system of -diplomacy served by wise and instructed negotiators in the different -states of Europe, and who thus cultivates well-chosen friendships and -maintains useful sources of information, is in a position to influence -the destiny of neighbouring foreign states, to maintain peace between -all states, or to pursue war where it is favourable to his design. In -all these concerns the prosperity of his plans and the greatness of -his name depend first and last on the conduct and qualities of the -negotiators to whom he entrusts his services. So now we examine in -detail the qualities necessary for a good negotiator. - -[Sidenote: _Personal Qualities of the Good Negotiator._] - -God having endowed men with diverse talents, the best advice that one -can give is to take counsel with themselves before choosing their -profession. Thus he who would enter the profession of diplomacy must -examine himself to see whether he was born with the qualities necessary -for success. These qualities are an observant mind, a spirit of -application which refuses to be distracted by pleasures or frivolous -amusements, a sound judgment which takes the measure of things as -they are, and which goes straight to its goal by the shortest and -most natural paths without wandering into useless refinements and -subtleties which as a rule only succeed in repelling those with whom -one is dealing. The negotiator must further possess that penetration -which enables him to discover the thoughts of men and to know by the -least movement of their countenances what passions are stirring within, -for such movements are often betrayed even by the most practised -negotiator. He must also have a mind so fertile in expedients as easily -to smooth away the difficulties which he meets in the course of his -duty; he must have presence of mind to find a quick and pregnant reply -even to unforeseen surprises, and by such judicious replies he must be -able to recover himself when his foot has slipped. An equable humour, a -tranquil and patient nature, always ready to listen with attention to -those whom he meets; an address always open, genial, civil, agreeable, -with easy and ingratiating manners which assist largely in making a -favourable impression upon those around him--these things are the -indispensable adjuncts to the negotiator’s profession. Their opposite, -the grave and cold air, a melancholy or rough exterior, may create -a first impression which is not easily removed. Above all the good -negotiator must have sufficient control over himself to resist the -longing to speak before he has really thought what he shall say. He -should not endeavour to gain the reputation of being able to reply -immediately and without premeditation to every proposition which is -made, and he should take a special care not to fall into the error of -one famous foreign ambassador of our time who so loved an argument that -each time he warmed up in controversy he revealed important secrets in -order to support his opinion. - -[Sidenote: _The Air of Mystery._] - -But indeed there is another fault of which the negotiator must beware: -he must not fall into the error of supposing that an air of mystery, in -which secrets are made out of nothing and in which the merest bagatelle -is exalted into a great matter of state, is anything but a mark of -smallness of mind and betokens an incapacity to take the true measure -either of men or of things. Indeed, the more the negotiator clothes -himself in mystery, the less he will have means of discovering what -is happening and of acquiring the confidence of those with whom he -deals. A continual reserve is like the lock on a door which is never -turned and becomes so rusty that in the end no man can open it. The -able negotiator will of course not permit his secret to be drawn from -him except at his own time, and he should be able to disguise from -his competitor the fact that he has any secret to reveal; but in all -other matters he must remember that open dealing is the foundation of -confidence and that everything which he is not compelled by duty to -withhold ought to be freely shared with those around him. He will thus -gradually establish terms of confidence with his neighbours, from which -he may draw immense profit, for it may not infrequently happen that in -exchange for some trivial information given by himself, the negotiator -may, as it were by accident, receive important news from his colleague -in another embassy. The practised negotiator will know how to employ -the circumstances of his life and of the lives of those around him -in such a manner as to lead them naturally and without restraint to -talk of the conditions and affairs of their own country, and the more -extended his view and the wider his knowledge the more surely will he -thus gather important news every day of his life. - -[Sidenote: _Dignity._] - -Let it not be supposed, however, that the good negotiator requires only -the light of a high intellect, dexterity, and other fine qualities -of the mind. He must show that the ordinary sentiments of the human -heart move in him, for there is no kind of employment in which at the -same time elevation and nobility of spirit and a kindly courtesy in -little things are more necessary. An ambassador indeed resembles in a -certain sense the actor placed before the eyes of the public in order -that he may play a great part, for his profession raises him above the -ordinary condition of mankind and makes him in some sort the equal of -the masters of the earth by that right of representation which attaches -to his service, and by the special relations which his office gives -him with the mighty ones of the earth. He must therefore be able to -simulate a dignity even if he possess it not; but this obligation is -the rock upon which many an astute negotiator has perished because -he did not know in what dignity consisted. No negotiation was ever -assisted by open or veiled menaces merely for their own sake, and -negotiators too often confuse a proud and arrogant bearing with -that careful dignity which ought to clothe their office. To advance -pretensions or to demand excessive privileges is merely the sign of -pride and of a desire to extract from the privileged position of an -ambassador a personal and unworthy advantage, in the doing of which -an ambitious negotiator may easily and utterly compromise the whole -authority of his master. No man who enters diplomacy in a spirit of -avarice or with a desire to seek interests other than those of his -service, or merely with the desire to earn the applause of the crowd, -or to attract esteem and recompense from his master, will ever make -success in negotiation. And even if some important duty may be well -discharged in his hands, it is only to be attributed to some happy -conjuncture of events which in itself smoothed away all difficulties. - -[Sidenote: _Influence of Women._] - -To maintain the dignity of diplomacy the negotiator must clothe himself -in liberality and generosity of heart, even in magnificence, but all -with care and a frugality of design so that the trappings of his -office do not by their display outshine the sterling merits of his own -character and person. Let clean linen and appointments and delicacy -reign at his table. Let him frequently give banquets and diversions in -honour of the principal persons of the court in which he lives, and -even in the honour of the prince himself, if he so cares to take part. -Let him also enter into the spirit of the same diversions offered by -others, but always in a light, unconstrained, and agreeable manner, -and always with an open, good-natured, straightforward air, and with -a continual desire to give pleasure to others. If the custom of the -country in which he serves permits freedom of conversation with the -ladies of the court, he must on no account neglect any opportunity -of placing himself and his master in a favourable light in the eyes -of these ladies, for it is well known that the power of feminine -charm often extends to cover the weightiest resolutions of state. The -greatest events have sometimes followed the toss of a fan or the nod of -a head. But let him beware! Let him do all things in his power, by the -magnificence of his display, by the polish, attraction, and gallantry -of his person, to engage their pleasure, but let him beware lest he -engage his own heart. He must never forget that Love’s companions are -Indiscretion and Imprudence, and that the moment he becomes pledged to -the whim of a favoured woman, no matter how wise he may be, he runs a -grave risk of being no longer master of his own secrets. We have often -seen terrible results follow from this kind of weakness into which even -the greatest ministers are liable to fall, and we need go no further -than our own time for remarkable examples and warnings. - -[Sidenote: _Power of the Purse._] - -Now, as the surest way of gaining the good-will of a prince is to -gain the good graces of those who have most influence upon his mind, -a good negotiator must reinforce his own good manners, his insight of -character, and attraction of person by certain expenses which will -largely assist in opening his road before him. But these expenses must -be laid out in the proper measure. They must be made by a careful -design; and wherever large gifts are offered, the giver must take care -beforehand to know that they will be received in the right spirit and -above all that they will not be refused. I do not mean that there are -not countries where no great art is needed in the matter of giving -gifts. In such a country they are no longer gifts but bribes; but -it is always to be remembered that there is a certain delicacy to -be observed in all commerce of this kind, and that a gift presented -in the right spirit, at the right moment, by the right person, may -act with tenfold power upon him who receives it. There are various -established customs in different countries by which occasion arises -for making small presents. This kind of expense, though it occasions -but a small outlay of money, may contribute largely to the esteem in -which an ambassador is held and acquire for him friends at the court to -which he is accredited. And, indeed, the manner in which this little -custom is carried out may have an important bearing upon high policy. -And, of course, in such a matter the practised negotiator will soon -be aware that at every court there are certain persons of greater -wit than fortune who will not refuse a small gratification or secret -subsidy which may bring in large results, for the wit of these persons -enables them to maintain a confidential position at court without that -personal splendour which the rich nobleman can display. Such persons -I say may be of great use to the clever negotiator. Among amusements, -for instance, the dancers, who by the fact of their profession have -an _entrée_ less formal and in some degree more intimate with the -prince than any ambassador can perhaps possess, are often to be found -valuable agents in negotiation. Or again, it happens that a monarch -has around him certain officers of low rank entrusted with duties -which bring them in close contact both with their master and with his -minister’s mind, and a timely present aptly given may reveal important -secrets. And finally, even great ministers of state themselves may not -be inaccessible by the same means. - -[Sidenote: _Secret Service._] - -It frequently happens in negotiation as in war that well-chosen spies -contribute more than any other agency to the success of great plans, -and indeed it is clear that there is nothing so well adapted to upset -the best design as the sudden and premature revelation of an important -secret upon which it depends. And as there is no expense better -designed nor more necessary than that which is laid out upon a secret -service, it would be inexcusable for a minister of state to neglect it. -The general will say with truth that he would sooner have one regiment -the less than a poorly equipped system of espionage, and that he would -perhaps even forgo reinforcements if he could be accurately informed -of the disposition and numbers of the enemy armies. Similarly let an -ambassador retrench all superfluous expense in order that he may have -the funds at his disposal to maintain a secret service which will -inform him of all that happens in the foreign country of his service. -Yet despite the universal acknowledged truth of what I say, most -negotiators will more readily spend vast sums on a great show of horses -and carriages, on rows of useless flunkeys, than on the payment of a -few well-chosen agents who could keep them supplied with news. In this -matter we should learn a lesson from the Spaniards, who never neglect -their secret agents--a fact which I am sure has contributed largely -to the success of their ministers in many important negotiations. -It is doubtless the success of Spanish agents which has led to the -establishment of the wise custom of the Spanish Court to give Spanish -ambassadors an extraordinary fund called _Gastos Secretos_. - -[Sidenote: _The Honourable Spy._] - -The ambassador has sometimes been called an honourable spy because -one of his principal occupations is to discover great secrets; and he -fails in the discharge of his duty if he does not know how to lay out -the necessary sums for this purpose. Therefore an ambassador should -be a man born with a liberal hand ready to undertake willingly large -expenses of this kind; and he must be even prepared to do it at his -own charges when the emoluments of his master are insufficient. For -as his principal aim must be to succeed, that interest should eclipse -all others in any man truly devoted to his profession and capable of -succeeding in it. But, on the other hand, the sagacious prince will -not neglect the equipment of his negotiators with every possible means -for acquiring friends and secret agents in all countries where his -interests are at stake, for these expenses well laid out bring back a -large return with usury to the prince who makes them, and do much to -smooth away the difficulties which lie in the path of his designs. And -he will soon be aware that if he does not employ this expedient his -ministers can indeed make but little progress in their negotiations. He -will win no new allies but risk losing old ones. - -[Sidenote: _Courage._] - -Courage is a most necessary quality in a negotiator; for, though the -law of nations should give him ample security, there are many occasions -in which he will find himself in danger, where he will have to rely -upon his own courage and resource to escape from a perilous position -without compromising the negotiation on which he is engaged. Thus no -timid man can hope to conduct secret designs to success: unforeseen -accidents will shake his faith, and in a moment of fear he may too -easily give away his secrets even by the passing expression of his -countenance and by the manner of his speech. And indeed a too great -concern for his personal safety may lead him to take measures highly -prejudicial to the duties he has to discharge. And at times when the -honour of his master is attacked his timidity may prevent him from -maintaining with the necessary vigour the dignity of his office and the -prestige of his King. A prelate who was an ambassador at Rome from King -Francis I. brought disgrace on his master because he failed to defend -him in the Consistory, where the Emperor, Charles V., attempted to cast -upon the French King the whole responsibility for the continuation of -the war, boasting falsely that he had offered to end it by a single -combat with François himself, and that the French King had refused. The -King was so furious that he gave the Emperor the lie in public, and -made known to the world his displeasure with his own ambassador for -failing to uphold the dignity of France. François there and then took -the resolution never to employ any man as French ambassador who was not -a practised swordsman, and thus he hoped to uphold the honour of his -house. - -[Sidenote: _Firmness in Dispute._] - -A good negotiator must not only be courageous in danger but firm in -debate. There are many men who are naturally brave, but cannot maintain -an opinion in dispute. The kind of firmness that is needed is that -which, having carefully and fully examined the matter, consents to -no compromise but pursues with constancy a resolution once adopted -till it is carried into effect. Compromise is the easy refuge of -the irresolute spirit. The lack of firmness of which I speak here -is a common fault of those who have a lively imagination for every -kind of accident which may befall, and hinders them from determining -with vigour and despatch the means by which action should be taken. -They will look at a matter on so many sides that they forget in which -direction they are travelling. This irresolution is most prejudicial -to the conduct of great affairs which demand a decisive spirit, acting -upon a careful balance of advantage and disadvantage, and pursuing the -main purpose without abatement. It is said that Cardinal Richelieu, -who perhaps took wider views than any man of his time, was somewhat -irresolute when he came to action, and that Father Joseph, the -Capuchin, a much narrower intelligence than the Cardinal, was of the -greatest value to him because, once a decision was taken, he pursued it -tenaciously, and often assisted the Cardinal in dismissing designs of -compromise by which crafty persons hoped to destroy the original plan. - -[Sidenote: _Genius no Substitute for Good Manners._] - -There are some geniuses born with such an elevation of character and -superiority of mind that they have a natural ascendancy over all whom -they meet. But a negotiator of this kind must take good care not to -rely too much on his own judgment in order to voice that superiority -which he has over other men, for it may earn for him a reputation for -arrogance and hardness; and just on account of his very elevation above -the level of common humanity, events may escape him, and he may be the -dupe of his own self-confidence. He must sometimes consent to meet -smaller men on their own ground. - -[Sidenote: _Value of Good Faith._] - -The good negotiator, moreover, will never found the success of his -mission on promises which he cannot redeem or on bad faith. It is a -capital error, which prevails widely, that a clever negotiator must -be a master of the art of deceit. Deceit indeed is but a measure of -the smallness of mind of him who employs it, and simply shows that -his intelligence is too meagrely equipped to enable him to arrive at -his ends by just and reasonable methods. No doubt the art of lying -has been practised with success in diplomacy; but unlike that honesty -which here as elsewhere is the best policy, a lie always leaves a drop -of poison behind, and even the most dazzling diplomatic success gained -by dishonesty stands on an insecure foundation, for it awakes in the -defeated party a sense of aggravation, a desire for vengeance, and a -hatred which must always be a menace to his foe. Even if deceit were -not as despicable to every right-minded man as it is, the negotiator -will perhaps bear in mind that he will be engaged throughout life upon -the affairs of diplomacy, and that it is therefore his interest to -establish a reputation for plain and fair dealing so that men may know -that they can rely upon him; for one negotiation successfully carried -through by the honesty and high intelligence of a diplomatist will give -him a great advantage in other enterprises on which he embarks in the -future. In every country where he goes he will be received with esteem -and pleasure, and men will say of him and of his master that their -cause is too good to be served by evil means. For if the negotiator -is obliged to observe with faithfulness all the promises which he has -made, it will be at once seen that both he himself and the prince whom -he serves are to be relied on. - -[Sidenote: _Perils of Deceit._] - -This is surely a well-known truth and so indispensable a duty that -it would appear superfluous to recommend it. At the same time many -negotiators have been so corrupted by converse usages that they -have forgotten the uses of truth--upon which I shall make but one -observation, which is, that the prince or minister who has been -deceived by his own negotiator probably began by teaching that -negotiator the lesson of deception; or, if he did not, he suffers -because he has made the choice of a bad servant. It is not enough to -choose a clever and well-instructed man for the discharge of high -political duties. The agent in such affairs must be a man of probity -and one who loves truth, for otherwise there can be no confidence in -him. It is true that this probity is not often found joined to that -capacity for taking wide views which is so necessary to a diplomatist, -nor is it always found in a man well stored with all the necessary -knowledge which we have already described as the equipment of a good -negotiator. I may be reminded that a prince is often obliged to use -diverse instruments in order to accomplish his ends, and that there -have been men of little virtue who proved themselves great negotiators -and in whose hands high affairs of state have prospered, and that men -of this type being restrained by no scruples have more often succeeded -in delicate negotiations than have the right men who have employed none -but honest means. - -[Sidenote: _Monsieur de Faber rebukes Cardinal Mazarin._] - -But let it be remarked that the prince who entrusts his negotiations to -this type of diplomatist cannot count upon their good services except -as long as he himself is prosperous. In difficult times, or at moments -when disgrace seems to have fallen upon him, these master-rogues will -be the first to betray him and to take service on the side of the -strong. Here then we find the final recommendation of the necessity -of employing honest men. I am reminded of the fine reply of Monsieur -de Faber, who was Marshal of France, to Cardinal Mazarin when this -great minister wished to bring over a man of substance, who shall be -nameless, to his own party. He entrusted the delicate duty to Monsieur -de Faber, charging him to offer great promises which he admitted he was -not in a position to redeem. Monsieur de Faber refused the commission -in these words: ‘Monseigneur, you will find many men ready to carry -false messages; but you have some need of honest men to speak the -truth. I beg of you to retain me for the latter service.’ - -[Sidenote: _Loose Livers make Bad Negotiators._] - -Finally, it is in a high degree dangerous to entrust an important -negotiation to a man of irregular life whose domestic and personal -habits are disorderly. How can one expect of such a man a greater -degree of order and of decency in public affairs than that which -he shows in his own private concerns, which ought indeed to be the -constant gauge of his capacity. If he is too fond of the gaming-table, -of the wine-glass, and of frivolous amusements, he is not to be -entrusted with the discharge of high diplomatic duty, for he will be -so unreliable that at moments when he seeks the satisfaction of his -ill-regulated desires he will be prepared to sell the highest secrets -of his master. - -[Sidenote: _The Cool Head._] - -A man who is naturally violent and easily carried away is ill fitted -for the conduct of negotiations; it is almost impossible for him to be -master of himself at those critical moments and unforeseen occasions -when the command of one’s temper is of importance, especially at the -acute moments of diplomatic controversy when a choleric word may poison -the minds of those with whom negotiations are in progress. It is also -difficult for any man who is easily irritated to remain master of his -own secret; for, when his anger is aroused, he will allow words to -escape him from which an adroit hearer will easily divine the essence -of his thought, and thus lead to the ruin of his plans. - -Before his elevation to the cardinalate, Cardinal Mazarin was sent on -an important mission to the Duke of Feria, Governor of Milan. He was -charged to discover the true feelings of the Duke on a certain matter, -and he had the cunning to inflame the Duke’s anger and thus to discover -what he would never have known if the Duke himself had maintained a -wise hold over his feelings. The Cardinal indeed had made himself -absolute master of all the outward effects which passion usually -produces, so much so that neither in his speech nor by the least change -in his countenance could one discover his real thought; and this -quality which he possessed in so high a degree contributed largely to -make him one of the greatest negotiators of his time. - -[Sidenote: _Spanish and Italian Characters._] - -A man who is master of himself and always acts with _sang-froid_ has -a great advantage over him who is of a lively and easily inflamed -nature. One may say indeed that they do not fight with equal arms; -for in order to succeed in this kind of work, one must rather listen -than speak; and the phlegmatic temper, self-restraint, a faultless -discretion and a patience which no trial can break down--these are -the servants of success. Indeed the last of these qualities, namely -patience, is one of the advantages which the Spanish nation has over -our own; for we are naturally lively, and have hardly embarked on one -affair before we desire the end in order to embark on another, thus -betraying a restlessness which continually seeks new aims. Whereas it -has been remarked that a Spanish diplomatist never acts with haste, -that he never thinks of bringing a negotiation to an end simply from -_ennui_, but to finish it with advantage and to profit from all the -favourable conjunctures which present themselves, amongst which our -impatience is his advantage. Italy has also produced a large number of -excellent negotiators who have contributed much to the high prestige -and temporal power of the Court of Rome, even to the point at which -we now see it. And we ourselves have the same superiority in the art -of negotiation over other northern nations which the Spaniards and -Italians have over us, from which it might appear that the degree -of intelligence varies in Europe with the degree of warmth of its -different climates. Now from all this it follows that a man who by -nature is strange, inconstant, and ruled by his own humours and -passions, should not enter the profession of diplomacy, but should go -to the wars. For as war destroys a great number of those who engage in -it, she is not so delicate in the choice of her subjects; she resembles -those good stomachs which can digest and assimilate with equal ease -every kind of nourishment that is given them--not indeed that a man -must not have high and excellent qualities before he can become a good -general, but because there are so many degrees of capacity in the army -that he who has not sufficient intelligence to arrive at the highest -remains half-way and may become a good subaltern or other officer whose -service is useful in his own sphere. But it is not the same with a -negotiator--if he is not adapted to his function he will often ruin -everything that is put under his charge and stain the good name of his -master with irreparable prejudice. - -[Sidenote: _Adaptability._] - -Not only must the negotiator be free from wayward humours and -fantasies, but he must know how to suffer fools gladly, how to -accommodate himself to the changing humours of others. He must indeed -be like Proteus of the fable, always ready to take a different figure -and posture according to occasion and need. Let him be gay and -agreeable with young princes still in the full enjoyment of daily -pleasures; let him be sage and full of counsel with those of more -serious years, and in everything let all his attention and care, all -his zeal and even his enjoyments and diversions, tend to the one sole -aim, which is to bring to success the great business in his charge. -Thus it will not always be enough that he should execute the exact -letter of his instruction; his zeal and intelligence should combine how -he may profit from all favoured conjunctures that present themselves, -and even should be able to create such favourable moments by which the -advantage of his prince may be served. There are even pressing and -important occasions where he is compelled to make a decision on the -spot, to undertake certain _démarches_ without waiting for the orders -of his master which could not arrive in time. But then he must have -sufficient penetration to foresee all the results of his own action, -and it were well also if he had acquired beforehand that degree of -confidence from his own prince which is commonly founded on a proved -capacity of good services. He may thus assure himself in moments of -sudden decision that he retains the confidence of his prince and that -his past success will plead in favour of his present actions. In the -absence of such conditions he would be a bold negotiator indeed who -entered into engagements in his master’s name without express order on -his master’s part. But on a pressing occasion he can hold such a thing -as eventually to be concluded with advantage to his prince, or at least -he may be able to prevent the matter in question from turning to his -disadvantage until he shall have received orders from him. - -[Sidenote: _Wealth, Birth and Breeding._] - -It is well that with all these qualities a negotiator, and especially -one who bears the title of ambassador, should be rich in order to be -able to maintain the necessary expenses of his office; but a wise -prince will not fall into the fault common to many princes, namely -that of regarding wealth as the first and most necessary quality in -an ambassador. Indeed he will serve his own interests much better by -choosing an able negotiator of mediocre fortune than one endowed with -all the wealth of the Indies but possessing a small intelligence, for -it is obvious that the rich man may not know the true use of riches, -whereas the able man will assuredly know how to employ his own ability. -And the prince should further remember that it is within his power to -equip the able man with all the necessary means, but that it is not in -his power to endow with intelligence one who does not possess it. - -It is also desirable that an ambassador should be a man of birth and -breeding, especially if he is employed in any of the principal courts -of Europe, and it is by no means a negligible factor that he should -have a noble presence and a handsome face, which undoubtedly are among -the means which easily please mankind. An evil-looking person, as -General Philopoemen said, will receive many insults and suffer much -trouble, like the man who was made to hew wood and draw water because -he looked like a slave. There are of course missions sent on special -occasions where nothing is needed but a great name and the prestige -of high birth--as, for instance, in the ceremonial occasions of a -marriage, or baptism, or the offer of good wishes on the accession of -a sovereign to the throne; but when the negotiation concerns important -affairs it must be entrusted to a man, not to a gaudy image, unless -indeed the image be a puppet in the hands of some crafty colleague -who, while possessing the whole secret of negotiation and keeping in -his hands all the threads of its designs, leaves the actual public -appearance to the ignorant but high-born gentleman whose sole trouble -is to maintain a fine table and a magnificent equipage. - -[Sidenote: _The Knowledge Necessary to a Negotiator._] - -A man born to diplomacy and feeling himself called to the practice -of negotiation must commence his studies by a careful examination of -the position of various European states, of the principal interests -which govern their action, which divide them from one another, of the -diverse forms of government which prevail in different parts, and of -the character of those princes, soldiers, and ministers who stand in -positions of authority. In order to master the detail of such knowledge -he must have an understanding of the material power, the revenues, and -the whole dominion of each prince or each republic. He must understand -the limits of territorial sovereignty; he must inform himself of -the manner in which the government was originally established; of -the claims which each sovereign makes upon parts which he does not -possess; for these ambitions are the very material of negotiation on -those occasions when a favourable turn of events prompts the ambitious -sovereign to hope that a long-cherished desire may be realised; and, -finally, the negotiator must be able to make a clear distinction -between the rights and claims which are founded on treaty obligation -and those which rest upon pure force alone. For his own instruction -he must read with the most attentive care all public treaties, both -general and particular, which have been made between the princes and -states of Europe and in our time; he should consider the treaties -concluded between France and the House of Austria as those which -offer the principal form and model for the conduct of all the public -affairs of Christendom on account of the network of liaisons with other -sovereigns which surrounds these two great Powers. And since their -disputes took their origin in the relations and treaties existing -between the King Louis XI. and Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, from -whom the House of Austria descends, it is vital that the negotiator of -our time should be well acquainted with all the treaties made at that -period and since; but especially all those which have been concluded -between the principal Powers of Europe beginning with the Treaty of -Westphalia right up to the present time. - -[Sidenote: _Europe is his Province._] - -Let him also study with understanding and open eye the modern history -of Europe. Let him read the memoirs of great men, the instructions and -despatches of all our ablest negotiators, both those which are printed -in public books and those which are stored in manuscripts in our Office -of Public Records, for these documents treat of great affairs, and -the reading of them will convey not only facts which are important -for the making of history, but also a sense of the true atmosphere -of negotiation, and will thus help to form the mind of him who reads -them and give him some clue to guide him in similar occasions on his -own career. One of the most profitable readings that I know for this -purpose is the despatch of Cardinal d’Ossat, of whose letters I make -bold to say, for a man entering upon negotiation, what Horace said to -the poets of his time regarding the works of Homer: That he should -have them in his hands night and day if he desires perfection in his -own art. In a simple and modest manner the despatches of this Cardinal -reveal the force and the address which were his great merit, and which, -in spite of the antiquity of his style, still give keen pleasure to -those who have a taste for good diplomatic writing. One may see thus -how by his ability alone, without the assistance of noble birth, -title, or other character than that of agent of his queen, Louise de -Vaudemont, widow of King Henry III., he was able gradually to conduct -the high enterprise of reconciling King Henry the Great with the Holy -See after the most famous ambassadors of the time had failed in it; -with what dexterity he escaped all the pitfalls laid for him by the -Roman Court, and all the traps which the House of Austria, then at -the height of its power, devised for his undoing. The reader will -marvel, as he turns each page, how nothing escaped his penetrating eye. -He will find even the least movements of Pope Clement VIII. and his -nephew the Cardinal recorded with care. He will see how Monseigneur -d’Ossat profited by everything, how he is firm as a rock when necessity -demands, supple as a willow at another moment, and how he possessed the -supreme art of making every man offer him as a gift that which it was -his chief design to secure. - -[Sidenote: _The Study of Famous Despatches._] - -Then again in the collection of manuscript despatches regarding -the negotiations of Münster, as well as in the memoirs of Cardinal -Mazarin, we may read the instructions to the French plenipotentiary, -which are indeed masterpieces of their kind, for in them the Cardinal -examines the interests of each European Power. He suggests overtures -and expedients for adjusting their differences with a capacity and -a clearness of view which is altogether surprising, and that in a -language which was not his own. His despatches on the Peace of the -Pyrenees, by means of which he conveyed to the King the results of his -conferences with Don Louis Dharo, Prime Minister of Spain, have also a -beauty of their own. We recognise in them also the superiority of his -genius and the easy ascendancy which he had gained over the spirit of -the Spanish minister with whom he was dealing. There are also other -manuscript despatches which deserve recognition. They are to be found -in great numbers in the Royal Library and in other collections of -books, as, for instance, those of De Noailles, Bishop of Acs, and of -Montluc, Bishop of Valence, in which one may also read the authentic -account of two noble and able men. We have, too, the letters of -President Jeannin, a man of great common sense and solid judgment, who -contributed largely to the consolidation of the young Republic of the -United Provinces by the twelve years’ truce which he prepared, and by -the wise counsels which he gave touching all matters of government in -that Republic. The reading of such letters as his is well designed to -form the judgment of him who will consent to read with intelligent care. - -[Sidenote: _Dynastic Liaisons._] - -In order to understand the principal interest of European princes, the -negotiator must add to the knowledge which we have just been describing -that of dynastic genealogies, so that he may know all the connections -and alliances, by marriage and otherwise, between different princes, -for these liaisons are often found to be the principal causes of -conflict and even of war. He must also know the laws and established -customs of the different countries, especially in all matters relating -to the succession to the throne and the prevailing habits of the court. -The study of the form of government existing in each country is very -necessary to the diplomatist, and he should not wait until his arrival -in a foreign country to study these questions; he should prepare -himself beforehand, for, unless he is equipped with a certain measure -of this knowledge, he will be like a man at sea without a compass. Our -own negotiators, who have never travelled before taking up some foreign -post and who therefore know nothing of these questions, are usually -so saturated in our own national customs and habits as to think that -those of all other nations must resemble them; the truth being that the -authority which one king has within his kingdom in no way resembles -that of the neighbouring monarch, although the superficial likeness -between royalty in every country is obvious to every eye. - -[Sidenote: _England and Poland._] - -There are, for instance, countries where it is not enough to be in -agreement with the prince and his ministers, because there are other -parties who share the national sovereignty with him and who have the -power to resist his decisions or to make him change them. Of this state -of affairs we have an excellent example in England, where the authority -of Parliament frequently obliges the King to make peace or war against -his own wish; or again in Poland, where the general Diets have an even -more extended power, in which one single vote in the Diet may bring to -nought the all but unanimous resolution of the assembly itself, and -thus not only defeat the deliberations of that assembly but bring to -nought the policy of the King and of the Senate. Therefore the good -negotiator in such a country will know where to find the balance of -domestic power in order to profit by it when occasion offers. - -Besides the general public interests of the state there are private -and personal interests and ruling passions in princes and in their -ministers or favourites, which often play a determining part in -the direction of public policy. It is therefore necessary for the -negotiator to inform himself of the nature of these private interests -and passions influencing the spirits of those with whom he has to -negotiate, in order that he may guide his action by this knowledge -either in flattering their passions, which is the easiest way, or by -somehow finding means to deflect such personages from their original -intentions and engagements and cause them to adopt a new line of -policy. Such an enterprise carried to success would indeed be a -masterpiece of negotiation. - -[Sidenote: _Testimony of the Duc de Rohan._] - -That great man, the Duc de Rohan, tells us in the treatise which he -wrote upon the interests of European sovereigns, that the sovereigns -rule the people and that interest rules the sovereign; but we may add -that the passions of princes and of their ministers often overrule -their interests. We have seen many cases in which monarchs have entered -engagements most prejudicial to themselves and their state under the -influence of passion. There need be no surprise on this account, for -the nations themselves are not free from this error, and are prepared -to ruin themselves in order to satisfy hatred, vengeance, and jealousy, -the satisfaction of which is often antagonistic to their veritable -interests. Without recourse to ancient history it would be easy to -prove by modern examples that men do not act upon firm and stable -maxims of conduct; that as a rule they are governed by passion and -temperament more than by reason. The bearing of this knowledge upon -diplomacy is that since the passion and caprice of men in authority so -largely influence the destiny of their subjects, it is the duty of the -able negotiator to inform himself as accurately as possible regarding -the inclination, state of mind, and the plans of men in authority -in order that this information may be placed at the service of his -master’s interests. And we may be sure that a negotiator who has not -laboured to acquire a fund of this general and particular information -will reason falsely regarding events, affairs of state, and men, and -is liable to make false estimates and give dangerous advice to the -prince who employs him. Such knowledge is not to be found in books -alone; it is more easily to be gathered by personal communication with -those engaged in public service and by foreign travel, for, however -profoundly one may have studied the customs, the policy, or the -passions of those who govern in foreign states, everything will appear -differently when examined close at hand, and it is impossible to form -a just notion of the true character of things except by first-hand -acquaintance. - -[Sidenote: _Importance of Foreign Travel._] - -It is therefore desirable that before entering the profession of -diplomacy the young man should have travelled to the principal courts -of Europe, not merely like those young persons who on leaving the -academy or college go to Rome to see the beautiful palaces and the -ancient ruins, or to Venice to enjoy the opera and the courtesans; he -should indeed embark on his travels at a somewhat riper age when he is -more capable of reflection and of appreciating the form and spirit of -government in each country, and of studying the merits and faults of -princes and ministers--doing all this with the deliberate design of -returning to these countries at a future day with profit to himself -and his master. Travel conducted on these lines obliges the traveller -to keep a vigilant eye upon everything that comes under his notice. It -would be well that in certain cases they should accompany the King’s -ambassadors or envoys as travelling companions after the manner of the -Spaniards and the Italians, who regard it as an honour to accompany the -ministers of the Crown on their diplomatic journeys. There is nothing -better calculated for instruction upon the manner of events in foreign -countries or for the training of a young man to represent his own -country abroad. - -[Sidenote: _Foreign Languages Indispensable._] - -It is highly desirable that such novices in diplomacy should learn -foreign languages, for thus they will be protected from the bad faith -or the ignorance of interpreters, and from the grave embarrassment of -having to use them for the purpose of audiences with the sovereign. -It is obvious, too, that an interpreter may be a betrayer of secrets. -_Every one_ who enters the profession of diplomacy should know the -German, Italian, and Spanish languages as well as the Latin, ignorance -of which would be a disgrace and a shame to any public man, for it is -the common language of all Christian nations. It is also very useful -and fitting for the diplomat, on whom grave national responsibility -rests, to have such a general knowledge of science as may tend to -the development of his understanding, but he must be master of his -scientific knowledge and must not be consumed by it. He must give -science the place which it deserves, and must not merely consider it -as a reason for pride or for contempt of those who do not possess it. -While devoting himself to this study with care and attention he must -not become engrossed in it, for he who enters the public service of his -King must consider that he is destined for action and not for academic -study in his closet; and his principal care must be to instruct himself -regarding all that may affect the lives of living men rather than the -study of the dead. His professional aim is to penetrate the secrets and -hearts of men; to learn the art of handling them in such a manner as to -make them serve the great ends of his royal master. - -[Sidenote: _A Rule for the Diplomatic Service._] - -If one could establish a rule in France that no one should be employed -in negotiation until he had passed some such apprenticeship as this, -and had shown his capacity to profit by study and travel in rendering -a good account of the countries which he had seen; and, further, if -one could also establish the rule in the same manner that no high -command in the army can be entrusted to an officer who has not made -many campaigns, we should be more confident that the King would be well -served in his negotiations, and that by these means he would be able -to raise up around him a large number of reliable negotiators. This is -a most desirable end, for as we have seen there are many actions in -which the perfect practice of the art of negotiation is not less useful -than that of war, and that in France at the present time the art of war -stands far above that of diplomacy in public esteem. - -[Sidenote: _Rewards for Service._] - -But as men are not yet perfect enough to serve without hope of reward, -it is desirable that there should be in France a higher degree of -honour and fortune for those who have deserved well of their country -in diplomacy, as indeed there are in many other courts in Europe where -the King’s subjects have gained high distinction in that branch of the -public service. There are indeed countries in which the distinguished -diplomatist may hope to reach the highest place and most exalted -dignities in the realm, by which means we in France may learn to raise -the profession of diplomacy to that degree of public recognition which -it deserves, and from which the service of the King and the greatness -of the kingdom must certainly profit. - -[Sidenote: _On the Choice of Diplomatists._] - -The right choice of negotiators depends upon their personal quality, -their training, and to some extent their fortune, and as the endowments -of mankind vary in a wide degree, so it is found that one kind will -fit better into the office of diplomacy than another. At the same time -there are men of such wide capacity that they can be safely employed -in very different enterprises, and even in very different countries. -Such men by their adaptability, by the receptiveness of their nature, -and the pliancy of their character are well fitted for the province -of diplomacy, and quickly accommodate themselves to new surroundings. -It should be the aim of all governments to develop a whole race of -such men from whose ranks they may draw their diplomatic agents. It is -true that in any one generation there will only be a few geniuses of -the first order, and that the rank and file of the diplomatic service -will be composed of persons of a more limited type, in which case it -is all the more incumbent upon the Minister for Foreign Affairs to -exercise the greatest care in assigning ambassadors to foreign posts. -He must therefore be well acquainted with the whole service in order -to know where to lay his hand upon the appropriate person for any given -enterprise. - -[Sidenote: _The Three Professions._] - -There are, broadly speaking, three principal human professions. The -first is the Ecclesiastical; the second is that of the Gentlemen of -the Sword, which besides those actually serving in the army includes -courtiers and squires and other ranks of gentlemen in his Majesty’s -service; and the third is the profession of the Law, whose devotees -in France are called ‘Gentlemen of the Cloth.’ There are not many -countries where ecclesiastics can be employed in diplomacy, for one -cannot properly send them to heretical or infidel countries. At Rome, -which appears to be their home, their attachment to the Pope, and their -desire to receive honours from him as well as other benefits which -depend upon service at his Court, undoubtedly places them under the -suspicion of following too closely the Jesuitical maxims which rule -papal policy, and often operate to the prejudice of the temporal power -of other kings. - -[Sidenote: _The Example of Venice._] - -The Republic of Venice has shown much wisdom in this matter, for she is -so convinced of the partiality of Venetian prelates towards the Holy -See that not only does she exclude them from all diplomatic offices in -connection with the Court of Rome, but she actually excludes them from -all discussion of the political relation between Venice and Rome. It -is obvious indeed to all that a dignitary of the Church owes a divided -allegiance, and it seems probable that where his loyalty to the Church -conflicts with his loyalty to his sovereign, the former is likely to -prevail. Indeed, the more closely one examines the proper duties of a -bishop, for instance, the more firmly convinced does one become that -these duties are not compatible with those of an ambassador; for on -the one hand it is not fitting that a minister of religion should -run about the world and thus neglect those duties which should have -first claim upon him, and on the other, as we have seen, political -and ecclesiastical allegiance may come into collision with disastrous -results. And surely a state must be poorly endowed with men if it can -find nowhere but in the Church a sufficiency of adept diplomatists. I -am the last to dispute the great services which certain prelates have -rendered to the French state in the past, but I consider it useful to -be guided as a general rule by the foregoing considerations. - -[Sidenote: _The Ambassador a Man of Peace._] - -The best diplomatist will usually be found to be a man of good birth, -sometimes a knight trained to the profession of arms, and it has -occasionally been found that a good general officer has served with -success as an ambassador, especially at a time when the military -affairs of either state were prominent subjects of negotiation. But -diplomacy is not to be regarded as linked with war, for, although war -arises out of policy, it is to be regarded as nothing more than a means -to an end in itself. Therefore the ambassador should be a man of peace; -for in most cases, and certainly wherever the foreign court is inclined -towards peace, it is best to send a diplomatist who works by persuasion -and is an adept in winning the good graces of those around him. In -either case it will be observed that the public interests will be best -served by appointing a professional diplomatist who by long experience -has acquired a high aptitude for the peculiar office of diplomacy. -Neither the soldier nor the courtier can hope to discharge the duties -of diplomacy with success unless they have taken pains to instruct -themselves in public policy, and in all that region of knowledge which -I have already described as necessary for the negotiator. - -[Sidenote: _Lawyer Diplomats._] - -It is true that sometimes a lawyer diplomat has made a great success -of negotiation, especially in countries where the final responsibility -for public policy lay with public assemblies which could be moved by -adroit speech, but in general the training of a lawyer breeds habits -and dispositions of mind which are not favourable to the practice -of diplomacy. And though it be true that success in the law-courts -depends largely upon a knowledge of human nature and an ability to -exploit it--both of which are factors in diplomacy--it is none the less -true that the occupation of the lawyer, which is to split hairs about -nothing, is not a good preparation for the treatment of grave public -affairs in the region of diplomacy. If this be true of the advocate or -barrister, it is still more true of the magistrate and judge. The habit -of mind engendered by presiding over a court of law, in which the judge -himself is supreme, tends to exclude those faculties of suppleness and -adaptability which are necessary in diplomacy, and the almost ludicrous -assumption of dignity by a judge would certainly appear as arrogance in -diplomatic circles. I do not say that there have not been great lawyers -and great judges who were endowed with high diplomatic qualities, but -again I place these considerations before my readers in the belief that -the more closely they are observed the more surely will they lead to -efficiency in the diplomatic profession. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy demands Professional Training._] - -Let me further emphasise my conviction, which, alas, is not yet shared -even by ministers of state in France, that diplomacy is a profession by -itself which deserves the same preparation and assiduity of attention -that men give to other recognised professions. The qualities of a -diplomatist and the knowledge necessary to him cannot, indeed, all -be acquired. The diplomatic genius is born, not made. But there are -many qualities which may be developed with practice, and the greater -part of the necessary knowledge can only be acquired by constant -application to the subject. In this sense diplomacy is certainly a -profession itself capable of occupying a man’s whole career, and those -who think to embark upon a diplomatic mission as a pleasant diversion -from their common task only prepare disappointment for themselves and -disaster for the cause which they serve. The veriest fool would not -entrust the command of an army to a man whose sole badge of merit was -his successful eloquence in a court of law or his adroit practice of -the courtier’s art in the palace. All are agreed that military command -must be earned by long service in the army. In the same manner it -should be regarded as folly to entrust the conduct of negotiations to -an untrained amateur unless he has conspicuously shown in some other -walk of life the qualities and knowledge necessary for the practice of -diplomacy. - -[Sidenote: _Fatality of Bad Appointments._] - -It often happens that there are men in public life who have won a -reputation for themselves without earning it. That is possible in the -political world, which has many camp followers and hangers-on of all -kinds, and there is always a risk that a minister in search of an -ambassador for a foreign post will use the occasion to pay an old -debt to some powerful patrician family or to some blackmailer behind -the scenes. Those who take the responsibility of appointing to high -diplomatic offices persons of this character are responsible before -God and man for all the injuries which may thereby accrue to the -public interest. It cannot be too plainly stated that, while in many -cases where trouble has arisen the negotiator himself is to blame, -the true responsibility must rest with the minister at home, who not -only devises the policy itself but chooses the instruments of it. It -is therefore one of the highest maxims of good government that the -public interest must be supreme, and that therefore both the prince -himself and his ministers must steel themselves to resist the pressure -of friends and relations who seek employment for unworthy persons. -In diplomacy, above all things, since peace and war and the welfare -of nations depend upon it, the best minds, the most sagacious and -instructed of public servants should be appointed to the principal -foreign posts regardless of the personal affairs of the prince himself -or the party attachments of the chosen ambassadors. - -[Sidenote: ‘_We have fools in Florence, but we do not export them._’] - -Nothing should stand in the way of the creation of a vigilant, -sagacious, and high-minded diplomatic service. Men of small minds -should content themselves with employment at home, where their errors -may easily be repaired, for errors committed abroad are too often -irreparable. The late Duke of Tuscany, who was a remarkably wise and -enlightened prince, once complained to the Venetian ambassador, who -stayed over-night with him on his journey to Rome, that the Republic -of Venice had sent as resident at his court a person of no value, -possessing neither judgment nor knowledge, nor even any attractive -personal quality. ‘I am not surprised,’ said the ambassador in reply; -‘we have many fools in Venice.’ Whereupon the Grand Duke retorted: ‘We -also have fools in Florence, but we take care not to export them.’ - -The Duke’s remarks show how important it is in every respect to choose -the right man for the diplomatic service, and, in order to give the -Foreign Minister an adequate freedom of choice, his diplomatic service -should contain men of different characters and a wide variety of -accomplishments. Thus he will not be compelled to send an unsuitable -man merely because he was the only one available. He should have -most careful regard in this choice to the type of government and the -religion which prevails in the foreign country in question. There used -to be a jest current in Paris on this very subject. The French King had -sent a bishop to Constantinople and an heretic to Rome, and it was said -that the one had gone to convert the Grand Turk and the other to be -converted by the Pope! - -[Sidenote: _The Persona Ingrata._] - -Apart from any higher consideration, it is a mere measure of prudence -to avoid sending an envoy who may be presumed to be a _persona ingrata_ -at the foreign court, for he will certainly, whether he will or not, -create a prejudice against his own country and will be quite unable to -meet his competitors in diplomacy on equal terms, for he will start -with the handicap of unpopularity. The Foreign Minister, therefore, -should not wait until matters go wrong at a foreign capital, but should -be in a position, when each appointment is made, to know the character -of the new ambassador, and thus to veto a bad appointment. This, alas, -is not by any means always the case. I do not need to enter upon a -minute examination of the faults to avoid and the virtues to encourage -in the complete diplomat. I have already said enough to show where -my opinion lies in a general way. I will only add one or two further -considerations. I said a few moments ago that loose living is a great -handicap in diplomacy; but, since there is no rule which has not some -exception, let me point out that a too abstemious negotiator will miss -many opportunities of finding out what is going on. Especially in the -northern countries the diplomat who loves a glass will quickly make -friends among ministers, though, to be sure, he should drink in such a -manner as not to lose control of his own faculties while endeavouring -to loosen the self-control of others. - -[Sidenote: _The Nation judged by its Servants._] - -In diplomacy a nation is judged by its ministers, and its whole -reputation may rest upon the popularity or unpopularity of an -ambassador. In this respect the personal conduct of the ambassador -and his staff is almost as important as the policy with which he is -charged, for the success of the policy will depend largely upon the -actual relations which exist between the two nations. The ambassador -is, as it were, the very embodiment of these relations, and if a -proper adept in his profession will know how to turn every occasion to -advantage. I need not repeat my tale of the qualities and practices -by which such advantage may be drawn from the current of events, but -I may perhaps point out that obviously men of birth and breeding are -better able to discharge the kind of function which I have described. -Their rank will command a certain respect, and the qualities usually -inherited by those of good birth should stand them in good stead at a -foreign court. At the same time such qualities must not be regarded as -more than a foundation. They cannot in themselves equip a diplomatist -for his office. He must by assiduous application acquire the other -necessary qualities, for there is no man more liable to suspicion than -he who plumes himself on an experience which he does not possess. -Further, it is usually unwise to entrust important negotiations -to young men, who are commonly presumptuous and vain as well as -indiscreet. Old age is equally inappropriate. The best time of life is -its prime, in which you find experience, discretion, and moderation, -combined with vigour. - -[Sidenote: _Men of Letters._] - -Other things being equal, I prefer a man of letters before one who has -not made a habit of study, for his reading will give him a certain -equipment which he might otherwise lack. It will adorn his conversation -and supply him with the necessary historic setting in which to -place his own negotiations; whereas an ignorant man will be able to -quote nothing but the will of his master, and will thus present his -argument in a naked and unattractive form. It must be obvious that the -knowledge gained in a lifetime of reading is an important adjunct in -diplomacy, and above all, the reading of history is to be preferred, -for without it the negotiator will be unable to understand the meaning -of historical allusions made by other diplomatists, and may thus miss -the whole point at some important turn in negotiations. And since it is -not enough to think aright, the diplomatist must be able to translate -his thoughts into the right language, and conversely he must be able to -pierce behind the language of others to their true thoughts. It may -often happen that an historical allusion will reveal the purpose of a -minister’s mind far better than any direct argument. Herein lies the -importance of culture in diplomacy. The name of orator has sometimes -been given to ambassadors because in certain past times they have -been in the habit of delivering their instructions in the form of an -eloquent address; but diplomatic eloquence is a very different thing -from that of Parliament or the Bar. An ambassador’s speeches should -contain more sense than words, and he should studiously avoid every -affectation. His aim should be to arouse the minds of his hearers by a -sympathetic touch, after which it will be easy to deliver his message -in an appropriate way. He should therefore at the outset think rather -of what is in their minds than of immediately expressing what is in his -own. It is in this that true eloquence consists, and indeed the words I -have just used are the beginning and end of all diplomacy. - -[Sidenote: _The Fitting Mode of Address._] - -In general his mode of address, whether he speak to the sovereign or -to his ministers, should be moderate and reserved. He should not raise -his voice but should maintain the ordinary conversational tone, at -once simple and dignified, revealing an innate respect both for his -own high office and for the person whom he is addressing. He should, -above all things, avoid the prolix, pompous approach which is natural -to princes who attach more importance to ceremonial than to the essence -of any matter. But if the ambassador be called upon to deliver his -message to a Senate or a Parliament, he will bear in mind that the -means for gaining the good graces of an individual and of an assembly -are by no means the same. In such public speech he may permit himself a -certain freedom of rhetoric, but even here he must beware of prolonging -his speech beyond a tolerable limit. The reply of the Spartans to -ambassadors from the Isle of Samos stands as a warning for all times -against prolixity: ‘We have forgotten the beginning of your harangue; -we paid no heed to the middle of it, and nothing has given us pleasure -in it except the end.’ God forbid that any French negotiator should -receive so damning a rebuff! - -[Sidenote: _The Well-Stored Mind._] - -Even at the best of times a man of good sense will not rely entirely on -his native wit. He will find that knowledge of historical precedents -will often act as a lever with which to remove obstacles from his -path. Such knowledge of history, and particularly the true aptitude -in applying it to current events, cannot be learned except by long -experience. Even in those cases where success has attended the -efforts of an amateur diplomatist, the example must be regarded as an -exception, for it is a commonplace of human experience that skilled -work requires a skilled workman. The more important the business on -hand, the more vital it is that ministers of state should ensure for -themselves the services of trained men. I am well aware that even the -greatest courts sometimes neglect this vital precaution, and fill their -embassies with improper persons, mainly because the minister or the -prince had not sufficient strength of mind to resist appeals made on -illegitimate grounds such as that of family influence. It will usually -be found that the real expert does not push himself or his claims, and -that the superior minds in diplomacy, as in other walks of life, are -not found crying their wares at every street corner, but must be sought -out with care in their own closets. It is also to be observed that in -previous times the profession of diplomacy stood too low in public -esteem to attract the services of first-class men--partly because -higher emoluments were to be earned elsewhere, and partly on account of -the prolonged absence from home which diplomatic service entails. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy an Honourable Exile._] - -If diplomacy be a labour in exile, the state should see to it that -it is at least an honourable exile. To counteract this drawback, the -home government should so reform the system of diplomacy that it may -offer attractions to the most ambitious as well as to the most refined -spirits. There is no reason why not merely honour but adequate daily -recompense for his services should not be offered to the diplomatists -from the very beginning of their career. Having regard to the expenses -which fall upon the diplomatists of all ranks in their service abroad, -and in maintaining the honour of their own profession and their -country, the prince will be well advised to pay good salaries and in -other ways to mark his esteem of the diplomatic profession. Thus and -thus alone can a prince gather round him a diplomatic bodyguard worthy -of the name. If he follows this advice, his diplomatic service will -quickly outstrip all others and a deeper mutual confidence will arise -between himself and his diplomatic agents upon which the success of all -his negotiations will rest secure. No diplomatist is less to be envied -than he who finds himself at a foreign court bereft of the confidence -of his own. - -[Sidenote: _Value of a Well-Equipped Service._] - -Now the equipment of the state in diplomacy will be incomplete unless -the diplomatic service contains within its ranks so large a number of -practised and seasoned diplomatists that the King may be able to retain -several of them at his side as special advisers in foreign affairs. In -every campaign the true commander will take as much trouble for his -reserves as for his first line of attack, and similarly the position -of reserves in diplomacy has a great importance, for it means not only -that the Minister for Foreign Affairs will have at his elbow a number -of skilled diplomatists to assist him in a moment of crisis, but also -that when one of the embassies abroad suddenly falls vacant his choice -of a successor will not be too narrowly restricted. He thus will be -able to avoid the fatal practice, which has prevailed too often in -recent French history, of having to choose an ambassador haphazard at -the last moment from among the courtiers and hangers-on at the palace. - -[Sidenote: _The Right Man in the Right Place._] - -The nature of the business on hand must largely govern the choice of -the ambassador who is appointed to carry it out, and if the diplomatic -service be large enough and varied enough it will certainly contain -within its ranks many different characters showing a wide variety of -aptitude. Thus in all those secret negotiations which are so necessary -in order to prepare the ground for treaties it is often found that the -ambassador himself is not the best person to employ. It may be highly -embarrassing for him to attempt to combine such secret negotiations -with the ordinary duties of his office, and therefore a clever man who -is not yet clothed with the prestige of high office is a more proper -agent for this kind of secret traffic. The very fact that the high -public position of an ambassador is apt to make the court and the -general public familiar with his person and his face is certainly a -drawback to his employment on more secret affairs, and though it is -true, as we have said, that part of the business of an ambassador is -that of an honourable spy, he should beware of doing any of the spying -himself. Most of the great events in recent diplomatic history have -been prepared by ministers sent in secret. The Peace of Münster, one -of the most intricate negotiations I have ever known, was not really -the work of that vast concourse of ambassadors and envoys which met -there and appended their signatures to the document. The essential -clauses of that treaty were discussed and drawn up by a secret agent of -Duke Maximilian of Bavaria sitting at a table in Paris with Cardinal -Mazarin. In a similar fashion the Peace of the Pyrenees was concluded -as the result of secret negotiations at Lyons between Cardinal Mazarin -and Pimentel, the secret envoy of the Spanish King; and finally, the -Peace of Ryswick, to which I was a party throughout the negotiation, -was devised by the same secret diplomacy before its public ratification -in Holland in the year 1697. - -[Sidenote: _Each Embassy a Miniature of the Whole Service._] - -Now the bearing of these considerations upon the organisation of -diplomacy is fairly clear. If it is only a question of maintaining -good relations between one state and another and of rendering a more -or less correct account of all that happens at a foreign court, a -diplomatist with a couple of secretaries will suffice, and indeed -in ordinary times it is undoubtedly better not to have more than one -diplomatist of the same rank at any foreign court. But it is equally -obvious that there are occasions when it is of the highest advantage to -maintain a more elaborately equipped mission at a foreign court, and -even to send two or three diplomatists of higher rank to assist in the -conduct of negotiations and in the other activities of diplomacy. This -is of course true whenever a peace conference is about to meet, for -negotiations of that character require great preparation beforehand, -and it would be impossible for a single diplomatist to overtake all -the work which is necessary in such circumstances together with the -manifold duties of his own office. In a certain sense the embassy -itself should be a reproduction in miniature of the whole diplomatic -service. - -[Sidenote: _Variety of Talent._] - -There is undoubtedly room in all the larger embassies for a great -variety of talent, which will find an appropriate field of action if -the head of the mission is wise enough to give the younger men their -chance. For instance, it sometimes happens that an embassy will find -it is in a country distracted by civil war, and then the best practice -of the ambassador will be severely tested. If he has encouraged his -juniors to form relationships of various kinds with different parties -in the country for the purpose of acquiring information, he will find -that on the outbreak even of so distracting a commotion as civil war he -has the means within his own embassy of keeping touch with both sides -in the dispute. Naturally he will find it a difficult and delicate task -not to be embroiled with either side; but he will certainly find all -his previous trouble amply repaid by the fulness of the information -which he receives from both sides. On no account should he allow -prejudice regarding social rank or political opinion to stand in the -way of the formation of useful relations between members of his staff -and different parties in the country. He himself is debarred from -such action, and indeed if he were alone with nothing but one or two -secretaries to assist him, it would be quite impossible for him to -know what was passing in either camp, and he would have to rely on -second-hand information which he was not in a position to test. Still -worse would be his case if, having become the personal friend of the -chief of one of the parties, he should find the other party coming into -power, and thereafter treating him as an enemy. - -[Sidenote: _Merit the only Standard._] - -Such considerations must ever be borne in mind by the Minister for -Foreign Affairs. But least of all men should he be influenced by -regard for rank, social station, or political opinion in his choice of -attachés and other persons in any rank in diplomacy. Especially where -he is about to despatch an embassy to a state under popular government, -he will remember that the ambassador will require many agents to keep -him in touch with all the different parties. It is therefore to be -observed that those embassies which are sent to popularly governed -states must be chosen with greater care and equipped with a more varied -staff than those despatched to a foreign court where the government -rests entirely in the hands of the King. - -[Sidenote: _The Diplomatic Hierarchy: Ambassadors._] - -Before discussing in detail the duties of negotiators, I shall -describe the different titles which they receive, and the functions -and privileges attached to their office. Negotiators are of two -kinds: of the first and second order. Those of the first order are -Ambassadors Extraordinary and Ambassadors Ordinary. Those of the second -are Envoys Extraordinary and Residents. Ambassadors extraordinary -receive certain honours and distinctions not accorded to ambassadors -ordinary. The ambassadors extraordinary of crowned heads are lodged -and entertained in France for three days, by order of the King, in -residences set aside for them, while ambassadors ordinary are not so -entertained by the King, though in other respects they enjoy the same -honour and privileges as the former. These privileges consist in the -enjoyment under international law of immunity and security, in the -right to remain covered before the King in public audiences because -they represent their masters, in the privilege of being borne in the -King’s coach, and of driving their own coaches into the inner court of -the Louvre. They have still their own dais in the audience-chamber, -while their wives have a seat by the Queen; and they are permitted to -drape the driving seat of their coaches with a special saddle cloth. In -France the ambassadors of the Dukes of Savoy enjoyed the same honours -as those of the crowned heads of Europe. Abroad the King’s ambassadors -enjoy different ceremonial rights according to the customs established -in different courts. The French ambassador in Rome, for instance, -gives his hand to the ambassadors of certain crowned heads and of -Venice, but there are certain ambassadors of other sovereigns who do -not receive this courtesy, though at other courts it is accorded to -them by the French ambassador. The French ambassador takes first rank -in all ceremonies in Rome after the ambassador of the Emperor. These -two ambassadors receive the same salary, and are treated otherwise on -a footing of equality. There are several courts at which the French -ambassadors give their hand to certain princes of equality in the -country: in Spain, for instance, we find the Grandees; in London, the -Peers of the Realm; in Sweden and in Poland the Senators and Grand -Officers; but to the negotiators of the rank of envoy this courtesy is -not accorded. The King does not send an ambassador to the Electorates -of Germany, but conducts his negotiation with them merely by means of -envoys. - -[Sidenote: _Envoys Extraordinary._] - -Envoys extraordinary are public ministers who do not possess the right -of presentation which attaches alone to the title of ambassador, but -they enjoy the same security and immunity under the law of nations. -They do not make a state entry into a foreign capital in the manner -of ambassadors, but are presented in audiences to the King by the -diplomatic usher, who fetches them from their private residence in -one of the King’s coaches; they speak to his Majesty standing and -uncovered, the King himself being seated and covered. The Emperor on -the other hand receives the envoys of the King standing and covered, -and remains in this condition throughout the entire audience, the -envoy alone of all those present standing uncovered.... The title of -plenipotentiary is sometimes given to envoys as well as to ambassadors -according to the occasion. For instance, the ministers whom the King -maintains at the Diet of Ratisbon receive the title of plenipotentiary -although they are not ambassadors. Residents are also public ministers, -but this title has been somewhat degraded since the distinction was -drawn both at the French Court and at the Court of the Emperor between -them and envoys, with the result that nearly all foreign negotiators in -France who bore the title of resident have relinquished it by order of -their masters, and have assumed that of envoy extraordinary. None the -less the title is still found in Rome and in other courts and republics -where the residents are treated as envoys. - -[Sidenote: _Secret Envoys._] - -There are certain secret envoys who are only received in private -audiences but enjoy the same immunity as public envoys, and from the -moment in which they present their credentials are recognised as public -ministers. There are also secretaries and agents attached to the court -for various forms of public business, but they are not received in -audience by the King in France; they do all their business with the -Secretary of State or the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and though -themselves not recorded as ministers have also enjoyed the protection -and immunity under international law which is accorded to foreign -ambassadors. No subject of the King can be received as minister or -representative of a foreign prince, nor can they conduct his affairs in -France except as agents of the Secretary of State, the only exception -being the ambassador from Malta, who is usually a French Member of -the Order, and to whom the King accords the right to remain covered in -public audience as representative of the Grand Master of the Order, who -himself is recognised as possessing sovereign rights. - -[Sidenote: _Agents of Small States._] - -Only princes and sovereign states have the right to clothe their -messengers with the character of ambassador, envoy, or resident. The -agents of small states or of the free states are called deputies; they -are not public ministers, and they are subject to the jurisdiction of -the country like any private citizen; they do not enjoy immunity under -the law of nations, though by custom deputies from provinces and from -free cities are accorded immunity and security in practice during their -deputation as a proof of the good faith of the prince in negotiation. -In the same manner private citizens provided with passports may travel -free from molestation. There are certain states in Italy which, though -neither sovereign Powers nor subject to another sovereign, have yet -conserved the right to send deputies with the title of ambassador to -the sovereign under whose sway they live. These are the cities of -Bologna and Ferrara, which send diplomatic deputations to the Pope -in this manner, and the city of Messina, which retained the right of -sending ambassadors to the King of Spain before the last rising. There -are similarly several Spanish cities which do not now retain this -right. These ambassadors of states or subject provinces resemble in -some manner those whom the Roman people used to receive from their own -free provinces, from the cities and colonies subject to Roman rule, -to whom the name of _Legati_ was given, a name which still occurs in -all Latin diplomatic documents. There are certain free cities, such as -Hamburg and Lübeck, which send commissaries to certain princes; but as -a rule they are merely commercial agents engaged upon such matters of -business as the purchase and sale of merchandise and the conditions of -letters of exchange. - -[Sidenote: _Precedence._] - -Now although the position of an ambassador extraordinary is something -more honourable than that of the ambassador ordinary they are -practically treated alike if there is an equality between the princes -whom they represent. The title of extraordinary gives no other -superiority over the ambassador ordinary except in pure matters of -precedence. Envoys extraordinary and residents stand in somewhat of the -same relation, that is to say, that the resident of a prince of higher -rank takes precedence over an envoy extraordinary of a prince of lesser -rank. It is not, however, the same between ambassadors and envoys. -The envoy of a crowned head must yield the place of honour to the -ambassador of a lesser sovereign as in the following example. An envoy -of the Emperor at the French Court some years ago took his seat at a -public entertainment in the place which was reserved for the ambassador -ordinary of the Duke of Savoy, and asserted his right to it on the -ground of the difference in rank between their respective masters; but -the dispute was decided in favour of the ambassador as holding superior -rank without regard to the difference in the rank of their respective -princes; and the envoy of the Emperor was obliged to leave the position -which he had taken and yield it to the ambassador of Savoy. - -[Sidenote: _The Title of Excellency._] - -The title of excellency has been given to ambassadors extraordinary -and ordinary, but it is not accorded to envoys unless they claim it on -some other ground, as, for instance, that they are ministers of state -or senators, or other high officers at a royal court. This title of -excellency is not in common use at the French Court, as it is in Spain, -Italy, and Germany, and the kingdoms of the north, and you will only -find foreigners in France addressing the King’s ministers or other -officers of the court with that title. But foreign negotiators of all -kinds are addressed by that title as a mark of courtesy to the rank -which they hold. - -[Sidenote: _Legates, Nuncios, and Internuncios._] - -The Court of Rome has three different degrees of titles by which to -mark the rank of her ministers in foreign courts. The first is that of -_Legato a latere_, the second is that of Ordinary or Extraordinary -Nuncio, and the third is the Internuncio. The first of these is always -a cardinal, to whom as a rule the Pope gives very wide powers both -for the affairs of papal diplomacy and for the administration of -dispensations and other privileges of the Holy See. They are received -at all Catholic Courts with extraordinary honours: in France at their -presentation they are attended by the princes of the blood; they -remain seated and covered in audience with the King, whereas both -ambassadors and even papal nuncios speak to him standing. These legates -have a further honour accorded neither to nuncios nor ambassadors in -France, namely the right to eat at the King’s table at the banquet of -reception given by his Majesty in their honour. The Cross is carried -before them to mark their ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which, however, -is strictly limited in France, and is recognised in certain specified -cases for the verification of Papal Bulls at the Parliament of Paris, -to which they must present them before attempting to put them into -force. Nuncios both ordinary and extraordinary are usually prelates of -the rank of archbishop or bishop. They are received and presented by -a prince of the royal blood at their first and final audiences with -the King, no difference being made between the nuncio extraordinary -and the nuncio ordinary except that the former takes precedence of -the latter if there are two present in the same Chamber. None the less -the prelates of the Court of Rome prefer the title of nuncio ordinary -at the Courts of France, Spain, and of the Emperor, because it is a -shorter and a surer road to the cardinal’s hat, which is the goal of -their aspirations. As regards their appointment, when the Pope desires -to send a nuncio ordinary to the French Court, he presents the French -ambassador in Rome with a list of several dignitaries of the Church, -from which the King may exclude those who are not agreeable to him. -The papal nuncios in France give their hand to the Secretary of State -for Foreign Affairs, but not to bishops or archbishops received on -ceremonial visits. They have no ecclesiastical jurisdiction in France -in the sense in which they possess it in Vienna, in Spain, in Portugal, -in Poland, and in many other Catholic states, where they are recognised -as valid judges in various cases, and have the power of dispensation in -the same way as the archbishops or the diocesan bishop. In France they -are only entitled to receive the confession of faith of those whom the -King has nominated to bishoprics and to inquire regarding their life -and habits. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomatic Privileges._] - -Ambassadors, envoys, and residents all possess the right to exercise -freely the religion of their King, and to admit to such ordinances -their own nationals living in the foreign country. In matters of -law diplomatists of rank are not subject to the jurisdiction of the -judges of that foreign country where they reside, and both they and -their household enjoy what is called extra-territoriality, their -embassy being regarded as it were the house of the King himself, and -as being an asylum for his nationals. But this privilege carries its -corresponding duty. No blame can be too severe for those ministers -abroad who abuse this right of asylum in sheltering under their roof -evilly disposed persons, either those condemned to death for crime, or -those who are engaged upon any business which renders them unworthy of -the protection of the King. The sagacious diplomat will not compromise -the authority of his master for any such odious reason as the attempt -to confer immunity upon a criminal. It must suffice for him that his -own right of asylum is kept inviolate, and he must never employ it -except on extraordinary occasions in his master’s service, and never -indeed for his own private profit. On the other hand, the King must -expressly forbid his judges, bailiffs, or private citizens to violate -the law of nations in the person of a foreign envoy, who is always -recognised as under the protection of international law. And wherever -insult is offered to a foreign envoy, the prince himself must repair it -without fail in the same manner in which he would expect return for a -like insult to his own minister abroad. - -[Sidenote: _Abuse of Immunity._] - -It sometimes occurs that ministers abuse the right of free passage, -which they possess for their own provisions and the equipment necessary -for their establishment, to carry on a clandestine trade from which -they draw large profits by lending their name to fraud. This kind -of profit is utterly unworthy of the public minister, and makes his -name stink in the nostrils of the King to whom he is sent as well as -to his own prince. A wise minister may be well content to enjoy the -large privileges to which he is entitled in every foreign country -without attempting to abuse them for his own private profit, or by -countenancing any fraud which is committed under the protection of his -name. The Spanish Government was obliged a few years ago severely to -regulate these privileges for all foreign envoys residing in Madrid, -and the Republic of Genoa found it necessary to adopt the same somewhat -humiliating precautions in order to prevent diplomatists from engaging -in illicit traffic. The privileges conferred by the law of nations upon -envoys abroad permit full freedom in their proper duty of labouring to -discover all that passes in the council-chamber of his Majesty, and -to take steps to form close relations with those best able to supply -this information, but they are not to be interpreted as covering any -attempt to form a conspiracy against the public peace; for the same -international right which covers the person of a diplomatist must also -be held to cover the peace and security of the kingdom to which he is -accredited. Therefore the diplomatist will be on his guard against any -action which may seem to lend the authority of his name or office to -revolutionary plots or to other hostile acts against the peace of the -realm. Should he neglect this precaution, he may find himself treated -as an enemy. - -[Sidenote: _Henry IV. and the Duke of Savoy._] - -Charles Emanuel the first Duke of Savoy maintained certain connections -in France with some of the principal peers at the Court of Henry IV., -and engaged with them in plots and cabals. He attended the French Court -under the pretext of paying his respects to the King, but in reality -with the intention of spreading his own influence and fortifying -his own designs, which were to prevent Henry IV. from forcing him -to restore the Marquisate of Saluse which he had usurped. The King -discovered the Duke’s intrigue, and held a cabinet meeting on the -matter. The Council was of opinion that the Duke had come under a false -show of friendship in order to disturb the peace of the realm, that the -King was therefore fully within his rights in laying hands upon him -as upon an enemy, that in consequence of his own acts the Duke could -claim no immunity, and that therefore the King would be justified in -preventing him from leaving France until he had restored the marquisate -in question. But the King did not agree with his ministers, but said: -‘The Duke came to visit me on my parole. If he has failed in his duty -I do not wish to imitate so evil an example, and I have so fine a -precedent in my own house that I am compelled to follow it rather than -to follow the Duke.’ In this he spoke of Francis I., who in a similar -case gave the Emperor Charles V. a free passage through France without -insisting that he should relinquish the Duchy of Milan; and although -several of the King’s counsellors at that time were of opinion that -he should profit by the opportunity to compel the Emperor to restore -the duchy, which indeed he had several times promised to do, Francis -I. preferred to maintain his own honour above every other interest. -Henry IV. acted on the same principle; he permitted the Duke of Savoy -to depart unmolested after heaping honours and entertainments upon him, -but the moment the Duke had returned to his own Court the King demanded -the restitution of the Marquisate of Saluse according to his promise. -The Duke refused, whereupon the King invaded Savoy, occupied the whole -duchy, and compelled him to keep his word, not only to the extent of -the marquisate but of several other parts which he was compelled to -cede to the King by a treaty concluded at Lyons, on the 17th January -1601. - -[Sidenote: _Reparation for Abuse of Immunity._] - -Those who think that one may lay forcible hands upon a sovereign -who has broken his word will easily persuade themselves that in a -similar case no international law can protect the person of a mere -minister; but those who are really well instructed in the law of -nations and in the question of sovereign rights are of opinion that a -foreign envoy being subject to the laws of the country where he lives -it is not possible to put into motion against him the machinery of -domestic justice, that the only redress for wrongs done by him is an -appeal to his master, and that if his master refuses reparation the -responsibility must lie with him and not on his minister abroad who -merely executes his order. This privilege, be it remembered, extends -not merely to the ambassadors themselves but often to their servants, -as is illustrated in the following example. - -[Sidenote: _The Merargue Conspiracy._] - -King Henry IV., whom one may take as a model for princes, was warned -by the Duke de Guise of the Merargue Conspiracy in which a Provençal -squire named Merargue had entered into an arrangement with Dom -Balthazar de Zuniga, the Spanish ambassador, to hand over the city -of Marseilles to the Spaniards at a moment of profound peace. The -King arrested not only Merargue, but also the private secretary to -the Spanish ambassador, a man named Bruneau. Both were convicted of -conspiracy. Merargue was executed, and the King handed over the private -secretary to his own ambassador, saying that he would be glad to see -Bruneau sent across the frontier, though he himself reserved the right -to demand satisfaction from the Spanish King for Bruneau’s misdemeanour. - -[Sidenote: _Immunity a Function of Sovereignty._] - -Now if princes had the right to proceed against foreign envoys at their -courts, the latter would never feel themselves secure, because then it -would be easy to get rid of any of them on flimsy pretexts, and the -precedent once set up in a good case would surely be followed in many -cases where nothing but idle suspicion could be brought against the -envoy in question. This indeed would be the end of all diplomacy. Of -course it is true that a minister who breaks faith cannot expect others -to keep faith with him, especially if he is engaged upon conspiracies -or any of those practices against the prince and safety of the realm -of which I have spoken. But even in such a case the wise prince will -not break the law of nations, which should always be respected. He -will rather use his good offices at the court whence the erring envoy -came in order to have him withdrawn. At the same time it is always -permissible to place a watch upon a faithless ambassador, in order to -hinder him in practices which would otherwise do harm to the state, -and of course on the other part a wise ambassador will certainly avoid -falling into such intrigues, for the very protection which he enjoys -under the law of nations is a guarantee of his person and of his good -behaviour. Benefits under it are reciprocal, and the reciprocal duties -which it imposes should be scrupulously observed. If they are not, no -law of nations can guarantee an intriguing ambassador for ever against -the fury of the populace once they are aroused by suspicion. - -[Sidenote: _Its Abuse undermines True Diplomacy._] - -On all these grounds the minister is to be pitied who receives commands -from his master to form cabals in a foreign state, and he will need all -his skill and courage to carry out such commands without being trapped -in the process. It has been truly said that there is no service which -a prince may not expect from good subjects and faithful ministers, but -such obedience cannot be held to cover any action against the laws of -God or of justice, which do not countenance for one moment attempts -on the life of a prince, or against the security of the state, or any -other unfriendly act committed under cover of the protecting title of -ambassador. A good ambassador will always discourage plans of this -kind, and if his master persists in them he may and should demand his -recall, and retire into obscurity, jealously guarding his sovereign’s -evil secret. In justice to most reigning sovereigns it must be said -that few of them engage in designs of this kind. The vast majority of -intrigues and cabals are made in their name in foreign states, or are -suggested to them by their ministers or by astute diplomatists, who -undertake to carry them out, and through them to confer great benefits -upon the prince himself. But these diplomatists are often the first to -fall into traps set by their own hand, and are then objects of pity to -no man. Numerous examples of this kind can be quoted, and I think no -one will challenge the truth of my observation when I say that in nine -cases out of ten diplomatists who give such advice are actuated more -by personal ambition or petty spite than by the true interests of the -nation they serve. - -[Sidenote: _Secret Service No Abuse of Immunity._] - -But let me not be misunderstood, there is all the difference between -the attempt to debauch the subjects of a sovereign prince in order to -ensnare them in conspiracy against him, and the legitimate endeavour to -use every opportunity for acquiring information. The latter practice -has always been permissible, and indeed is a necessary part of -diplomacy. No criticism can fall upon a foreign envoy who successfully -adopts the practice; the only culprit in such a case is the citizen of -a foreign state who from corrupt motives sells information abroad. -Apart from considerations of international law the interest of the -public peace demands the preservation of the privileges of foreign -envoys, for otherwise wars would be even more frequent than they -are, because no prince would permit insults to his ministers to go -unavenged. They are rightly resented, and the prince may pay heavily in -his own peace of mind and the repose of his subjects for a moment of -passion. He need do no more, however, than demand satisfaction for the -bad conduct of any foreign envoy, and if he has just cause of complaint -he will probably receive it. In any case the dismissal or recall of an -ambassador will be read as a pointed lesson to all his colleagues in -diplomacy, who will then understand that the price of evil conduct is -the humiliation of dismissal. - -[Sidenote: _The Credentials of an Ambassador._] - -When an ambassador is sent to a foreign court, his master gives him a -letter addressed to the foreign prince requesting him to give the same -credence to the bearer of the letter as to its writer. This despatch is -called a letter of credence, which thus establishes the identity of its -bearer and stands as the hall-mark of his office. In France there are -two sorts of letters of credence: one called _Lettre de Cachet_, which -is despatched and countersigned by the Secretary of State for Foreign -Affairs, and sometimes also called _Lettre de la Chancellerie_. The -other is written by the hand of one of the royal private secretaries, -and signed by the King himself; it is countersigned by any minister, -and is usually handed direct in private audience to the foreign prince -to whom it is addressed. The former type of letter is presented in -ceremonial public audience. When a negotiator is appointed by his -prince to a free state or an assembly, which for this purpose is -treated as though it were a court, he does not receive letters of -credence, but his character and identity are fully established in his -full powers, which he must exchange with ministers on arriving. The -document known as full powers is an authorisation by the prince to his -representative abroad to undertake all kinds of public business, the -results of which the sovereign himself agrees to accept by the proxy of -his minister; but as a rule in such full powers the particular matter -under discussion is carefully specified, and the authority to act is -confined to it. - -[Sidenote: _Full Powers._] - -There are two kinds of full powers: one deriving directly from -the sovereign and the other from his deputies, that is to say, -his ministers of state who have sufficient authority to nominate -plenipotentiaries in his absence. Such powers are particularly -desirable where the states lie far apart from one another. In such -negotiations as those between the Court of Madrid and the Low -Countries, or the different Italian states, the advantage of this -procedure is obvious.... Passports are of course merely letters which -establish the identity and good faith of the person as distinct from -the representative of state, and they are given even in time of war in -order to secure a safe passage between countries at war for ministers -engaged upon negotiation which may lead to peace.... - -[Sidenote: _Instructions._] - -The instruction is a written document containing a statement of the -principal intentions of the prince or the state; it is to be regarded -as a general aid to memory and a general guide to conduct. It is -secret and must be retained under the control of him who receives it, -though of course there are occasions on which he will receive the -command to communicate specific portions of it to a foreign minister -or a foreign prince. Such communication is regarded as a rule as a -mark of special confidence, but on the other hand it often happens -that two instructions are given, one the ostensible, that is to say -it is drawn up in such terms that it can be shown to other princes, -and the other secret, which contains the true and final intentions of -the prince himself. But even the latter type of instruction is subject -to alteration by the daily despatches which the negotiator receives -from home, and which ought to be read as so many new instructions -drawn up in accordance with the reports which he has transmitted to -his own court. It follows therefore that the manner of reports which -a negotiator despatches to his home government will have a large -influence upon the type of instruction which he receives from time to -time. - -[Sidenote: _Oral Instructions._] - -The Minister of Foreign Affairs may prefer not to put the instructions -and intentions of his royal master into writing but to deliver them -orally, because then he has a greater freedom of interpretation -according to circumstances as they arise, than he would have if he -were bound by the written word. There is further a danger that such -instructions when committed to paper may be wittingly or unwittingly -left in the hands of some foreign diplomatist belonging to the opposite -party. The risks thus incurred are too obvious to need any emphasis of -mine. Whereas if the instructions be left in oral form, they can at -least be repudiated if a dangerous situation were to arise from their -being made known to an enemy prince. There are of course occasions -where it is impossible not to commit to writing instructions given to -a plenipotentiary, but it is a good rule in all negotiation to delay -the issue of formal and binding instructions to as late a date in the -negotiations as possible, so that the general lines upon which it is -likely to proceed may be present to the mind of the minister who draws -them up for the guidance of the ambassador. - -It is not permissible without a serious violation of the law of nations -to compel a minister to show his instructions in order to prove his -good faith, nor is it permissible for a minister to communicate it in -any form without an express command from his master, for he can fully -rely on his letter of credence to establish both his identity and his -good faith; besides which he is equipped with full powers in which the -business of his negotiation is always fully described. - -[Sidenote: _Discretionary Freedom._] - -Now such instructions may be as judicious and astute as can be -imagined, but their use will lie in the wise interpretation by -the diplomatist himself; and, as I have pointed out, the really -able negotiator will always know how best to execute his master’s -commands so that the instructions received from him may be drawn up -on information which is both up-to-date and adequate. Thus it is that -while the final responsibility for all success or failure in diplomacy -would seem to rest upon the King and his ministers at home, it is none -the less true that since these ministers can only act upon information -from abroad, the influence which an enlightened diplomatist can -exercise upon the actions and designs of the home government is very -large. Incapable men acting abroad will make nothing even of the most -brilliant instructions; capable men by the accuracy and sagacity of -their reports and suggestions can do much to improve even the most -mediocre instructions, and therefore the responsibility for diplomatic -action is in reality shared in about equal degree between the home -government and its servants abroad. The home government cannot know -when the opportunity for appropriate action will arise, and therefore -the reports on foreign situations which are transmitted in despatches -from diplomats abroad ought to be so designed as to present as far as -possible an intelligent description of events. - -[Sidenote: _Value of the Trained Mind._] - -What an astonishing diversity and inequality there is in the conduct of -men. No one, not even a minister of state, would think of building a -house without the assistance of the best architect and the best workmen -whom he could find; but it is the commonest occurrence to find that -those who are charged with the transaction of very important state -business, upon which the weal or woe of the whole realm depends, never -think of entrusting it to trained minds, but give it to the first -comer, whether he be a cunning architect or a mere hewer of stone. -Therefore ministers and other persons in authority are culpable in -a high degree if they do not secure for the foreign service of the -state the most capable and sagacious men. For the errors in diplomacy -sometimes bring more calamitous results than mistakes in other walks -of life, and unless the negotiator can intelligently discern the -coming event, he may plunge himself, his master, and his native land in -irretrievable disaster. - -[Sidenote: _Incompetence the Parent of Disaster._] - -It is a crime against the public safety not to uproot incapacity -wherever it is discovered, or to allow an incompetent diplomatist to -remain one moment longer than necessary in a place where competency -is sorely needed. Faults in domestic policy are often more easily -remedied than mistakes in foreign policy. There are many factors in -foreign affairs which lie beyond the control of the ministers of any -given state, and all foreign action requires greater circumspection, -greater knowledge, and far greater sagacity than is demanded in home -affairs. Therefore the government cannot exercise too great a care in -its choice of men to serve abroad. In making such a choice the Foreign -Minister must set his face like a flint against all family influence -and private pressure, for nepotism is the damnation of diplomacy. He is -in some sense the guarantor to his Majesty of those whom he presents -as diplomatists. Their good success will do him honour, their failure -will fall with redoubled force upon his head, and may require herculean -efforts by him in order to repair the damage it has caused. Hence it -is of the first interest, both for the Foreign Minister himself and -for the well-being of the state, to see that the high public offices -of diplomacy are not filled by the intrigues and personal cabals -which reign at every court, and which often place in the King’s hands -unworthy instruments of his policy. - -[Sidenote: _The Diplomatist prepares Himself for a Foreign Mission._] - -Now when a diplomatist has been appointed to a foreign post his -first care should be to ask for the despatches of his predecessor -in order that he may inform himself exactly of the state of affairs -with which he will have to deal. He will thus be able to pick up the -thread and to make use both of the knowledge and of the different -personal relationships which have gathered round the embassy during -his predecessor’s term of office. And as all public affairs are like a -great network, one linked with another, it is of the first importance -that a diplomatist proceeding to a foreign post should be a complete -master of recent history both in regard to his own state and in regard -to the relations which exist between the country of his new service -and all neighbouring countries. Therefore, when the newly appointed -diplomatist has read with care the despatches of his predecessor, he -should make notes upon them, endeavouring to foresee the difficulties -which he will meet both in such trivial matters as a novel ceremonial, -or in the more weighty business of state, so that he may be able to -discuss them with his own Foreign Minister, and thus receive what -enlightenment he can. - -[Sidenote: _He must study his own Foreign Office._] - -Now, no matter how far-seeing a minister may be, it is impossible -for him to foresee everything or to give such ample and at the same -time precise instructions to his negotiators as to guide them in all -circumstances which may arise. It is therefore of the first importance -that the newly appointed diplomatist travelling to a far country should -devote all his time before his departure to the discovery of the real -intentions and designs of his own Foreign Office. In a word, he should -saturate his mind with the thoughts of his master. He should not only -consult those who have discharged diplomatic duties at the foreign -court to which he is about to proceed, but should make it his especial -care to keep touch with those who have lived in the country in any -quality whatsoever, and to acquire from them all the knowledge which -they may possess. Even the humblest of such persons may be able to give -him information which will help him to regulate his conduct abroad. -And before his departure he should certainly strike up an acquaintance -with the ambassador representing the country to which he is about -to proceed, in order that he may get from him private letters of -recommendation, and further, in order that he may persuade him of his -own earnest desire to do all in his power to establish good relations -between the two states. He should let it be known to the foreign -ambassador in question that he will lose no opportunity of bearing -witness to the success of his mission and to the esteem which he has -won at home. In so doing he will be able rapidly to acquire new and -powerful friends in his new sphere of labour. For it is a commonplace -of human experience that men will do as they are done by: reciprocity -is the surest foundation of friendship. - -[Sidenote: _Choice of a Staff._] - -The careful diplomatist will pay the same attention to the choice -of his domestics as to more important subjects. Those about him -must do him credit. A well-ordered household served by reliable and -well-mannered persons is a good advertisement, both of the ambassador -and of the country whence he comes, and in order that they may have no -excuse for ill-regulated conduct, he should set a high example before -them in his own person. His choice of a private secretary is perhaps -the most important of all, for if he be light-headed, frivolous or -indiscreet, he may do his master irreparable harm; and if he be a -person liable to get into debt, his embarrassment may be the cause -of very serious trouble. Some years ago the private secretary of a -French ambassador sold the private cipher of the embassy for a large -sum in order to wipe out his debts. Thus the ambassador’s despatches -were intercepted and read, with very grave results upon the relations -between the two countries, in spite of the fact that the obvious -interest of both lay in the same direction. The necessity for having -faithful and able men as secretaries has given rise to the belief that -it would be very useful to establish them in rank as a part of the -public service of the King, and thus to restore a custom which was -abolished some time ago in France. It would be a desirable practice, -for thereby a large body of men might be trained in the diplomatic -service of the Crown from whom ambassadors and envoys could be drawn. -This is the practice in several foreign countries, and there is no -doubt that it leads to the improvement of the whole diplomatic service. -For if the secretaries and attachés are selected and paid by the King’s -government they will tend to acquire a careful efficiency and _esprit -de corps_ which will be the best protection for his secrets. And it -is obvious that as long as the choice of such persons is left to the -personal decision of the ambassador alone there is always a risk that -he will not be able to offer a sufficient sum to command the services -of good men. Thus the adequate payment and proper official recognition -of such junior diplomatists is a necessary part of any true reform of -the foreign service, and it would certainly be a great relief to most -ambassadors to take the responsibility of choice off their shoulders -as well as the burden of paying secretaries for their services. The -state will certainly be well repaid if such a policy as I suggest -be adopted, for diplomacy will then become the school in which good -workmen will rapidly learn the use of their tools. - -[Sidenote: _First Steps at the Foreign Court._] - -On arrival at a foreign court a negotiator should make himself and -his mission known to the proper authorities at the earliest possible -moment, and request a private audience with the prince in order that he -may establish contact immediately, and thus prepare the way for good -relations between his master and the foreign sovereign. When he has -taken the necessary steps for this purpose he should be in no hurry to -embark upon any important steps but should rather study the _terrain_. -For this purpose he should remain a watchful, silent observer of the -habits of the court and of the government, and if he be in a country -where the prince is really the ruler, he should study with the greatest -assiduity the whole life and habits of the latter; for policy is not -merely a matter of high impersonal design, it is a vast complexity in -which the inclinations, the judgments, the virtues and the vices of -the prince himself will play a large part. Occasions will constantly -arise in which the adroit negotiator who has equipped himself with this -knowledge will be able to use it with the highest possible effect. -And he should test his own conclusions by comparing notes discreetly -with other foreign negotiators of the same court, especially if they -have had a long residence there. Up to a certain point co-operation -between foreign ambassadors is not only permissible but desirable -and necessary. And since no prince, not even the most autocratic, -discharges the duties of government entirely by himself without -confiding in one or more favoured ministers, the negotiator should -make it his business to know much of the ministers and confidants -surrounding the King who have his fullest confidence, for in the same -manner as described above personal qualities, opinions, passions, -likes, and dislikes are all relevant subjects of study, and should be -carefully observed by every negotiator who means business. - -[Sidenote: _Relations with Colleagues._] - -When a foreign envoy arrives at a court and has been received by -the prince, he should inform all the other members of the Corps -Diplomatique either by a squire of his suite or by a secretary. They -will then pay him their first visit, but he will receive no visits -until he has gone through the formality of announcing to each in turn -his own arrival; and at a court where there are ambassadors of several -kings, each on arrival should pay his respects first of all to the -French ambassador, who everywhere takes first rank. The Spaniards, -who adopted every form of chicane for a whole century in order to -avoid the recognition of French precedence, which for that matter is -an immemorial right of the French King, finally recognised it by the -public declaration, made by Philip IV. to his Majesty in 1662 by the -Marquis de la Fuente, the Spanish ambassador in Paris, which arose out -of the violent dispute in London between the Count d’Estrade and the -Baron de Vatville, after which no Spanish ambassador would consent to -be present at any ceremony attended by the French ambassador. Various -other attempts have been made to dispute French supremacy, but with no -result.... - -[Sidenote: _Report of First Impressions._] - -After he has fully informed himself of all such matters and placed -himself in such a position as to know immediately whether the prince -has changed his mind or transferred his confidence from one servant to -another, he should set all these things down faithfully in a despatch -to his home government, presenting a full picture of the court as he -sees it, and at the same time setting down the conclusions which he has -drawn from his observations. He should not fail to indicate the methods -by which he proposes to act, or the means he proposes to use, in order -to carry out the commands which he has received. At the same time he -will not fail to keep his own knowledge up to date, and to use it for -finding and keeping open every possible avenue of approach to the -prince to whom he is accredited, or to his ministers and favourites. -There is no doubt that the surest and best way in which the negotiator -can establish good relations is to prove to both courts that their -union is of great mutual advantage. It is the essential design of -diplomacy to confer such a mutual advantage, and to carry policy to -success by securing the co-operation in it of those who might otherwise -be its opponents. Success won by force or by fraud stands upon a weak -foundation. Diplomatic success, on the other hand, won by methods which -confer reciprocal benefits on both parties, must be regarded not only -as firmly founded, but as the sure promise of other successes to come. -I am not so foolish as to suppose, however, that this method can be -applied in every situation. There are times when it is necessary for -the negotiator to exploit the hatreds, passions, and jealousies of -those with whom he deals, and therefore occasion will arise when it -is easier and more fruitful to appeal to prejudice rather than to any -estimate of the true and permanent interests of those concerned. As we -have observed above, both kings and nations often plunge into reckless -courses of policy under the impulse of passion, and as a rule throw -overboard all consideration of their veritable interests. - -[Sidenote: _Character and Whims of the Foreign Prince._] - -The high elevation of crowned heads does not prevent them from being -human; and indeed in some ways it lays them open to certain weaknesses -of which lesser men by reason of their position are largely free. There -is a certain pride of position, a certain arrogant self-esteem, which -is only to be found in highly placed persons, and which is most marked -in kings and ministers. On this account, and on account of the actual -power their exalted position puts into their hands, kings are open to -persuasion and flattery in a way in which men of lower degree cannot -be approached. This consideration must ever be in the mind of the good -negotiator, who should therefore strive to divest himself of his own -feelings and prejudices, and place himself in the position of the King -so that he may understand completely the desires and whims which guide -his actions. And when he has done so he should say to himself: ‘Now, if -I were in the place of this prince, wielding his power, subject to his -passions and prejudices, what effect would my mission and my arguments -have upon me?’ The more often he thus puts himself in the position -of others, the more subtle and effective will his arguments be. And -it is of course not only in matters of opinion that this use of the -imagination is valuable, it is more particularly in all those personal -aspects where the power to give pleasure by flattery or any other means -is effective. - -[Sidenote: _The Use of Compliments._] - -No one will forget that crowned heads, and even their ministers -themselves, are accustomed from birth to the submission of those -around them, to receive their respect and praise. This unbroken -experience of the obedience of others is apt to make them very -sensitive to criticism, and unwilling to listen to contradiction. -There are few princes to whom it is easy to speak the truth, and -since it is not part of the business of the negotiator except on rare -occasions to speak home truths at a foreign court, he will avoid as -far as possible everything which may wound the royal pride which is -the natural result of the manner in which princes are reared. On the -other hand, he will never give empty praise nor applaud a reprehensible -act, and where praise is given as it is deserved, the negotiator must -know how to clothe it in chaste and dignified language. And since -princes are accustomed to hear their praise sung constantly, they -become connoisseurs in praise and good judges of a timely compliment. -It is the higher art of the subtle courtier to know how to deliver -a well-turned compliment to his King, and above all, if the King is -endowed with real intelligence, never to praise him for qualities which -he does not possess. Any fool can earn the esteem of a prince who is -also a fool by indiscriminate praise. Wise men will rely on their own -merits and on the good sense of the King wherever they have the good -fortune to serve a monarch so endowed. To praise a King for those -things which are inherent in his position, such as riches, spacious -mansions, and fine clothes, is merely stupidity. A King who is worth -praising will only value your praise if it is given to qualities which -he knows to be praiseworthy. In this matter the negotiator must be -sufficiently worldly-wise always to remember that the good favour of -the ladies of the court is to be won by different means than that -of his Majesty or the ministers. And since, as I have pointed out -elsewhere, the approach to the King and his ministers may perhaps be -most easily made through feminine influence, the negotiator will study -carefully the character and weaknesses of all the ladies at the court -so as to keep these useful and attractive avenues open for his use. - -[Sidenote: _Craft at the Card-table._] - -The methods of giving pleasure, as I say, must vary. One of the most -illustrious and sagacious ambassadors of our time, a friend of my -own, neglected nothing, but he used to say that there was no surer -road to the good-will of a sovereign than to allow him to win at the -card-table, and that many a great enterprise had been conducted to -success by the little pile of gold coins which passed from him to his -royal opponent at the gaming-table. My friend used to say in jest that -he had played the fool at foreign card-tables in order to prove that he -was a wise man at home! His jest bore a truth within it which I hope -every negotiator will lay to heart.... - -[Sidenote: _Common-sense Pleas._] - -The pleas which I have set out above are, I believe, applicable in -most situations, but of course there are variations to be observed. It -is not always easy for a negotiator on leaving home to remember how -great a difference there is between his own court and that to which he -proceeds. For whether the foreign country which is his new home stands -on equal terms with his own or whether it be a Power of lower station -in the world, the vast differences in national outlook between them -must be fully understood before the negotiator can make any progress. -It is therefore his first business, whatever be the magnitude and -splendour of the court to which he is accredited, to win the general -favour by showing a genuine and sincere interest in the welfare of his -new associates, and in all the customs of the court and the habits of -the people; and on his arrival he should show himself ready to share -information both with his new colleagues in the Corps Diplomatique, -and with the ministers of the King to whom he is sent. Let me lay some -insistence on this. It will be observed that if a negotiator has the -reputation of speaking freely on many subjects, it is not improbable -that those who have secrets to reveal may speak the more freely to -him. A negotiator of my acquaintance to whom I look with high regard -once said: ‘Diplomacy is like a chain of ten links in which perhaps -only one is missing to make it complete: it is the business of the -diplomat to supply the tenth link.’ This is true, and I believe that -the diplomatist who is least enwrapped in secrecy will most quickly -and surely discover it. It is therefore important that the negotiator, -being well equipped with all kinds of information, should be guided -by a sound judgment in the use of it. He should realise that in all -information there are only one or two items which are of the first -importance, and that therefore the freedom with which he uses the rest -need not in any way imperil his master’s plans. The more freely he can -share such information, and the more carefully he bestows his praise -upon individuals, the more surely will men say of him that he is a -reliable person, and will turn to him in moments of crisis. - -[Sidenote: _The Clockmaker’s Patience._] - -Every right-minded man desires to stand well in the eyes of those with -whom he transacts business, and therefore he will give some trouble to -all those devices for securing the good-will of men to which I have -referred. If he finds in the course of his work that the prince himself -or any one of his ministers is ill-disposed towards him or intractable -in discussion, he must not on that account allow himself to imitate the -fault, but must redouble his efforts in the contrary direction. Indeed -he must behave as a good watchmaker would when his clock has gone out -of order: he must labour to remove the difficulty, or at all events to -circumvent its results. He must not be led aside by his own feelings. -Prejudice is a great misinterpreter’s house in all public affairs. - -[Sidenote: _A High Ideal._] - -It might seem that the ideal which I now set up for the negotiator is -one too high for any man to reach. It is true that no man can ever -carry out his instructions without a fault, but unless he has before -him an ideal as a guide he will find himself plunged in the midst of -distracting affairs without any rule for his own conduct. Therefore I -place before him these considerations: that despite all disappointments -and exasperations he must act with _sang-froid_; he must work with -patience to remove all obstacles that lie in his path, whether they are -placed there by accident or act of God or by the evil design of men; he -must preserve a calm and resolute mind when the conjunctures of events -seem to conspire against him; and finally, he must remember that if -once he permit his own personal or outrageous feelings to guide his -conduct in negotiation he is on the sure and straight road to disaster. -In a word, when events and men are unkind he must never despair of -being able to change them, nor again when they smile upon his efforts -must he cherish the illusion that their good favour will endure for -ever. - -[Sidenote: _The Negotiator’s Twofold Function._] - -The functions of a minister despatched on a mission to a foreign -country fall into two principal categories: the first to conduct -the business of his master, and the second to discover the business -of others. The first of these concerns the prince or his ministers -of state, or at all events those deputies to whom are entrusted -the examination of his proposals. In all these different kinds of -negotiation he must seek success principally by his straightforward -and honest procedure, for if he attempts to succeed by subtlety or by -a sense of superiority over those with whom he is engaged he may very -likely deceive himself. There is no prince or state which does not -possess some shrewd envoy to discern its real interests. And indeed, -even among people who seem to be the least refined, there are often -those who know their own interests best, and follow them with the most -constancy. Therefore the negotiator, no matter how able he may be, must -not attempt to teach such persons their own business, but he should -exhaust all the resources of his mind and wit to prove to them the -great advantage of the proposals which he has to make. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy a Commerce in Benefits._] - -An ancient philosopher once said that friendship between men is -nothing but a commerce in which each seeks his own interest. The -same is true or even truer of the liaisons and treaties which bind -one sovereign to another, for there is no durable treaty which is not -founded on reciprocal advantage, and indeed a treaty which does not -satisfy this condition is no treaty at all, and is apt to contain the -seeds of its own dissolution. Thus the great secret of negotiation is -to bring out prominently the common advantage to both parties of any -proposal, and so to link these advantages that they may appear equally -balanced to both parties. For this purpose when negotiations are on -foot between two sovereigns, one the greater and the other the less, -the more powerful of these two should make the first advance, and even -undertake a large outlay of money to bring about the union of interests -with his lesser neighbour, for his own self-interest will show him -that he has really the greater object and the larger advantages in -view, and that any benefits he may confer or subsidies which he may -grant to his weaker ally will be readily repaid by the success of -his designs. Now, as we have said, the secret of negotiation is to -harmonise the interests of the parties concerned. It is clear that if a -negotiator excludes the honest and straightforward method of reason and -persuasion, and adopts on the contrary a haughty and menacing manner, -then obviously he must be followed by an army ready to invade the -country in which he has put forth such provocative claims. Without such -a display of force his claims will fall to the ground, even though by -advantageous arguments they might have prevailed with the prince whom -he addressed, and who might have accepted them had they been proposed -in a different manner. When a prince or a state is powerful enough to -dictate to his neighbours the art of negotiation loses its value, for -then there is need for nothing but a mere statement of the prince’s -will; but when there is a balance of force an independent prince -will only decide to favour one of the two parties of a dispute if he -discerns advantages to himself and good results to the prosperity of -his realm. - -[Sidenote: _Harmony the Ideal State._] - -A prince who has no powerful enemies can easily impose tribute on all -neighbouring Powers, but a prince whose aim is self-aggrandisement -and who has powerful enemies must seek allies among the lesser states -in order to increase those friendly to him; and if possible he should -be able to prove his power by the benefits which an alliance with -him can confer upon them. Therefore the principal function of the -negotiator is to bring about a harmonised union between his master and -the sovereign to whom he is sent, or else to maintain and increase -existing alliances by every means in his power. He must labour to -remove misunderstandings, to prevent subjects of dispute from arising, -and generally to maintain in that foreign country the honour and -interests of his prince. This includes the protection and patronage -of his subjects, assistance to their business enterprises, and the -promotion of good relations between them and the subjects of the -foreign prince to whose court he is accredited. He must always assume -that there is no prince nor state in the world which does not desire to -avoid a condition of crisis, and that those princes who love to fish -in troubled waters will never lack the means to stir them up, but that -the storms which such men conjure up are apt to overwhelm them, so that -the wise negotiator will do all he can to avoid giving provocation, -and will conduct himself in such a manner that no one will be able to -impute reckless motives to him. - -[Sidenote: _The Search for Information._] - -His second function being the discovery of all that is happening at -court and in the cabinet, he should first of all take steps to learn -from his predecessor all that he knows regarding the state of affairs -in the country to which he is about to proceed and to acquire from -him those hints and suggestions which may be of use. He should take -up the friends and acquaintances left behind by his predecessor, and -should add to them by making new ones. It would be no bad practice in -this matter to imitate the established rule of the Venetian Republic, -which obliges an ambassador returning from a foreign court to render a -detailed account in writing of the country, both for the information of -the public and for the instruction of his successor at the embassy. The -diplomatists of Venice have drawn great advantage from this practice, -and it has been often remarked that there are no better instructed -negotiators in Europe than those of Venice. - -[Sidenote: _Freemasonry of Diplomacy._] - -The discovery of the course of events and the trend of policy in a -foreign country is most natural when one knows both the personnel and -the political habits of the country, and a negotiator for the first -time in such a country must neglect no source of information. In -addition to those mentioned above, he may very probably find that his -colleagues in the Corps Diplomatique will be of use to him, for since -the whole diplomatic body works for the same end, namely to discover -what is happening, there may arise--there often indeed does arise--a -freemasonry of diplomacy by which one colleague informs another of -coming events which a lucky chance has enabled him to discern. Such -collaboration is possible in all cases except those in which their -sovereigns are at variance. As regards the information which can be -drawn from the people of the country itself, the surest and shortest -method is to make a confidant of some one already in the counsels of -the foreign prince, but this must be done only by such means as will -enable the negotiator to keep a check upon his correspondent, and -thus prevent any damage to his master’s plans. This action is very -necessary, for in diplomacy as in war there are such things as double -spies paid by both parties. The cleverest of these will begin by giving -true information and good advice in order the more thoroughly to -deceive the negotiator at a later date. There have even been princes -subtle enough to see the advantage of permitting their confidants to -behave thus, and I know of cases where the confidant of a sovereign, -under the appearance of a secret liaison with a foreign envoy, gave -the latter true and false information at the same time, and thus -effectively masked the designs of his master. An ambassador must always -be on his guard against such deception. - -[Sidenote: _The Foolish Dutchman._] - -There was in England in 1671 a Dutch ambassador who was so easily -persuaded by certain privy counsellors of King Charles II. that their -master had no intention to go to war with the States General that in -his despatches home he gave the most explicit assurance that there was -nothing to fear from England, treating with ridicule the opinion that -London had resolved to attack them; and we have since learned that -these English counsellors had been deliberately detailed by the King to -play upon the credulity of the Dutch ambassador. There have been in -our time ambassadors of other countries who have done the same. - -[Sidenote: _All News must be tested._] - -Now the astute negotiator will not likely believe everything he hears, -nor accept advice which he cannot test; he must examine the origin of -information, as well as the interest and the motives of those who offer -it him. He must attempt to discover the means by which they themselves -have acquired it, and he must compare it with other information to see -whether it tallies with that part which he knows to be true. There are -many signs by which a discerning and penetrating mind will be able to -read the truth by placing each link of information in contact with -another. For this purpose no rules can be drawn up for the guidance -of a diplomat in such a matter, for unless a man be born with such -qualities he cannot acquire them, and to those who do not possess them -I might as well speak to the deaf as write these observations. - -[Sidenote: _The Flair for Secrets._] - -A negotiator can discover national secrets by frequenting the company -of those in authority, and there is not a court in the world where -ministers or others are not open to various kinds of approach, either -because they are indiscreet and often say more than they should, or -because they are discontented and ready to reveal secrets in order -to satisfy their jealousy. And even the most practised and reliable -ministers are not always on their guard. I have seen highly trained and -well-proven statesmen who none the less in the course of conversation, -and by other signs, allowed expressions to escape them which gave -important clues to their policy. And there are courtiers at every court -who, though not members of the King’s Council, know by long practice -how to discover a secret, and who are always prepared to reveal it -in order to show their own importance and their penetration. It is -almost impossible to conceal from an active, observant, and enlightened -negotiator any important design of public policy, for no departure of -state can ever be made without great preparation which entails the -sharing of many secrets by many persons, and this is a danger against -which it is almost impossible to guard even by those who take the -greatest precautions. - -[Sidenote: _On the Transmission of Information._] - -Now in the transmission of information of this kind the negotiator must -give an exact account of all the circumstances surrounding it, that -is to say, how and by whom he acquired it; and he should accompany it -with his own comments and conjectures in order that the prince may be -fully informed, and may be able to judge whether the conclusions drawn -from all the circumstances are well or ill founded. There are certain -things which a clever minister will discover for himself, and of -which he must give an exact account to his master, for such knowledge -is often a sure clue even to the most secret designs. Thus he can by -his own observation discover the passions and ruling interests of the -prince to whose court he is sent: whether he is ambitious, painstaking, -or observant; whether he is warlike or prefers peace; whether he is -the real ruler of the country, and if not by whom he is ruled; and in -general what are the principal inclinations and the interests of those -who have most influence over him. He must also inform himself exactly -of the state of the military forces both on land and sea, of the number -and strength of fortified places, whether they are always kept in a -high state of efficiency and well supplied with ammunition, of the -condition of the sea-ports, of his vessels of war, and of his arsenals, -of the number of troops which he can put into the field at once, both -of cavalry and of infantry, without stripping his fortresses bare of -their garrisons. He must know the state of public opinion, whether it -is well disposed or discontented; he must keep in his hands the threads -of every great intrigue, knowing all the factions and parties into -which opinion is divided; he must know the leanings of ministers and -other persons in authority in such matters as religion. He should not -even neglect the observation of the King’s personal household, of the -manner in which his domestic affairs are conducted, of his outlay, both -on his household and on his military establishments, of the time spent -in them, etc. He must know the alliances, both offensive and defensive, -concluded with other Powers, especially those which appear hostile in -design; he must be able to describe at any moment the attitude of all -the principal states towards the court to which he is accredited, and -to give an account of the diplomatic relations which exist between them. - -[Sidenote: _Action Appropriate to Democratic States._] - -He must pay the prince assiduous attention, and thus acquire a -sufficient familiarity with him to be able to see and speak to him -frequently without ceremony, so that he may be always in a position to -know what is going on, and to insinuate into the prince’s mind what is -favourable to his master’s design. If he lives in a democratic state he -must attend the Diet and other popular assemblies. He must keep open -house and a well-garnished table to attract the deputies, and thus both -by his honesty and by his presence gain the ear of the ablest and most -authoritative politicians, who may be able to defeat a hostile design -or support a favourable one. If people of this kind have a freedom of -_entrée_ to the ambassador, a good table will greatly assist in the -discovery of all that is going on, and the expense laid out upon it is -not merely honourable but extraordinarily useful if only the negotiator -himself knows how to profit from it. - -[Sidenote: _The Value of Good Cheer._] - -Indeed it is in the nature of things that good cheer is a great -conciliator, that it fosters familiarity, and promotes a freedom of -exchange between the guests, while the warmth of wine will often -lead to the discovery of important secrets. There are several other -functions for the employment of public ministers, as for instance -that of informing a prince of good or evil tidings regarding his own -master, or that of conveying compliments or condolences in a similar -case to the prince himself. A negotiator who knows his business will -not neglect even the least of such opportunities, and he will perform -his function in such a manner as to show that his master is truly -interested in all that passes at the foreign court. Indeed the best -negotiator is he who forestalls even the orders of his own master, and -shows himself so apt a negotiator of his intentions that he is able to -act in advance of each event of the kind, and thus present his master’s -sentiments in appropriate language before any other foreign diplomatist -has even begun to consider the matter. And when he actually receives -his master’s orders on the subject, should they turn out to be of a -somewhat different character than the expressions he has already used, -his own adroitness will enable him to bridge the apparent difference. -The diplomatist’s functions cease automatically on the death of his -master or on the death of the prince to whom he is accredited, and are -not revived until new letters of credence are received. They also come -to an end on his withdrawal or upon a declaration of war, but it should -be noted that the privileges attached to the office of ambassador under -the law of nations continue unbroken, notwithstanding any declaration -of war or other interpretation of his functions, and these privileges -remain in force until he reaches his own national territory. - -[Sidenote: _The Conduct of Negotiations._] - -Diplomacy is a matter for orally conducted and for written -communications. The first is the common method where one is dealing -with a royal court, the second is usual in republics and those states -in which assemblies, such as the Diet of the Empire of Switzerland, are -the repositories of power. It is always the custom where states are -assembled in France to exchange statements of policy in writing. But it -is always more advantageous for the practised diplomatist to negotiate -face to face, because by that means he can discover the true intentions -of those with whom he is dealing. His own skill will then enable him -both to act and to speak in an appropriate and apt fashion. Most men -in handling public affairs pay more attention to what they themselves -say than to what is said to them. Their minds are so full of their -own notions that they can think of nothing but of obtaining the ears -of others for them, and will hardly be prevailed on to listen to the -statements of other people. This fault is peculiar to those lively and -impatient nations like ours, who find it difficult to bridle impetuous -temperaments. It has often been noticed that in ordinary conversation -Frenchmen speak all at one time, and interrupt one another incessantly, -without attempting to hear what each has to say. - -[Sidenote: _The Apt Listener._] - -One of the most necessary qualities in a good negotiator is to be an -apt listener; to find a skilful yet trivial reply to all questions put -to him, and to be in no hurry to declare either his own policy, still -less his own feelings; and on opening negotiations he should be careful -not to reveal the full extent of his design except in so far as it is -necessary to explore the ground; and he should govern his own conduct -as much by what he observes in the faces of others as by what he hears -from their lips. One of the great secrets of diplomacy is to sift the -real from the trivial, and so to speak, to distil drop by drop into -the minds of your competitors those causes and arguments which you -wish them to adopt. By this means your influence will spread gradually -through their minds almost unawares. In acting thus the negotiator -will bear in mind that the majority of men will never enter upon a -vast undertaking, even though advantageous to themselves, without they -can see beforehand the whole length of the journey upon which they -are asked to embark. Its magnitude will deter them. But if they can -be brought to take successfully one step after another they will find -themselves at the end of the journey almost unawares. Herein is to be -found the importance of not revealing vast designs except to a few -chosen spirits whose minds are properly attuned to them. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy a Bowling Green._] - -A truth of this kind applies to friend and foe alike. Thus in the -approach to difficult negotiations the true dexterity of diplomacy, -like a good bowler using the run of the green, consists in finding the -existing bias of the matter. As Epictetus, the ancient philosopher, -said in his manual: ‘There are in every matter two handles, the one by -which it is easy to carry, the other difficult. Do not take it by the -difficult end, for if you do so you will neither be able to lift it -nor carry it. But if you take it by the right side you will carry it -without trouble.’ Now the easiest way to find the right bias is to make -each proposition which you put forward appear as a statement of the -interests of those with whom you are negotiating, for since diplomacy -is the attempt to find a basis of common action or agreement, it is -obvious that the more the opposing party can be brought to see your -designs in their own light and to accept them thus, the more surely -will their co-operation for any action be fruitful alike to themselves -and to you. - -[Sidenote: _The Bias of Human Nature._] - -Now, of course there are few men who will entirely divest themselves -of their own sentiments in favour of those of others, or who will -confess that they were wrong, especially if the matter be conducted in -an acrimonious discussion in which the negotiator meets all arguments -freely by contradiction. But none the less the astute diplomatist will -know how to exploit human nature in such a manner as to cause even the -most stiff-necked opponents gradually to relax their hold upon certain -opinions; and this may be most easily attained by abandoning the -approach which caused the original dispute, and taking up the matter -from another aspect. Thus by flattery of his _amour-propre_, or by some -other device which may put him in a good humour, the competitor in a -negotiation may be brought to consider the matter in a new light, and -to accept at the end of the negotiation that which he repudiated with -violence at its commencement. And, however unreasonable the majority of -mankind is, it will always be observed that men retain so much respect -for reason that they will always hope to be judged by the other man -as acting upon reasonable grounds. The negotiator will know how to -exploit this subtle form of intellectual pride. And especially where -there is more than one party to the negotiation the astute diplomatist -will be able to exploit the foibles of each of the other two parties, -and yet to flatter each in turn for his reasonable and statesmanlike -attitude. - -[Sidenote: _Ce n’est que le premier pas qui coûte._] - -Above all, at the commencement of a negotiation, as I have said, it is -necessary in any long and complicated business to present the matter -in hand in its easiest and most advantageous light, and so to speak to -insinuate all parties into it so that they may be well launched upon -the whole enterprise before they are aware of its magnitude. For this -purpose the negotiator must appear as an agreeable, enlightened, and -far-seeing person; he must beware of trying to pass himself off too -conspicuously as a crafty or adroit manipulator. The essence of skill -lies in concealing it, and the negotiator must ever strive to leave -an impression upon his fellow diplomatists of his sincerity and good -faith. And he should beware of attempting to force a decision, or to -ride roughshod over difficulties that are raised, for if he behaves -thus he will not fail to draw upon himself the aversion of those with -whom he is dealing, and thus to bring prejudice upon his master’s -designs. It would be better for him to pass for less enlightened than -he really is, and he should attempt to carry his own policy to success -by good and solid reasons rather than by pouring contempt upon the -policy of others. The opposite fault is equally to be avoided. The -negotiator must not let himself pass under the influence of other men, -especially of those powerful personalities whose wont it is to sway the -minds of all whom they meet. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy does not thrive upon Menaces._] - -The more powerful the prince, the more suave should his diplomatist -be, for since power of that kind is likely to awaken jealousy in his -neighbours, the diplomat should let it speak for itself, and rather -use his own powers of persuasion by means of moderation to support -the just rights of his prince than to vaunt his power or the extent -of his dominions. Menaces always do harm to negotiation, and they -frequently push one party to extremities to which they would not have -resorted without provocation. It is well known that injured vanity -frequently drives men into courses which a sober estimate of their -own interests would lead them to avoid. Of course when a prince has -real subjects of complaint against another, especially against an -inferior, in circumstances where it is necessary to make an example -of the delinquent, the blow must fall immediately after the threat -is given, so that the delinquent cannot be in a position, either by -the delays of diplomacy or by any other means, to shield himself from -just punishment. The longer the delay is between the threat and its -fulfilment, the more likely it is that the culprit will be able to form -alliances with other Powers, and thus avoid the just chastisement of -the prince whom he has wronged. - -[Sidenote: _The Good Christian._] - -The wise and enlightened negotiator must of course be a good Christian, -and he must let his character appear in all his speeches, in his way -of living, and must forbid evil and loose-living persons to cross his -threshold. Justice and modesty should govern all his actions; he should -be respectful to princes; affable and approachable with his equals; -considerate to his inferiors, and civil and honest with everybody. - -[Sidenote: _At Home in the Foreign Country._] - -He must fall into the ways and customs of the country where he lives -without showing repugnance or expressing contempt for them, as is -frequently done by diplomatists who lose no opportunity of praising -their own country and decrying all others. The diplomatist must -bear in mind once for all that he is not authorised to demand that -a whole nation shall conform to his way of living, and that it is -more reasonable, and in the long run greatly to his own comfort, to -accommodate himself to foreign ways of living. He should beware of -criticising the form of government or the personal conduct of the -prince to whom he is accredited. On the contrary he should always -praise that which is praiseworthy without affectation and without -flattery, and if he properly understands his own function he will -quickly discover that there is no nation or state which has not many -good points, excellent laws, charming customs as well as bad ones; and -he will quickly discover that it is easy to single out the good points, -and that there is no profit to be had in denouncing the bad ones, for -the very good reason that nothing the diplomatist can say or do will -alter the domestic habits or laws of the country in which he lives. He -should take a pride in knowing the history of the country, so that he -may be able to give the prince pleasure by praising the great feats -of his ancestors, as well as for his own benefit to interpret current -events in the light of the historical movements of the past. When it -becomes known that the negotiator possesses such knowledge and uses -it aptly, his credit will certainly rise, and if he is adroit enough -to turn his conversations at court to those subjects of which he is a -master, he will find that his diplomatic task is greatly assisted, and -that the pleasure he gives to those around him is amply repaid to him -in the smoothness of negotiation. - -[Sidenote: _The Secret of Success._] - -The diplomatist must, however, bear constantly in mind both at work -and at play the aims which he is supposed to be serving in the -foreign country, and should subordinate his personal pleasure and -all his occupations to their pursuit. In this matter the two chief -aims which the able negotiator places before himself are, as I have -said, to conduct the affairs of his master to a prosperous issue, and -to spare no pains to discover the designs of others. And since the -means to be employed in both cases are the same, namely by acquiring -the esteem, friendship, and confidence of the prince himself and of -those in authority around him, there is no surer way of employing -them than by becoming personally agreeable. It is marvellous how a -_persona grata_ may contrive to uproot even the deepest suspicions -and wipe out the memory of the gravest insults. If the diplomatist -be looked upon with disfavour at the court he is not a true servant -of his master’s interests; for one who is out of favour will not be -in a position to know what is going on, and will therefore be but a -poor guide to his home government in assisting them to frame their -policy. The responsibility for placing the wrong kind of diplomatist -in a good position rests of course with the minister who appoints him, -but there are many cases in which an ill-fitting appointment has been -redeemed by the dauntless assiduity and unfailing courtesy of the -diplomatist himself; but since this imposes an unnecessary strain upon -the ambassador, the Foreign Minister should ever have a care to appoint -suitable men to all foreign posts. - -[Sidenote: _Support from Home._] - -I have already described those characteristics which compose -suitability; I will but add here that no diplomatist can succeed in -his foreign task unless he is well supported by his own government -and given every opportunity to understand its policy. By this means -he will be in a position to exploit every situation as far as may -be to advantage, and he will also be able to deny false rumours set -afloat by the enemy. This support from his home government implies -a complimentary application on his part, for it is of the highest -importance that he should keep himself apprised of all contemporary -movements in his own country; that he should know intimately the -personal character both of the sovereign and of his Foreign Minister, -so that in moments of doubt he may be able to guess shrewdly what is -in the mind of those who employ him. Without such knowledge he will -certainly go astray, and without a constant contact with his home -government the conduct of diplomacy cannot possibly prosper in his -hands. - -[Sidenote: _Good Faith the Best Weapon._] - -As regards the relations which the diplomatist maintains in a foreign -country, we must observe that while his success will partly depend upon -his affability to all men, he must use the utmost discretion in all -his more intimate relationships, and, above all, he should try to form -professional friendships on the basis of mutual advantage and respect. -There is no permanence in a relationship begun by promises which cannot -be redeemed, and therefore, as I have said before, the use of deceit -in diplomacy is of necessity restricted, for there is no curse which -comes quicker to roost than a lie which has been found out. Beyond the -fact that a lie is unworthy of a great minister, it actually does more -harm than good to policy because, though it may confer success to-day, -it will create an atmosphere of suspicion which will make success -impossible to-morrow. No doubt an ambassador will receive a great deal -of information which it is his duty to transmit; but if he is not in -a position to test it he will merely pass it on without comment or -guarantee of its truth. In general it should be the highest aim of -the diplomatist to gain such a reputation for good faith with his own -government and also abroad that they will place reliance both upon his -information and upon the advice which he gives. - -[Sidenote: _The Value of a Candid Report._] - -In this respect he should take good care in reporting the course -of negotiations to his master from time to time not to hold out -prospects of success before success itself is in his grasp. It is much -better that he should depict the difficulties of the case and the -improbability of success even when he is virtually sure in his own -mind that he will succeed. He will acquire vastly greater credit by -success in an undertaking of which he himself promises little than -he will in one upon which he has reported favourably throughout. It -is always good for the credit of a negotiator if good reports of him -arrive from different sources, for such independent proof of the value -of a diplomatist’s services must be highly prized by every prince, and -will redound to the benefit of the diplomatist himself. It is obvious -that the more successful he is in the relationships which he forms at -a foreign court, the more surely will the diplomatist receive such -independent testimony to his merit. But let him not seek such testimony -by unworthy means. For this purpose he should neither bribe the -servants of others, nor take natives of a foreign court into his own -service. It is too obvious that they will probably be spies. - -[Sidenote: _On Accepting Gifts._] - -He himself ought never to consent to accept gifts from a foreign court -except with the express knowledge and permission of his master, or -in such cases as are commonly permitted by the usage of the court, -such as those given on the arrival or departure of an ambassador. He -who receives gifts on any other condition may be accused of selling -himself, and therefore of betraying the prince whom he serves. Unless -he preserves his independence he cannot possibly represent his own -master or maintain the high dignity of his office. This dignity must -be kept beyond suspicion. It is indispensable to every ambassador, -though it need not be carried out at all times and at all places, -for the diplomatist will readily understand that at certain times -he can win the good grace of those around him by living in an easy, -affable, and familiar manner among his friends. To wrap oneself in -official dignity at all times is mere preposterous arrogance, and the -diplomatist who behaves thus will repel rather than attract. - -[Sidenote: _The Tale of Don Estevan de Gamarre._] - -There are many important occasions when the diplomatist will require -all his wit and all his prudence. It will often happen that he has to -tell bad news or give unpalatable advice to a prince accustomed to be -flattered by his ministers, who for various private reasons usually -conceal bad news from him. Let me give an example of what I mean: Don -Estevan de Gamarre had served the King of Spain for many years with -zeal and fidelity both in war and in diplomacy, particularly in the -Low Countries where he had been ambassador for a long time. He had a -relative in the King’s Council fully disposed to put the ambassador’s -services in the best light, and yet he received no reward, while -late-comers of all kinds received advancement to high offices both at -home and abroad. He resolved to go to Madrid to discover the cause of -his evil fortune. He complained to his relative the minister, giving a -number of instances in which important services which he had rendered -had been passed over and forgotten. The minister having heard him, -quietly replied that he had no one to blame but himself, and that if -he had been as good a courtier as he was a brilliant diplomatist and -faithful subject, he would have received the same advancement as those -whose deserts were less, but that his sincerity was an obstacle to his -good fortune, for his despatches were always full of distasteful truths -which set the King’s teeth on edge. - -[Sidenote: _The King’s Teeth on Edge._] - -For instance, when the French gained a victory he told the story -faithfully and without regard for Spanish feelings in his despatches. -Or if they set siege to a town, he would predict its certain fall -unless help were sent. Or in another case, where an ally had expressed -displeasure because the Spanish Court seemed likely not to keep faith -with it, he insisted that the King should keep his word in language -which was neither diplomatic nor persuasive, and all the while other -Spanish negotiators in other parts of France, with better eye to their -own interests, were informing the King that the French were decadent, -that their armies were undisciplined and quite incapable of effective -campaigning, and so on: to which the minister himself added that the -King in Council could not too highly reward those who sent such good -news, nor too readily forget a man like himself who never wrote -anything but the unpalatable truth. - -[Sidenote: _Deceit in Favour in Madrid._] - -Thereupon Don Estevan de Gamarre, in his surprise at this picture of -the Court of Spain drawn for him by his relative, replied: ‘Apparently -fortune in Madrid favours the deceiver and the favour of the Court may -be won by mendacity. I have no longer any qualms about my future.’ He -then returned to the Low Countries, where he profited so easily by -the advice of his relative, that, to employ a Spanish term, he won -several _mercedes_, and he saw his own affairs prosper in the measure -in which he succeeded in inventing reasons why the affairs of the -enemy must come to nought. From this one may conclude that the Court -of Spain wished to be deceived, and gave its ambassadors a free rein -to make their own fortunes at the expense of the true interests of the -monarchy. There is a moral here both for ministers at home and for -ambassadors abroad, on which I need not insist. The truth requires two -agents, one to tell and another to hear. - -[Sidenote: _On Treaties and their Ratifications._] - -Between sovereign states there are many kinds of treaty, the principal -of which are treaties of peace, armistices, commercial treaties, and -those which regulate alliances or guarantee neutrality. There are -both public and secret treaties. There are even contingent treaties, -so called because their success depends upon future events. When the -ministers of two equal Powers sign a treaty they make two copies of it -which are called a double instrument. In each copy the ambassador who -draws it up places the name of his own prince at the head and signs his -in order at the foot, thereby indicating that neither he nor his master -relinquishes his claim to the first place in Europe. And since all new -treaties are based upon the precedent of old ones, and probably refer -to measures taken under previous treaties, they are always drawn up in -the same form, and often in the same number of articles. Now in drawing -up a treaty it is the duty of the enlightened diplomat to see that the -statement of policy contained in the document in hand does not conflict -with or injure some other enterprise of his government. He must also -see that the conditions are laid down so clearly that they cannot be -subject to diverse interpretations. It is obvious from this that the -negotiator must be master of the language in which the negotiation -is conducted, and especially that in which the treaty itself is -written, otherwise he will find himself in endless difficulties and -complications. The meaning of a treaty may easily turn on a single -word, and unless the diplomatist is thoroughly at home in the language -in question he will not be in a position to judge whether the words -proposed to be used are suitable. Ignorance of foreign languages -indeed is perhaps the most serious drawback with which diplomacy -can be afflicted. Now though princes and sovereign states entrust -negotiations to diplomatists armed with full powers, none the less -they never conclude or sign treaties except upon their own explicit -ratification given with their own hand and sealed with their own seal, -and the treaties are never published until they have been ratified, and -cannot take effect until they are published except in cases specially -provided for, where certain articles and sometimes the whole treaty is -deliberately kept secret. - -[Sidenote: _On Writing Despatches._] - -While the art of handling a foreign court is the principal part of -diplomacy, it is no less important that the diplomatist himself -should be able to give an exact and faithful account in writing of -his own court, both in respect of the negotiations in his charge and -in respect of all other business which arises. The letters which a -diplomatist writes to his prince are called despatches, and should be -stripped of verbiage, preambles, and other vain and useless ornaments. -They should give a complete account of his actions, beginning with -his first _démarche_ on arrival at the foreign court, describing in -detail the manner in which he was received, and thereafter proceeding -to report step by step the ways in which he proposes to arrive at an -understanding of all that goes on around him. Thus the despatches of a -really adept diplomatist will present a picture of the foreign country, -in which he will describe not only the course of the negotiations which -he himself conducts, but a great variety of other matters which form -the essential background and setting of his political action. - -[Sidenote: _A Portrait Gallery._] - -It will contain the portraits not only of the King himself but of all -his ministers, and indeed of all those persons who have influence upon -the course of public affairs. Thus the able diplomatist can place his -master in command of all the material necessary for a true judgment of -the foreign country, and the more successfully he carries out this part -of his duties, the more surely will he make his master feel as though -he himself had lived abroad and watched the scenes which are described. -In present circumstances all French diplomatists, both ambassadors -and envoys, are permitted the honour of communicating direct with the -King in order to give account of their stewardship abroad, whereas -in previous times they were only allowed to transmit their reports -through a Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The latter procedure -undoubtedly caused them to be more circumspect both in the matter and -in the style of their despatches. This is to be regretted, for there is -nothing more important than that the diplomatist living abroad should -feel himself able to write with candour, freedom, and force, in all -his efforts to describe the land in which he lives. - -[Sidenote: _Qualities of a Good Despatch._] - -The best despatches are those written in a clear and concise manner, -unadorned by useless epithets, or by anything which may becloud the -clarity of the argument. Simplicity is the first essential, and -diplomatists should take the greatest care to avoid all affectations -such as a pretence of wit or the learned overweight of scientific -disquisitions. Facts and events should be set down in their true order, -and in such a manner as to enable the proper deductions to be made from -them. They should be placed in their right setting to indicate both the -circumstances and the motives which guide the action of foreign courts. -Indeed, a despatch which merely recites facts, without discussing them -in the light of the motives and policy of persons in authority, is -nothing more than an empty court chronicle. The right kind of despatch -need not be long, for even the fullest discussion of motive and -circumstance can be presented in a compact form; and the more compact -and clear it is, the more certainly will it carry conviction to the -reader. - -[Sidenote: _On Keeping a Diary._] - -This leads me to suggest that the diplomatist will find it useful to -make a daily note of the principal points of which he must render an -account, and he should make a special practice of sitting down at his -desk immediately he comes from a royal audience, and writing out -to the best of his recollection exactly what was said, how it was -said, and how it was received. This diary, which is a valuable part -of diplomatic equipment, will greatly assist him in composing his -despatches, and will give him a means of correcting his own memory -at any later date. He should draw up his despatches in the form of -separate short articles, each to a single special point, for if he were -to present his despatch in one unwieldy, unbroken paragraph it might -never be read. A shrewd old negotiator of my acquaintance said with -truth that a despatch written in an orderly fashion and in several -short clear paragraphs was like a palace lighted by many windows so -that there was not a dark corner in it. - -[Sidenote: _Orderly Archives._] - -Besides his diary, the negotiator should keep an exact minute of -all the despatches which he writes, and should preserve them in -chronological order for easy reference. He should do the same with -those which he receives. A properly organised registry is a good thing -for the negotiator. There are certain negotiators who on sitting at -their desks at night write down everything which they have learnt or -guessed during the day, so that they may always be ready to supply -from this journal the raw material, so to speak, of their judgments -of events. It is sometimes wise to follow the practice of the Roman -Court, and to devote separate letters, separately sealed, to each of -the principal subjects on which despatches are being sent. This is -especially the case where it is necessary to supply an ambassador with -instructions upon several different points, for he may be required -to produce his instructions to the Foreign Minister, and it would be -well that he should be able to do so regarding points at issue without -revealing the instructions he has received on other subjects. - -When important negotiations are on hand no expense should be spared in -keeping an efficient service of couriers, though on the other hand the -young diplomatist should beware of sending anything by special courier -which is not of the very first importance.... - -[Sidenote: _Discretion in Despatch Writing._] - -It is for the negotiator himself to make up his mind how freely he -may write regarding the persons and events of a foreign country. It -would be wise for him to make up his mind to the extent to which he -can rely on the good faith either of his own King or of his Foreign -Minister, for it is conceivable that the despatches which he writes may -be shown to the prince or the ministers described in them. In this, -as in many other matters, the diplomatist must know the characters -both of the personage whom he describes and of the personages to whom -his despatches are addressed. As he sits at his desk composing his -despatch he should remember how important a link he is between two -great nations; how much may turn upon the manner in which he presents -his reading of events to his own government, and therefore how vital -and far-reaching are the interests confided to his hands. Remembering -this he will instruct his secretary and the attachés of his embassy to -act as the eyes and ears of his diplomacy, and to imitate his example -by keeping a careful daily record of impressions, events, and persons. -By comparing notes with his subordinates he will be able all the better -to carry out one of his principal duties, which is to distinguish with -care between doubtful and true information. - -[Sidenote: _News in its Proper Setting._] - -It often happens that news is most uncertain at the moment when it is -most important. He should therefore take care to transmit it in the -proper setting of all its attendant circumstances, so that the prince -may have some material by which to judge whether the advice of his -ambassador is well founded. There is no doubt that in crises of this -kind the habit of private correspondence between the Foreign Minister -and the King and his ministers abroad is of the utmost use, for it -enables them to discuss all questions with a freedom which is denied -to despatches of a more formal kind; and it will often place the home -government in possession of knowledge which will be of the utmost value -to them. And since a true judgment of events in one country will often -depend upon what is happening in others, a diplomatist in foreign parts -will ever keep in touch with his colleagues in other foreign countries, -so that he may be informed of the course of events elsewhere. This -co-operation between ambassadors abroad is one of the most useful -features in diplomacy. - -[Sidenote: _Ciphers._] - -As secrecy is the very soul of diplomacy, the art of writing letters -in cipher has been invented in order to disguise the written message, -but unless the cipher is unusually clever the industry of men, whose -wits are sharpened by necessity and by self-interest, will not fail to -discover the key to it. Indeed, to such a pitch has this been brought -that there are now men who are known as professional decipherers, -though in all probability, as I believe, their reputation rests -largely upon the ineptitude of poor ciphers rather than upon their -discovery of a good cipher. For as a matter of fact experience shows -that a well-made and well-guarded cipher is practically undiscoverable -except by some betrayal, that is to say, that the wits even of the -cleverest student of ciphers will fail to pierce its secret unless -aided by corruption. It is therefore the duty of the ambassador, having -satisfied himself that the ciphers of his government are adroitly -made, to take all means for their due protection, and especially to -satisfy himself that the staff of his embassy understand not only the -use of the cipher itself, but the extreme importance of guarding it -from unauthorised eyes. And certainly the ambassador ought not to adopt -the indolent practice, of which I have known one or two cases, where -the less important part of a despatch was written _en clair_, and the -ambassador himself added the vital part in cipher. Action of that kind -is a masterpiece of futility, for it leads directly to the compromise -of the cipher itself. For if the letter fall into enemy hands it will -not be difficult for a clever spy to divine the manner of the sentence -in cipher from the context written _en clair_. - -In a word, the ambassador and his staff should guard a cipher as they -would the inmost secrets of their own hearts. A really effective cipher -is literally worth far more than its weight in gold. - -[Sidenote: _General Duties._] - -It is the duty of ministers residing at foreign courts to take steps -to see that nothing is there published contrary to the honour or -reputation of their sovereign, and to take all measures necessary to -prevent the circulation of stories and rumours prejudicial to his -interests. The ambassador must take care to protect the interests of -all his master’s subjects, both in such matters as the free exercise -of their religion, in which he should even offer his embassy as an -asylum for those who are persecuted, and in other matters, acting as a -mediator between his fellow-countrymen on occasions of dispute. At need -he should be ready to assist them and in all ways to live among them on -terms of easy yet dignified friendship. And, on the other hand, persons -of position on visiting a foreign country should never neglect to pay -their respects to their own ambassador, and it is also the ambassador’s -duty to remind them of their duty towards the foreign court itself. -If they are persons of court standing, they will be guilty of a -gross breach of etiquette unless they take the proper steps to make -themselves known to the sovereign. And on all kinds of public festivity -he should make it his especial care to see that the members of his own -national colony take their proper share in them and are accorded their -due rights. The better his relations are with his countrymen living -abroad, the more surely will he discover how large are the reciprocal -benefits to be gained thus, for it will often happen that unofficial -persons receive information as it were by accident which may be of the -utmost importance to the ambassador in his negotiations. Unless good -relations exist between him and them he may remain in ignorance of -important facts. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: _These Precepts the Fruit of Experience._] - -In the foregoing observations I have done no more than give a sketch -of the qualities and duties of the diplomatist. Of necessity there is -much that is lacking in these fugitive notes; but I think I may claim -that all diplomatists of experience will approve of the advice I have -given, and will declare that the more my precepts are observed in the -practice of diplomacy, the more surely will success attend the policy -of our nation. If I have laid stress upon the essentials rather than -upon the form and circumstance of diplomatic work, if I have also -spoken with candour, both regarding the duties of the minister at home -and of his agents in foreign parts, it is because I believe that a -knowledge of the truth is the necessary forerunner of fruitful reform. - -[Sidenote: _Diplomacy Rich in Opportunity._] - -My final word to diplomatists, young and old, is that in normal -times they may reasonably expect that where they have given proof of -sterling merit in negotiation, their services will be recognised and -honours conferred upon them, and in such matters the higher honour is -undoubtedly to find oneself entrusted with ever more important affairs -of state. But if the diplomatist should lack such recognition, he -may find his own recompense in the satisfaction of having faithfully -and efficiently discharged the duties laid upon him. It has often -been said that the public service is an ungrateful task in which a -man must find his chief recompense within himself. If I am held to -agree to this, I cannot allow it to be used as a discouragement to -young men of good birth and ability from entering my own profession. -Disappointment awaits us in all walks of life, but in no profession are -disappointments so amply outweighed by rich opportunities as in the -practice of diplomacy. - - -Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the -Edinburgh University Press - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -In this file, text in _italics_ is indicated by underscores, and text -in SMALL CAPS is in uppercase. - -The following alterations were made to the text as printed: - -Page 79: “ceremonial vists” changed to “ceremonial visits” - -80: “whereever insult is offered” changed to “wherever insult is -offered” - -81: “illicit traffic The privileges” changed to “illicit traffic. The -privileges” - -101: “tranferred his confidence” changed to “transferred his confidence” - -105: “Craft at the Card Table” changed to “Craft at the Card-table” - -133: There was not originally a paragraph break on this page; one was -introduced by the transcriber so that the sidenote could be correctly -positioned. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE MANNER OF NEGOTIATING -WITH PRINCES *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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